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@Inbook{Clift2015,
  Title                    = {The British Growth Crisis: The Search for a New Model},
  Author                   = {Clift, Ben},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/9781137441522_7},
  Pages                    = {151--173},
  Abstract                 = {The central political battle in Britain's response to the global financial crisis (GFC) has been over the meanings of fiscal rectitude and economic credibility. This chapter analyses that battle by charting some of the key decisions taken by the UK Government, situating these in the context of ideas about management of public finances and Keynesianism. It explores what has happened to debt and deficit discourse, and its political salience in the UK after the GFC. One aim of this chapter is to demonstrate the historically contingent nature of fiscal policy and sustainability assessment by comparing their shifting, conjunctural constructions, rooted in underlying political economic assumptions, and how these different underlying assumptions have become the stuff of a contested politics within the UK and in wider economic policy debates. Assessment of fiscal policy and fiscal sustainability must be placed in the context not only of material conditions in the national and global economy, but also of ideational factors -- conventional wisdoms and climates of opinion (and their normative underpinnings) about fiscal policy, fiscal positions, and sovereign debt.},
  Crossref                 = {GreenEtAl2015}
}

@InCollection{Dunleavy2012,
  author   = {Dunleavy, Patrick},
  title    = {The State},
  chapter  = {49},
  doi      = {10.1002/9781405177245.ch49},
  crossref = {GoodinEtAl2017},
}

@InCollection{Gutmann2012,
  author   = {Gutmann, Amy},
  title    = {Democracy},
  chapter  = {19},
  crossref = {GoodinEtAl2017}
}

@Incollection{Hetherington2012,
  Title                    = {Partisanship and Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {Marc Hetherington},
  Pages                    = {101--118},

  Crossref                 = {Berinsky2012}
}

@Incollection{Kitschelt2001,
  Title                    = {Partisan Competition and Welfare State Retrenchment: When Do Politicians Choose Unpopular Policies?},
  Author                   = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/0198297564.003.0010},
  Pages                    = {265--303},

  Abstract                 = {This is the third of three chapters on the implications of electoral politics and the design of political institutions for welfare state adjustment. Kitschelt's main proposition is that the strategic configuration of party systems, net of public opinion on social policy reforms, is a critical force that shapes social policy reform programmes and their implementation. He lays out mechanisms that may induce politicians to pursue often unpopular reforms based on internal opportunities offered by the dynamic of competitive party democracy that have received only scant attention in the comparative political economy and social policy literature. The central guiding proposition of the chapter requires two important qualifications: first, that the dynamic of party competition is only one of several mechanisms that affect social policy retrenchment; and second, that a comparative study of social policy change in the 1980s and 1990s would ideally rely on equivalent measures across a wide range of countries, but cross?nationally comparable measures are not available. These data limitations currently make it impossible to determine the explanatory power of internal political conditions relative to external demographic and economic changes in accounts of social policy retrenchment, so Kitschelt uses case studies from Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, and Japan to illustrate how mechanisms of party competition impinge on social policy change, and beyond that, attempts to generalize his argument based on a reading of much looser expert judgements about social policy retrenchment in a broader set of countries.},
  Crossref                 = {Pierson2001}
}

@InCollection{Lacey2012,
  author   = {Lacey, Nicola},
  title    = {Criminal Justice},
  chapter  = {24},
  pages    = {511--520},
  crossref = {GoodinEtAl2012},
}

@InCollection{Lovett2012,
  author   = {Lovett, Frank},
  title    = {Power},
  chapter  = {41},
  doi      = {10.1002/9781405177245.ch41},
  crossref = {GoodinEtAl2017},
}

@Incollection{Romer2012,
  Title                    = {What Have We Learned about Fiscal Policy from the Crisis?},
  Author                   = {Romer, David},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Pages                    = {57--66},

  Crossref                 = {BlanchardEtAl2012}
}

@Incollection{Skinner2005,
  Title                    = {The State},
  Author                   = {Skinner, Quentin},
  Chapter                  = {1},

  Crossref                 = {GoodinPettit2005}
}

@InCollection{Vallentyne2012,
  author   = {Vallentyne, Peter},
  title    = {Distributive Justice},
  chapter  = {28},
  crossref = {GoodinEtAl2017},
}

@InCollection{Zahariadis2007,
  author   = {Zahariadis, Nikolaos},
  title    = {The Multiple Streams Framework: Structure, Limitations, Prospects},
  chapter  = {3},
  pages    = {65--92},
  crossref = {Sabatier2007},
}

@InCollection{ChapmanHicks2018,
  author    = {Chapman, Bruce and Hicks, Timothy},
  title     = {The Politics of the Higher Education Contribution Scheme},
  booktitle = {Handbook on the Politics of Higher Education},
  date      = {2018},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar},
  location  = {Cheltenham, UK},
  chapter   = {14},
  pages     = {248--264},
  crossref  = {CoatesEtAl2018},
}

@InCollection{Smith2004a,
  author   = {Tom W. Smith},
  title    = {Developing and Evaluating Cross-National Survey Instruments},
  chapter  = {21},
  pages    = {431--452},
  doi      = {10.1002/0471654728.ch21},
  abstract = {Considering the value of cross-national research, the importance of obtaining comparable measurements, and the frequent failure to take measurement seriously, there is an obvious need for improvement. This chapter contributes toward that goal by discussing (1) the development of equivalent questions in surveys, focusing on the question-asking and answer-recording parts; (2) response effects that contribute to measurement error in general and variable error structures across nations (e.g., social desirability, acquiescence bias, extreme response styles, don't knows and non attitudes, neutral/middle options, question order, and mode); and (3) steps to enhance validity and comparability in cross-national surveys, including the form of source questions, translation procedures, and item development and pretesting.},
  crossref = {PresserEtAl2004},
  keywords = {cross-national survey instruments, question wordings, response effects, question comparability, enhancing},
}

@InCollection{AlesinaEtAl2013,
  author    = {Alberto Alesina and Dorian Carloni and Giampaolo Lecce},
  title     = {The Electoral Consequences of Large Fiscal Adjustments},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  pages     = {531--570},
  url       = {http://www.nber.org/chapters/c12654},
  crossref  = {AlesinaGiavazzi2013},
}

@InCollection{Wanna2015,
  author   = {Wanna, John},
  title    = {Australian and New Zealand responses to the `fiscal tsunami' of the global financial crisis: preparation and precipitous action with the promise of consolidation},
  chapter  = {4},
  crossref = {WannaEtAl2015a},
}

@InCollection{Hyams2019,
  author   = {Hyams, Keith},
  title    = {Political Authority and Obligation},
  chapter  = {1},
  crossref = {McKinnonEtAl2019},
}

@InCollection{Stilz2013,
  author    = {Stilz, Anna},
  booktitle = {Varieties of Sovereignty and Citizenship},
  crossref  = {BenPorathSmith2013},
}

@InCollection{Miller1999,
  author   = {Miller, David},
  title    = {Justice and Global Inequality},
  chapter  = {7},
  crossref = {HurrellWoods1999},
}

@InCollection{Simmons2012,
  author   = {Simmons, A. John},
  title    = {Authority},
  date     = {2012},
  crossref = {Estlund2012},
}

@InCollection{Christiano2012,
  author   = {Christiano, Thomas},
  title    = {Money in Politics},
  date     = {2012},
  crossref = {Estlund2012},
}

@InCollection{Arneson2004,
  author   = {Arneson, Richard J.},
  title    = {Democracy is Not Intrinsically Just},
  date     = {2004},
  crossref = {DowdingEtAl2004},
}

@InCollection{Dowding2004,
  author   = {Dowding, Keith},
  title    = {Are Democratic and Just Institutions the same?},
  date     = {2004},
  crossref = {DowdingEtAl2004},
}

@InCollection{Cohen2002a,
  author   = {Cohen, Joshua},
  date     = {2002},
  title    = {Deliberation and Democratic Legitimacy},
  crossref = {Estlund2002},
}

@InCollection{Christiano2006,
  author   = {Christiano, Thomas},
  title    = {Democracy},
  date     = {2006},
  crossref = {Zalta2014},
}

@InCollection{Young2002,
  author   = {Young, Iris Marion},
  date     = {2002},
  title    = {Difference as a Resource for Democratic Deliberation},
  crossref = {Estlund2002},
}

@InCollection{McHale2017,
  author   = {McHale, John},
  title    = {Why Austerity?},
  date     = {2017},
  crossref = {HeffernanEtAl2017},
}

@InCollection{Renzo2019,
  author   = {Renzo, Massimo},
  title    = {Crime and Punishment},
  chapter  = {3},
  crossref = {McKinnonEtAl2019},
}

@InCollection{Lacey2017,
  author   = {Lacey, Nicola},
  title    = {Criminal Justice},
  date     = {2017},
  chapter  = {24},
  crossref = {GoodinEtAl2017},
}

@InCollection{Hampton2009,
  author   = {Hampton, Jean},
  title    = {A New Theory of Retribution},
  date     = {2009},
  chapter  = {11},
  crossref = {FreyMorris2009},
}

@InCollection{DaggerLefkowitz2014,
  author   = {Dagger, Richard and Lefkowitz, David},
  title    = {Political Obligation},
  crossref = {Zalta2014},
}

@InCollection{Kukathas2005,
  author   = {Kukathas, Chandran},
  title    = {The Case for Open Immigration},
  chapter  = {14},
  crossref = {CohenWellman2005},
}

@InCollection{Miller2005,
  author   = {Miller, David},
  title    = {Immigration: The Case for Limits},
  chapter  = {13},
  crossref = {CohenWellman2005},
}

@InCollection{SinnottArmstrong2005,
  author   = {Walter Sinnott-Armstrong},
  date     = {2005},
  title    = {It’s Not My Fault: Global Warming and Individual Moral Obligations},
  pages    = {293-215},
  crossref = {WalterArmstrongSinnott2005},
}

@InCollection{Bonoli2001,
  author   = {Bonoli, Giuliano},
  date     = {2001},
  title    = {Political Institutions, Veto Points, and the Process of Welfare State Adaptation},
  chapter  = {8},
  pages    = {238--264},
  crossref = {Pierson2001},
}

@InCollection{Iversen2001,
  author   = {Iversen, Torben},
  date     = {2001},
  title    = {The Dynamics of Welfare State Expansion: Trade Openness, De-industrialization, and Partisan Politics},
  chapter  = {2},
  pages    = {45{--}79},
  crossref = {Pierson2001},
}

@InCollection{Wood2001,
  author   = {Wood, Stewart},
  date     = {2001},
  title    = {Labour Market Regimes Under Threat? Sources of Continuity in Germany, Britain, and Sweden},
  crossref = {Pierson2001},
}

@article{MossbergerWolman2003,
 author = {Karen Mossberger and Harold Wolman},
 journaltitle = {Public Administration Review},
 number = {4},
 pages = {428--440},
 publisher = {American Society for Public Administration, Wiley},
 title = {Policy Transfer as a Form of Prospective Policy Evaluation: Challenges and Recommendations},
 volume = {63},
 date = {2003}
}

@article{DolowitzMarsh2000,
author = {Dolowitz, David P. and Marsh, David},
title = {Learning from Abroad: The Role of Policy Transfer in Contemporary Policy-Making},
journaltitle = {Governance},
volume = {13},
number = {1},
pages = {5-23},
doi = {10.1111/0952-1895.00121},
date = {2000}
}

@article{BarryEtAl2009,
author = {Barry, Colleen L. and Brescoll, Victoria L. and Brownell, Kelly D. and Schlesinger, Mark},
title = {Obesity Metaphors: How Beliefs about the Causes of Obesity Affect Support for Public Policy},
journaltitle = {The Milbank Quarterly},
volume = {87},
number = {1},
pages = {7-47},
keywords = {Obesity, metaphor, public opinion},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0009.2009.00546.x},
date = {2009}
}

@PhdThesis{Marotta2017,
  author      = {Satia A. Marotta},
  date        = {2017},
  institution = {Tufts University},
  title       = {The Effect of Metaphoric Framing on Attitudes Toward Diversity Policies in the Face of Racial Shift},
}

@Article{Lakoff1995,
  author       = {George Lakoff},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Social Research},
  title        = {Metaphor, Morality, and Politics, Or, Why Conservatives Have Left Liberals In the Dust},
  issn         = {0037-783X},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {177--213},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971091},
  volume       = {62},
  publisher    = {The New School},
}

@Article{ThibodeauBoroditsky2011,
  author       = {Paul H. Thibodeau and Lera Boroditsky},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {PLoS ONE},
  title        = {Metaphors We Think With: The Role of Metaphor in Reasoning},
  number       = {2},
  volume       = {6},
}

@Article{Schlesinger2018,
  author       = {Schlesinger, Mark},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law},
  title        = {Through a Distant Mirror: Reflections, Projections, and the Multiple Logics of Cross-national Comparisons},
  doi          = {10.1215/03616878-6951247},
  issn         = {0361-6878},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {901-911},
  url          = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/jhppl/article-pdf/43/5/901/539625/901schlesinger.pdf},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Scholars have long recognized the importance of comparisons for envisioning, formulating, and implementing new public policies. But cross-national comparisons of health systems and policies can prove challenging‚Äîsometimes potentially misleading‚Äîunless one carefully attends to the nature of comparative reasoning and the inferences that it allows. This article explores the distinctive logics of two forms of comparison: analogies and metaphors. Each offers potentially important insights regarding the performance of the US health care system and appropriate aspirations for American health policy. But they do so in very different ways, each form of comparison singling out particular other countries, policies, and health outcomes as the most appropriate or meaningful comparators. These patterns are illustrated with examples drawn from the articles and commentaries in this special issue. These explorations of comparative reasoning also highlight some gaps in the topics addressed in these other contributions‚Äîgaps that merit attention in future research.},
}

@article{ChanEtAl2012,
	Abstract = {Complex problem solving in naturalistic environments is fraught with uncertainty, which has significant impacts on problem-solving behavior. Thus, theories of human problem solving should include accounts of the cognitive strategies people bring to bear to deal with uncertainty during problem solving. In this article, we present evidence that analogy is one such strategy. Using statistical analyses of the temporal dynamics between analogy and expressed uncertainty in the naturalistic problem-solving conversations among scientists on the Mars Rover Mission, we show that spikes in expressed uncertainty reliably predict analogy use (Study 1) and that expressed uncertainty reduces to baseline levels following analogy use (Study 2). In addition, in Study 3, we show with qualitative analyses that this relationship between uncertainty and analogy is not due to miscommunication-related uncertainty but, rather, is primarily concentrated on substantive problem-solving issues. Finally, we discuss a hypothesis about how analogy might serve as an uncertainty reduction strategy in naturalistic complex problem solving.},
	Author = {Chan, Joel and Paletz, Susannah B. F. and Schunn, Christian D.},
	Doi = {10.3758/s13421-012-0227-z},
	journaltitle = {Memory \& Cognition},
	Number = {8},
	Pages = {1352-1365},
	Title = {Analogy as a strategy for supporting complex problem solving under uncertainty},
	Volume = {40},
	date = {2012}
}

@article{Taylor-Gooby2012,
author = {Taylor-Gooby, Peter},
title = {Root and Branch Restructuring to Achieve Major Cuts: The Social Policy Programme of the 2010 UK Coalition Government},
journaltitle = {Social Policy \& Administration},
volume = {46},
number = {1},
pages = {61-82},
keywords = {Retrenchment, Welfare state, Cuts, UK, Coalition, Comparative, Canada, New Zealand},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9515.2011.00797.x},
abstract = {The 2010 Coalition has set itself the challenge of combining an unprecedentedly rapid and profound retrenchment with a fundamental restructuring of the public sector, both to be accomplished within five years. The immediate justification is a presumed need to reduce national indebtedness. The longer-term goal is to shrink the state, free up the market and set British political economy on a new course. The programme has encountered a number of set-backs and some elements appear more likely to be realized than others. This article considers the objectives of the Coalition programme and the likely outcomes, using evidence from a number of sources including comparisons with the experience of retrenchment elsewhere and analysis of previous rounds of public spending cut-backs.},
date = {2012}
}



@incollection{LeiserKrill2016,
author = {David Leiser and Zeev Krill},
date = {2016},
title = {How Laypeople Understand the Economy},
editor = {Rob Ranyard},
booktitle = {Economic Psychology: The Science of Economic Mental Life and Behaviour},
publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}
}

@book{Grotzer2012,
author = {Tina A. Grotzer},
date = {2012},
title = {Learning causality in a complex world: understandings of consequence},
publisher = {Rowman \& Littlefield Education}
}

@Article{dEntremontHuerta2007,
  author       = {d'Entremont, Chad and Huerta, Luis A.},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Educational Policy},
  title        = {Irreconcilable Differences? Education Vouchers and the Suburban Response},
  doi          = {10.1177/0895904806297950},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {40--72},
  volume       = {21},
  abstract     = {This article discusses the limited use of education vouchers in an era of unprecedented growth in school choice. It is divided into two parts: first, a description of the policy, political, and legal barriers that may limit the expansion of large-scale voucher programs is presented. Discussion then shifts to the efforts of voucher advocates to build support among historically marginalized populations frustrated with the performance of public schools and open to limited forms of private school choice. The authors consider the consequences of these strategies and suggest that the very voucher programs that appeal to disadvantaged families may prove most offensive to middleclass and suburban voters who vigorously object to policies that undermine local authority and redistribute local resources. Specifically, vouchers have the potential to erase municipal boundaries, dissolve neighborhood ties, lower housing prices, and upset student enrollments.},
}

@Article{AabergeEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {The distributional impact of public services when needs differ},
  Author                   = {Aaberge, Rolf and Bhuller, Manudeep and Lang{\o}rgen, Audun and Mogstad, Magne},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.06.004},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Number                   = {9--10},
  Pages                    = {549--562},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {Despite a broad consensus on the need to take into account the value of public services in distributional analysis, there is little reliable evidence on how inclusion of such non-cash income actually affects poverty and inequality estimates. In particular, the equivalence scales applied to cash income are not necessarily appropriate when including non-cash income, because the receipt of public services is likely to be associated with particular needs. In this paper, we propose a theory-based framework designed to provide a coherent evaluation of the distributional impact of local public services. The valuation of public services, identification of target groups, allocation of expenditures to target groups, and adjustment for differences in needs are derived from a model of local government spending behaviour. Using Norwegian data from municipal accounts and administrative registers we find that the inclusion of non-cash income reduces income inequality by about 15\% and poverty rates by almost one-third. However, adjusting for differences in needs for public services across population subgroups offsets about half the inequality reduction and some of the poverty decrease.},
  Keywords                 = {Income distribution, Poverty, Public services, Non-cash income, Needs adjustment, Equivalence scales}
}

@Article{AaronsonAbouharb2011,
  Title                    = {Unexpected Bedfellows: The GATT, the WTO and Some Democratic Rights},
  Author                   = {Aaronson, Susan Ariel and Abouharb, M. Rodwan},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00646.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {379--408},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {The WTO system and democratic rights are unexpected bedfellows. The GATT/WTO requires governments to adopt policies that provide foreign products (read producers) with due process, political participation, and information rights related to trade policymaking. Because these nations also provide these rights to their citizens, a growing number of people are learning how to influence trade-related policies. As trade today encompasses many areas of governance, these same citizens may gradually transfer the skills learned from influencing trade policies to other public issues. Thus, the WTO not only empowers foreign market actors, but also citizens in repressive states. We use both qualitative and quantitative analysis to examine whether membership in the WTO over time leads to improvements in these democratic rights. Our qualitative analysis shows that these issues are discussed during accessions and trade policy reviews. Quantitative analysis examines how members of the GATT/WTO perform on these democratic rights over time. We use a cross-national time series design of all countries, accounting for selection issues of why countries become members of the GATT/WTO regime. We find that longer GATT/WTO membership leads to stronger performance on our metrics for political participation, free and fair elections, and access to information.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Abadie2005,
  Title                    = {Semiparametric Difference-in-Differences Estimators},
  Author                   = {Abadie, Alberto},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0034-6527.00321},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--19},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {The difference-in-differences (DID) estimator is one of the most popular tools for applied research in economics to evaluate the effects of public interventions and other treatments of interest on some relevant outcome variables. However, it is well known that the DID estimator is based on strong identifying assumptions. In particular, the conventional DID estimator requires that, in the absence of the treatment, the average outcomes for the treated and control groups would have followed parallel paths over time. This assumption may be implausible if pre-treatment characteristics that are thought to be associated with the dynamics of the outcome variable are unbalanced between the treated and the untreated. That would be the case, for example, if selection for treatment is influenced by individual-transitory shocks on past outcomes (Ashenfelter's dip). This article considers the case in which differences in observed characteristics create non-parallel outcome dynamics between treated and controls. It is shown that, in such a case, a simple two-step strategy can be used to estimate the average effect of the treatment for the treated. In addition, the estimation framework proposed in this article allows the use of covariates to describe how the average effect of the treatment varies with changes in observed characteristics.}
}

@Article{AbadieImbens2006,
  Title                    = {Large Sample Properties of Matching Estimators for Average Treatment Effects},
  Author                   = {Abadie, Alberto and Imbens, Guido W.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0262.2006.00655.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0262},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {235--267},
  Url                      = {http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/aabadie/smep.pdf},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {Matching estimators for average treatment effects are widely used in evaluation research despite the fact that their large sample properties have not been established in many cases. The absence of formal results in this area may be partly due to the fact that standard asymptotic expansions do not apply to matching estimators with a fixed number of matches because such estimators are highly nonsmooth functionals of the data. In this article we develop new methods for analyzing the large sample properties of matching estimators and establish a number of new results. We focus on matching with replacement with a fixed number of matches. First, we show that matching estimators are not N1/2-consistent in general and describe conditions under which matching estimators do attain N1/2-consistency. Second, we show that even in settings where matching estimators are N1/2-consistent, simple matching estimators with a fixed number of matches do not attain the semiparametric efficiency bound. Third, we provide a consistent estimator for the large sample variance that does not require consistent nonparametric estimation of unknown functions. Software for implementing these methods is available in Matlab, Stata, andR.},
  Keywords                 = {Matching estimators, average treatment effects, unconfoundedness, selection on observables, potential outcomes},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{AbdulkadirougluEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Accountability and Flexibility in Public Schools: Evidence from Boston's Charters And Pilots},
  Author                   = {Abdulkadiro\u{g}lu, Atila and Angrist, Joshua D. and Dynarski, Susan M. and Kane, Thomas J. and Pathak, Parag A.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/qje/qjr017},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {699--748},
  Url                      = {http://economics.mit.edu/files/6335},
  Volume                   = {126},

  Abstract                 = {We use student assignment lotteries to estimate the effect of charter school attendance on student achievement in Boston. We also evaluate a related alternative, Boston's pilot schools. Pilot schools have some of the independence of charter schools but are in the Boston Public School district and are covered by some collective bargaining provisions. Lottery estimates show large and significant score gains for charter students in middle and high school. In contrast, lottery estimates for pilot school students are mostly small and insignificant, with some significant negative effects. Charter schools with binding assignment lotteries appear to generate larger gains than other charters.}
}

@Techreport{AbdulkadirogluEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Charters Without Lotteries: Testing Takeovers in New Orleans and Boston},
  Author                   = {Atila Abdulkadiro\u{g}lu and Joshua D. Angrist and Peter D. Hull and Parag A. Pathak},
  Date                     = {2014-12},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Doi                      = {10.3386/w20792},
  Number                   = {20792},
  Type                     = {Working Paper},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w20792},

  Abstract                 = {Lottery estimates suggest oversubscribed urban charter schools boost student achievement markedly. But these estimates needn't capture treatment effects for students who haven't applied to charter schools or for students attending charters for which demand is weak. This paper reports estimates of the effect of charter school attendance on middle-schoolers in charter takeovers in New Orleans and Boston. Takeovers are traditional public schools that close and then re-open as charter schools. Students enrolled in the schools designated for closure are eligible for ``grandfathering'' into the new schools; that is, they are guaranteed seats. We use this fact to construct instrumental variables estimates of the effects of passive charter attendance: the grandfathering instrument compares students at schools designated for takeover with students who appear similar at baseline and who were attending similar schools not yet closed, while adjusting for possible violations of the exclusion restriction in such comparisons. Estimates for a large sample of takeover schools in the New Orleans Recovery School District show substantial gains from takeover enrollment. In Boston, where we can compare grandfathering and lottery estimates for a middle school, grandfathered students see achievement gains at least as large as the gains for students assigned seats in lotteries. Larger reading gains for grandfathering compliers are explained by a worse non-charter fallback.},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series}
}

@Article{Abedi2002,
  Title                    = {Challenges to established parties: The effects of party system features on the electoral fortunes of anti-political-establishment parties},
  Author                   = {Abedi, Arim},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.t01-1-00022},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {551--583},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {The rise of parties that challenge the political establishment has recently sparked the interest of political scientists. Scholars have identified several factors that lie behind the success of such anti-political-establishment parties. Most empirical studies, however, have concentrated their attention either on the importance of electoral system features or on the effects of socioeconomic conditions. This article focuses instead on the role that party system factors play in the electoral success of these parties. Using three data sets from studies conducted in three different time periods it tests two seemingly contradictory hypotheses. On the one hand, the claim that where the established parties have converged toward centrist positions and thus fail to present voters with an identity that is noticeably different from their established competitors, the electorate will be more susceptible to the markedly different policies put forward by anti-political-establishment parties. On the other hand, there is the argument that these parties profit more from increasing polarization and the subsequent enlargement of the political space than from a convergence toward the median. The results of the analyses show that anti-political-establishment parties generally profit from a close positioning of the establishment parties on the left-right scale. However, there is no consistent support for the notion that party system polarization by itself is associated with an increase in the support for parties that challenge the political establishment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.t01-1-00022}
}

@Article{Abel-Smith1963,
  author       = {Abel-Smith, Brian},
  date         = {1963},
  journaltitle = {Medical Care},
  title        = {Paying the Family Doctor},
  issn         = {0025-7079},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--35},
  volume       = {1},
}

@Book{Abel-Smith1964,
  Title                    = {The Hospitals 1800--1948: A Study in Social Administration in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Abel-Smith, Brian},
  Date                     = {1964},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Heinemann}
}

@Article{Abel-Smith1980,
  Title                    = {The Welfare State: Breaking the Post-War Consensus},
  Author                   = {Abel-Smith, Brian},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.1980.tb02485.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {17--23},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.1980.tb02485.x}
}

@Article{Abel-Smith1988,
  Title                    = {The Rise and Decline of the Early HMOs: Some International Experiences},
  Author                   = {Abel-Smith, Brian},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Milbank Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3349936},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {694--719},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {Consumer-controlled health insurance groups in northern Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries resembled modern American HMOs in many ways. Fierceness of competition hindered European doctors' control of their own services, prompting them to organize physician-dominated insurance groups and to extend their power through means of licensure, boycott, and supportive government regulation. While patients thus gained the right to choose their own doctor, physicians were able to negotiate more favorable payment standards, including price discrimination by patients' income levels. The experience may foreshadow more ruthless operation of market principles among American HMOs, and raise questions about the HMO model's viability for Europe today.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3349936}
}

@InCollection{Aberg1984,
  author    = {Aberg, Rune},
  booktitle = {Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism},
  date      = {1984},
  title     = {Market-Independent Income Distribution: Efficiency and Legitimacy},
  chapter   = {9},
  editor    = {John H. Goldthorpe},
  location  = {Oxford},
  pages     = {209--230},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Abizadeh2002,
  Title                    = {Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments},
  Author                   = {Abizadeh, Arash},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S000305540200028X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {495--509},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public culture (Miller, Barry); and (4) the economic viability of specifically industrialized liberal democracies requires a single national culture (Gellner). I argue that all four arguments fail: At best, a shared cultural nation may reduce some of the costs liberal democratic societies must incur; at worst, cultural nationalist policies ironically undermine social integration. The failure of these cultural nationalist arguments clears the way for a normative theory of liberal democracy in multinational and postnational contexts.}
}

@Article{Abizadeh2004,
  author       = {Abizadeh, Arash},
  title        = {Historical Truth, National Myths and Liberal Democracy: On the Coherence of Liberal Nationalism},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {12},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {291--313},
  issn         = {1467-9760},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.2004.00201.x},
  url          = {https://cridaq.uqam.ca/IMG/pdf/Abizadeh_-_Historical_truth.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-06-12},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
}

@Article{AbouharbCingranelli2009,
  author    = {Abouharb, M. Rodwan and Cingranelli, David L.},
  date      = {2009},
  title     = {IMF programs and human rights, 1981--2003},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-008-9050-5},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  number    = {1},
  pages     = {47--72},
  volume    = {4},
  abstract  = {We examined the effects of International Monetary Fund (IMF) supervised programs on changes in government respect for physical integrity rights in developing countries between 1981 and 2003. A longer period under an IMF program increased government use of torture and extra judicial killing and also worsened the overall human rights conditions in developing countries. The use of a two-stage model ruled out the possibility that human rights practices would have worsened even if IMF programs had not been in effect. Previous studies of the impacts of IMF programs also found that they had worsened government respect for human rights. However, those studies did not control for the effects of selection. We found preliminary evidence that the worsened human rights conditions persisted even after the reforms in program lending of the late 1990s.},
  booktitle = {The Review of International Organizations},
  keywords  = {International Monetary Fund, Conditionality, Human rights, Physical integrity rights, F33, F34, F35, F53, F55, F59},
  publisher = {Springer US},
}

@Article{Abrahamson1999,
  Title                    = {The Welfare Modelling Business},
  Author                   = {Abrahamson, Peter},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy and Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9515.00160},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {394--415},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {The paper starts out by identifying a substantial increase in the use of welfare state typologies within comparative studies. This has developed to a degree where many authors take it for granted that the world consists of a limited number of well-defined welfare regimes. This discussion took off in 1990 and it is expected to continue as an important dimension of welfare and social policy research long into the next millennium. It is shown that the idea of ordering welfare states according to ideal-typical models dates back to the late 1950s and was elaborated substantially during the early 1970s, though rather unnoticed. The publication of Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism in 1990 is identified as the starting point for what has now become a whole academic industry, here entitled the Welfare Modelling Business. Different typologies with different degrees of differentiation are discussed: should we consider welfare capitalism to come in two, three, four or more models? Though the differentiation into regimes is widely recognized, there have, of course, been many discussions about problems and shortcomings. Two major issues are elaborated: the one-sided focus on social insurance provisions and the simultaneous neglect of personal social services; and the parallel one-sided focus on state and market and the neglect of civil societal institutions such as family and networks. The paper concludes that welfare typologizing must take into account the kinds of programmes analysed: context matters.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9515.00160}
}

@Article{Abramowitz2012,
  Title                    = {Forecasting in a Polarized Era: The Time for Change Model and the 2012 Presidential Election},
  Author                   = {Abramowitz, Alan},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {618--619},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Abrams2006,
  Title                    = {How Richard Nixon Pressured Arthur Burns: Evidence from the Nixon Tapes},
  Author                   = {Abrams, Burton A.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.20.4.177},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {177--188},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Evidence from the Nixon tapes, now available to researchers, shows that President Richard Nixon pressured the chairman of the Federal Reserve, Arthur Burns, to engage in expansionary monetary policies in the run-up to the 1972 election. This paper quotes the relevant conversations from the Nixon tapes. Questions remain as to whether Burns followed an expansionary policy in an already-inflationary environment out of conviction or because of political pressure.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/jep.20.4.177},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.20.4.177},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.18}
}

@Unpublished{AbramsButkiewicz2011,
  Title                    = {The Political Business Cycle: New Evidence from the Nixon Tapes},
  Author                   = {Abrams, Burton A. and Butkiewicz, James L.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = apr,
  Note                     = {University of Delaware Economics Department Working Paper No. 2011-05},
  Url                      = {http://www.lerner.udel.edu/sites/default/files/imce/economics/WorkingPapers/2011/UDWP2011-05.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.lerner.udel.edu/sites/default/files/imce/economics/WorkingPapers/2011/UDWP2011-05.pdf}
}

@Article{Acemoglu2002,
  Title                    = {Technical Change, Inequality, and the Labor Market},
  Author                   = {Acemoglu, Daron},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/0022051026976},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {7--72},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This essay discusses the effect of technical change on wage inequality. I argue that the behavior of wages and returns to schooling indicates that technical change has been skill-biased during the past sixty years. Furthermore, the recent increase in inequality is most likely due to an acceleration in skill bias. In contrast to twentieth-century developments, much of the technical change during the early nineteenth century appears to be skill-replacing. I suggest that this is because the increased supply of unskilled workers in the English cities made the introduction of these technologies profitable. On the other hand, the twentieth century has been characterized by skill-biased technical change because the rapid increase in the supply of skilled workers has induced the development of skill-complementary technologies. The recent acceleration in skill bias is in turn likely to have been a response to the acceleration in the supply of skills during the past several decades.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0022051026976},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{Acemoglu2003,
  author       = {Acemoglu, Daron},
  title        = {Why not a political Coase theorem?: Social conflict, commitment, and politics},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Comparative Economics},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {31},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {620--652},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jce.2003.09.003},
  abstract     = {Do societies choose inefficient policies and institutions? An extension of the Coase theorem to politics would suggest the answer is no. This paper discusses various approaches to political economy and develops the argument that there are strong empirical and theoretical grounds for believing that inefficient policies and institutions are prevalent. We conclude that these inefficient institutions and policies are chosen because they serve the interests of politicians or social groups that hold political power at the expense of the rest. The theoretical case depends on commitment problems inherent in politics; parties holding political power cannot make commitments to bind their future actions because there is no outside agency with the coercive capacity to enforce such arrangements.},
}

@Article{Acemoglu2005,
  Title                    = {Constitutions, Politics, and Economics: A Review Essay on Persson and Tabellini's The Economic Effects of Constitutions},
  Author                   = {Acemoglu, Daron},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/002205105775362069},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1025--1048},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {In this essay, I review the new book by Torsten Persson and Guido Tabellini, The Economic Effects of Constitutions, which investigates the policy and economic consequences of different forms of government and electoral rules. I also take advantage of this opportunity to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of a number of popular empirical strategies in the newly emerging field of comparative political economy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/002205105775362069}
}

@Article{AcemogluEtAl2001,
  author       = {Acemoglu, Daron and Johnson, Simon and Robinson, James A.},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1369--1401},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {We exploit differences in European mortality rates to estimate the effect of institutions on economic performance. Europeans adopted very different colonization policies in different colonies, with different associated institutions. In places where Europeans faced high mortality rates, they could not settle and were more likely to set up extractive institutions. These institutions persisted to the present. Exploiting differences in European mortality rates as an instrument for current institutions, we estimate large effects of institutions on income per capita. Once the effect of institutions is controlled for, countries in Africa or those closer to the equator do not have lower incomes.},
}

@Article{AcemogluEtAl2005,
  author              = {Acemoglu, Daron and Johnson, Simon and Robinson, James A. and Yared, Pierre},
  date                = {2005},
  journaltitle        = {American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings},
  title               = {From Education to Democracy?},
  issn                = {0002-8282},
  number              = {2},
  pages               = {44--49},
  url                 = {http://tinyurl.com/kc4b3ze},
  volume              = {95},
  copyright           = {Copyright 2005 American Economic Association},
  jstor_articletype   = {research-article},
  jstor_formatteddate = {May, 2005},
  publisher           = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{AcemogluEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Income and Democracy},
  Author                   = {Acemoglu, Daron and Johnson, Simon and Robinson, James A. and Yared, Pierre},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.98.3.808},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {808-42},
  Url                      = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/jrobinson/files/jr_income_democracy_pub.pdf},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {Existing studies establish a strong cross-country correlation between income and democracy but do not control for factors that simultaneously affect both variables. We show that controlling for such factors by including country fixed effects removes the statistical association between income per capita and various measures of democracy. We present instrumental-variables estimates that also show no causal effect of income on democracy. The cross-country correlation between income and democracy reflects a positive correlation between changes in income and democracy over the past 500 years. This pattern is consistent with the idea that societies embarked on divergent political-economic development paths at certain critical junctures.}
}

@Article{AcemogluRobinson2000,
  author       = {Acemoglu, Daron and Robinson, James A.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Why did the West Extend the Franchise? Democracy, Inequality, and Growth in Historical Perspective},
  doi          = {10.1162/003355300555042},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1167--1199},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {During the nineteenth century most Western societies extended voting rights, a decision that led to unprecedented redistributive programs. We argue that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by the political elite to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution. Political transition, rather than redistribution under existing political institutions, occurs because current transfers do not ensure future transfers, while the extension of the franchise changes future political equilibria and acts as a commitment to redistribution. Our theory also offers a novel explanation for the Kuznets curve in many Western economies during this period, with the fall in inequality following redistribution due to democratization.},
}

@Article{AcemogluRobinson2001,
  Title                    = {Inefficient Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Acemoglu, Daron and Robinson, James A.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055401003057},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {649--661},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {There are many well-developed theories that explain why governments redistribute income, but very few can explain why this often is done in a socially inefficient form. In the theory we develop, compared to efficient methods, inefficient redistribution makes it more attractive to stay in or enter a group that receives subsidies. When political institutions cannot credibly commit to future policy, and when the political influence of a group depends on its size, inefficient redistribution is a tool to sustain political power. Our model may account for the choice of inefficient redistributive policies in agriculture, trade, and the labor market. It also implies that when factors of production are less specific to a sector, inefficient redistribution may be more prevalent.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055401003057}
}

@Book{AcemogluRobinson2006,
  author    = {Acemoglu, Daron and Robinson, James A.},
  date      = {2006},
  title     = {Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9780511510809},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Unpublished{AcemogluEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Emergence and Persistence of Inefficient States},
  Author                   = {Acemoglu, Daron and Ticchi, Davide and Vindigni, Andrea},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 12748},

  Abstract                 = {Inefficiencies in the bureaucratic organization of the state are often viewed as important factors in retarding economic development. Why certain societies choose or end up with such inefficient organizations has received very little attention, however. In this paper, we present a simple theory of the emergence and persistence of inefficient states. The society consists of rich and poor individuals. The rich are initially in power, but expect to transition to democracy, which will choose redistributive policies. Taxation requires the employment of bureaucrats. We show that, under certain circumstances, by choosing an inefficient state structure, the rich may be able to use patronage and capture democratic politics. This enables them to reduce the amount of redistribution and public good provision in democracy. Moreover, the inefficient state creates its own constituency and tends to persist over time. Intuitively, an inefficient state structure creates more rents for bureaucrats than would an efficient state structure. When the poor come to power in democracy, they will reform the structure of the state to make it more efficient so that higher taxes can be collected at lower cost and with lower rents for bureaucrats. Anticipating this, when the society starts out with an inefficient organization of the state, bureaucrats support the rich, who set lower taxes but also provide rents to bureaucrats. We show that in order to generate enough political support, the coalition of the rich and bureaucrats may not only choose an inefficient organization of the state, but they may further expand the size of bureaucracy so as to gain additional votes. The model shows that an equilibrium with an inefficient state is more likely to arise when there is greater inequality between the rich and the poor, when bureaucratic rents take intermediate values and when individuals are sufficiently forward-looking.}
}

@Incollection{Achen2006,
  Title                    = {Institutional Realism and Bargaining Models},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H.},
  Booktitle                = {The European Union Decides: Testing Theories of European Decision-Making},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Robert Thomson, Frans N. Stokman, Christopher H. Achen, and Thomas K{\"o}nig},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {86--123},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Unpublished{Achen2000,
  Title                    = {Why Lagged Dependent Variables Can Suppress the Explanatory Power of Other Independent Variables},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Political Methodology Section of the American Political Science Association, UCLA, July 20--22, 2000.},

  Abstract                 = {In many time series applications in the social sciences, lagged dependent variables have no obvious causal interpretation, and researchers omit them. When they are left out, the other coefficients take on sensible values. However, when an autoregressive term is put in ``as a control,'' it often acquires a large, statistically significant coefficient and improves the fit dramatically, while many or all of the remaining substantive coefficients collapse to implausibly small and insignificant values. Occasionally, the substantive variables even take on the wrong sign. This paper explains why this phenomenon occurs and how the resulting confusions have often misled researchers into inaccurate inferences. The standard findings that government budgets are caused primarily by past budgets and that arms races are driven mainly by domestic forces are shown to be likely statistical artifacts. Applications are made to vector autoregressions, error-correction models, and panel studies.}
}

@Article{Achen2003,
  Title                    = {Toward a New Political Methodology: Microfoundations and ART},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.112801.080943},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {423--450},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The past two decades have brought revolutionary change to the field of political methodology. Steady gains in theoretical sophistication have combined with explosive increases in computing power to produce a profusion of new estimators for applied political researchers. Attendance at the annual Summer Meeting of the Methodology Section has multiplied many times, and section membership is among the largest in APSA. All these are signs of success. Yet there are warning signs, too. This paper attempts to critically summarize current developments in the young field of political methodology. It focuses on recent generalizations of dichotomous-dependent-variable estimators such as logit and probit, arguing that even our best new work needs a firmer connection to credible models of human behavior and deeper foundations in reliable empirical generalizations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.112801.080943}
}

@Article{Achen2005,
  Title                    = {Let's Put Garbage-Can Regressions and Garbage-Can Probits Where They Belong},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/07388940500339167},
  Pages                    = {327--339},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Many social scientists believe that dumping long lists of explanatory variables into linear regression, probit, logit, and other statistical equations will successfully ``control'' for the effects of auxiliary factors. Encouraged by convenient software and ever more powerful computing, researchers also believe that this conventional approach gives the true explanatory variables the best chance to emerge. The present paper argues that these beliefs are false, and that without intensive data analysis, linear regression models are likely to be inaccurate. Instead, a quite different and less mechanical research methodology is needed, one that integrates contemporary powerful statistical methods with deep substantive knowledge and classic data-analytic techniques of creative engagement with the data.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07388940500339167}
}

@Unpublished{AchenBartels2002,
  Title                    = {Blind retrospection: electoral responses to drought, flu, and shark attacks},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H. and Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Note                     = {Presented at Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Aug. 29--31, Boston, MA}
}

@Unpublished{AchenBartels2004,
  Title                    = {Musical chairs: pocketbook voting and the limits of democratic accountability},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H. and Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Presented at Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Sept. 1--5, Chicago, IL}
}

@Unpublished{AchenBartels2006,
  Title                    = {It Feels Like We're Thinking: The Rationalizing Voter and Electoral Democracy},
  Author                   = {Achen, Christopher H. and Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {Prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, August 30 -- September 3.},
  Url                      = {http://www.princeton.edu/csdp/events/AchenBartels011107/AchenBartels011107.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-06-18}
}

@Article{Ackerman2000,
  author       = {Ackerman, Bruce},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Harvard Law Review},
  title        = {The New Separation of Powers},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {633--729},
  volume       = {113},
  abstract     = {This essay in comparative constitutional theory considers whether an American-style separation of powers should serve as a model for other countries. Professor Ackerman argues against the export of the American system in favor of an approach based on the constitutional practice of Germany, Italy, Japan, India, Canada, South Africa, and many other nations. According to this model of "constrained parliamentarianism," the constitution should not create an independently elected presidency to check and balance a popularly elected congress. Instead, it should authorize a prime minister and her cabinet to remain in power as long as they can retain the support of a democratically elected chamber of deputies. Constrained parliamentarianism tries to check the power of the cabinet and the chamber, however, by granting independence to a variety of other checking institutions, including a constitutional court. Professor Ackerman argues that this model offers a more promising path to constitutional development than the American approach. He shows how it can generate a variety of institutional strategies that better serve the three great principles that motivate the modern doctrine of separation of powers - democracy, professionalism, and the protection of fundamental rights.},
}

@Article{AckrillKay2006,
  Title                    = {Historical-institutionalist perspectives on the development of the EU budget system},
  Author                   = {Ackrill, Robert and Kay, Adrian},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760500380775},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {113--133},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The EU budget has only recently started to feature in theories of European integration. Studies typically adopt a historical-institutionalist framework, exploring notions such as path dependency. They have, however, generally been rather aggregated, or coarse-grained, in their approach. The EU budget has thus been treated as a single entity rather than a series of inter-linked institutions. This paper seeks to address these lacunae by adopting a fine-grained approach. This enables us to emphasize the connections that exist between EU budgetary institutions, in both time and space. We show that the initial set of budgetary institutions was unable, over time, to achieve consistently their treaty-based objectives. In response, rather than reform these institutions at potentially high political cost, additional institutions were layered on top of the extant structures. We thus demonstrate how some EU budgetary institutions have remained unchanged, whilst others have been added or changed over time.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760500380775},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{AdamFilippaios2007,
  Title                    = {Foreign direct investment and civil liberties: A new perspective},
  Author                   = {Adam, Antonis and Filippaios, Fragkiskos},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2006.08.006},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1038--1052},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The conjecture that democracy discourages foreign direct investment (FDI) has been widely refuted in empirical studies. However, we find support of this view. We distinguish between civil and political liberties and propose that multinational firms tend to invest in countries with low civil but with high political liberties. We show that the negative relationship between civil liberties and FDI is hump-shaped. A threshold level of civil liberties exists, below which repression of civil liberties is associated with more FDI. The results are explained by different economic motives for FDI in different groups of countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2006.08.006},
  Keywords                 = {FDI, Political liberties, Civil liberties}
}

@Article{Adams1996,
  author       = {Adams, Greg D.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Legislative Effects of Single-Member Vs. Multi-Member Districts},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {129--144},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {This project uses mathematical logic and results from spatial models to explain how parties in a legislature elected under a multi-member district system will differ from those elected under single-member plurality, holding all else constant. Under most circumstances, parties elected under multi-member districts will be more ideologically diverse than those elected under single-member plurality, all else being equal. The above hypothesis is tested using interest group ratings for members of the Illinois General Assembly, a legislative body that has used both single-member and multi-member systems to elect its members. During the time when the Illinois House was elected by multi-member districts and the Senate was elected by single-member districts, parties in the House were consistently more ideologically diverse than their counterparts in the Senate. This difference disappears after the House adopts a single-member district system.},
}

@Article{AdamsEzrow2009,
  author       = {Adams, James and Ezrow, Lawrence},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Who Do {Europe}an Parties Represent? How Western {Europe}an Parties Represent the Policy Preferences of Opinion Leaders},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381608090130},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {01},
  pages        = {206--223},
  volume       = {71},
  abstract     = {Several recent studies explore how American politicians represent the policy views of subconstituencies within the electorate. We extend this perspective to 12 West European democracies over the period 1973--2002 to examine how mainstream parties responded to electoral subconstituencies. We find that parties were highly responsive to the views of opinion leaders, i.e., citizens who regularly engaged in political discussions and persuasion; by contrast we find no evidence that other types of voters substantively influenced parties' policy programmes. We also identify significant time lags in mainstream parties' responses to opinion leaders' policy beliefs. Our findings have interesting implications for subconstituency representation, for understanding parties' internal policymaking processes, and for spatial modeling.},
  month        = jan,
  numpages     = {18},
}

@Article{AdamsEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {What Moves Parties?},
  Author                   = {Adams, James and Haupt, Andrea B. and Stoll, Heather},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008328637},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {611--639},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Do Western European political parties adjust their ideological positions in response to shifts in public opinion and to changing global economic conditions? Based on a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of parties' ideological dynamics in eight Western European democracies from 1976-1998, the authors conclude that both factors influence parties' ideological positions but that this relationship is mediated by the type of party. Specifically, they find that parties of the center and right react to both public opinion and the global economy, whereas parties of the left display no discernible tendency to respond to public opinion and also appear less responsive to global economic conditions. The findings on leftist parties' distinctiveness support arguments about these parties' long-term policy orientations as well as about their organizational structures. The authors also find little support for neoliberal convergence arguments.}
}

@Article{AdamsSomer-Topcu2009,
  Title                    = {Policy Adjustment by Parties in Response to Rival Parties' Policy Shifts: Spatial Theory and the Dynamics of Party Competition in Twenty-Five Post-War Democracies},
  Author                   = {Adams, James and Somer-Topcu, Zeynep},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123409000635},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {825--846},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Although spatial theory posits that political parties adjust their policies in response to rival parties policy programmes and the policies of their opponents in twenty-five post-war democracies. The authors conclude that parties tended to shift their policy positions in the same direction that their opponents had shifted their policies at the previous election; furthermore, parties were particularly responsive to policy shifts by other members of their , i.e. leftist parties responded to other leftist parties while right-wing parties responded to right-wing parties. Their findings have important implications for spatial models of elections, for the dynamics of party systems and for political representation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123409000635},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Other{Addison2006,
  Title                    = {Politico-Economic Causes of Labor Regulation in the {United States}: Rent Seeking, Alliances, Raising Rivals{\textquoteright} Costs (Even Lowering One{\textquoteright}s Own?), and Interjurisdictional Competition},
  Abstract                 = {This paper offers an eclectic survey of the political economy of labor regulation in the United States at federal and state levels along the dimensions of occupational health and safety, unjust dismissal, right-to-work, workplace safety and workers{\textquoteright} compensation, living wages, and prevailing wages. We discuss rent seeking/predation, coalition formation, judicial review, and interjurisdictional competition as well as the implications of union decline. Our analysis should help dispel any notion that the U.S. labor market is unregulated while also indicating that the political process shows some sensitivity to benefits and costs.},
  Author                   = {Addison, John},
  Date                     = {2006}
}

@Incollection{Addison1993,
  Title                    = {Churchill and Social Reform},
  Author                   = {Addison, Paul},
  Booktitle                = {Churchill},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Robert Blake and Wm. Roger Louis},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {57--78},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Addison1992,
  Title                    = {Churchill on the Home Front},
  Author                   = {Addison, Paul},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {0224014285},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Jonathan Cape}
}

@Article{Adnett2004,
  author       = {Adnett, Nick},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Education},
  title        = {Private-sector provision of schooling: an economic assessment},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {385--399},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {In many countries the school choice agenda has promoted increased inter-school competition as a means of creating stronger incentives for state schools to raise measures of average pupil attainment. Privatization of the provision of schooling takes market-based reforms a stage further. We identify the factors that have increased governments' concern with educational outcomes and why these concerns have led to greater interest in privatization. The rationale employed for such policies elsewhere in the public sector has been based upon efficiency gains, in that existing government failures were more harmful than future market failures. More recently it has been argued that contracting or improved regulation can control the market failures associated with privately provided schooling. Given the multiple outputs generated by education providers, privatization may be particularly attractive to governments who find that the professionalism of teachers and their public service motivation generate severe agency problems. We critically review each of these propositions and question the current practice of separating issues concerned with government funding of schooling from those concerned with its provision.},
  annotation   = {Some excellent references and a fairly even-handed review of the literature. Ultimately sceptical of private provision due to incomplete contracting. Implicit nod to funding/regulation/provision dimensions.},
}

@Article{AdnettDavies1999,
  Title                    = {Schooling Quasi-Markets: Reconciling Economic and Sociological Analyses},
  Author                   = {Adnett, Nick and Davies, Peter},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {221--234},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {We provide an economic assessment of the operation of schooling quasi-markets, re-interpreting the findings of the mainly sociologically-based empirical research. We find that economic analysis is complementary to that of sociology, providing further explanations for the failure of greater competition to increase the diversity of provision and challenge traditional school hierarchies.}
}

@Book{Adonis2012,
  Title                    = {Education, Education, Education: Reforming {England}'s Schools},
  Author                   = {Andrew Adonis},
  Date                     = {2012},
  ISBN                     = {978-1-84954-420-7},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Biteback Publishing}
}

@Misc{Adonis2012a,
  Author                   = {Adonis, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Telephone interview},
  Note                     = {June 13}
}

@Article{AdseraBoix2002,
  author       = {Adserà, Alícia and Boix, Carles},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Trade, Democracy, and the Size of the Public Sector: The Political Underpinnings of Openness},
  doi          = {10.1162/002081802320005478},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {229--262},
  volume       = {56},
  abstract     = {To account for the strong and positive correlation found between trade openness and the size of the public sector, scholars have developed theoretical explanations in which politics have remained conspicuously absent in two ways. First, why some economies are more open than others has been (implicitly) attributed to parameters exogenous to the political decisions of domestic actors. Second, the presence of a sizable public sector has been merely thought of as an automatic, and in some cases a functional, requirement of a free trade regime. This mechanical link has come in two forms. In Rodrik shows that higher levels of trade integration (coupled with high sectoral concentration in the economy) increase the risks associated with the international business cycle and call for publicly-financed compensatory programs in favor of the exposed sectors. Public expenditure, set by astate purely conceived as a social planner, stabilizes aggregate income and delivers social peace and political stability. In Aukrust argues that the tradeable sector, modeled as an international-price-taker,employs public spending to buy the acquiescence of the non-tradeable sector to low wage increases, therefore ensuring the overall competitiveness (and survival) of the national economy.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802320005478},
}

@Misc{AFLCIONoDate,
  Title                    = {Fact Sheet: Trade and Manufacturing Jobs},
  Author                   = {AFL-CIO},
  Date                     = {No Date},
  Url                      = {http://www.aflcio.org/issues/jobseconomy/manufacturing/iuc/upload/trade_factsheet.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.aflcio.org/issues/jobseconomy/manufacturing/iuc/upload/trade_factsheet.pdf}
}

@Article{AfonsoEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Public sector efficiency: An international comparison},
  Author                   = {Afonso, Ant{\a\'o}nio and Schuknecht, Ludger and Tanzi, Vito},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-005-7165-2},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {321--347},
  Volume                   = {123},

  Abstract                 = {We compute public sector performance (PSP) and public sector efficiency (PSE) indicators, comprising a composite and seven sub-indicators, for 23 industrialised countries. The first four sub-indicators are ``opportunity'' indicators that take into account administrative, education and health outcomes and the quality of public infrastructure and that support the rule of law and a level playing-field in a market economy. Three other indicators reflect the standard ``Musgravian'' tasks for government: allocation, distribution and stabilisation. The input and output efficiency of public sectors across countries is then measured via a non-parametric production frontier technique. The study finds significant differences in PSP and PSE, which suggests a large potential for expenditure savings in many countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-005-7165-2}
}

@Article{AghionEtAl2004,
  author       = {Aghion, Philippe and Alesina, Alberto and Trebbi, Francesco},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Endogenous Political Institutions},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {565--611},
  volume       = {119},
  abstract     = {A fundamental aspect of institutional design is how much society chooses to delegate unchecked power to its leaders. If, once elected, a leader cannot be restrained, society runs the risk of a tyranny of the majority, if not the tyranny of a dictator. If a leader faces too many ex post checks and balances, legislative action is too often blocked. As our critical constitutional choice, we focus upon the size of the minority needed to block legislation, or conversely the size of the (super)majority needed to govern. We analyze both "optimal" constitutional design and "positive" aspects of this process. We derive several empirical implications which we then discuss.},
  annotation   = {available at http://ideas.repec.org/a/tpr/qjecon/v119y2004i2p565-611.html},
}

@Incollection{AghionBolton1990,
  Title                    = {Government Domestic Debt And The Risk Of Default: A Political-Economic Model Of The Strategic Role Of Debt},
  Author                   = {Aghion, Phillipe and Bolton, Patrick},
  Booktitle                = {Public Debt Management: Theory and History},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Editor                   = {Rudiger Dornbusch and Mario Draghi},
  Chapter                  = {11},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {315--344},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Ahlen1989,
  Title                    = {Swedish Collective Bargaining Under Pressure: Inter-union Rivalry and Incomes Policies},
  Author                   = {Ahl{\'e}n, Kristina},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8543.1989.tb00343.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-8543},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {330--346},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1989.tb00343.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Ahlquist2006,
  Title                    = {Economic Policy, Institutions, and Capital Flows: Portfolio and Direct Investment Flows in Developing Countries},
  Author                   = {Ahlquist, John S.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00420.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {681--704},
  Url                      = {https://mywebspace.wisc.edu/jahlquist/web/isq_final.pdf},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars examining the cross-national mobility of capital have followed two distinct paths. Economists tend to focus on the determinants and economic effects of cross-country capital movements while political scientists largely concentrate on the political impact of capital mobility. This study fills an important gap in the literature by examining the effects of economic policy outcomes on capital inflows to developing countries, explicitly comparing the reactions of portfolio and direct investors. I find that portfolio investors are in fact sensitive to past government behavior and fiscal policy outcomes; portfolio investors reallocate funds as new information about government policy becomes available. Direct investors, on the other hand, are not sensitive to macrolevel economic policy outcomes but are concerned with political institutions. Countries with more stable and democratic political institutions attract more FDI. These findings have implications for developing country governments as they consider the sequence of market liberalizing reforms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {https://mywebspace.wisc.edu/jahlquist/web/isq_final.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00420.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{Ahlquist2010,
  author       = {Ahlquist, John S.},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Building Strategic Capacity: The Political Underpinnings of Coordinated Wage Bargaining},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055409990384},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {171--188},
  volume       = {104},
  abstract     = {Encompassing labor movements and coordinated wage setting are central to the social democratic economic model that has proven successful among the nations of Western Europe. The coordination of wage bargaining across many unions and employers has been used to explain everything from inequality to unemployment. Yet there has been limited theoretical and quantitative empirical work exploring the determinants of bargaining coordination. I argue formally that more unequally distributed resources across unions should inhibit the centralization of strike powers in union federations. Using membership as a proxy for union resources, I find empirical evidence for this hypothesis in a panel of 15 OECD democracies, 1950--2000. I then show that the centralization of strike powers is a strong predictor of coordinated bargaining.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409990384},
}

@Article{AhlquistEtAl2016,
  author       = {Ahlquist, John S. and Hamman, John R. and Jones, Bradley M.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Dependency Status and Demand for Social Insurance: Evidence from Experiments and Surveys},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.58},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  url          = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S2049847015000588},
  volume       = {FirstView},
  abstract     = {Current thinking on the origins and size of the welfare state often ignores household relations in which people may depend on others for income or have dependents themselves. The influence of ``dependency status'' on individuals' political preferences is unknown. We report results from a laboratory experiment designed to estimate the effect of dependency on preferences for policies that insure against labor market risk. Results indicate that (1) willingness to vote in favor of a social insurance policy is highly responsive to unemployment risk, (2) symmetric, mutual dependence is unrelated to support for insurance, but (3) asymmetric dependence (being dependent on someone else) increases support for social insurance. We connect our lab results to observational survey data and find similar relationships.},
  month        = {11},
  numpages     = {23},
}

@Book{AhlquistLevi2013,
  Title                    = {In the Interests of Others: Organizations \& Social Activism},
  Author                   = {Ahlquist, John S. and Levi, Margaret},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Location                 = {Princeton},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{AhlquistPrakash2008,
  Title                    = {The influence of foreign direct investment on contracting confidence in developing countries},
  Author                   = {Ahlquist, John S. and Prakash, Aseem},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Regulation \& Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1748-5991.2008.00040.x},
  ISSN                     = {1748-5991},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {316--339},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines whether foreign direct investment (FDI) influences confidence in commercial contracts in developing countries. While the research on how host countries' policy environments encourage FDI inflows has flourished, scholars have paid less attention to how the policy environment and local actors' beliefs might, in turn, be affected by FDI. This is surprising because multinational enterprises are well-recognized political and economic actors across the world. We expect that their increasing economic salience will influence the policy environments in which they function. By employing an innovative measure of property rights protection --- contract-intensive money --- we examine how foreign direct investment influences host countries' contract-intensive money ratio in a large panel time series of both developed and developing countries from 1980 to 2002. Our analysis suggests that higher levels of FDI inflows are associated with greater confidence in commercial contracts and, by extension, the protection of property rights in developing countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5991.2008.00040.x},
  Keywords                 = {contract enforcement, development, FDI, property rights},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Asia},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{AhlquistWibbels2012,
  Title                    = {Riding the Wave: World Trade and Factor-Based Models of Democratization},
  Author                   = {Ahlquist, John S. and Wibbels, Erik},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00572.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {447--464},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of ``waves'' of regime change, in which large numbers of countries experience similar political transitions at roughly similar periods of time, though once popular, have fallen from favor. Replacing the ``third wave'' arguments are several competing models relating domestic social structure --- specifically, the distribution of income and factor ownership --- to regime type. If any of these distributive models of regime type is correct, then global trade has an important explanatory role to play. Under factor-based models, changes in the world trading system will have systematic effects on regime dynamics. Trade openness determines labor's factor income and ultimately its political power. As world trade expands and contracts, countries with similar labor endowments should experience similar regime pressures at the same time. We propose a novel empirical specification that addresses the endogeneity and data-quality problems plaguing previous efforts to examine these arguments. We investigate the conditional impact of the global trading system on democratic transitions across 130 years and all of the states in the international system. Our findings cast doubt on the utility of factor-based models of democratization, despite their importance in fueling renewed interest in the topic.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00572.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{AiNorton2003,
  author       = {Ai, Chunrong and Norton, Edward C.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Economics Letters},
  title        = {Interaction terms in logit and probit models},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {123--129},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {The magnitude of the interaction effect in nonlinear models does not equal the marginal effect of the interaction term, can be of opposite sign, and its statistical significance is not calculated by standard software. We present the correct way to estimate the magnitude and standard errors of the interaction effect in nonlinear models.},
}

@Article{AidtEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {The Retrenchment Hypothesis and the Extension of the Franchise in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Aidt, Toke and Daunton, Martin and Dutta, Jayasri},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2009.02344.x},
  Number                   = {547},
  Volume                   = {120},

  Abstract                 = {Does an extension of the voting franchise always increase public spending or can it be a source of retrenchment? We study this question in the context of public spending on health-related urban amenities in a panel of municipal boroughs from England and Wales in 1868, 1871 and 1886. We find evidence of a U-shaped relationship between spending on urban amenities and the extension of the local voting franchise. Our model of taxpayer democracy suggests that the retrenchment effect was related to enfranchisement of the middle class through nation-wide reforms and that these reforms might have been Pareto inferior in the average borough.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2009.02344.x}
}

@Article{AidtSena2005,
  Title                    = {Unions: Rent Creators or Extractors?},
  Author                   = {Aidt, Toke and Sena, Vania},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9442.2005.00397.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {103--121},
  Volume                   = {107},

  Abstract                 = {This paper proposes a model of workplace-specific unions that integrates two views of what unions do. One view holds that unions mainly engage in rent extraction. Another view holds that unions mainly engage in rent creation by providing agency services that increase workplace productivity. We demonstrate that the choice between the two activities is systematically related to the economic and regulatory environment in which the union operates. Product market competition encourages rent creation, while labor market deregulation encourages rent extraction. Moreover, we provide a rationale for why firms may want to subsidize unions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9442.2005.00397.x}
}

@Article{AinsworthDarnellDowney1998,
  author       = {Ainsworth-Darnell, James W. and Downey, Douglas B.},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Assessing the Oppositional Culture Explanation for Racial/Ethnic Differences in School Performance},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {536--553},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {The oppositional culture explanation for racial disparities in school performance posits that individuals from historically oppressed groups (involuntary minorities) signify their antagonism toward the dominant group by resisting school goals. In contrast, individuals from the dominant group and groups that migrated freely to the host country (immigrant minorities) maintain optimistic views of their chances for educational and occupational success. Because of its historical and cross-cultural appeal, this explanation has been well-received by academics, although key implications of the theory have not been carefully tested. Proponents have failed to systematically compare perceptions of occupational opportunity and resistance to school across involuntary, dominant, and immigrant groups. Using a large sample of African American, Asian American, and non-Hispanic white high school sophomores from the first follow-up of the National Education Longitudinal Study, we provide the first rigorous test of the oppositional culture explanation. Upon close scrutiny, its key predictions fail.},
}

@Article{AitkenHarrison1999,
  author       = {Aitken, Brian J. and Harrison, Ann E.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Do Domestic Firms Benefit from Direct Foreign Investment? Evidence from {Venezuela}},
  doi          = {10.2307/117035},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {605--618},
  volume       = {89},
  abstract     = {Governments often promote inward foreign investment to encourage technology "spillovers" from foreign to domestic firms. Using panel data on Venezuelan plants, we find that foreign equity participation is positively correlated with plant productivity (the "own-plant" effect), but this relationship is only robust for small enterprises. We then test for spillovers from joint ventures to plants with no foreign investment. Foreign investment negatively affects the productivity of domestically owned plants. The net impact of foreign investment, taking into account these two offsetting effects, is quite small. The gains from foreign investment appear to be entirely captured by joint ventures.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/117035},
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.11},
}

@Unpublished{AizenmanJinjarak2012,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality, Tax Base and Sovereign Spreads},
  Author                   = {Joshua Aizenman and Yothin Jinjarak},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = jun,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 18176},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w18176},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the association between greater income inequality, de-facto fiscal space, and sovereign spreads. Using data from 50 countries in 2007, 2009 and 2011, we find that higher income inequality is associated with a lower tax base, lower de-facto fiscal space, and higher sovereign spreads. The economic magnitude of these effects is large: at the margin, a one point of the Gini coefficient of inequality (in a scale of 0-100), is associated in 2011 with a lower tax base of 2 percent of the GDP, and with a higher sovereign spread of 45 basis points.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w18176},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Number                   = {18176},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series},
  Type                     = {Working Paper}
}

@Article{AkaiEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Complementarity, fiscal decentralization and economic growth},
  Author                   = {Akai, Nobuo and Nishimura, Yukihiro and Sakata, Masayo},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10101-007-0032-5},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {339--362},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {Theories of the voluntary provision of public goods and development economics have clarified that complementarity in the production process is a crucial ingredient to understanding how alternative economic environments affect economic performance. This paper examines how the structures of intra- and inter-regional complementarity affect the relationship between economic growth and fiscal decentralization. We provide a theory that describes how fiscal decentralization affects economic growth under various structures of regional complementarity. Our empirical analysis, based on a panel data set of the fifty states of the United States over the period of 1992\^a??1997, supports our theoretical specification of the production function. Also, we observe a hump-shaped relationship between fiscal decentralization and economic growth that is consistent with our theoretical result. Our analysis also shows that the optimal degree of fiscal decentralization conducive to economic growth is higher than the average of the data in some cases, and hence further decentralization is recommended for economic growth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10101-007-0032-5}
}

@Article{AkerlofKranton2002,
  author       = {Akerlof, George A. and Kranton, Rachel E.},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  title        = {Identity and Schooling: Some Lessons for the Economics of Education},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1167--1201},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {This review culls noneconomic literature on education-by sociologists, anthropologists, and practitioners to present a new economic theory of students and schools. This theory elaborates two themes that have eluded economic analysis. First is the student as decision-maker whose primary motivation is her identity. Second is a conception of the school as a social institution. This framework suggests a new perspective on questions such as resource allocation and school reform. It explains why some educational policies succeed and others fail. We show how sociological variables may affect outcomes, and suggest ways economists can incorporate them into theoretical and empirical research.},
}

@Article{Alderman1995,
  author       = {Alderman, R. K.},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  title        = {A Defence of Frequent Ministerial Turnover},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1995.tb00841.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {497--512},
  volume       = {73},
  abstract     = {The frequency with which British ministers are transferred between departments incurs considerable adverse comment. It is generally held to have a prejudicial effect upon government. However, much of the criticism is misdirected and predicated upon questionable assumptions. There are cogent (if rarely voiced) arguments in favour of relatively rapid ministerial turnover. Within departments short-stay ministers are in a stronger position than conventional wisdom allows. At the cabinet level they are less likely to adopt a narrow, departmentally oriented approach at the expense of wider considerations. The party management function of ministerial reshuffles, though much disparaged, plays an essential part in effective government, promoting ministerial vitality and assisting in the achievement of the legislative programme. The preponderance of career politicians in the House of Commons accentuates the pressures for rapid ministerial turnover, the need for which is, paradoxically, further increased by the same party being in office for a prolonged period.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1995.tb00841.x},
}

@Article{Aldrich1983,
  author       = {Aldrich, John H.},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {A Downsian Spatial Model with Party Activism},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {974--990},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {A unidimensional spatial model is proposed in this article. Although its formal structure parallels the spatial model of electoral competition, this model examines the decisions of individuals as they choose whether or not to become activists in one of two political parties. An individual "calculus of participation" is developed that is similar to the spatial interpretation of the "calculus of voting." This calculus is then generalized by examining conditions that may hold for aggregate activism probabilities, and the relationship between the two forms is investigated. Some results are then presented which concern the distributions of activists in the two parties. These results in general conform to the existence of `party cleavages,' in which there are two stable (equilibrium) distributions of activists, such that the two parties' activists are relatively cohesive internally and relatively distinctive externally. Finally, some suggestions are offered about how this model can be combined with the spatial model of candidate competition to provide a more complete model of elections.},
}

@Book{Aldrich1995,
  Title                    = {Why parties? The origin and transformation of party politics in {America}},
  Author                   = {Aldrich, John H.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{AlegreFerrer2010,
  Title                    = {School regimes and education equity: some insights based on PISA 2006},
  Author                   = {Alegre, Miquel {\`A}ngel and Ferrer, Gerard},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Educational Research Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01411920902989193},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {433--461},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {This paper aims to analyze the effects of certain characteristics of the educational systems on the social composition of schools. After accounting for significant effects of schools' social composition on student outcomes (this is confirmed on the basis of a multilevel analysis), we explore the impacts of distinct components of what we name `school regimes' on measures of school social segregation (Hutchens indices) across countries and regions. The PISA 2006 database has been used as the main source of information for such measures. Our analysis considers data for 32 OECD educational systems. Certain characteristics of school regimes are specially assessed: the level of institutional differentiation existing in the educational career; the presence of private schools in compulsory education; the level of school autonomy as regards the process of student admission; and the models and criteria defining public regulation of school access processes. Results of the regression analyses suggest that more market-oriented school regimes tend to increase schools' social segregation, whilst those characterised as more comprehensive and publicly regulated tend to reduce it.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.12}
}

@Article{Alesina1987,
  Title                    = {Macroeconomic Policy in a Two-Party System as a Repeated Game},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {651{--}678},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers the interaction of two parties with different objectives concerning inflation and unemployment and rational and forward-looking wage-setters. If discretionary policies are followed, an economic cycle related to the political cycle results in equilibrium. This cycle is significantly different from the traditional "political business cycle." Reputational mechanisms due to the repeated interaction of the two parties and the public or commitments to a common policy rule can improve upon the discretionary outcome by reducing or eliminating the magnitude of the economic fluctuations.}
}

@Article{Alesina1988,
  Title                    = {Credibility and Policy Convergence in a Two-Party System with Rational Voters},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {796{--}805},
  Volume                   = {78}
}

@Article{Alesina1989,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto},
  date         = {1989-04},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  title        = {Politics and Business Cycles in Industrial Democracies},
  issn         = {0266-4658},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {57--98},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {Influences from political competition on macroeconomic policy are often thought to be a source of economic fluctuations. Politicians are described as being driven by two, not mutually exclusive, main motivations: they want to be reelected and they harbour political, or ideological, biases. When such theories are confronted with actual cycles in a number of industrial countries, the pattern of inflation, unemployment, output, and budget deficits indicates that partisan policy making is a fairly widespread phenomenon, with more limited evidence that electoral preoccupations result in major fluctuations. The combination of partisanship and electoral cycles may easily result in socially undesirable outcomes. In particular the degree of politico-institutional stability and the independence of the Central Bank have a bearing on macroeconomic outcomes. These observations raise a number of important questions about the design of political institutions.},
}

@Article{Alesina2012,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Atlantic Economic Journal},
  title        = {Fiscal Policy after the Great Recession},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11293-012-9337-z},
  issn         = {0197-4254},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {429--435},
  url          = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/alesina/files/fiscal_policy_after_the_great_recession_atl_econ_j_2012.pdf},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {The Great Recession has severely hit the economies of most of the countries. Given that, fiscal policies have gained back a central role in the debate as a tool to recover from this situation. This paper provides an overview about the main controversial issues related to the fiscal policy. In particular, we analyze the role and the different effects played by discretionary counter-cyclical policies --- say, for instance, tax cuts or increased government spending. Disagreement on this topic follows from the fact that it is extremely difficult to isolate the exogenous effect of these policies on GDP. We review several ways in which economists have tried to deal with this problem of estimation. Finally, we discuss why spending-based adjustments are preferable and less likely to be costly than tax-based ones and why large fiscal consolidation accompanied by appropriate policies can be much less costly than what we think.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal policy; Fiscal multipliers; Reverse causation; Counter-cyclical policies},
  publisher    = {Springer US},
}

@Article{AlesinaAngeletos2005,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and Angeletos, George-Marios},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Fairness and Redistribution},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {960--980},
  volume       = {95},
  abstract     = {Different beliefs about the fairness of social competition and what determines income inequality influence the redistributive policy chosen in a society. But the composition of income in equilibrium depends on tax policies. We show how the interaction between social beliefs and welfare policies may lead to multiple equilibria or multiple steady states. If a society believes that individual effort determines income, and that all have a right to enjoy the fruits of their effort, it will choose low redistribution and low taxes. In equilibrium, effort will be high and the role of luck will be limited, in which case market outcomes will be relatively fair and social beliefs will be self-fulfilled. If, instead, a society believes that luck, birth, connections, and/or corruption determine wealth, it will levy high taxes, thus distorting allocations and making these beliefs self-sustained as well. These insights may help explain the cross-country variation in perceptions about income inequality and choices of redistributive policies.},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2005,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and Angeloni, Ignazio and Schuknecht, Ludger},
  title        = {What does the {Europe}an Union do?},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {123},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {275--319},
  issn         = {0048-5829},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11127-005-7164-3},
  abstract     = {The goal of this paper is to evaluate the attribution of policy prerogatives to European Union level institutions and compare them to the implications of normative policy models and to the preferences of European citizens. For this purpose we construct a set of indicators to measure the policy-making intensity of the European Union (European Council, Parliament, Commission, Court of Justice, etc.). We confirm that the extent and the intensity of policy-making by the EU have increased sharply over the last 30 years, but at different speeds, and in different degrees, across policy domains. In recent years the areas that have expanded most are quite remote from the EEC's original mission of establishing a free market zone with common external trade policy. On the contrary some policy domains that would normally be attributed to the highest level of government remain at national level. We argue that the resulting allocation of prerogatives between the EU and member countries is partly inconsistent with normative criteria concerning the assignment of policies at different government levels, as laid out in the theoretical literature.},
}

@Techreport{AlesinaArdagna2012,
  Title                    = {The design of fiscal adjustments},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Ardagna, Silvia},
  Date                     = {2012-09},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Doi                      = {10.3386/w18423},
  Number                   = {18423},
  Type                     = {Working Paper},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w18423},

  Abstract                 = {This paper offers three results. First, in line with the previous literature, we confirm that fiscal adjustments based mostly on the spending side are less likely to be reversed. Second, spending based fiscal adjustments have caused smaller recessions than tax based fiscal adjustments. Finally, certain combinations of policies have made it possible for spending based fiscal adjustments to be associated with growth in the economy even on impact rather than with a recession. Thus, expansionary fiscal adjustments are possible.},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series}
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Redistributive Public Employment},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Baqir, Reza and Easterly, William},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Urban Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1006/juec.1999.2164},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219{--}241},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Politicians may use ``disguised'' redistributive policies in order to circumvent opposition to explicit tax-transfer schemes. First, we present a theoretical model that formalizes this hypothesis. Next, we provide evidence consistent with the prediction of the model, namely that in U.S. cities, politicians use public employment as such a redistributive device. We find that city employment is significantly higher in cities where income inequality and ethnic fragmentation are higher.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/juec.1999.2164}
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Redistribution Through Public Employment: The Case of {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Danninger, Stephan and Rostagno, Massimo},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {IMF Staff Papers},
  Month                    = nov,
  Pages                    = {447--473},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the regional distribution of public employment in Italy. It documents two sets of facts. This first is the use of public employment as a subsidy from the North to the less wealthy South. We calculate that about half of the wage bill in the South of Italy can be identified as a subsidy. Both the size of public employment and the level of wages are used as a redistributive device. The second set of facts concerns the effects of a subsidized public employment on individuals' attitudes toward job search, education, 'risk taking' activities etc. Public employment discourages the development of market activities in the South.}
}

@Article{AlesinaDollar2000,
  Title                    = {Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Dollar, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Growth},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1009874203400},
  ISSN                     = {1381-4338},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33--63},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Keywords                 = {foreign aid, economic development, political economy, democracy},
  Publisher                = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}
}

@Article{AlesinaFuchs-Schundeln2007,
  Title                    = {Good-Bye Lenin (or Not?): The Effect of Communism on People's Preferences},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Fuchs-Sch{\"u}ndeln, Nicola},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/000282807783286766},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1507--1528},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Abstract                 = {Preferences for redistribution, as well as the generosity of welfare states, differ significantly across countries. This paper tests whether there exists a feedback process of the economic regime on individual preferences. We exploit the experiment of German separation and reunification to establish exogeneity of the economic system. We find that, after German reunification, East Germans are more in favor of state intervention than West Germans. This effect is especially strong for older cohorts. We further find that East Germans' preferences converge toward those of West Germans. It will take one to two generations for preferences to converge completely.}
}

@Book{AlesinaGlaeser2005,
  Title                    = {Fighting poverty in the US and {Europe}: A World of Difference},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Glaeser, Edward L.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {9780199286102},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2001a,
  Title                    = {Why Doesn't the {United States} Have a {Europe}an-Style Welfare State?},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Glaeser, Edward L. and Sacerdote, Bruce},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/eca.2001.0014},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {187--277},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Unpublished{AlesinaGuiliano2009,
  Title                    = {Preferences for Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Guiliano, Paula},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 14825},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w14825},

  Abstract                 = {This paper discusses what determines the preferences of individuals for redistribution. We review the theoretical literature and provide a framework to incorporate various effects previously studied separately in the literature. We then examine empirical evidence for the US, using the General Social Survey, and for a large set of countries, using the World Values Survey. The paper reviews previously found results and provides several new ones. We emphasize, in particular, the role of historical experiences, cultural factors and personal history as determinants of preferences for equality or tolerance for inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w14825},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Article{AlesinaPerotti1995,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and Perotti, Roberto},
  title        = {Fiscal Expansions and Adjustments in OECD Countries},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  date         = {1995},
  volume       = {10},
  number       = {21},
  pages        = {205{--}248},
  abstract     = {In several countries policy-makers are striving to improve the budget balance, which can be done either by raising taxes or by cutting expenditures. But the two strategies are not equivalent. Drawing on the experience of twenty OECD countries after 1960, this article shows that large fiscal expansions typically occur through increases in expenditure, while large fiscal adjustments rely on tax increases. It also appears that permanent improvements in the fiscal balance crucially differ from fiscal adjustments that lead to a temporary improvement and are reversed in a short time. Permanent improvements are implemented mainly via cuts in two types of expenditure: transfer programmes and compensation of government employees. Temporary improvements are carried out almost exclusively via tax increases. Finally, coalition governments may often try to make substantial fiscal adjustments, but they are much less likely than others to carry out the two types of expenditure cut that make an adjustment successful. These findings convey a clear message: the composition of a fiscal adjustment is of fundamental importance in determining its success. A fiscal adjustment cannot have long-lasting effects unless it tackles two expenditures {--} government employment and social programmes {--} often regarded as untouchable by policy-makers and their advisers.},
}

@Book{AlesinaRosenthal1995,
  Title                    = {Partisan Politics, Divided Government, and the Economy},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Rosenthal, Howard},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{AlesinaRosenthal2000,
  Title                    = {Polarized platforms and moderate policies with checks and balances},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Rosenthal, Howard},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(99)00048-1},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--20},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {In standard spatial models of elections, parties with policy preferences take divergent positions. Their platform positions are less separated than are the parties{\textquoteright} ideal policies. If policy is the result of an executive{\textendash}legislative compromise, the policy preferences of the parties can be moderated by voter behavior. Divided government may result. Since parties anticipate the moderated outcomes, they have an added incentive to choose separated platforms. Consequently, divergence in platforms is greater than in the standard model, especially when uncertainty is high and the legislature more powerful than the executive. For some parameters, parties may even {\textquoteleft}posture{\textquoteright} by adopting platforms that are more extreme than their {\textquoteleft}true{\textquoteright} ideal points.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(99)00048-1}
}

@Book{AlesinaEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Political Cycles and the Macroeconomy},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Roubini, Nouriel and Cohen, Gerald D.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  ISBN                     = {9780262510943},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{AlesinaSachs1988,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and Sachs, Jeffrey},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Money, Credit and Banking},
  title        = {Political Parties and the Business Cycle in the {United States}, 1948-1984},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {63{--}82},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {This paper tests the existence and the extent of a politically induced business cycle in the U.S. in the post-World War II period. The cycle described in this paper is different from the traditional "political business cycle" of Nordhaus. It is based on a systematic difference between the monetary policies of the two parties in a model with labor contracts. From an explicit optimization problem we derive a system of equations for output and money growth. Then we successfully test the non-linear restriction imposed by the theory on the parameters of the system of equations. We cannot reject the hypothesis that money growth has been systematically different under the two types of administration and that this difference contributes to explain output fluctuations.},
}

@Article{AlesinaTabellini1987,
  Title                    = {Rules and Discretion with Noncoordinated Monetary and Fiscal Policies},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Inquiry},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1465-7295.1987.tb00764.x},
  ISSN                     = {1465-7295},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {619--630},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The time inconsistency of optimal monetary policy is due to the effects of tax distortions. Thus the issue of how to improve upon the time-consistent suboptimal monetary policy is related to that of the coordination of monetary and fiscal policy. We present a model with three players (the central bark, the fiscal authority, and wage setters) in which distortionary taxes are explicitly modelled. We show that binding commitments to monetary rules are not necessarily welfare improving if monetary and fiscal policy are not coordinated. We also examine the effects of different degrees of independence of the central bank.}
}

@Article{AlesinaTabellini1988,
  Title                    = {Credibility and politics},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(88)90201-2},
  Number                   = {2-3},
  Pages                    = {542--550},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{AlesinaTabellini1990,
  Title                    = {A Positive Theory of Fiscal Deficits and Government Debt},
  Author                   = {Alesina, Alberto and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2298021},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {403{--}414},
  Url                      = {http://econ161.berkeley.edu/Teaching_Folder/Econ_202b_F2000/papers/Alesina_Tabellini.pdf},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers an economy in which policymakers with different preferences alternate in office as a result of elections. Government debt is used strategically by each policymaker to influence the choices of his successors. If different policymakers disagree about the desired composition of government spending between two public goods, the economy exhibits a deficits bias; that is, debt accumulation is higher than it would be with a social planner. The equilibrium level of debt is larger the larger is the degree of polarization between alternating governments and the less likely it is that the current government will be re-elected.}
}

@Unpublished{AlesinaHolden2008,
  author   = {Alesina, Alberto and Holden, Richard T.},
  title    = {Ambiguity and Extremism in Elections},
  date     = {2008},
  abstract = {We analyze a model in which voters are uncertain about the policy preferences of candidates. Two forces affect the probability of electoral success: proximity to the median voter and campaign contributions. First, we show how campaign contributions affect elections. Then we show how the candidates may wish to announce a range of policy preferences, rather than a single point. This strategic ambiguity balances voter beliefs about the appeal of candidates both to the median voter and to the campaign contributors. If primaries precede a general election, they add another incentive for ambiguity, because in the primaries the candidates do not want to reveal too much information, to maintain some freedom of movement in the policy space for the general election. Ambiguity has an option value.},
}

@Article{AlexandreCharreaux2004,
  Title                    = {Efficiency of French privatizations: a dynamic vision},
  Author                   = {Alexandre, Herv{\'e} and Charreaux, Gerard},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Corporate Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0929-1199(02)00044-5},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {467--494},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {We interpret privatization in light of corporate governance theory. After replicating some traditional tests, we test our new model on a sample of privatized French firms. We cannot confirm for French privatizations the positive effect on overall static and dynamic efficiency of the firm traditionally attributed to privatizations. In addition, we find that whatever positive value accrues from privatization is affected by the contextual, organizational, governance, and strategic variables that influence the privatization process.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0929-1199(02)00044-5}
}

@Article{Alexiadou2012,
  Title                    = {Finding political capital for monetary tightening: Unemployment insurance and partisan monetary cycles},
  Author                   = {Alexiadou, Despina},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02053.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Pages                    = {no--no},

  Abstract                 = {How do governments find the political capital to raise interest rates in pursuit of inflation stabilisation? Against common wisdom, this article shows that the ability of governments to exercise tight monetary policy largely depends on the level of unemployment insurance. Unemployment insurance is particularly useful to social democratic parties since their core constituency --- labour --- is the hardest hit by economic downturns. Empirical evidence from 17 OECD countries over thirty years demonstrates that high levels of unemployment insurance present a strong incentive for social democratic governments to respond more aggressively to positive changes in inflation. These findings resolve the puzzle of why partisan monetary cycles are not often observed in the literature and have important policy implications, given continued calls for scaling down social insurance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02053.x},
  Keywords                 = {monetary policy, unemployment insurance, political parties, social democracy},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{AlganEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Public employment and labour market performance},
  Author                   = {Algan, Yann and Cahuc, Pierre and Zylberberg, Andre},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0327.00083},
  Number                   = {34},
  Pages                    = {7{--}66},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {We explore the consequences of public employment for labour market performance. Theory suggests that public employment may not only crowd out private employment, but also increase overall unemployment if, by offering attractive working conditions, it draws additional individuals into the labour force. Empirical evidence from a sample of OECD countries in the 1960-2000 period suggests that, on average, creation of 100 public jobs may have eliminated about 150 private sector jobs, slightly decreased labour market participation, and increased by about 33 the number of unemployed workers. Theoretical considerations and empirical evidence, however, suggest that the crowding out effect of public jobs on private jobs is only significant in countries where public production is highly substitutable to private activities and the public sector offers more attractive wages and/or other benefits than the private labour market.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0327.00083}
}

@Article{AllanScruggs2004,
  author       = {Allan, James P. and Scruggs, Lyle},
  title        = {Political Partisanship and Welfare State Reform in Advanced Industrial Societies},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {496--512},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00083.x},
  abstract     = {In this article we evaluate two claims made in recent studies of the welfare states of advanced industrial societies: first, that welfare states have remained quite resilient in the face of demands for retrenchment; and second, that partisan politics have ceased to play a decisive role in their evolution. Addressing the first claim, we present analysis from a new data set on unemployment insurance and sickness benefit replacement rates for 18 countries for the years 1975-99. We find considerably more evidence of welfare retrenchment during the last two decades than do recent cross-national studies. Second, we examine the "end of partisanship" claim by estimating the effects of government partisanship on changes in income replacement rates in sickness and unemployment programs. Our results suggest that, contrary to claims that partisanship has little impact on welfare state commitments, traditional partisanship continues to have a considerable effect on welfare state entitlements in the era of retrenchment.},
}

@InCollection{Allen2010,
  author    = {Allen, David},
  booktitle = {Policy-Making in the European Union},
  date      = {2010},
  title     = {The Structural Funds and Cohesion Policy: Extending the Bargain to Meet New Challenges},
  chapter   = {10},
  edition   = {6},
  editor    = {Helen Wallace, Mark A. Pollack, and Alasdair R. Young},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  pages     = {229--252},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract  = {The structural funds are the European Union's (EU) only explicitly redistributive policy. Moreover, they provide an important part of the empirical foundation for the multi-level governance approach to intergovernmentalism. Understanding the structural funds is thus revealing about both the nature of European integration and how we should seek to understand it. This chapter argues that, while the European Commission has played an important role in shaping the priorities of the structural funds, the overall development of the policy has been dictated by intergovernmental bargains. The centrality of intergovernmental bargaining has undermined the original redistributive objective of the policy.},
}

@Unpublished{AllenBurgess2012,
  Title                    = {How should we treat under-performing schools? A regression discontinuity analysis of school inspections in {England}},
  Author                   = {Allen, Rebecca and Burgess, Simon},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {Centre for Market and Public Organisation Working Paper 12/287},
  Url                      = {http://www.bris.ac.uk/cmpo/publications/papers/2012/wp287.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {School inspections are an important part of the accountability framework for education in England. In this paper we use a panel of schools to evaluate the effect of a school failing its inspection. We collect a decades worth of data on how schools are judged across a very large range of sub-criteria, alongside an overall judgement of effectiveness. We use this data within a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to model the impact of just failing the inspection, relative to the impact of just passing. This analysis is implemented using a time-series of school performance and pupil background data. Our results suggest that schools only just failing do see an improvement in scores over the following two to three years. The effect size is moderate to large at around 10\% of a pupillevel standard deviation in test scores. We also show that this improvement occurs in core compulsory subjects, suggesting that this is not all the result of course entry gaming on the part of schools. There is little positive impact on lower ability pupils, with equally large effects for those in the middle and top end of the ability distribution.}
}

@Article{AllernEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Social Democrats and trade unions in Scandinavia: The decline and persistence of institutional relationships},
  Author                   = {Allern, Elin Haugsgjerd and Aylott, Nicholas and Christiansen, Flemming Juul},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00706.x},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {607--635},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the institutional arrangements between Social Democratic parties and trade unions in Denmark, Norway and Sweden. First, the authors show how these relations have weakened at a varying pace. Party-union ties are now quite distant in Denmark, but remain relatively close in Norway and, especially, Sweden. Second, the authors explore this variation using a simple model of political exchange. The finding is that the intensity of the relationship is correlated with the resources that each side can derive from the other, which in turn reflects national differences. Yet it is also clear that the degree of change is related to the formative phase of the institutional arrangement itself: the weaker the ties were from the beginning, the more easily they unravel in response to environmental changes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00706.x}
}

@Article{Allers2014,
  Title                    = {The Dutch Local Government Bailout Puzzle},
  Author                   = {Allers, Maarten A.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/padm.12123},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Pages                    = {n/a--n/a},

  Abstract                 = {The fiscal federalism and public choice literatures stress that government bailouts should be ruled out as they increase the probability that jurisdictions will incur unsustainable debt levels or take excessive risk (moral hazard problem). The recent problems in the euro area seem to confirm this view. However, in the Netherlands, the law explicitly stipulates that local governments which are unable to balance their books will receive a bailout grant. Surprisingly, this does not seem to create problems. Few local governments apply for bailout, and the amounts they receive are modest. We analyse the Dutch case and investigate possible explanations for this apparent anomaly. Our results challenge the dominant view in the literature. It is possible to avoid fiscal irresponsibility by means other than a no-bailout policy.}
}

@Article{AllersEtAl2001,
  author       = {Allers, Maarten and de Haan, Jakob and Sterks, Cees},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Partisan Influence on the Local Tax Burden in the {Netherlands}},
  doi          = {10.1023/A:1005123208352},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {351--363},
  url          = {http://www.rug.nl/staff/m.a.allers/partisan-influence-netherlands.pdf},
  volume       = {106},
  abstract     = {This paper analyses the role of partisan politics in determiningthe local tax burden. Property taxes are the most important revenuesource which municipalities in the Netherlands can decide uponthemselves. Using a new data set on Dutch local property taxes in1996, it is concluded that municipalities with a council dominatedby left wing parties have a higher tax burden. We also find thatlarger coalitions have lower levels of taxation. Finally, taxexporting increases tax rates.},
  annotation   = {Partisanship.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1005123208352},
}

@Article{Allison1969,
  author       = {Allison,Graham T.},
  date         = {1969},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Conceptual Models and the {Cuba}n Missile Crisis},
  doi          = {10.2307/1954423},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {689--718},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {The Cuban missile crisis is a seminal event. For thirteen days of October 1962, there was a higher probability that more human lives would end suddenly than ever before in history. Had the worst occurred, the death of 100 million Americans, over 100 million Russians, and millions of Europeans as well would make previous natural calamities and inhumanities appear insignificant. Given the probability of disaster --- which President Kennedy estimated as between 1 out of 3 and even --- our escape seems awesome. This event symbolizes a central, if only partially thinkable, fact about our existence. That such consequences could follow from the choices and actions of national governments obliges students of government as well as participants in governance to think hard about these problems.Improved understanding of this crisis depends in part on more information and more probing analyses of available evidence. To contribute to these efforts is part of the purpose of this study. But here the missile crisis serves primarily as grist for a more general investigation. This study proceeds from the premise that marked improvement in our understanding of such events depends critically on more self-consciousness about what observers bring to the analysis. What each analyst sees and judges to be important is a function not only of the evidence about what happened but also of the ``conceptual lenses'' through which he looks at the evidence. The principal purpose of this essay is to explore some of the fundamental assumptions and categories employed by analysts in thinking about problems of governmental behavior, especially in foreign and military affairs.},
}

@Article{Allison1978,
  author       = {Allison, Paul D.},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Measures of Inequality},
  doi          = {10.2307/2094626},
  issn         = {0003-1224},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {865--880},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Although measures of inequality are increasingly used to compare nations, cities, and other social units, the properties of alternative measures have received little attention in the sociological literature. This paper considers both theoretical and methodological implications of several common measures of inequality. The Gini index is found to satisfy the basic criteria of scale invariance and the principle of transfers, but two other measures--the coefficent of variation and Theil's measure--are usually preferable. While none of these measures is strictly appropriate for interval-level data, valid comparisons can be made in special circumstances. The social welfare function is considered as an alternative approach for developing measures of inequality, and methods of estimation, testing, and decomposition are presented.},
  month        = dec,
  publisher    = {American Sociological Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.20},
}

@Article{Allison1990,
  author       = {Allison, Paul D.},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methodology},
  title        = {Change Scores as Dependent Variables in Regression Analysis},
  pages        = {93{--}114},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {Change scores have been widely criticized for their purported unreliability and for their sensitivity to regression toward the mean. These objections are shown to be unfounded under a plausible regression model for the nonequivalent control group design. This model leads to inferences that are intuitively correct, as judged by changes in means over time, while the conventional model leads to inferences that are intuitively false. Moreover, the conventional model implies that regression toward the mean within groups leads to regression toward the mean between groups, an implausible result for naturally occurring groups. Nevertheless, the conventional model may be more appropriate when there is a true causal effect of the pretest on the posttest, or when cases are assigned to groups on the basis of their pretest scores.},
}

@Article{Allison1999,
  author       = {Allison, Paul D.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  title        = {Comparing Logit and Probit Coefficients Across Groups},
  doi          = {10.1177/0049124199028002003},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {186--208},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {In logit and probit regression analysis, a common practice is to estimate separate models for two or more groups and then compare coefficients across groups. An equivalent method is to test for interactions between particular predictors and dummy (indicator) variables representing the groups. Both methods may lead to invalid conclusions if residual variation differs across groups. New tests are proposed that adjust for unequal residual variation.},
}

@Article{AllmendingerLeibfried2003,
  Title                    = {Education and the welfare state: the four worlds of competence production},
  Author                   = {Allmendinger, Jutta and Leibfried, Stephan},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928703013001047},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--81},
  Volume                   = {13}
}

@Article{AllsoppVines2000,
  Title                    = {The Assessment: Macroeconomic Plicy},
  Author                   = {Allsopp, Christopher and Vines, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/oxrep/16.4.1},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1{--}32},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This paper describes the emerging consensus about the 'reaction function' approach to macroeconomic policy. The first section of the paper describes the historical emergence of this consensus, as a synthesis of pre-Keynesian, Keynesian, and monetarist ideas. The theoretical part of the paper presents the basic framework of the approach and explains a number of extensions, including: finding the optimal reaction function, avoiding the problem of inflation bias, the relevance of the Taylor rule, forward-looking expectations, extensions to the open economy, and the interconnections between monetary and fiscal policy. The later parts of the paper contain a detailed discussion of some of the practical and institutional issues involved in the implementation of this new framework.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/16.4.1}
}

@Article{Almond1988,
  author       = {Almond, Gabriel A.},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Return to the State},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {853{--}874},
  volume       = {82},
  abstract     = {Three important questions are raised by the @'return to the state@' movement of recent years. First, are the pluralist, structural functionalist, and Marxist literatures of political science societally reductionist, as this movement contends? Second, does the neostatist paradigm remedy these defects and provide a superior analytical model? Third, regardless of the substantive merits of these arguments, are there heuristic benefits flowing from this critique of the literature? Examination of the evidence leads to a rejection of the first two criticisms. The answer to the third question is more complex. There is merit to the argument that administrative and institutional history has been neglected in the political science of the last decades. This is hardly a @'paradigmatic shift@'; and it has been purchased at the exorbitant price of encouraging a generation of graduate students to reject their professional history and to engage in vague conceptualization.},
}

@Book{AlmondVerba1963,
  Title                    = {The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations},
  Author                   = {Almond, Gabriel A. and Verba, Sidney},
  Date                     = {1963},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Incollection{Alt2002,
  Title                    = {Comparative Political Economy: Credibility, Accountability, and Institutions},
  Author                   = {Alt, James E.},
  Booktitle                = {Political Science: State of the Discipline},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Ira Katznelson and Helen Milner},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Pages                    = {147{--}171},
  Publisher                = {W. W. Norton \& Company}
}

@Book{Alt1979,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Economic Decline: Economic Management and Political Behaviour in {Britain} Since 1964},
  Author                   = {James E. Alt},
  Date                     = {1979},
  ISBN                     = {052122327X},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{AltGilligan1994,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Trading States: Factor Specificity, Collective Action Problems and Domestic Political Institutions},
  Author                   = {Alt, James E. and Gilligan, Michael},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.1994.tb00020.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9760},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--192},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Unpublished{AltIversen2014,
  Title                    = {Inequality, Labor Market Segmentation, and Preferences for Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Alt, James E. and Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August 2014.},
  Url                      = {http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2478845},
  Urldate                  = {2014-01-15}
}

@Article{AltIversen2017,
  author       = {Alt, James E. and Iversen, Torben},
  title        = {Inequality, Labor Market Segmentation, and Preferences for Redistribution},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--36},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12264},
  abstract     = {We formalize and examine two overlapping models that show how rising inequality combined with ethnic and racial heterogeneity can explain why many advanced industrial countries have experienced a drop in support for redistribution as inequality has risen. One model, based on altruism and homophily, focuses on the effect of increasing ``social distance'' between the poor and the middle class, especially when minorities are increasingly overrepresented among the very poor. The other, based on self-interest, combines an ``insurance'' model of preferences for redistribution with increasingly segmented labor markets, in which immigration of workers without recognized skills leaves most native workers better off but intensifies competition for low-end jobs. Empirically, when we estimate parameters from the two models using data from multiple waves of ISSP surveys, we find that labor market segmentation, previously omitted in this literature, has more consistent effects than social distance.},
}

@Article{AltLassen2006,
  Title                    = {Transparency, Political Polarization, and Political Budget Cycles in OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Alt, James E. and Lassen, David Dreyer},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {530--550},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the effects of fiscal transparency and political polarization on the prevalence of electoral cycles in fiscal balance. While some recent political economy literature on electoral cycles identifies such cycles mainly in weak and recent democracies, in contrast we show, conditioning on a new index of institutional fiscal transparency, that electoral cycles in fiscal balance are a feature of many advanced industrialized economies. Using a sample of 19 OECD countries in the 1990s, we identify a persistent pattern of electoral cycles in low(er) transparency countries, while no such cycles can be observed in high(er) transparency countries. Furthermore, we find, in accordance with recent theory, that electoral cycles are larger in politically more polarized countries.}
}

@Article{AltLassen2006a,
  Title                    = {Fiscal transparency, political parties, and debt in OECD countries},
  Author                   = {Alt, James E. and Lassen, David Dreyer},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2005.04.001},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1403{--}1439},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {Many believe and argue that fiscal, or budgetary, transparency has large, positive effects on fiscal performance. However, the evidence linking transparency and fiscal policy outcomes is less compelling. To analyze the effects of fiscal transparency on public debt accumulation, we present a career-concerns model with political parties. This allows us to integrate as implications of a single model three hitherto-separate results in the literature on deficit and debt accumulation: that transparency decreases debt accumulation (at least by reducing an electoral cycle in deficits), that right-wing governments (at least for strategic reasons) tend to have higher deficits than left-wing governments, and that increasing political polarization increases debt accumulation. To test the predictions of the model, we construct a replicable index of fiscal transparency on 19-country OECD data. Simultaneous estimates of debt and transparency strongly confirm that a higher degree of fiscal transparency is associated with lower public debt and deficits, independent of controls for explanatory variables from other approaches.}
}

@Article{AltEtAl2016,
  author       = {Alt, James E. and Lassen, David Dreyer and Marshall, John},
  title        = {Credible Sources and Sophisticated Voters: When Does New Information Induce Economic Voting?},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {78},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {327-342},
  doi          = {10.1086/683832},
  abstract     = {When does new economic information cause voters to reevaluate the government's competence and ultimately vote economically? Since politically relevant information is often conveyed by actors with incentives to influence voter perceptions, the credibility of information sources can vary significantly. This article randomly varies whether voters receive an aggregate unemployment forecast from the central bank, government or main opposition party using a survey experiment in Denmark linked to detailed panel data. We find that politically sophisticated voters discern differences in institutional credibility and the political cost of the signal and update their unemployment expectations accordingly. Despite failing to differentiate political costs, unsophisticated voters still substantially update their expectations. However, while sophisticated voters intend to engage in substantial prospective economic voting, unsophisticated voters do not relate their new unemployment expectations to their vote intention. These findings suggest that economic information supports economic voting most when it is credible and reaches sophisticated voters.},
}

@Incollection{AltRose2007,
  Title                    = {Context-Conditional Political Budget Cycles},
  Author                   = {Alt, James E. and Rose, Shanna S.},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes},
  Chapter                  = {34},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate electorally-induced fluctuations in spending with two questions in mind: {\textquotedblleft}Under what circumstances is it more feasible? Under what circumstances is it more desirable?{\textquotedblright} Using data on the US states, we find a clear effect of balanced budget laws: states that restrict politicians{\textquoteright} ability to issue debt to cover spending shortfalls simply do not exhibit political budget cycles. The probability of re-election also is important: the expected closeness of the upcoming election, measured by moderate levels of gubernatorial job approval, is associated with larger pre-election surges in spending. Low newspaper circulation is also associated with substantially larger budget cycles. Other results (divided government, transparency) did not come out clearly, as they had in some cross-national studies.}
}

@Article{Alter1998,
  author       = {Alter, Karen J.},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Who are the `Masters of the Treaty'?: {Europe}an Governments and the {Europe}an Court of Justice},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {121--147},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {To what extent can the European Court of Justice, an international court, make decisions that go against the interests of European Union member states? Neofunctionalist accounts imply that because the Court is a legal body it has vast political autonomy from the member states, whereas neorealist accounts imply that because member states can sanction the ECJ, the Court has no significant political autonomy. Neither theory can explain why the Court, which was once politically weak and did not stray far from the interests of European governments, now boldly rules against their interests. In explaining how the Court escaped member state control, this article develops a general hypothesis of the autonomy of the ECJ, focusing on how differing time horizons of political and judicial actors, support for the Court within the national judiciaries, and decision-making rules at the supranational level limit the member states' ability to control the Court.},
}

@Article{Alter2000,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Union's Legal System and Domestic Policy: Spillover or Backlash?},
  Author                   = {Alter, Karen J.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {489{--}518},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Under what conditions do domestic actors use international legal mechanisms to influence domestic policy? Drawing on the European case, where legalization has progressed the furthest, I develop a generalizable framework for explaining variation in the use of the European Union's legal system by domestic actors to influence national policy. Four steps are involved in using the European legal process to pressure for policy change: (1) there must be a point of European law that creates legal standing and promotes the litigant's objectives; (2) litigants must embrace this law, adopting a litigation strategy; (3) a national court must refer the case to the European Court of Justice or apply ECJ jurisprudence; and (4) domestic actors must follow through on the legal victory to pressure national governments. Different factors influence each step, creating cross-national and cross-issue variation in the influence of EU law on national policy. Raising a significant challenge to neofunctionalist theory, I argue that negative interactive effects across the four steps and backlash created by the success of integration can stop or even reverse the expansionary dynamic of the legal process. I conclude by exploring the generalizability of this framework to other international contexts.}
}

@Article{AlterHelfer2010,
  Title                    = {Nature or Nurture? Judicial Lawmaking in the {Europe}an Court of Justice and the Andean Tribunal of Justice},
  Author                   = {Alter,Karen J. and Helfer,Laurence R.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818310000238},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {563--592},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {Are international courts power-seeking by nature, expanding the reach and scope of international rules and the courts' authority where permissive conditions allow? Or, does expansionist lawmaking require special nurturing? We investigate the relative influences of nature versus nurture by comparing expansionist lawmaking in the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Andean Tribunal of Justice (ATJ), the ECJ's jurisdictional cousin and the third most active international court. We argue that international judges are more likely to become expansionist lawmakers where they are supported by substate interlocutors and compliance constituencies, including government officials, advocacy networks, national judges, and administrative agencies. This comparison of two structurally identical international courts calls into question prevailing explanations of ECJ lawmaking, and it suggests that prevailing scholarship puts too much emphasis on the self-interested power-seeking of judges, the importance of institutional design features, and the preferences of governments to explain lawmaking by international courts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818310000238}
}

@Article{Altonji1995,
  author       = {Altonji, Joseph G.},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Human Resources},
  title        = {The Effects of High School Curriculum on Education and Labor Market Outcomes},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {409{--}438},
  volume       = {30},
  abstract     = {There is much public discussion but almost no evidence on the effects of high school curriculum on postsecondary education and on success in the labor market. I use the large variation in curriculum across U.S. high schools to identify the effects on wages and educational attainment of specific courses of study. The main finding is that the return to additional courses in academic subjects is small. One cannot account for the value of a year of high school with estimates of the value of the courses taken by the typical student during the year.},
}

@Online{AlvarezEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {World Top Incomes Database},
  Author                   = {Facundo Alvarez and Anthony B. Atkinson and Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://topincomes.g-mond.parisschoolofeconomics.eu/},
  Urldate                  = {2013-02-21}
}

@Book{Alvarez1999,
  Title                    = {Information and Elections},
  Author                   = {Alvarez, R. Michael},
  Date                     = {1999},
  ISBN                     = {9780472085750},
  Location                 = {Ann Arbor, MI},
  Publisher                = {University of Michigan Press},

  Abstract                 = {R. Michael Alvarez examines how voters make their decisions in presidential elections. He begins with the assumption that voters have neither the incentive nor the inclination to be well-informed about politics and presidential candidates. Candidates themselves have incentives to provide ambiguous information about themselves, their records and their issue positions. Yet the author shows that a tremendous amount of information is made available about presidential candidates. And he uncovers clear and striking evidence that people are not likely to vote for candidates about whom they know very little. Alvarez explores how voters learn about candidates through the course of a campaign. He provides a detailed analysis of the media coverage of presidential campaigns and shows that there is a tremendous amount of media coverage of these campaigns, that much of this coverage is about issues and is informative, and that voters learn from this coverage.}
}

@Article{AlvarezEtAl1991,
  Title                    = {Government Partisanship, Labor Organization, and Macroeconomic Performance},
  Author                   = {Alvarez, R. Michael and Garrett, Geoffrey and Lange, Peter},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {539--556},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {Governments of the Left and Right have distinct partisan economic policies and objectives that they would prefer to pursue. Their propensity to do so, however, is constrained by their desire for reelection. We argue that the ability of governments to further their partisan interests and preside over reelectable macroeconomic outcomes simultaneously is dependent on the organization of the domestic economy, particularly the labor movement. We hypothesize that there are two different paths to desirable macroeconomic performance. In countries with densely and centrally organized labor movements, leftist governments can promote economic growth and reduce inflation and unemployment. Conversely, in countries with weak labor movements, rightist governments can pursue their partisan-preferred macroeconomic strategies and achieve similarly beneficial macroeconomic outcomes. Performance will be poorer in other cases. These hypotheses are supported by analysis of pooled annual time series data for 16 advanced industrial democracies between 1967 and 1984.}
}

@Unpublished{AmableEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {How does Party Fractionalization convey Preferences for Redistribution in Parliamentary Democracies?},
  Author                   = {Amable, Bruno and Gatti, Donatella and Guillaud, Elvire},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Note                     = {Paris School of Economics Working Paper No. 2008-42},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, we highlight the link between the political demand and social policy outcome while taking into account the design of the party system. The political demand is measured by individual preferences and the design of the party system is defined as the extent of party fractionalization. This is, to our knowledge, the first attempt in the literature to empirically link the political demand and the policy outcome with the help of a direct measure of preferences. Moreover, we account for an additional channel, so far neglected in the literature: The composition effect of the demand. Indeed, the heterogeneity of the demand within countries, more than the level of the demand itself, is shown to have a positive impact on welfare state generosity. This impact increases with the degree of fractionalization of the party system. We run regressions on a sample of 18 OECD countries over 23 years, carefully dealing with the issues raised by the use of time-series cross-section data.}
}

@Article{AmableEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Welfare-State Retrenchment: The Partisan Effect Revisited},
  Author                   = {Amable, Bruno and Gatti, Donatella and Schumacher, Jan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/oxrep/grj025},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {426--444},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {This paper aims to shed light on the role of the {\textquoteleft}ideology{\textquoteright} of political parties in shaping the evolution of the welfare state in 18 developed democracies, by providing empirical findings on the determinants of social-programme entitlements and social spending over the period 1981{\textendash}99. The paper shows that structural change is a major determinant of the extent of social protection. Our results suggest that overall spending is driven up by structural change. On the other hand, strong structural change has a negative influence on welfare entitlements measured by the net rate of sickness insurance. Partisan influence plays an important role in the dynamics of the welfare state. Left-wing governments strengthen the positive effect of shocks on aggregate social expenditure, while right-wing governments undertake even stronger cutbacks in replacement rates as a reaction to structural change.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/grj025}
}

@Article{Ambler1985,
  author       = {Ambler, John S.},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {Neocorporatism and the Politics of French Education},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {23--42},
  volume       = {8},
  abstract     = {In a country where neocorporatist patterns are not well developed in the labour sector, the major French teachers' union, the Federation de l'Education Nationale (FEN), enjoys unusual advantages of mass membership, extensive delegated administrative powers and established access to a sympathetic government. And yet French education under socialist leadership has been marked by intense conflict. The experience of the FEN illustrates some of the conditions of neocorporatism. Hampered by its internal divisions over interests and ideology, by external competition from private schools and rival groups at the secondary and university levels, and by its own fears of co-optation, the FEN has been more effective at retarding than at shaping educational reform.},
}

@Article{Ambler1994,
  Title                    = {Who benefits from educational choice? some evidence from {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Ambler, John S.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3325386},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {454--476},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Evidence from Britain, France, and The Netherlands is examined to test the claim that educational choice enhances equality of opportunity by empowering parents of modest income. The European experience clearly suggests that, whatever its merits in other respects, educational choice tends to intensify class segregation through the effects of different preferences and information costs. Various means of moderating these effects are considered.},
  Publisher                = {Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company}
}

@Article{AmmermullerEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Schooling quality in Eastern {Europe}: Educational production during transition},
  Author                   = {Ammerm{\"u}ller, Andreas and Heijke, Hans and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Education Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2004.08.010},
  ISSN                     = {0272-7757},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {579--599},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses student-level Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) data to analyze the determinants of schooling quality for seven Eastern European transition countries by estimating educational production functions. The results show substantial effects of student background on educational performance and a much lower impact of resources and the institutional setting. Two different groups of countries emerge. For the first group that features high mean test scores and has progressed far in transition, large effects of family background on student performance and a higher spread of test scores illustrate the similarity to Western European schooling systems, the performance of which it surpasses. Schools of the second group produce instead a denser distribution of educational achievement, characteristic of communist societies.},
  Keywords                 = {Educational economics}
}

@Unpublished{AmmermullerPischke2006,
  Title                    = {Peer Effects in {Europe}an Primary Schools: Evidence from PIRLS},
  Author                   = {Ammerm{\"u}ller, Andreas and Pischke, J{\"o}rn-Steffen},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {ZEW Discussion Paper No. 06-027},

  Abstract                 = {We estimate peer effects for fourth graders in six European countries. The identification relies on variation across classes within schools. We argue that classes within primary schools are formed roughly randomly with respect to family background. Similar to previous studies, we find sizeable estimates of peer effects in standard OLS specifications. The size of the estimate is much reduced within schools. This could be explained either by selection into schools or by measurement error in the peer background variable. When we correct for measurement error we find within school estimates close to the original OLS estimates. Our results suggest that the peer effect is modestly large, measurement error is important in our survey data, and selection plays little role in biasing peer effects estimates. We find no significant evidence of non-linear peer effects.}
}

@Article{Anders2012,
  Title                    = {The Link between Household Income, University Applications and University Attendance},
  Author                   = {Anders, Jake},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2012.00158.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-5890},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {185--210},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Given the high returns to holding a degree, it is important to understand the relationship between household income and university entry in terms of the likely consequences for social mobility. This paper provides new evidence using the Longitudinal Study of Young People in England. I provide estimates of the income gradients in university participation overall and at a group of high-status institutions (the Russell Group). I also investigate the extent to which these gaps may be driven by discrimination against students from lower-income backgrounds by universities, by considering income gradients in applications. I find substantial differences in university entry overall and at Russell Group institutions between students from high- and low-income families. However, I show that most of the difference is driven by application decisions, particularly once I control for `ability' at age 11. This suggests that universities do not discriminate against students from poorer backgrounds. Instead, those students are less likely to apply. These findings suggest that policies aimed at reducing the university participation gap at the point of entry are likely to face small rewards. More likely to be successful are policies aimed at closing the substantial applications gap, particularly by ensuring that students from poorer backgrounds have the necessary qualifications to apply.},
  Keywords                 = {higher education, household income, socio-economic gradient, intergenerational mobility}
}

@Article{Andersen2008,
  Title                    = {Private Schools and the Parents that Choose Them: Empirical Evidence from the Danish School Voucher System},
  Author                   = {Andersen, Simon Calmar},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2008.00195.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {44{--}68},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {Research on the effect of school choice on student performance has generally been based on small-scale experiments or comparisons of Catholic and public schools in the United States. Recent studies indicate, however, that the market competition stemming from school vouchers does not affect all private schools equally. This study makes use of individual-level register data on the performance of more than 30,000 students in Denmark, where private schools have been voucher-financed for more than 100 years, while public schools are governed and financed by the politico-administrative system. Using an instrumental variable model to exclude selection effects, the results show no significant average effect of private schooling on final examination scores. However, a multilevel model shows that private schools of high socio-economic status perform better than similar public schools, while private schools of low socio-economic status under-perform - even for individual students with high socio-economic status. This indicates that the institutional setting of a voucher system is not enough to raise educational performance in general, arguably because some parents choose schools on the basis of non-academic criteria.}
}

@Article{AndersenSerritzlew2007,
  Title                    = {The Unintended Effects of Private School Competition},
  Author                   = {Andersen, Simon Calmar and Serritzlew, Sorren},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jopart/mul019},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {335--356},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {We examine whether competition from private schools improves public school performance and expenditure. It is difficult methodologically to isolate the effect of competition, but we use new measures of competition in both the public and the private school sector and a data set comprising detailed background information on more than 35,000 public school students in the Danish voucher system. This design provides a relatively firm support for the conclusion that competition does not improve achievement of public school students but that it increases public expenditure per student. Finally, we argue that there may be several good reasons for this.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/mul019}
}

@Book{Anderson1983,
  Title                    = {Imagined Communities},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Benedict},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Publisher                = {Verso Books}
}

@Article{Anderson2006,
  Title                    = {Economic Voting and Multilevel Governance: A Comparative Individual-Level Analysis},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Cameron D.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00194.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {449--463},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {An important component of incumbent support is the reward/punishment calculus of economic voting. Previous work has shown that ``clarity of responsibility'' within the central state government conditions national economic effects on incumbent vote choice: where clarity is high (low), economic effects are greater (less). This article advances the ``clarity of responsibility'' argument by considering the effect of multilevel governance on economic voting. In institutional contexts of multilevel governance, the process of correctly assigning responsibility for economic outcomes can be difficult. This article tests the proposition that multilevel governance mutes effects of national economic conditions by undermining responsibility linkages to the national government. Individual-level data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 1 are used to test this proposition. Results demonstrate that economic voting is weakest in countries where multilevel governance is most prominent. Findings are discussed in light of the contribution to the economic voting literature and the potential implications of multilevel governance.}
}

@Incollection{Anderson2007a,
  Title                    = {The Interaction of Structures and Voter Behavior},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J.},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Russell J. Dalton and Hans-Dieter Klingemann},
  Chapter                  = {31},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {589--609},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Anderson1995,
  Title                    = {The Dynamics of Public Support for Coalition Governments},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J.},
  Date                     = {1995-10-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414095028003002},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {350--383},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the relationship between economic conditions and party support for coalition parties in Denmark and the Netherlands. The article argues that the simple reward-punishment model cannot fully account for changes in citizens' support for parties, given variable economic performance. Using aggregate public support data for political parties, the article shows that citizens differentiate between coalition partners depending on the parties' issue priorities. Instead of blaming or rewarding all coalition parties in a uniform fashion, citizens shift support from one coalition party to another, depending on the perceived competence of a party to deal with particular economic problems. The article finds that the structure of responsibility in parliamentary democracies ruled by coalition governments is more complex than is often assumed. Therefore, it is argued that students of economics and public opinion should pay particular attention to the institutional context in which citizens make choices.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028003002}
}

@Article{Anderson2000,
  author       = {Anderson, Christopher J.},
  title        = {Economic voting and political context: a comparative perspective},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {19},
  number       = {2--3},
  pages        = {151--170},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00045-1},
  abstract     = {Based on individual-level survey data collected in 13 European democracies, this study analyzes three alternative ways of modeling how political context affects the relationship between economic perceptions and vote intention. The three approaches are (1) institutional clarity of responsibility; (2) governing party target size; and (3) clarity of available alternatives. The results reveal that political context interacts with economic perceptions to affect voting behavior. When the institutional context clarifies who is in charge of policymaking, when the target of credit and blame is large, and when citizens have fewer viable alternative choices, economic effects are stronger. Taken together, these findings suggest that voters' ability to express discontent with economic performance is enhanced when mechanisms of accountability are simple.},
  keywords     = {Economic voting},
}

@Article{Anderson2007,
  Title                    = {The End of Economic Voting? Contingency Dilemmas and the Limits of Democratic Accountability},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.050806.155344},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {271--296},
  Url                      = {http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/cja22/Anderson Annual Review 2007.pdf},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {The predominant normative justification for research on economic voting has been its essential role in shaping democratic accountability. A systematic examination of this literature reveals, however, that economic voting is highly contingent on two critical moderating factors: voters themselves and the political context in which they make judgments. The trend toward a better and more realistic understanding of economic voting produced by almost four decades of empirical research has created what I label ``contingency dilemmas'' for the field's normative foundations because economic voting does not function as envisioned by advocates of democratic accountability. This essay reviews these empirical findings and critically examines how they affect the economic voting paradigm. It argues that, when viewed from a normative perspective, contingent accountability is clearly problematic, and it calls for a reconsideration of the normative underpinnings of the economic voting paradigm in light of the current state o...},
  Keywords                 = {elections, representation, political economy, democratic theory, political behavior}
}

@Article{AndersonBeramendi2012,
  Title                    = {Left Parties, Poor Voters, and Electoral Participation in Advanced Industrial Societies},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J. and Beramendi, Pablo},
  Date                     = {2012-06-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414011427880},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {714--746},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Although income inequality is an important normative issue for students of democratic politics, little is known about its effects on citizens' electoral participation. The authors develop a formal model of the incentives for left parties to mobilize lower income voters. It posits that countries' income distributions and competition on the left provide different incentives for left parties to mobilize lower income voters. In the absence of political competition, higher levels of income inequality reduce the incentives of dominant left parties to target lower income voters. However, competition on the left creates incentives for a dominant left party to mobilize lower income voters, thus counteracting the negative impact of inequality on parties' incentives to target them. As a consequence, the negative association between inequality and turnout at the aggregate level is muted by the presence of several parties on the left side of the political spectrum. Using aggregate data on elections in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries between 1980 and 2002 and election surveys collected in the second wave of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project, the authors find strong and consistent support for their model.}
}

@Incollection{AndersonHecht2013,
  Title                    = {Crisis Of Confidence? The Dynamics of Economic Opinions During the Great Recession},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J. and Hecht, Jason D.},
  Booktitle                = {Mass Politics in Tough Times: Opinions, Votes, and Protest in the Great Recession},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Editor                   = {Nancy Bermeo and Larry M. Bartels},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {40--71},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},
  Url                      = {http://www.jasondhecht.com/uploads/2/1/6/0/21602382/anderson__hecht_crisis_of_confidence.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the dynamics of public opinion about the economy before, during, and after the Great Recession of 2008 across 11 European countries. Specifically, using monthly public opinion data, we develop a unique measure of country-level economic opinion using Stimson{\textquoteright}s dyad ratios algorithm. We use this measure to describe the nature of opinion change after the onset of turmoil in the global economy, and to investigate whether the nature of the change and the content of opinion were shaped by macro-level political and economic factors, including the size of welfare states. We find that despite heightened insecurity brought on by the crisis, Europeans reacted in a generally sensible manner in forming their opinions on the macroeconomy during the Great Recession. Our analysis reveals that changes in economic opinion reflect changes in the macroeconomy, with Europeans becoming even more responsive to macroeconomic outcomes after the onset of the crisis. This connection between the real and perceived economy appears to have been stronger in countries with less generous social safety nets. Countries with extensive welfare protections softened the blow dealt by the economic crisis, with respondents under generous social policy regimes displaying less sensitivity to shifts in the macroeconomy than those in countries with less robust social policy institutions. We conclude with a discussion that highlights the significance of mass publics not panicking in light of the troubling economic circumstances. Despite overwhelming negative attention directed at European economies during this period by both politicians and pundits, Europeans offered reasonable opinions on the economy, and corrected those opinions accurately once economic conditions began to improve.}
}

@Unpublished{AndersonHecht2011,
  Title                    = {Crisis Of Confidence? The Dynamics of Economic Opinions During the Great Recession},
  Author                   = {Christopher J. Anderson and Jason D. Hecht},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Note                     = {Paper presented to the conference on `Popular Reactions to the Economic Crisis', Nuffield College, Oxford University, June 24--26.}
}

@Article{AndersonHecht2012,
  Title                    = {Voting when the economy goes bad, everyone is in charge, and no one is to blame: The case of the 2009 German election},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J. and Hecht, Jason D.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--19},
  Url                      = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379411000655},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {The economy was a major issue in Germany's 2009 election. The global economic crisis did not spare Germany, whose economy is tightly integrated into the global economy. So when the German economy experienced a historical shock, did voters connect their views of the economy with their vote choice? Or did they, as some research has suggested, recognize Germany's dependence on global markets and cut the government slack, especially when the government consists of the country's two major parties? Using pre- and post-election panel surveys from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we investigate the weight that voters gave to the economy, relative to other considerations, when casting their ballot and whether governing parties were disproportionately judged based on the state of the economy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379411000655},
  Booktitle                = {Special Symposium: Germany's Federal Election September 2009},
  Keywords                 = {Germany, Economic voting, Elections, 2009 Bundestag election, Voter behavior}
}

@Article{AndersonPontusson2007,
  Title                    = {Workers, worries and welfare states: Social protection and job insecurity in 15 OECD countries},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J. and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00692.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {211--235},
  Url                      = {http://www.sociologia.unimib.it/DATA/Insegnamenti/13_3334/materiale/2.3. anderson-pontusson.pdf},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines a model of the domestic political economy of subjective employment insecurity in advanced industrial societies. Based on data on people's attitudes toward their job as well as levels of and kinds of social protection collected in 15 OECD countries, it shows that there are distinct manifestations of job insecurity that are affected differently by distinct aspects of social protection programs. While the analysis shows that social protection measures reduce employment insecurity, it also reveals that overall levels welfare state generosity do not have any systematic effect on whether workers feel secure. The article's findings suggest the need to decompose the different components of employment insecurity as well as disaggregate national systems of social protection when examining the impact of welfare states on job insecurity.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{AndersonSinger2008,
  Title                    = {The Sensitive Left and the Impervious Right},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Christopher J. and Singer, Matthew M.},
  Date                     = {2008-04-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414007313113},
  Number                   = {4-5},
  Pages                    = {564--599},
  Url                      = {http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/cja22/Anderson and Singer 2008 CPS.pdf},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Recent years have seen increased attention to integrating what we know about individual citizens with what we know about macro-level contexts that vary across countries. This article discusses the growing literature on how people's interpretations, opinions, and actions are shaped by variable contextual parameters and provides a novel substantive application. Using surveys conducted in 20 European democracies, the authors examine the effect of income inequality on people's attitudes about the functioning of the political system and trust in public institutions. They find that citizens in countries with higher levels of income inequality express more negative attitudes toward public institutions. Moreover, they show that the negative effect of inequality on attitudes toward the political system is particularly powerful among individuals on the political left. In contrast, inequality's negative effect on people's faith in the system is muted among those on the right.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{Anderson2001,
  author       = {Anderson, Karen M.},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {The Politics of Retrenchment in a Social Democratic Welfare State: Reform of Swedish Pensions and Unemployment Insurance},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414001034009005},
  number       = {9},
  pages        = {1063--1091},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {What explains the origins and pattern of retrenchment dynamics in Swedish old-age pensions and unemployment insurance during the 1990s? Although the economic crisis created pressure to scale back both programs, the author argues that retrenchment only occurred when and where the Social Democratic Party and some segments of the labor movement supported change. This finding suggests that the political importance of organized labor in retrenchment politics depends on the relationship between welfare-state programs and interest group structure. When interest group structure is characterized by solidaristic, centralized, encompassing organizations, the old class-based power resource model has more explanatory bite than Pierson's new politics of the welfare-state approach.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034009005},
}

@Article{Anderson2001a,
  author       = {Anderson, Lesley},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  title        = {A `Third Way' Towards Self-Governing Schools?: New Labour and Opting out},
  issn         = {0007-1005},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {56--70},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {This paper takes as its starting point the special provision made for grant maintained schools through the 1998 School Standards and Framework Act and suggests that the compromise it represented may be considered as an example of New Labour's Third Way in politics. The latter is discussed in terms of general and educational policies with specific regard to the characteristics of self-governing schools.},
}

@Book{Anderson1972,
  Title                    = {Health Care: Can There Be Equity? The {United States}, {Sweden}, and {England}},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Odin W.},
  Date                     = {1972},
  ISBN                     = {047102760X},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {John Wiley \& Sons}
}

@Incollection{AndersonBjorkman1980,
  Title                    = {Equity and Health Care: {Sweden}, {Britain} and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Anderson, Odin W and Bj{\"o}rkman, James Warner},
  Booktitle                = {The Shaping of the Swedish Health System},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Editor                   = {Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Nils Elvander},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {223--237},
  Publisher                = {Croom Held}
}

@Article{AndersonEtAl2002,
  author       = {Anderson, Simon P. and Goeree, Jacob K. and Holt, Charles A.},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Southern Economic Journal},
  title        = {The Logit Equilibrium: A Perspective on Intuitive Behavioral Anomalies},
  doi          = {10.2307/1061555},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--47},
  volume       = {69},
  abstract     = {This paper considers a class of models in which rank-based payoffs are sensitive to ``noise'' in decision making. Examples include auctions, price competition, coordination, and location games. Observed laboratory behavior in these games is often responsive to the asymmetric costs associated with deviations from the Nash equilibrium. These payoff-asymmetry effects are incorporated in an approach that introduces noisy behavior via a logit probabilistic choice function. In the resulting logit equilibrium, behavior is characterized by a probability distribution that satisfies a ``rational expectations'' consistency condition: The beliefs that determine players' expected payoffs match the decision distributions that arise from applying the logit rule to those expected payoffs. We prove existence of a unique, symmetric logit equilibrium and derive comparative statics results. The paper provides a unified perspective on many recent laboratory studies of games in which Nash equilibrium predictions are inconsistent w...},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1061555},
}

@Article{AnderssonNilsson2000,
  Title                    = {New Political Directions for the Swedish School},
  Author                   = {Andersson, Inger and Nilsson, Ingrid},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {155--162},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {In the Swedish school system new levels of governing are gaining ground at the expense of the old highly centralised state governing. Those new levels are on the one hand local and regional, on the other supranational and global. New governing mechanisms are also at stake: stronger parental influence, more liberal legislation for 'alternative' schools, a new virtual (and not controlled) curriculum and teachers' and pupils' exposure to the European Union's policy for work and education. We describe school policy and ideology for Sweden since the first legislation 1842 in three historical phases, and we focus particularly on the changes during the last two decades. Behind those changes we discern a new-liberal ideology and rhetoric, and also deep structural changes at European level. We argue that the new governing mechanisms probably will be more influential in the future, and that new connections and combinations between them will be possible.}
}

@Article{AndressHeien2001,
  Title                    = {Four Worlds of Welfare State Attitudes? A Comparison of {Germany}, {Norway}, and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Andre{\ss}, Hans-J{\"u}rgen and Heien, Thorsten},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/17.4.337},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {337--356},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the determinants of variations in welfare state attitudes between Germany, Norway, and the United States. Besides the influence of different `welfare regime types' as discussed by Esping-Andersen and others, compositional effects of individual variables measuring people's socio-economic interests and socialization experiences and the interaction of aggregate-level (welfare regime) and individual-level (individual variables) determinants of welfare state attitudes are considered. Using data from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), results of our analysis show that remarkable between-country differences in welfare state attitudes exist. Our results suggest that these differences have to be explained both in terms of overall country effects and of the influence of country-specific economic interests and socialization experiences.}
}

@Unpublished{AndreasenEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Sovereign Default},
  Author                   = {Andreasen, Eugenia and Sandleris, Guido and {Van der Ghote}, Alejandro},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = jul,
  Note                     = {Universidad Torcuato Di Tella Documento de Trabajo 07/2011},
  Url                      = {http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:udt:wpbsdt:2011-07&r=pol},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:udt:wpbsdt:2011-07&r=pol},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.14}
}

@Article{AndrewsEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Vertical Strategic Alignment and Public Service Performance},
  Author                   = {Andrews, Rhys and Boyne, George A. and Meier, Kenneth J. and O'Toole, Laurence J. and Walker, Richard M.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2011.01938.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77--98},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {We report the results of a study examining the effects of vertical strategic alignment (that is, the degree to which strategic stances are consistent across different organizational levels) on public service performance. Longitudinal multivariate analysis is undertaken on a panel of public organizations over four years. We find that alignment on a prospecting strategy leads to better performance, but that no such effect is observed for a defending strategy. We also find that high levels of prospecting alignment produce stronger positive performance effects in centralized organizations and when environmental uncertainty is high. The implications of these findings for research and practice are considered in the conclusion.}
}

@Article{AngelopoulosEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Does public sector efficiency matter?: Revisiting the relation between fiscal size and economic growth in a world sample},
  Author                   = {Angelopoulos, Konstantinos and Philippopoulos, Apostolis and Tsionas, Efthymios},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-008-9324-8},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {245--278},
  Volume                   = {137},

  Abstract                 = {This paper revisits the relationship between fiscal size and economic growth. Our work differs from the empirical growth literature because this relationship depends explicitly on the efficiency of the public sector. We use a sample of 64 countries, both developed and developing, in four five-year time periods between 1980 and 2000. Building on the work of Afonso et al. (2005), we construct a measure of public sector efficiency in each country and each time period by calculating an output-to-input ratio. In addition, we get an estimate of technical efficiency of public spending for 52 countries from 1995 to 2000 by employing a stochastic frontier analysis. Using these two measures, we find evidence of a non-monotonic relation between fiscal size and economic growth that depends critically on the size-efficiency mix.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-008-9324-8}
}

@Article{AngristEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Long-Term Educational Consequences of Secondary School Vouchers: Evidence from Administrative Records in {Colombia}},
  Author                   = {Angrist, Joshua and Bettinger, Eric and Kremer, Michael},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {847--862},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {Colombia's PACES program provided over 125,000 poor children with vouchers that covered the cost of private secondary school. The vouchers were renewable annually conditional on adequate academic progress. Since many vouchers were assigned by lottery, program effects can reliably be assessed by comparing lottery winners and losers. Estimates using administrative records suggest the PACES program increases secondary school completion rates by 15 to 20 percent. Correcting for the greater percentage of lottery winners taking college admissions tests, the program increased test scores by two-tenths of a standard deviation in the distribution of potential test scores.}
}

@Article{AngristKrueger2001,
  Title                    = {Instrumental Variables and the Search for Identification: From Supply and Demand to Natural Experiments},
  Author                   = {Angrist, Joshua D. and Krueger, Alan B.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {69{--}85},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Article{AngristLang2004,
  author       = {Angrist, Joshua D. and Lang, Kevin},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Does School Integration Generate Peer Effects? Evidence from Boston's Metco Program},
  doi          = {10.1257/0002828043052169},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1613--1634},
  volume       = {94},
  abstract     = {The Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity (Metco) is a desegregation program that sends students from Boston schools to more affluent suburbs. Metco increases the number of blacks and reduces test scores in receiving districts. School-level data for Massachusetts and micro data from a large district show no impact of Metco on the scores of white non-Metco students. But the micro estimates show some evidence of an effect on minority third graders, especially girls. Instrumental variables estimates for third graders are imprecise but generally in line with ordinary least squares estimates. Given the localized nature of these results, we conclude that peer effects from Metco are modest and short lived.},
}

@Article{AngristPischke2010,
  Title                    = {The Credibility Revolution in Empirical Economics: How Better Research Design Is Taking the Con out of Econometrics},
  Author                   = {Angrist, Joshua D. and Pischke, J{\"o}rn-Steffen},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.24.2.3},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {3--30},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{Annesley2007,
  Title                    = {Lisbon and social {Europe}: towards a {Europe}an `adult worker model' welfare system},
  Author                   = {Annesley, Claire},
  Date                     = {2007-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928707078363},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {195--205},
  Url                      = {http://esp.sagepub.com/content/17/3/195.abstract},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The Lisbon Process, launched in 2000 and relaunched in 2005, revived the debate about the existence of a European social model. This article argues that the Lisbon agenda presents a coherent vision of a social model which can be characterized as a Europe-wide Adult Worker Model (AWM). This is a system which assumes paid employment for all adults in order to secure their economic independence. The article identifies evidence of a development in this direction in the European Employment Strategy guidelines from 1997 through to the 2005 integrated macro-economic and employment guidelines. It concludes that this reorientation of the European social model is a vision of a supported AWM welfare system more akin to Sweden than the United States. However, the soft governance method used for social policy makes it vulnerable to changing political constellations in member states.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://esp.sagepub.com/content/17/3/195.abstract},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928707078363}
}

@Article{Anscombe1973,
  Title                    = {Graphs in Statistical Analysis},
  Author                   = {Anscombe, F.J.},
  Date                     = {1973},
  Journaltitle             = {The American Statistician},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {17--21},
  Volume                   = {27}
}

@Other{Ansell2005a,
  abstract   = {Most policymakers and economists agree that the quality of a nation{\textquoteright}s human capital stock is a chief determinant of economic growth. However, public spending on education also has serious implications for the future distribution of resources in society. This study examines how these distributional concerns are realized in the arena of party politics. Three key questions are explored. Firstly, whether left-wing parties spend absolutely greater amounts on public education than do right-wing parties. Secondly, whether leftwing parties also spend a greater relative proportion of the government budget on education. And thirdly, how the structure of electoral institutions impacts such partisan patterns. Using a panel dataset of OECD countries from 1960 to 2000 the study finds that not only do left-wing parties spend both absolutely and relatively larger amounts on public education but also that this pattern is amplified in majoritarian electoral systems, which produce volatile swings in education spending.},
  annotation = {Under review. Do not cite.},
  author     = {Ansell, Ben},
  date       = {2005},
  title      = {From the Ballot to the Blackboard},
}

@Article{Ansell2008,
  Title                    = {Traders, Teachers, and Tyrants: Democracy, Globalization, and Public Investment in Education},
  Author                   = {Ansell, Ben},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818308080107},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {289--322},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {This article develops a model of the redistributive political economy of education spending, focusing on the role of democracy and economic openness in determining the provision of education. I argue that democratization should be associated with higher levels of public education spending, lower private education spending, and a shift from tertiary education spending toward primary education spending. Furthermore, I argue that integration with the international economy should lead to higher public education spending, conditioned on regime type and income, and should push the balance between tertiary and primary education toward states' particular comparative advantages. These propositions are tested on a data set of more than one hundred states from 1960 to 2000, using a variety of panel data techniques, including instruments for democracy. The logic of the causal mechanism developed in the formal model is also tested on a number of case histories, including the Philippines, which shows great variation in democracy and openness, and India and Malaysia, which constitute unusual cases that lie ``off the diagonal'' of open democracies and autarkic autocracies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818308080107}
}

@Article{Ansell2008a,
  Title                    = {University Challenges: Explaining Institutional Change in Higher Education},
  Author                   = {Ansell, Ben},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {189--230},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Higher education policy has been subject to considerable reform in OECD states over the past two decades. Some states have introduced tuition fees, others have massively increased public funding for higher education, and still others remain in stasis, retaining the elitist model with which they began the postwar era. This article develops the argument that higher education policy in the OECD is driven by a set of partisan choices within a trilemma between the level of enrollment, the degree of subsidization, and the overall public cost of higher education. The author develops a formal model of the micromechanisms underlying movements within this trilemma, noting the importance of partisan politics, existing enrollment, tax structure, and access. These propositions are tested statistically on a sample of twenty-two OECD countries and through case histories of higher education reform in England, Sweden, and Germany.}
}

@Book{Ansell2010,
  Title                    = {From the Ballot to the Blackboard: The Redistributive Political Economy of Education},
  Author                   = {Ansell, Ben},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Collection{Wren2013,
  editor    = {Wren, Anne},
  title     = {The Political Economy of the Service Transition},
  date      = {2013},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  isbn      = {9780199657285},
  doi       = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199657285.001.0001},
}

@Article{AnsellLindvall2013,
  Title                    = {The Political Origins of Primary Education Systems: Ideology, Institutions, and Interdenominational Conflict in an Era of Nation-Building},
  Author                   = {Ansell, Ben and Lindvall, Johannes},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055413000257},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {505--522},
  Volume                   = {107},

  Abstract                 = {This paper is concerned with the development of national primary education regimes in Europe, North America, Latin America, Oceania, and Japan between 1870 and 1939. We examine why school systems varied between countries and over time, concentrating on three institutional dimensions: centralization, secularization, and subsidization. There were two paths to centralization: through liberal and social democratic governments in democracies, or through fascist and conservative parties in autocracies. We find that the secularization of public school systems can be explained by path-dependent state-church relationships (countries with established national churches were less likely to have secularized education systems) but also by partisan politics. Finally, we find that the provision of public funding to private providers of education, especially to private religious schools, can be seen as a solution to religious conflict, since such institutions were most common in countries where Catholicism was a significant but not entirely dominant religion.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{AnsellSamuels2010,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Democratization: A Contractarian Approach},
  Author                   = {Ansell, Ben and Samuels, David},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414010376915},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1543-1574},
  Url                      = {http://recursos.march.es/web/ceacs/actividades/pdf/Ansell.pdf},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars continue to grapple with the question of the relationship between economic development and democratization; prominent recent research has focused on the effects of economic inequality. Boix suggests that democratization is likelier when inequality is low, whereas Acemoglu and Robinson argue that democratization is likelier when inequality is at middling levels. Both assume that democratization is a function of autocratic elites' fear of the extent to which a future median voter would redistribute under different levels of inequality. Drawing on contractarian political theory, the authors suggest that democratization is instead a function of demands by rising economic groups for protection from the state. This alternative approach suggests that land and income inequality affect democratization differently: Autocracies with equal land distribution are indeed more likely to democratize, but contrary to the conventional wisdom, income inequality is more likely to promote democratization.}
}

@Book{AnsellSamuels2014,
  author    = {Ansell, Ben W. and Samuels, David J.},
  date      = {2014},
  title     = {Inequality and Democratization: An Elite-Competition Approach},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9780511843686},
  isbn      = {978-0-521-16879-3},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{AnsolabehereEtAl2006a,
  Title                    = {The Orientation of Newspaper Endorsements in U.S. Elections, 1940--2002},
  Author                   = {Ansolabehere, Stephen and Lessem, Rebecca and Snyder, James M., Jr.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00000009},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {393--404},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {We study newspaper endorsements in state and federal elections, using a new data set with two samples. One sample focuses on big-city newspapers in the United States from 1940 to 2002. A second sample examines 92 newspapers, representing all regions of the country, over the period 1986 to 2002. We document two important features of newspaper endorsements. First, newspapers have shifted from strongly favoring Republicans in the 1940s and 1950s, to dividing their editorial endorsements roughly equally between the parties. Today, Democratic candidates are about 10\% more likely to receive an endorsement than Republican candidates. Second, newspaper editorials have come to favor heavily those already in office. Incumbents today receive the endorsement about 90\% of the time. In the 1940s, incumbents received endorsements only about 60\% of the time.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00000009},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{AnsolabehereEtAl2014,
  author       = {Ansolabehere, Stephen and Meredith, Marc and Snowberg, Erik},
  title        = {Mecro-Economic Voting: Local Information and Micro-Perceptions of the Macro-Economy},
  journaltitle = {Economics \& Politics},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {3},
  month        = may,
  pages        = {380--410},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecpo.12040},
  abstract     = {We develop an incomplete-information theory of economic voting, where voters' perceptions of macro-economic performance are affected by economic conditions of people similar to themselves. Our theory alleviates two persistent issues in the literature: it shows how egotropic motivations can lead to behavior that appears sociotropic, and why relying exclusively on aggregate data may underestimate the amount of economic voting. We test our theory using both cross-sectional and time series data. We document new stylized facts in aggregate data: state-unemployment is robustly correlated with national economic evaluations and presidential support. A novel survey instrument that asks respondents their numerical assessment of the unemployment rate confirms that individuals' economic perceptions respond to the economic conditions of people similar to themselves. Further, these perceptions associate with individuals' vote choices.},
}

@Article{AnsolabehereEtAl2006,
  author       = {Ansolabehere, Stephen and Rodden, Jonathan and Snyder, Jr., James M.},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Purple {America}},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {97{--}118},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {America, we are told, is a nation divided. The cartographers who draw up the maps of U.S. election results have branded a new division in American politics: Republican red versus Democratic blue. What is the source of this division? Most observers point not to the bread-and-butter economic issues of the New Deal alignment but to a {\textquotedblleft}culture war.{\textquotedblright} In this paper, we draw on data from three decades of survey research to see how the electorate divides along economic and moral issues. While showing that moral values are not irrelevant, the survey data roundly reject the basic claims of the culture war thesis: that voters are polarized over moral issues, and this division maps onto important demographic categories like religious affiliation; that moral issues have more salience or weight in the minds of voters than economic issues; and that this division accounts for red and blue cartography (because red-state voters are moral conservatives who vote on moral issues without regard for their economic interests or preferences.) We put issue cleavages and electoral maps into historical perspective and demonstrate that over the course of the twentieth century there has been a noteworthy political convergence between the states. Compared to the past, the political geography of the United States today is purple.},
}

@Article{AnsolabehereEtAl2008,
  author       = {Ansolabehere, Stephen and Rodden, Jonathan and Snyder, Jr., James M.},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Strength of Issues: Using Multiple Measures to Gauge Preference Stability, Ideological Constraint, and Issue Voting},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055408080210},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {215{--}232},
  volume       = {102},
  abstract     = {A venerable supposition of American survey research is that the vast majority of voters have incoherent and unstable preferences about political issues, which in turn have little impact on vote choice. We demonstrate that these findings are manifestations of measurement error associated with individual survey items. First, we show that averaging a large number of survey items on the same broadly defined issue areaeliminates a large amount of measurement error and reveals issue preferences that are well structured and stable. This stability increases steadily as the number of survey items increases and can approach that of party identification. Second, we show that once measurement error has been reduced through the use of multiple measures, issue preferences have much greater explanatory power in models of presidential vote choice, again approaching that of party identification.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055408080210},
}

@Article{AnthonsenLindvall2009,
  Title                    = {Party Competition and the Resilience of Corporatism},
  Author                   = {Anthonsen, Mette and Lindvall, Johannes},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01281.x},
  ISSN                     = {1477-7053},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--187},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that after the Golden Age of capitalism, corporatist methods of policy-making have come to depend on specific modes of party competition. In contrast to previous studies of corporatism, which have argued that corporatism depends on strong social democratic parties, this article suggests that the competition between well-defined left-wing and right-wing `blocs' has become detrimental to corporatism. In countries with mixed governments or traditions of power-sharing, on the other hand, corporatism thrives. These conclusions are based on a comparison of four traditionally corporatist countries --- Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland --- from the early 1970s to the late 1990s.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01281.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{AnthonsenEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Social democrats, unions and corporatism: {Denmark} and {Sweden} compared},
  Author                   = {Anthonsen, Mette and Lindvall, Johannes and Schmidt-Hansen, Ulrich},
  Date                     = {2010-06-11},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068810365504},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {A number of recent studies have documented weakening ties between social democratic parties and trade unions. This article is concerned with the effects of weakening party--union ties on policymaking. In many classic studies of corporatism it has been argued that this mode of policymaking depends on strong ties between social democratic parties and trade unions. In this article, we argue, in contrast, that strong party--union ties are potentially detrimental to corporatism, because in a polarized political environment unions may be tempted to exert political influence via political allies instead of bargaining with their counterparts. In order to evaluate this argument empirically, we present a detailed analysis of two countries with strong corporatist traditions (Denmark and Sweden) from the 1970s to the 1990s.}
}

@Article{Antoninis2001,
  author       = {Antoninis, Manos and Tsakloglou, Panos},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Education Economics},
  title        = {Who Benefits from Public Education in {Greece}? Evidence and Policy Implications},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {197--222},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the distributional impact of public education in Greece using the micro-data of the 1993/94 Household Budget Survey. The aggregate distributional impact of public education is found to be progressive although the incidence varies according to the level of education under examination. In-kind transfers of education services in the fields of primary and secondary education lead to a considerable decline in inequality, whereas the distributional impact of tertiary education transfers is found to be regressive. The overall progressivity of public education transfers declined between 1988 and 1994, and almost the entire decline is driven by changes in the progressivity of tertiary education transfers. The main policy implications of the findings are outlined in the concluding section.},
  annotation   = {Earlier version available at http://www.etla.fi/PURE/Antoninis\&Tsakloglou.pdf},
}

@Article{Anzia2011,
  Title                    = {Election Timing and the Electoral Influence of Interest Groups},
  Author                   = {Anzia, Sarah F.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381611000028},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {412--427},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {It is an established fact that off-cycle elections attract lower voter turnout than on-cycle elections. I argue that the decrease in turnout that accompanies off-cycle election timing creates a strategic opportunity for organized interest groups. Members of interest groups with a large stake in an election outcome turn out at high rates regardless of election timing, and their efforts to mobilize and persuade voters have a greater impact when turnout is low. Consequently, policy made by officials elected in off-cycle elections should be more favorable to the dominant interest group in a polity than policy made by officials elected in on-cycle elections. I test this theory using data on school district elections in the United States, in which teacher unions are the dominant interest group. I find that districts with off-cycle elections pay experienced teachers over 3\% more than districts that hold on-cycle elections.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2013.03.05}
}

@Article{Anzia2012,
  Title                    = {Partisan Power Play: The Origins of Local Election Timing as an {America}n Political Institution},
  Author                   = {Anzia, Sarah F.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in American Political Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0898588X11000149},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {24--49},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Eighty percent of American cities today hold their general elections on different days than state and national elections. It is an established fact that voter turnout in these off-cycle local elections is far lower than turnout in local elections held concurrently with state and national elections. In this paper, I demonstrate that the timing of city elections has been an important determinant of voter turnout since before the Civil War. By examining three large American cities over the course of the nineteenth century, I find that American political parties regularly manipulated the timing of city elections to secure an edge over their rivals. I show that the decisions to change the election dates of these cities were contentious, partisan, and motivated by an expectation of subsequent electoral gain. The Progressive municipal reformers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries continued in this tradition when they separated city elections from state and national elections, and the local election schedule they implemented has largely persisted until today.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2013.03.05}
}

@Article{AppelbaumSchettkat1999,
  Title                    = {Are Prices Unimportant? The Changing Structure of the Industrialized Economies},
  Author                   = {Appelbaum, Eileen and Schettkat, Ronald},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Post Keynesian Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {387{--}398},
  Volume                   = {21}
}

@Article{Apple2004,
  author       = {Apple, Michael W.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Educational Policy},
  title        = {Creating Difference: Neo-Liberalism, Neo-Conservatism and the Politics of Educational Reform},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {12--44},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {This article raises questions about current educational reform efforts now underway in a number of nations. Research from a number of countries is used to document some of the hidden differential effects of two connected strategies --- neo-liberal inspired market proposals and neo-liberal, neo-conservative, and middle class managerial inspired regulatory proposals, including national curricula and national testing. This article describes how different interests with different educational and social visions compete for dominion in the social field of power surrounding educational policy and practice. In the process, it documents some of the complexities and imbalances in this field of power. These complexities and imbalances result in "thin" rather than "thick" morality and tend toward the reproduction of both dominant pedagogical and curricular forms and ideologies and the social privileges that accompany them.},
}

@Unpublished{ArcaleanEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Public Budget Composition, Fiscal (De)Centralization and Welfare},
  Author                   = {Arcalean, Calin and Glomm, Gerhard and Schiopu, Ioana and Suedekum, Jens},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {IZA Discussion Paper No. 2626},

  Abstract                 = {We present a dynamic two-region model with overlapping generations. There are two types of public expenditure, education and infrastructure funding, and governments decide optimally on budget size (tax rate) and its allocation across the two outlays. Productivity of government infrastructure spending can differ across regions. This assumption follows well established empirical evidence, and highlights regional heterogeneity in a previously unexplored dimension. We study the implications of three different fiscal regimes for capital accumulation and aggregate national welfare. Full centralization of revenue and expenditure decisions is the optimal fiscal arrangement for the country when infrastructure spending productivity is similar across regions. When regional differences exist but are not too large, the partial centralization regime is optimal where the federal government sets a common tax rate, but allows the regional governments to decide on the budget composition. Only when the differences are sufficiently large does full decentralization become the optimal regime. National steady state output is instead highest when the economy is decentralized. This result is consistent with the {\textquotedblleft}Oates conjecture{\textquotedblright} that fiscal decentralization increases capital accumulation. However, in terms of welfare this result can be reversed.}
}

@Article{ArceneauxEtAl2016,
  Title                    = {The Influence of News Media on Political Elites: Investigating Strategic Responsiveness in Congress},
  Author                   = {Arceneaux, Kevin and Johnson, Martin and Lindst{\"a}dt, Ren{\'e} and Wielen, Ryan J. Vander},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12171},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--29},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {News media play a central role in democratic politics, yet we know little about how media affect the behavior of policy makers. To understand the conditions under which news media influence political elites, we advance a theory of strategic responsiveness, which contends that elected representatives are more likely to heed their constituents' preferences when voters are attentive. Accordingly, news media's influence on legislative behavior should be most apparent near elections and dependent on the partisan composition of the constituency. We capitalize on the incremental rollout of the conservative Fox News Channel in the late 1990s to evaluate our theoretical predictions. Fox News caused both Republicans and Democrats in Congress to increase support for the Republican Party position on divisive votes, but only in the waning months of the election cycle and among those members who represent districts with a sizable portion of Republican voters.}
}

@Article{ArceneauxNickerson2009,
  author       = {Arceneaux, Kevin and Nickerson, David W.},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {Modeling Certainty with Clustered Data: A Comparison of Methods},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpp004},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {177{--}190},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {Political scientists often analyze data in which the observational units are clustered into politically or socially meaningful groups with an interest in estimating the effects that group-level factors have on individual-level behavior. Even in the presence of low levels of intracluster correlation, it is well known among statisticians that ignoring the clustered nature of such data overstates the precision estimates for group-level effects. Although a number of methods that account for clustering are available, their precision estimates are poorly understood, making it difficult for researchers to choose among approaches. In this paper, we explicate and compare commonly used methods (clustered robust standard errors (SEs), random effects, hierarchical linear model, and aggregated ordinary least squares) of estimating the SEs for group-level effects. We demonstrate analytically and with the help of empirical examples that under ideal conditions there is no meaningful difference in the SEs generated by these methods. We conclude with advice on the ways in which analysts can increase the efficiency of clustered designs.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp004},
}

@Article{ArdanazEtAl2013,
  author       = {Ardanaz, Martin and Murillo, M. Victoria and Pinto, Pablo M.},
  date         = {2013-04},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Sensitivity to Issue Framing on Trade Policy Preferences: Evidence from a Survey Experiment},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818313000076},
  issn         = {1531-5088},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {411--437},
  volume       = {67},
  numpages     = {27},
}

@Article{ArellanoEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The dynamic implications of foreign aid and its variability},
  Author                   = {Arellano, Cristina and Bul\'{\i}\u{r}, Ale\u{s} and Lane, Timothy and Lipschitz, Leslie},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jdeveco.2008.01.005},
  ISSN                     = {0304-3878},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {87--102},
  Url                      = {http://www.econ.umn.edu/~arellano/aidpaper.pdf},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines the effects of aid and its volatility on consumption, investment, and the structure of production in the context of an intertemporal two-sector general equilibrium model, calibrated using data for aid-dependent countries in Africa. A permanent flow of aid mainly finances consumption rather than investmentconsistent with the historical failure of aid inflows to translate into sustained growth. Large aid flows are associated with higher real exchange rates and smaller tradable sectors because aid is a substitute for tradable consumption. Aid volatility results in substantial welfare losses, providing a motivation for recent discussions of aid architecture stressing the need for greater predictability of aid. These results are also consistent with evidence from cross-country regressions of manufactured exports, presented later in the paper.},
  Keywords                 = {C68, F35, F41, Real business cycle, General equilibrium, Aid, Transfer problem}
}

@Article{ArellanoBond1991,
  Title                    = {Some Tests of Specification for Panel Data: {Monte Carlo} Evidence and an Application to Employment Equations},
  Author                   = {Arellano, Manuel and Bond, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2297968},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {277--297},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents specification tests that are applicable after estimating a dynamic model from panel data by the generalized method of moments (GMM), and studies the practical performance of these procedures using both generated and real data. Our GMM estimator optimally exploits all the linear moment restrictions that follow from the assumption of no serial correlation in the errors, in an equation which contains individual effects, lagged dependent variables and no strictly exogenous variables. We propose a test of serial correlation based on the GMM residuals and compare this with Sargan tests of over-identifying restrictions and Hausman specification tests.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2297968}
}

@Article{ArellanoBover1995,
  Title                    = {Another look at the instrumental variable estimation of error-components models},
  Author                   = {Arellano, Manuel and Bover, Olympia},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Econometrics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {29--51},
  Volume                   = {68}
}

@Unpublished{ArigaEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {On the Efficiency Costs of De-tracking Secondary Schools},
  Author                   = {Ariga, Kenn and Brunello, Giorgio and Iwahashi, Roki and Rocco, Lorenzo},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {Collegio Carlo Alberto Working Paper No.35.},

  Abstract                 = {During the postwar period, many countries have de-tracked their secondary schools, based on the view that early tracking was unfair. What are the efficiency costs, if any, of de-tracking schools? To answer this question, we develop a two skills - two jobs model with a frictional labour market, where new school graduates need to actively search for their best match. We compute optimal tracking length and the output gain/loss associated to the gap between actual and optimal tracking length. Using a sample of 18 countries, we find that: a) actual tracking length is often longer than optimal, which might call for some efficient de-tracking; b) the output loss of having a tracking length longer or shorter than optimal is sizeable, and close to 2 percent of total net output.}
}

@Article{Armingeon2002,
  Title                    = {The effects of negotiation democracy: A comparative analysis},
  Author                   = {Armingeon, Klaus},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00004},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {81--105},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {To what extent are variations in public attitudes and outcomes of social/economic policies caused by institutions like consociational democracy, corporatism and regimes of veto players? In dealing with this question, this paper starts from a critical review of Arend Lijphart's argument in Patterns of Democracy that consensus democracies are better, kinder and gentler democracies. I agree that consociational democracy, corporatism, and regimes with veto players have different effects on attitudes and policy outcomes - even after controlling for effects of political power distribution, as well as domestic and international contexts of policymaking. However, consociational democracy is not a 'better, gentler and kinder' democracy, though neither is it worse than majoritarian democracy in governing societies. Corporatism is efficient in reducing unemployment and inflation, and in expanding public receipts and the reach of the welfare state. Finally, regimes of veto players constrain expansion of public receipts. This analysis is based on data covering 22 OECD countries, 1971-1996.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00004}
}

@Article{Armingeon2012,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Fiscal Responses to the Crisis of 2008--2009},
  Author                   = {Armingeon, Klaus},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2012.01594.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0491},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {543--565},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The national fiscal responses to the economic crisis of 2008/2009 varied considerably. Some countries reacted with a strong demand stimulus, others intended to slash public expenditures, while a third group pursued mildly expansionary policies. There are strong reasons for governments to pursue a mildly expansionary policy. If governments depart from this default strategy in favor of a significant counter-cyclical policy, they must be able to swiftly make decisions. Therefore, effective use of counter-cyclical policy will be unlikely in cases where lengthy negotiations or significant compromises between governing parties with different views on economic and fiscal policy are likely. Therefore, a major determinant of the expansionary strategy is a unified government, usually in form of a one-party government. If governments opt for pro-cyclical policy in a major economic crisis, they do so because they have few other viable options. In this situation they tend to shift blame to international organizations.}
}

@Misc{ArmingeonEtAl2012,
  author       = {Armingeon, Klaus and Careja, Romana and Weisstanner, David and Engler, Sarah and Potolidis, Panajotis and Gerber, Marl{\`e}ne},
  date         = {2012},
  title        = {Comparative Political Data Set III, 1990--2011},
  howpublished = {Institute of Political Science, University of Bern},
  location     = {Bern, Switzerland},
}

@Article{ArmingeonEtAl2016,
  author       = {Klaus Armingeon and Kai Guthmann and David Weisstanner},
  title        = {Choosing the path of austerity: how parties and policy coalitions influence welfare state retrenchment in periods of fiscal consolidation},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {39},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {628--647},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2015.1111072},
  abstract     = {What are the conditions under which some austerity programmes rely on substantial cuts to social spending? More specifically, do the partisan complexion and the type of government condition the extent to which austerity policies imply welfare state retrenchment? This article demonstrates that large budget consolidations tend to be associated with welfare state retrenchment. The findings support a partisan and a politico-institutionalist argument: (i) in periods of fiscal consolidation, welfare state retrenchment tends to be more pronounced under left-wing governments; (ii) since welfare state retrenchment is electorally and politically risky, it also tends to be more pronounced when pursued by a broad pro-reform coalition government. Therefore, the article shows that during budget consolidations implemented by left-wing broad coalition governments, welfare state retrenchment is greatest. Using long-run multipliers from autoregressive distributed lag models on 17 OECD countries during the 1982--2009 period, substantial support is found for these expectations.},
}

@Misc{ArmingeonEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Comparative Political Data Set 1960--2004},
  Author                   = {Armingeon, Klaus and Leimgruber, Philipp and Beyeler, Michelle and Menegale, Sarah},
  Date                     = {2007},
  HowPublished             = {Institute of Political Science, University of Bern},
  Location                 = {Bern, Switzerland},

  Abstract                 = {The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2004 is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects {\quotedblbase}Die Handlungs-spielr{\"a}ume des Nationalstaates{\textquotedblleft} and {\textquotedblleft}Critical junctures. An international comparison{\textquotedblright} directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. It consists of (mostly) annual data for 23 democratic countries for the period of 1960 to 2004. In the cases of Greece, Spain and Portugal, political data were collected only for the democratic periods [1] . The data set is suited for cross national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project, and are thus limited in scope. For a more in-depth source of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions can be added from the CD-ROM of the Data Handbook by Bernhard Ebbinghaus and Jelle Visser (Trade Unions in Western Europe since 1945 (The Societies of Europe). New York, Basingstoke, Oxford: Grove's Dictionaries, Macmillan, 2000). A few variables have been copied from a data set collected by E. Huber, Ch. Ragin, J. Stephens, D. Brady and J. Beckfield (2004), as well as from a data set collected by D. Quinn. We are grateful for the permission to include these data. In any work using data from this data set, please quote both the data set, and where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, Sarah Menegale. Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2004, Institute of Political Science, University of Berne 2006.}
}

@Article{ArmingeonSchaedel2015,
  author       = {Klaus Armingeon and Lisa Sch{\"a}del},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {Social Inequality in Political Participation: The Dark Sides of Individualisation},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2014.929341},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--27},
  volume       = {38},
  abstract     = {Has the participatory gap between social groups widened over the past decades? And if so, how can it be explained? Based on a re-analysis of 94 electoral surveys in eight Western European countries between 1956 and 2009, this article shows that the difference in national election turnout between the half of the population with the lowest level of education and the half with the highest has increased. It shows that individualisation ,Aei the decline of social integration and social control ,Aei is a major cause of this trend. In their electoral choices, citizens with fewer resources ,Aei in terms of education ,Aei rely more heavily on cues and social control of the social groups to which they belong. Once the ties to these groups loosen, these cues and mobilising norms are no longer as strong as they once were, resulting in an increasing abstention of the lower classes on Election Day. In contrast, citizens with abundant resources rely much less on cues and social control, and the process of individualisation impacts on their participatory behaviour to a much lesser extent. The article demonstrates this effect based on a re-analysis of five cumulative waves of the European Social Survey.},
}

@Article{ArmourEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Deconstructing Income and Income Inequality Measures: A Crosswalk from Market Income to Comprehensive Income},
  Author                   = {Armour, Philip and Burkhauser, Richard V. and Larrimore, Jeff},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.103.3.173},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {173--177},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {Recent research on levels and trends in the United States in income inequality vary substantially in how they measure income. We show the sensitivity of alternative income measures in capturing income trends using a unified data set. Focusing solely on market income or including realized taxable capital gains based on IRS tax return data in more comprehensive household income measures will dramatically increase inequality growth compared to capital gains measures more in keeping with Haig-Simons principles. Using a measure of yearly accrued capital gains dramatically reduces observed growth in income inequality across the distribution, but also equalizes income growth since 1989.}
}

@Unpublished{ArmstrongEtAl2007,
  author = {Armstrong, David A. and Duch, Raymond and Bakker, Ryan},
  date   = {2007},
  title  = {Estimating Uncertainty in Multi-level Models with Estimated Variables},
  note   = {Unpublished working paper, Department of Politics \& IR, University of Oxford},
}

@Article{ArnesenLundahl2006,
  Title                    = {Still Social and Democratic?: Inclusive Education Policies in the Nordic Welfare States},
  Author                   = {Arnesen, Anne-Lise and Lundahl, Lisbeth},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00313830600743316},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {285--300},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, education policy is analysed from a welfare state perspective. The aim is to analyse the significance attributed to social-inclusive aspects of education in contemporary education policies of the Nordic countries, and the extent to which education is regarded as an element in welfare policies. Four aspects are addressed: (1) access to education and measures to prevent social exclusion of young people, (2) comprehensiveness of education in terms of public/private, integration/segregation of e.g. minority children and children with special needs, (3) emphasis on democratic values and participation, (4) the importance of community and equality versus a focus on the individual. It is concluded that it is still justified to speak of the five Nordic countries as a rather distinct group. However, social-inclusive policies have also clearly been reformulated and delimited, related to a strengthening of the economic-utilitarian functions of education and a weakening of central education governance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313830600743316}
}

@Article{Arneson2013,
  Title                    = {The Enforcement of Morals Revisited},
  Author                   = {Arneson, Richard J.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Criminal Law and Philosophy},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11572-013-9240-y},
  ISSN                     = {1871-9805},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {435--454},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Against Patrick Devlin, H. L. A. Hart rejects the enforcement of morals as such. Hart defends an expanded version of John Stuart Mill's harm principle, but this expanded version is no more defensible than Mill's original claim. Hart's discussion fails to clarify what is really at stake in controversies regarding the moral acceptability of criminal prohibition of such activities as suicide and assisted suicide, recreational drug use, prostitution, and so on. Regarding the enforcement of morals as such, we should acknowledge that the jury is still out.}
}

@Book{ArnotRaab2000,
  author    = {Arnot, Margaret A. and Raab, Charles D.},
  date      = {2000},
  title     = {The Governance of Schooling: Comparative Studies of Devolved Management},
  isbn      = {0415195381},
  publisher = {Routledge Falmer},
}

@Article{ArnottMenter2007,
  Title                    = {The Same but Different? Post-devolution Regulation and Control in Education in {Scotland} and {England}},
  Author                   = {Arnott, Margaret and Menter, Ian},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {250--265},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {When `New Labour' came to power in the United Kingdom in 1997, one of their first major initiatives was to establish new devolved political institutions in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Drawing upon developments in education in Scotland and England, this article explores some aspects of `regulation', `autonomy' and `control' in the post-devolution context. The purpose of the article is to assess the ways in which New Public Management have influenced education policy in the two countries. Aspects of the governance of education are examined in the two national contexts. The `modernisation' of the teaching profession is examined as a particular case, as well as more general aspects of governance. A number of similarities and differences in the two countries are identified. The themes that best demonstrate these similarities and differences are privatisation, performativity and the policy process. The conclusion seeks to identify the extent to which developments in either or both countries can be attributed to the global neo-liberal agenda.}
}

@Unpublished{Arocena2004,
  Title                    = {Privatisation Policy in {Spain}: Stuck Between Liberalisation and the Protection of Nationals' Interests},
  Author                   = {Pablo Arocena},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {CESifo Working Paper No. 1187},

  Abstract                 = {This paper carries out an overview of the recent history of privatisation in Spain. At this point, the paper focuses on the analysis of the economic, financial and political objectives pursued by successive Spanish Administrations. It is argued that privatisation policy has been inconsistent with the liberalising measures, reflecting the conflict between the advocacy of market liberalisation and the protection of nationals{\textquoteright} interests. Likewise, we review the still very scarce empirical evidence on the economic consequences of privatisation on firms{\textquoteright} and markets{\textquoteright} performance, with a particular emphasis on the analysis of privatisation and liberalisation in the utilities sectors.}
}

@Article{Arps2005,
  Title                    = {Prolonging inequality? Education in {Germany} after unification},
  Author                   = {Arps, Sebastian},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Pages                    = {159--187},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This research examines educational stratification cross-nationally through the context of German division and unity. Drawing upon representative German Social Survey (ALLBUS) data from 1991 to 1998 on cohorts schooled in the 1980s and 1990s, the analysis explores educational inequality at the secondary school level with respect to social origins and gender in four settings: the late state socialist German Democratic Republic, the immediate pre-unification Federal Republic of Germany, and the two halves of a now-united Germany. The pre-unification settings differ structurally ? in the extent and timing of educational differentiation ? and ideologically. Post-unification eastern Germany is a case of sudden, top-down structural reform, with a high degree both of cultural continuity and continuity of teaching personnel. The study finds that women' s disadvantage in educational attainment has disappeared at the secondary level; indeed, men now face a disadvantage at this level. However, no major changes have occurred with respect to social origins. The children of workers and less educated parents were extremely disadvantaged in both East and West Germany prior to unification, surprisingly, perhaps, even more so in East Germany. Despite dramatic reform and expansion of the university-preparatory curriculum in eastern states since unification, inequality in educational attainment remains stable. Interestingly, the children of small-scale proprietors were particularly advantaged under German state socialism, and in eastern states in the 1990s they maintain a substantial but more moderate advantage over working-class peers. The paper concludes with a discussion of possible underlying reasons for the lack of variation in the parameters of educational inequality in the face of such varied and changing institutions and ideologies.}
}

@Article{ArremanHolm2011,
  Title                    = {Privatisation of public education? The emergence of independent upper secondary schools in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Arreman, Inger Erixon and Holm, Ann-Sofie},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680939.2010.502701},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {225--243},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the upper secondary (or post-16) school market. The study on which it is based, funded by the Swedish Research Council, was entitled `Upper-secondary education as a market'. Empirical data include official statistics, policy documents, school publications, company reports and school visits. Printed and other news media were also scrutinised to identify how the marketisation of education is represented in public discourse. A number of themes emerged from the study which included mapping the expansion of the school market, chains of ownership and influence, marketing strategies, choice and the school market and issues raised in the media. These imply that there is a new market discourse which represents a clear break with previous social democratic education policies primarily aimed at enhancing citizenship and wider democratic values within an inclusive public school. However, critiques have also emerged including a call for strengthened regulations of and control over independent schools and concern about an education market equated more with shares and profits rather than pedagogy and student citizenship.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.05.09}
}

@Article{Art1980,
  author       = {Art, Robert J.},
  date         = {1980},
  journaltitle = {International Security},
  title        = {To What Ends Military Power?},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {3{--}35},
  volume       = {4},
}

@Article{Arter2003,
  Title                    = {Scandinavia: What's Left is the Social Democratic Welfare Consensus},
  Author                   = {Arter, David},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsg006},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--98},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {This article profiles the parties of the left in all five Scandinavian countries. It distinguishes the Old Parliamentary Left' and the Newer Parliamentary Parties of the Left', and analyses various aspects of the traditional dominance of social democracy. It is argued that, paradoxically, although Scandinavian social democracy appears in long-term electoral decline, what is left is the social democratic welfare consensus. This has not been seriously challenged. Instead, the newer parties to the left of the social democrats have made advances at the polls, not by attacking the basic consensus but by attacking the social democrats for appearing to abandon it. The social democrats, it is suggested, have retreated from the social democratic model'. It has been this neo-liberalisation of Scandinavian social democracy which has allowed competitor parties to appeal to voters by appropriating a traditional social democratic agenda.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsg006}
}

@Article{Arter2007,
  Title                    = {The End of the Social Democratic Hegemony? The {March} 2007~{F}innish General Election},
  Author                   = {Arter, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380701617506},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1148--1157},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380701617506},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Arthurson1998,
  Title                    = {Redevelopment of public housing estates: The {Australia}n experience},
  Author                   = {Arthurson, Kathy},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Policy and Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/08111149808727746},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {35{--}46},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides an overview of some key aspects of the different contemporary approaches being utilised across the Australian States to redevelop public housing estates. Questions are raised about the effects of the projects on existing and future tenants, both in terms of the strategies used to address particular concentrations of disadvantage on the estates and the success in maintaining the current and future supply of public housing stock. In addition, the study points to the need for further evaluation of the approaches used in redevelopment, as currently little is known about the success or otherwise of the projects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08111149808727746}
}

@Article{ArtsGelissen2002,
  Title                    = {Three worlds of welfare capitalism or more? A state-of-the-art report},
  Author                   = {Arts, Wil and Gelissen, John},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0952872002012002114},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {137--158},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/d89p9cp},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This paper surveys the debate regarding Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and reviews the modified or alternative typologies ensuing from this debate. We confine ourselves to the classifications which have been developed by Esping-Andersen's critics in order to cope with the following alleged shortcomings of his typology: (1) the misspecification of the Mediterranean welfare states as immature Continental ones; (2) the labelling of the Antipodean welfare states as belonging to the `liberal' regime type; (3) a neglect of the gender-dimension in social policy. We reconstruct several typologies of welfare states in order to establish, first, whether real welfare states are quite similar to others or whether they are rather unique specimens, and, second, whether there are three ideal-typical worlds of welfare capitalism or more. We conclude that real welfare states are hardly ever pure types and are usually hybrid cases; and that the issue of ideal-typical welfare states cannot be satisfactorily answered given the lack of formal theorizing and the still inconclusive outcomes of comparative research. In spite of this conclusion there is plenty of reason to continue to work on and with the original or modified typologies.}
}

@Article{AshenfelterPencavel1969,
  author       = {Ashenfelter, Orley and Pencavel, John H.},
  date         = {1969},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {{America}n Trade Union Growth: 1900-1960},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {434--448},
  volume       = {83},
  abstract     = {I. Some determinants of union growth, 435.--II. Empirical results, 439.--III. Consideration of some subperiods, 445.--IV Conclusion, 447.},
}

@InCollection{Ashford1978,
  author     = {Ashford, Douglas E.},
  booktitle  = {Territorial Politics in Industrial Nations},
  date       = {1978},
  title      = {The Limits of Consensus: The Reorganization of British Local Government and the French Contrast},
  chapter    = {8},
  editor     = {Sidney Tarrow, Peter J. Katzenstein, and Luigi Graziano},
  location   = {New York},
  pages      = {245--289},
  publisher  = {Praeger},
  annotation = {Have print out.},
}

@Article{AshworthBuenodeMesquita2006,
  Title                    = {Monotone Comparative Statics for Models of Politics},
  Author                   = {Ashworth, Scott and {Bueno de Mesquita}, Ethan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00180.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {214--231},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {We elucidate a powerful yet simple method for deriving comparative statics conclusions for a wide variety of models: Monotone Comparative Statics (Milgrom and Shannon 1994). Monotone comparative static methods allow researchers to extract robust, substantive empirical implications from formal models that can be tested using ordinal data and simple nonparametric tests. When these methods apply, they can replace a diverse range of more technically difficult mathematics (facilitating richer, more realistic models), assumptions that are hard to understand or justify substantively (highlighting the political intuitions underlying a model's results), and a complicated set of methods for extracting implications from models. We present an accessible introduction to the central monotone comparative statics results and a series of practical tools for using these techniques in applied models (with reference to original sources, when relevant). Throughout we demonstrate the techniques with examples drawn from political science.}
}

@Article{Asiedu2002,
  Title                    = {On the Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment to Developing Countries: Is {Africa} Different?},
  Author                   = {Asiedu, Elizabeth},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {World Development},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {107--119},
  Volume                   = {30}
}

@Article{AtkesonPartin1995,
  author       = {Atkeson, Lonna Rae and Partin, Randall W.},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Economic and Referendum Voting: A Comparison of Gubernatorial and Senatorial Elections},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {99{--}107},
  volume       = {89},
  abstract     = {We compare vote choice in senate and gubernatorial elections from 1986 and 1990 with two retrospective voting hypotheses: the national referendum hypothesis and an economic retrospective hypothesis. Despite the similarities between the office of U.S. senator and governor (same constituency, high levels of campaign spending, highly visible candidates, etc.), we find that different types of retrospective evaluations are used with respect to vote choice. As members of the national legislative branch, senators' fortunes are linked to the success or failures of the president. In contrast, governors, as state executives, are held accountable for perceived state economic conditions, while senators escape unscathed from the same general economic evaluations. These findings shed some light on the nature of vote choice in a political system complicated by federalism and separation of powers.},
}

@Article{Atkinson1990,
  author       = {Atkinson, A. B.},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {Income Maintenance for the Unemployed in {Britain} and the Response to High Unemployment},
  issn         = {0014-1704},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {569--585},
  volume       = {100},
  copyright    = {Copyright 1990 The University of Chicago Press},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{Atkinson1992,
  author       = {Atkinson, A. B.},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {Economica},
  title        = {Measuring Poverty and Differences in Family Composition},
  number       = {233},
  pages        = {1{--}16},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {The equivalence scales used to adjust for differences in family composition when measuring poverty exhibit considerable variation. This paper suggests an alternative approach which allows for differences in social judgements regarding the treatment of different types of family and examines the relation with the choice of poverty measure. The resulting dominance criteria cannot provide a complete ranking but allow the extent of disagreement to be identified. Their application is illustrated by the example of changes in child benefits.},
}

@Article{Atkinson1997,
  author       = {Atkinson, A. B.},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  title        = {Bringing Income Distribution in From the Cold},
  issn         = {0013-0133},
  number       = {441},
  pages        = {297--321},
  volume       = {107},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing for the Royal Economic Society},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.20},
}

@Unpublished{Atkinson2002,
  author = {Atkinson, A. B.},
  date   = {2002},
  title  = {How Basic Income is Moving up the Policy Agenda: News from the Future},
}

@Unpublished{AtkinsonMorelli2011,
  Title                    = {Economic Crises and Inequality},
  Author                   = {Atkinson, A. B. and Morelli, Salvatore},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Note                     = {Paper prepared for the 2011 Human Development Report, funded by the United Nations Development Programme.},
  Url                      = {http://www.nuff.ox.ac.uk/Users/Atkinson/Paper-Economic\%20Crises\%20and\%20Inequality.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {The paper is concerned both with the impact of economic upheavals on the inequality of resources and with the reverse direction of causality: the impact of inequality on the probability of economic crises. These are two related, but different, questions. The first question asks how far economic crises lead to rising inequality in access to resources. Is it the poor who bear the brunt? Or are crises followed by a reversal of a previous boom in top incomes? Or do both occur? The period prior to the 2007-8 financial crisis did see rising income inequality in a number of countries, notably an increased share of total income accruing to those at the very top. Has the current crisis reversed this trend? What can we learn from past crises? The answer will depend not only on impact of the initial crisis but also on the policy responses of governments and monetary authorities, as is illustrated for the case of financial crises in Figure 1. The consequences depend on whether the financial crisis is followed by a deep recession. These different factors may work in different directions. The impact of bankruptcies and falling asset prices may have greater impact on the better-off, but an ensuing recession may hit hardest those at the bottom. It is for this reason that we look, not only at financial crises, but also at macro-economic disasters. As we shall see, they do not necessarily come together.}
}

@Article{AtkinsonEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Top Incomes in the Long Run of History},
  Author                   = {Atkinson, Anthony B. and Piketty, Thomas and Saez, Emmanuel},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jel.49.1.3},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--71},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {A recent literature has constructed top income shares time series over the long run for more than twenty countries using income tax statistics. Top incomes represent a small share of the population but a very significant share of total income and total taxes paid. Hence, aggregate economic growth per capita and Gini inequality indexes are sensitive to excluding or including top incomes. We discuss the estimation methods and issues that arise when constructing top income share series, including income definition and comparability over time and across countries, tax avoidance, and tax evasion. We provide a summary of the key empirical findings. Most countries experience a dramatic drop in top income shares in the first part of the twentieth century in general due to shocks to top capital incomes during the wars and depression shocks. Top income shares do not recover in the immediate postwar decades. However, over the last thirty years, top income shares have increased substantially in English speaking countries and in India and China but not in continental European countries or Japan. This increase is due in part to an unprecedented surge in top wage incomes. As a result, wage income comprises a larger fraction of top incomes than in the past. Finally, we discuss the theoretical and empirical models that have been proposed to account for the facts and the main questions that remain open.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{AuerbachEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Activist Fiscal Policy},
  Author                   = {Auerbach, Alan J. and Gale, William G. and Harris, Benjamin H.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.24.4.141},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {141--64},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {During and after the "Great Recession" that began in December 2007, the U.S. federal government enacted several rounds of activist fiscal policy. In this paper, we review the recent evolution of thinking and evidence regarding the effectiveness of activist fiscal policy. Although fiscal interventions aimed at stimulating and stabilizing the economy have returned to common use, their efficacy remains controversial. We review the debate about the traditional types of fiscal policy interventions, such as broad-based tax cuts and spending increases, as well as more targeted policies. While there have been improvements in estimates of the effects of broad-based policies, much of what has been learned recently concerns how such multipliers might vary with respect to economic conditions, such as the credit market disruptions and very low interest rates that were central features of the Great Recession. The eclectic and innovative interventions by the Federal Reserve and other central banks during this period highlight the imprecise divisions between monetary and fiscal policy and the many channels through which fiscal policies can be implemented.}
}

@Article{Austen-Smith2000,
  Title                    = {Redistributing Income under Proportional Representation},
  Author                   = {Austen-Smith, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3078499},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1235--1269},
  Volume                   = {108},

  Abstract                 = {Although majoritarian decision rules are the norm in legislatures, relatively few democracies use simple majority rule at the electoral stage, adopting instead some form of multiparty proportional representation. Moreover, aggregate data suggest that average income tax rates are higher, and distributions of posttax income flatter, in countries with proportional representation than in those with majority rule. While there are other differences between these countries, this paper explores how variations in the political system per se influence equilibrium redistributive tax rates and income distributions. A three-party proportional representation model is developed in which taxes are determined through legislative bargaining among successful electoral parties, and the economic decision for individuals is occupational choice. Political-economic equilibria for this model and for a two-party, winner-take-all, majoritarian system are derived and compared.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3078499}
}

@Article{Austen-SmithBanks1988,
  Title                    = {Elections, Coalitions, and Legislative Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Austen-Smith, David and Banks, Jeffrey},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {405{--}422},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {Predictions of electoral behavior in a multiparty setting should be a function of the voters' beliefs about how parties will perform following an election. Similarly, party behavior in a legislature should be a function of electoral promises and rewards. We develop a multistage game-theoretic model of three-party competition under proportional representation. The final policy outcome of the game is generated by a noncooperative bargaining game between the parties in the elector legislature. This game is essentially defined by the vote shares each party receives in the general election, and the parties' electoral policy positions. At the electoral stage parties and voters are strategic in that they take account of the legislative implications of any electoral outcome. We solve for equilibrium electoral positions by the parties and final policy outcomes.}
}

@Article{Austen-SmithWallerstein2006,
  author       = {Austen-Smith, David and Wallerstein, Michael},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Redistribution and affirmative action},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2006.05.005},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  number       = {10-11},
  pages        = {1789--1823},
  volume       = {90},
  abstract     = {The paper develops an integrated political economy model in which individuals are distinguished by earning ability and an ascriptive characteristic, race. The policy space is a transfer payment to low-income workers financed by a flat tax on wages and an affirmative action constraint on firms' hiring decisions. The distribution of income and the policy are endogenous, with the latter being the outcome of a legislative bargaining game between three legislative blocs. The model provides support for the common claim that racial divisions reduce support for welfare expenditures, even when voters have color-blind preferences. We show that relatively advantaged members of both the majority and minority group benefit from the introduction of a second dimension of redistribution, while the less advantaged members of the majority are the principal losers.},
  keywords     = {Affirmative action, Fiscal redistribution, Legislative bargaining},
  month        = nov,
}

@Article{Axelrod1980,
  Title                    = {Effective Choice in the Prisoner's Dilemma},
  Author                   = {Axelrod, Robert},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/002200278002400101},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--25},
  Url                      = {http://www3.nd.edu/~wevans1/class_papers/axelrod.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-04},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This is a ``primer'' on how to play the iterated Prisoner's Dilemma game effectively. Existing research approaches offer the participant limited help in understanding how to cope effectively with such interactions. To gain a deeper understanding of how to be effective in such a partially competitive and partially cooperative environment, a computer tournament was conducted for the iterated Prisoner's Dilemma. Decision rules were submitted by entrants who were recruited primarily from experts in game theory from a variety of disciplines: psychology, political science, economics, sociology, and mathematics. The results of the tournament demonstrate that there are subtle reasons for an individualistic pragmatist to cooperate as long as the other side does, to be somewhat for-giving, and to be optimistic about the other side's responsiveness.}
}

@Article{Axelrod1980a,
  author       = {Axelrod, Robert},
  date         = {1980},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  title        = {More Effective Choice in the Prisoner's Dilemma},
  doi          = {10.1177/002200278002400301},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {379--403},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {This study reports and analyzes the results of the second round of the computer tournament for the iterated Prisoner's Dilemma. The object is to gain a deeper understanding of how to perform well in such a setting. The 62 entrants were able to draw lessons from the results of the first round and were able to design their entries to take these lessons into account. The results of the second round demonstrate a number of subtle pitfalls which specific types of decision rules can encounter. The winning rule was once again TIT FOR TAT, the rule which cooperates on the first move and then does what the other player did on the previous move. The analysis of the results shows the value of not being the first to defect, of being somewhat forgiving, but also the importance of being provocable. An analysis of hypothetical alternative tournaments demonstrates the robustness of the results.},
}

@Article{Axelrod1981,
  author       = {Axelrod, Robert},
  date         = {1981},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Emergence of Cooperation among Egoists},
  doi          = {10.2307/1961366},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {02},
  pages        = {306--318},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/os6tguc},
  volume       = {75},
  abstract     = {This article investigates the conditions under which cooperation will emerge in a world of egoists without central authority. This problem plays an important role in such diverse fields as political philosophy, international politics, and economic and social exchange. The problem is formalized as an iterated Prisoner's Dilemma with pairwise interaction among a population of individuals. Results from three approaches are reported: the tournament approach, the ecological approach, and the evolutionary approach. The evolutionary approach is the most general since all possible strategies can be taken into account. A series of theorems is presented which show: (1) the conditions under which no strategy can do any better than the population average if the others are using the reciprocal cooperation strategy of TIT FOR TAT, (2) the necessary and sufficient conditions for a strategy to be collectively stable, and (3) how cooperation can emerge from a small cluster of discriminating individuals even when everyone else is using a strategy of unconditional defection.},
  month        = {6},
  numpages     = {13},
}

@Book{Axelrod1984,
  Title                    = {The Evolution of Cooperation},
  Author                   = {Axelrod, Robert},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Basic Books}
}

@Article{AxelrodHamilton1981,
  Title                    = {The evolution of cooperation},
  Author                   = {Axelrod, Robert and Hamilton, William D.},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1126/science.7466396},
  Number                   = {4489},
  Pages                    = {1390--1396},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nhumzcn},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-04},
  Volume                   = {211},

  Abstract                 = {Cooperation in organisms, whether bacteria or primates, has been a difficulty for evolutionary theory since Darwin. On the assumption that interactions between pairs of individuals occur on a probabilistic basis, a model is developed based on the concept of an evolutionarily stable strategy in the context of the Prisoner's Dilemma game. Deductions from the model, and the results of a computer tournament show how cooperation based on reciprocity can get started in an asocial world, can thrive while interacting with a wide range of other strategies, and can resist invasion once fully established. Potential applications include specific aspects of territoriality, mating, and disease.}
}

@Article{Aylott2003,
  Title                    = {After the Divorce: Social Democrats and Trade Unions in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Aylott, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068803009003005},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {369--390},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Well-known theories of party organization and behaviour suggest that the mass parties of Western Europe have evolved into new models, with more powerful and autonomous leaderships and weaker memberships and collateral organizations. However, these theories have not really been tested in in-depth case studies - particularly beyond the national level of the parties. This article examines the mass party par excellence, the Swedish Social Democratic Party and focuses on the party's traditionally close relationship with the blue-collar trade unions. There is evidence to support the theories of party change, but these organizational developments are patchy at the local level. Moreover, various data deployed in support of the theories may be understating the enduring influence of collateral organizations within parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068803009003005}
}

@Article{AylottBolin2007,
  Title                    = {Towards a two-party system? The Swedish parliamentary election of {September} 2006},
  Author                   = {Aylott, Nicholas and Bolin, Niklas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380701276477},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {621--633},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380701276477},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BelangerEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Forecasting the Vote for a Third Party: The British Liberals, 1974--2005},
  Author                   = {B{\'e}langer, {\'E}ric and Nadeau, Richard and Lewis-Beck, Michael S.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Politics \& International Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-856X.2010.00427.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-856X},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {634--643},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {While for multiparty systems the development of vote function forecast models for the incumbent party and the official opposition party is commonplace, only rarely do these models try to forecast the vote for a third party. Can third party vote shares be forecasted with reasonable accuracy? We explore this question within the context of British politics. Our model proposes that the British Liberal party vote is mostly driven by the extent to which the UK electorate approves or disapproves of the official opposition leader. Our results are consistent with the idea that once the decision has been made to punish the incumbent government, a voter must then decide whether to support the official opposition party or another smaller party.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2010.00427.x},
  Keywords                 = {electoral behaviour, UK, British Liberal party, forecasting models},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Benassy-QuereTurkisch2009,
  Title                    = {The ECB Governing Council in an Enlarged Euro Area},
  Author                   = {B{\'e}nassy-Qu{\'e}r{\'e}, Agn{\`e} and Turkisch, Edouard},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.01832.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--53},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {We study the impact of rotating votes in the ECB Governing Council after EMU enlargement, based on national and euro-wide Taylor rules and on a convergence assumption. We find that the rotation system yields monetary policy decisions that are close both to full centralization and to a voting rule without rotations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.01832.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Back2003,
  Title                    = {Party Politics and the Common Good in Swedish Local Government},
  Author                   = {B{\"a}ck, Henry},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00081},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {93--123},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Local government in Sweden is usually classified as the northwest European type of local government, together with the local government systems of the other Nordic countries and Britain. In the 1990s and the early years of the new millennium, Swedish local government has been especially susceptible to the ideas of `new public management' (NPM). At the same time there has been a long-ongoing trend of increasing party-politicisation of local councils. In this paper a selection of five local authorities are examined in order to see how party politics and party-politicisation are confronted by the new organisational doctrines. It is concluded that in this respect the doctrines guiding local government organisation can be characterised by three common traits: the legitimacy of particular interests is denied in favour of the common good of the locality; it is denied that conflict and competition between political parties perform any democratic function; finally, when it comes to the relation between politics and administration there is a common confession of the management-by-objectives doctrine. Somewhat surprisingly, these three principles guide organisation and politics not only in those authorities most enthusiastically adopting NPM but also in the authorities implementing organisational reforms based on more communitarian principles and even organisationally conservative municipalities not even considering any organisational change. One interpretation of this contradictory observation may be that NPM concepts and ideas have also found their way into local doctrines that are based on quite different principles. Another interpretation is that there is a consensus tradition in Swedish political culture that can also account for similar results in municipalities not explicitly introducing an apolitical organisation doctrine.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00081},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.07}
}

@Unpublished{BohlmarkLindahl2007,
  Title                    = {The Impact of School Choice on Pupil Achievement, Segregation and Costs: Swedish Evidence},
  Author                   = {B{\"o}hlmark, Anders and Lindahl, Mikael},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {IZA Discussion Paper No. 2786},

  Abstract                 = {This paper evaluates school choice at the compulsory-school level by assessing a reform implemented in Sweden in 1992, which opened up for publicly funded but privately operated schools. In many local school markets, this reform led to a significant increase in the quantity of such schools as well as in the share of pupils attending them. We estimate the impact of this increase in private enrolment on the average achievement of all pupils using within municipality variation over time, and controlling for differential pre-reform municipality trends. We find that an increase in the private-school share by 10 percentage points increases average pupil achievement by almost 1 percentile rank point. We show that this total effect can be interpreted as the sum of a private-school attendance effect and a competition effect. The former effect, which is identified using variation in school choice among siblings, is found to be only a small part of the total effect. This suggests that the main part of the achievement effect is due to more competition in the school sector, forcing schools to improve their quality. We use grade point average as outcome variable. A comparison with test data suggests that our results are not driven by differential grade-setting standards in private and public schools. We further find that more competition from private schools increases school costs. There is also some evidence of sorting of pupils along socioeconomic and ethnic lines.}
}

@Unpublished{BohlmarkLindahl2012,
  Title                    = {Independent Schools and Long-Run Educational Outcomes --- Evidence from {Sweden}'s Large Scale Voucher Reform},
  Author                   = {B{\"o}hlmark, Anders and Lindahl, Mikael},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = jun,
  Note                     = {CESIfo Working Paper No. 3866},
  Url                      = {http://www.cesifo-group.de/portal/pls/portal/docs/1/1217194.PDF},

  Abstract                 = {This paper evaluates average educational performance effects of an expanding independent school sector at the compulsory level by assessing a radical voucher reform that was implemented in Sweden in 1992. Starting from a situation where all public schools were essentially local monopolists, the degree of independent schools has developed very differently across municipalities over time as a result of this reform. We regress the change in educational performance outcomes on the increase in the share of independent-school students between Swedish municipalities. We find that an increase in the share of independent-school students improves average performance at the end of compulsory school as well as long-run educational outcomes. We show that these effects are very robust with respect to a number of potential issues, such as grade inflation and pre-reform trends. However, for most outcomes, we do not detect positive and statistically significant effects until approximately a decade after the reform. This is notable, but not surprising given that it took time for independent schools to become more than a marginal phenomenon in Sweden. We do not find positive effects on school expenditures. Hence, the educational performance effects are interpretable as positive effects on school productivity. We further find that the average effects primarily are due to external effects (e.g., school competition), and not that independent-school students gain significantly more than public-school students.}
}

@Article{Boerzel1998,
  author       = {B{\"o}rzel, Tanja A.},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  title        = {Organizing Babylon --- On the Different Conceptions of Policy Networks},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9299.00100},
  issn         = {1467-9299},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {253--273},
  volume       = {76},
  abstract     = {A `Babylonian' variety of policy network concepts and applications can be found in the literature. Neither is there a common understanding of what policy networks actually are, nor has it been agreed whether policy networks constitute a mere metaphor, a method, an analytical tool or a proper theory. The aim of this article is to review the state of the art in the field of policy networks. Special attention is given to the German conception of policy networks which is different from the one predominant in the Anglo-Saxon literature. While British and American scholars usually conceive policy networks as a model of state/society relations in a given issue area, German works tend to treat policy networks as an alternative form of governance to hierarchy and market. It is argued that this conception of policy networks goes beyond serving as a mere analytical tool box for studying public policy-making. Yet, both the German and the Anglo-Saxon conception of policy networks face a common challenge: first, it still remains to be systematically shown that policy networks do not only exist but are really relevant to policy-making, and second, the problem of the ambiguity of policy networks has to be tackled, as policy networks can both enhance and reduce the efficiency and legitimacy of policy-making.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd},
}

@Article{Boerzel2000,
  Title                    = {Why there is no 'southern problem'. On environmental leaders and laggards in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {B{\"o}rzel, Tanja A.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017600343313},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {141--162},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Non-compliance with EU (environmental) law is often considered to be a 'southern problem'. Because of specific features of their political systems, the four southern European member states are believed to lack the capacity for effectively implementing EU policies. In contrast, I argue in this article that, first, there is significant variation in compliance with EU environmental laws across the European member states which cannot be accommodated by a simple north-south divide. Second, the comparative study of the implementation of five different EU environmental policies in Spain and Germany shows that compliance may vary across different policies within one country. The article puts forward a model which allows us to explain variation across both member states and policies. It is argued that non-compliance is most likely if an EU policy causes a significant 'policy misfit' and if there is no mobilization of domestic actors pressurizing public authorities to bear the costs of implementing the 'misfitting' policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017600343313},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Borzel2006,
  Title                    = {Participation Through Law Enforcement},
  Author                   = {B{\"o}rzel, Tanja A.},
  Date                     = {2006-02-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414005283220},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {128--152},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {This article provides a comparative framework for understanding processes of decentralized law enforcement in the European Union (EU). In particular, the analysis proposes how decentralized EU law enforcement mechanisms can increase opportunities for participation of citizens and firms, but only if they possess domestic courts access and sufficient resources to use it. The article undertakes a systematic analysis of noncompliance with EU environmental law to examine this dynamic. The findings reveal a major paradox for the enforcement of EU law: the empowerment of the already powerful. This paradox has major implications for the potential of expanding judicial power in the EU and at the international level to bring more democracy to international politics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005283220}
}

@Incollection{Bos1998,
  Title                    = {Theoretical perspectives on privatisation: Some outstanding issues},
  Author                   = {B{\"o}s, Dieter},
  Booktitle                = {Privatisation in the European Union: Theory and Policy Perspectives},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {David Parker},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {49--69},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Buthe2002,
  Title                    = {Taking Temporality Seriously: Modeling History and the Use of Narratives as Evidence},
  Author                   = {B{\"u}the, Tim},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055402000278},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {481--493},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {Social scientists interested in explaining historical processes can, indeed should, refuse the choice between modeling causal relationships and studying history. Identifying temporality as the defining characteristic of processes that can be meaningfully distinguished as ``history,'' I show that modeling such phenomena engenders particular difficulties but is both possible and fruitful. Narratives, as a way of presenting empirical information, have distinctive strengths that make them especially suited for historical scholarship, and structuring the narratives based on the model allows us to treat them as data on which to test the model. At the same time, this use of narratives raises methodological problems not identified in recent debates. I specify these problems, analyze their implications, and suggest ways of solving or minimizing them. There is no inherent incompatibility between{\textemdash}but much potential gain from{\textemdash}modeling history and using historical narratives as data.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055402000278}
}

@Article{ButheEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Private Foreign Aid: Humanitarian Principles, Economic Development Objectives, and Organizational Interests in NGO Private Aid Allocation},
  Author                   = {B{\"u}the, Tim and Major, Solomon and Souza, Andr{\'e} de Mello e},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818312000252},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {571--607},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {A large and increasing share of international humanitarian and development aid is raised from nongovernmental sources, allocated by transnational NGOs. We know little about this private foreign aid, not even how it is distributed across recipient countries, much less what explains the allocation. This article presents an original data set, based on detailed financial records from most of the major U.S.-based humanitarian and development NGOs, which allows us for the first time to map and analyze the allocation of U.S. private aid. We find no support for the common claim that aid NGOs systematically prioritize their organizational self-interest when they allocate private aid, and we find only limited support for the hypothesis that expected aid effectiveness drives aid allocation. By contrast, we find strong support for the argument that the deeply rooted humanitarian discourse within and among aid NGOs drives their aid allocation, consistent with a view of aid NGOs as principled actors and constructivist theories of international relations. Recipients' humanitarian need is substantively and statistically the most significant determinant of U.S. private aid allocation (beyond a regional effect in favor of Latin American countries). Materialist concerns do not crowd out ethical norms among these NGOs.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{ButheMilner2008,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Foreign Direct Investment into Developing Countries: Increasing {FDI} through International Trade Agreements?},
  Author                   = {B{\"u}the, Tim and Milner, Helen V.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00340.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {741--762},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {The flow of foreign direct investment into developing countries varies greatly across countries and over time. The political factors that affect these flows are not well understood. Focusing on the relationship between trade and investment, we argue that international trade agreements --- GATT/WTO and preferential trade agreements (PTAs) --- provide mechanisms for making commitments to foreign investors about the treatment of their assets, thus reassuring investors and increasing investment. These international commitments are more credible than domestic policy choices, because reneging on them is more costly. Statistical analyses for 122 developing countries from 1970 to 2000 support this argument. Developing countries that belong to the WTO and participate in more PTAs experience greater FDI inflows than otherwise, controlling for many factors including domestic policy preferences and taking into account possible endogeneity. Joining international trade agreements allows developing countries to attract more FDI and thus increase economic growth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00340.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{Baccaro2010,
  Title                    = {Does the global financial crisis mark a turning point for labour?},
  Author                   = {Lucio Baccaro},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {341--376},
  Volume                   = {8}
}

@Unpublished{BaccaroLocke1996,
  author     = {Baccaro, Lucio and Locke, Richard M.},
  date       = {1996},
  title      = {Public Sector Reform and Union Participation: The Case of the Italian Pension Reform},
  annotation = {Paper presented at the 1996 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 29 - September 1, 1996.},
}

@Article{BaccaroSimoni2007,
  Title                    = {Centralized Wage Bargaining and the `Celtic Tiger' Phenomenon},
  Author                   = {Baccaro, Lucio and Simoni, Marco},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-232X.2007.00476.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-232X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {426--455},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Drawing on a variety of sources and research methods, this article argues that centralized wage bargaining contributed to the `Celtic Tiger' phenomenon by linking wage increases in the dynamic multinational companies sector to wage and productivity increases in the much more sluggish domestic sector of the economy and, in so doing, considerably increased the competitiveness of foreign multinational companies --- a key driver of Irish growth. The article also argues that much-received wisdom about the institutional and organizational preconditions for centralized wage regulation needs to be reconsidered in light of the Irish case. Public sector unions played a pivotal role in initiating and sustaining wage centralization, yet their leadership role did not undermine its effectiveness. Likewise, internal democratic procedures and the absence of wage compression policies, rather than centralized organizational structures, facilitated compliance with centralized wage policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232X.2007.00476.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{BaccaroSimoni2008,
  Title                    = {Policy Concertation in {Europe}: Understanding Government Choice},
  Author                   = {Baccaro, Lucio and Simoni, Marco},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008315861},
  Number                   = {10},
  Pages                    = {1323--1348},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {This article focuses on the European governments' decision to involve unions and employers in the design and implementation of public policy. Based on new measures of the phenomenon, the authors argue that between 1974 and 2003, no convergence on a pluralist model of policy formation is visible. They then use these measures to identify and analyze the clearest cases of adoption or demise of concertation, namely, the contrasting responses of the British and Irish governments to wage policy and of the Austrian and Italian governments to pension reform. They argue that governments are willing to share their policy-making prerogatives when they are politically weak and when unions, while still representing a credible threat to policy implementation, have been declining in the recent past. A combination of partisanship and policy learning reinforces the push for change.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008315861}
}

@Article{Bach2002,
  Title                    = {Public-sector Employment Relations Reform under Labour: Muddling Through on Modernization?},
  Author                   = {Bach, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-8543.00235},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {319--339},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {The year 2001 in the UK was dominated by the difficulties the Labour government confronted in developing a coherent programme of public-sector modernization. This review examines recent developments in the public sector, focusing on government attempts to involve the private sector and its continuing reforms of pay determination arrangements. It highlights the tensions that this programme of reform aroused as the government struggled to respond to recruitment and retention problems and widespread perceptions of public-sector 'crisis'.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8543.00235}
}

@Article{Bache1999,
  Title                    = {The extended gatekeeper: central government and the implementation of EC regional policy in the UK},
  Author                   = {Bache, Ian},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343784},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {28--45},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {This article evaluates the merits of multi-level governance as an explanatory model of EU decision-making. Regional policy implementation is a particularly good case study for evaluating multi-level governance for two reasons. First, because regional policy, along with other EC structural policies, is considered to be at 'the leading edge of multi-level governance'. And, second, because 'Multi-level governance is prominent in the implementation stage' (Marks et al . 1996: 365). The article presents evidence to suggest that while multi-level participation is a feature of EC regional policy implementation in the UK, it is less clear that this constitutes multi-level governance: central government remains dominant. Thus, where the intergovernmentalist 'gatekeeper' notion is useful in describing the behaviour of national governments in EU policy-making, it makes sense to refer to an extended gatekeeper that can operate at all stages of the policy process, including the contested sphere of policy implementation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343784},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Bache2003,
  Title                    = {Governing through Governance: Education Policy Control under New Labour},
  Author                   = {Bache, Ian},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00425},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {300--314},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {Central to the debates on governance is the extent to which this process erodes state power. This article looks at the control of education policy since 1997. Education has not been immune from the developing process of governance. Moreover, Labour government education policies have accelerated this process: there has been greater fragmentation of policy-making, with a proliferation of cross-sectoral and multi-level participation. However, in this case, central government has not only retained control over policy-making but has been able to achieve its policy goals more effectively. Two case studies: `New Labour and the Local Education Authorities' and `New Labour and the Funding of Education', demonstrate the advantages for the centre in voluntarily governing through governance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00425},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{BacheGeorge2006,
  author    = {Ian Bache and Stephen George},
  date      = {2006},
  title     = {Politics in the {Europe}an Union},
  edition   = {2},
  isbn      = {9780199276585},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract  = {Clearly structured into four parts, covering the theory and history of European integration, and the institutions and policies of the European Union, this text combines current academic debates with empirical data and offers a significantly expanded and more diverse discussion of EU theories than the previous edition.},
}

@Article{BachrachBaratz1962,
  Title                    = {Two Faces of Power},
  Author                   = {Bachrach, Peter and Baratz, Morten S.},
  Date                     = {1962},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1952796},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {947--952},
  Url                      = {http://ftp.columbia.edu/itc/sipa/U6800/readings-sm/american_bachrach.pdf},
  Volume                   = {56}
}

@Article{BachtlerMendez2007,
  Title                    = {Who Governs EU Cohesion Policy? Deconstructing the Reforms of the Structural Funds},
  Author                   = {Bachtler, John and Mendez, Carlos},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00724.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {535--564},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Abstract This article re-assesses the multi-level governance debate and specifically the `renationalization thesis', with respect to EU cohesion policy. It focuses on two of the principles of decision-making under the structural funds: concentration (decisions on where the money is spent) and programming (decisions on how it is spent). The analysis takes a longitudinal approach, examining each of the policy phases from 1988 until the recent debate on the 2007--13 period. The article concludes that the role of national governments (relative to the European Commission) in key decisions on the implementation of cohesion policy has been exaggerated in the literature and that important arguments underpinning the `renationalization thesis' are flawed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00724.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Baek2009,
  Title                    = {A Comparative Analysis of Political Communication Systems and Voter Turnout},
  Author                   = {Baek, Mijeong},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00376.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {376--393},
  Url                      = {http://jpmarin27.pbworks.com/f/more comm.pdf},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores how political communication institutions affect cross-national differences in voter turnout in democratic elections. It demonstrates how the structure and means of conveying political messages --- gauged by media systems, access to paid political television advertising, and campaign finance laws --- explain variations in turnout across 74 countries. Relying on a ``mobilization'' perspective, I argue that institutional settings that reduce information costs for voters will increase turnout. The major empirical findings are twofold. First, campaign finance systems that allow more money (and electioneering communication) to enter election campaigns are associated with higher levels of voter turnout. Second, broadcasting systems and access to paid political television advertising explain cross-national variation in turnout, but their effects are more complex than initially expected. While public broadcasting clearly promotes higher levels of turnout, it also modifies the effect of paid advertising access on turnout.}
}

@Article{BafumiShapiro2009,
  Title                    = {A New Partisan Voter},
  Author                   = {Bafumi, Joseph and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381608090014},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {1--24},
  Url                      = {http://www.temple.edu/ipa/events/documents/Shapiropaper-S0022381608090014.pdf},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {The American electorate today is different from that described in The American Voter. Both the 1950s era of ideologically innocent party voting and the subsequent period of partisan dealignment are over. Some political scientists began to describe the New American Voter as a new partisan evolution occurred. What has not been fully appreciated in the twentieth/twenty-first century history of voting studies is how partisanship returned in a form more ideological and more issue based along liberal-conservative lines than it has been in more than 30 years. This is visible in the strength of partisan voting, in the relationship between partisanship and ideology, and in the strength of the relationship of partisanship and self-reported liberal-conservative ideology to the public's economic, social, racial, and religious attitudes and opinions. Not only has the public responded in a striking way to changes in politics and its context, but the current transformation has also appeared to be strikingly enduring and difficult to shake, based on survey evidence for this new partisan voter.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.temple.edu/ipa/events/documents/Shapiropaper-S0022381608090014.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381608090014},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{BagnoliMcKee1991,
  Title                    = {Controlling the Game: Political Sponsors and Bureaus},
  Author                   = {Bagnoli, Mark and McKee, Michael},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics and Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {229{--}247},
  Volume                   = {7}
}

@Article{BagwellStaiger1999,
  Title                    = {An Economic Theory of GATT},
  Author                   = {Bagwell, Kyle and Staiger, Robert W.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.89.1.215},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {215--248},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {The authors propose a unified theoretical framework within which to interpret and evaluate the foundational principles of GATT. Working within a general equilibrium trade model, they represent government preferences in a way that is consistent with national income maximization but also allows for the possibility of distributional concerns as emphasized in leading political-economy models. Using this general framework, the authors establish that GATT's principles of reciprocity and nondiscrimination can be viewed as simple rules that assist governments in their effort to implement efficient trade agreements. From this perspective, the authors argue that preferential agreements undermine GATT's ability to deliver efficient multilateral outcomes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.1.215},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{BaileyDePropris2001,
  Title                    = {The 1988 reform of the {Europe}an Structural Funds: entitlement or empowerment?},
  Author                   = {Bailey, David and De Propris, Lisa},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760210139696},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {408--428},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {With the reform of the Structural Funds, regions have gained a key role in the design and implementation of regional policy. Yet some of the weakest regions were not equipped with appropriate institutional structures and have struggled to benefit. In evaluating the reform, we revisit concepts such as justice and equity. While the reform may have given regions an entitlement to participate, we argue that some have lacked the capacity to do so effectively. In this context, enlargement raises questions over the future of the Funds, and how far a commitment to cohesion and convergence can be maintained.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760210139696},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Bailey2008,
  Title                    = {Explaining the underdevelopment of `Social {Europe}': a critical realization},
  Author                   = {Bailey, David J.},
  Date                     = {2008-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928708091057},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {232--245},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that existing accounts of the underdevelopment of `Social Europe' have failed to adequately integrate the contending obstacles that explain the absence they rightly identify. It argues that by employing a critical realist methodology, including the concepts of generation, emergence, and stratification, it is possible to more adequately integrate knowledge of the obstacles to `Social Europe'. Concretely, the article argues that obstacles to `Social Europe' exist at three strata, constituted by institutional relations, political relations, and Europe-wide social relations, respectively. The underdevelopment of `Social Europe' emerged from the institutional stratum, which in turn was generated (but not determined) by the underlying political relations, which were themselves in turn generated by EU-wide social relations. From this perspective, the oft-lamented absence of `Social Europe' is an emergent property of underlying institutional, political and EU-wide social relations; its occurrence, therefore, is far less contingent than existing, less integrated, accounts suggest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928708091057}
}

@Book{BainElsheikh1976,
  Title                    = {Union Growth and the Business Cycle: An Econometric Analysis (Warwick Studies in Industrial Relations)},
  Author                   = {Bain, George Sayers and Elsheikh, Farouk},
  Date                     = {1976},
  ISBN                     = {0631166505},
  Location                 = {Oxford},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers}
}

@Book{BainEngelhardt1992,
  author    = {Lee J. Bain and Max Engelhardt},
  date      = {1992},
  title     = {Introduction to Probability and Mathematical Statistics},
  edition   = {2},
  isbn      = {0534380204},
  location  = {Pacific Grove, CA},
  publisher = {Duxbury},
}

@Article{BairdLandon1972,
  author       = {Baird, Robert N. and Landon, John H.},
  date         = {1972},
  journaltitle = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  title        = {The Effects of Collective Bargaining on Public School Teachers' Salaries: Comment},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {410{--}417},
  volume       = {25},
}

@Book{Baker2001,
  Title                    = {Media, Markets, and Democracy},
  Author                   = {Baker, C. Edwin},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Online{Baker2010,
  Title                    = {Gove's academies: 1980{s} idea rebranded?},
  Author                   = {Baker, Mike},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-10824069},
  Month                    = jul,
  Urldate                  = {2010-09-08}
}

@InCollection{Baldwin1993,
  author    = {Baldwin, David A.},
  booktitle = {Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate},
  date      = {1993},
  title     = {Neoliberalism, Neorealism, and World Politics},
  chapter   = {1},
  editor    = {David A. Baldwin},
  location  = {New York, NY},
  pages     = {3--25},
  publisher = {Columbia University Press},
}

@Article{Baldwin1979,
  author       = {Baldwin, David A.},
  date         = {1979},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Power Analysis and World Politics: New Trends versus Old Tendencies},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {161{--}194},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {Recent refinements in social science thinking about power could be used to revitalize this approach to understanding international relations. The relevance of scholarly work on the causal concept of power is explored with regard to the following topics: potential vs. actual power, interdependence, military power, positive sanctions, the zero-sum model of politics, and the distinction between deterrence and compellence. The tendency to exaggerate the fungibility of power resources, the propensity to treat military power resources as the "ultimate" power base, and the emphasis on conflict and negative sanctions at the expense of cooperation and positive sanctions, are still common in international relations scholarship. The most important need is for recognition that the absence of a common denominator of political value in terms of which different scopes of power can be compared is not so much a methodological problem to be solved as it is a real-world constraint to be lived with.},
}

@Article{Baldwin2006,
  Title                    = {EU trade politics --- heaven or hell?},
  Author                   = {Baldwin, Matthew},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760600838698},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {926--942},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis begins by examining a paradigm of successful EU trade politics (`heaven'), and what it might constitute. It argues that both the EU trade policy process and the dynamics of EU trade politics are essentially positive factors. However, while this `heaven' might exist in theory (and did in reality, to an extent, in the latter years of the last century), a series of largely external factors, notably those relating to development and globalization, have made EU trade politics more complex and difficult to manage. The remedy lies not in trying to `seal off' the EU trade policy process from politics, but in seeking overtly political solutions, such as flanking policies to encourage public support for trade openness, taking a serious look at the idea of `collective preferences', and instituting a greater role for the European Parliament.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600838698},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Baldwin1990,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Social Solidarity: Class Bases of the {Europe}an Welfare State 1875--1975},
  Author                   = {Baldwin, Peter},
  Date                     = {1990},
  ISBN                     = {0521375126},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{BaldwinBaldwin1996,
  Title                    = {Alternate approaches to the political economy of endogenous trade liberalization},
  Author                   = {Baldwin, Robert E. and Baldwin, Richard E.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(95)00089-5},
  Number                   = {3-5},
  Pages                    = {775--782},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Trade liberalization is puzzling from the perspective of standard political economy models. Why would a government find it optimal to remove protection that it previously found optimal to impose? This paper reviews two types of approaches to answering this question: Approaches that view liberalization driven by strenghtened anti-protection forces, and approaches that view liberalization driven by an erosion of pro-protection forces}
}

@Article{BaldwinMagee2000,
  Title                    = {Is Trade Policy for Sale?: Congressional Voting on Recent Trade Bills},
  Author                   = {Baldwin, Robert E. and Magee, Christopher S.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1005121716315},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {79--101},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines voting by U.S. Representatives onthe North American Free Trade Agreement, the Uruguay Round Agreement, and most-favored nation status for China. Using recent political economy models of trade policy to formulate an empirical specification of congressional voting behavior, we find evidence that campaign contributions influenced legislators' votes on the NAFTA and Uruguay Round bills. Labor group contributions were associated with votes against freer trade while business contributions were associated with votes in favor of freer trade. Economic conditions in each member's district as well as the broad policy views of the legislators also affected representatives' voting decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1005121716315}
}

@Article{Bale2003,
  Title                    = {Cinderella and her ugly sisters: the mainstream and extreme right in {Europe}'s bipolarising party systems},
  Author                   = {Bale, Tim},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380312331280598},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {67--90},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {The rise and mainstreaming of Europe's Green parties has not only enlarged the left bloc in many party systems but helped to drive a trend toward bipolar competition. This article argues that the rise and mainstreaming of far right parties has done the same for the other side and reinforced the trend. This change in the political opportunity structure was not simply seized upon but in part engineered by a centre-right willing to rely on former pariahs for legislative majorities. By adopting some of the far right's themes, it legitimised them and increased both their salience and the seats it brought into an expanded right bloc. Once in office, the centre-right has demonstrated its commitment to getting tough on immigration, crime and welfare abuse, not least to distract from a somewhat surprising turn toward market liberalism. The analysis concludes by asking what this means for both bipolar blocs in the longer term.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380312331280598}
}

@Article{BaleBergman2006,
  Title                    = {Captives No Longer, but Servants Still? Contract Parliamentarism and the New Minority Governance in {Sweden} and {New Zealand}},
  Author                   = {Bale, Tim and Bergman, Torbj{\"o}rn},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00186.x},
  ISSN                     = {1477-7053},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {422--449},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Recent years have seen the institutionalization of minority governance in Sweden and New Zealand. Large, historic social democratic labour parties enjoy comparative security of tenure thanks to smaller, newer parties with whom they have signed long-term, detailed support agreements covering both policy and process. This trend toward `contract parliamentarism' owes much to party-system dynamics, but also to the accretion of experience, to cultural norms and to institutional constraints --- all of which, along with electoral contingency, explain why the trend has gone slightly further in one polity than in the other. While the trend seems to favour the left in general, its implications for the support or `servant' parties, and --- more normatively --- for democracy itself, may be less favourable.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00186.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Balke1991,
  author       = {Balke, Nathan S.},
  date         = {1991},
  journaltitle = {Southern Economic Journal},
  title        = {Partisanship Theory, Macroeconomic Outcomes, and Endogenous Elections},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {920--935},
  volume       = {57},
  annotation   = {Extends the Alesina-like model of partisan business cycles. Original models incorporate rational expectations of inflation, using the election outcome as the "surprise" that leads to real effects from inflationary policies. This paper endogenises voters' preference for inflation.},
}

@Unpublished{BallEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Okun's Law: Fit at 50?},
  Author                   = {Ball, Laurence and Leigh, Daniel and Loungani, Prakash},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {IMF Working Paper No. 13/10},
  Url                      = {http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2013/wp1310.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {This paper asks how well Okuns Law fits short-run unemployment movements in the United States since 1948 and in twenty advanced economies since 1980. We find that Okuns Law isa strong and stable relationship in most countries, one that did not change substantiallyduring the Great Recession. Accounts of breakdowns in the Law, such as the emergence of ``jobless recoveries,'' are flawed. We also find that the coefficient in the relationship --- the effect of a one percent change in output on the unemployment rate --- varies substantially across countries. This variation is partly explained by idiosyncratic features of national labormarkets, but it is not related to differences in employment protection legislation.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Ball1988,
  Title                    = {Staff Relations during the Teachers' Industrial Action: Context, Conflict and Proletarianisation},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {289--306},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the considerable media time devoted to the teachers' industrial dispute in England and Wales during 1985-86 little or no effort was made to represent the conduct of the dispute in particular schools or through the experiences of individual teachers. The impression conveyed was of a uniform type of 'action' and similar effects in different schools, although some were reported as being 'harder hit' than others, that is more days on strike. In reality, although related to a set of general conditions affecting teachers' work, the dispute was enacted and experienced very differently in different schools and localities. The conduct of the dispute in particular schools emerged from and was related to a variety of 'local' factors. In this paper some of these institutional variations are examined. The paper consists of two sections. The first attempts to describe and analyse recent structural changes affecting the conditions of work of teaching and thus provide a context for the 1985-86 industrial action in schools. The second section explores teachers' interpretations of and involvements in the industrial action in particular schools. The data on which the paper is based were collected as part of a more general research study on school organisation and micro-politics.}
}

@Article{Ball1993,
  Title                    = {Education Markets, Choice and Social Class: the market as a class strategy in the UK and the {USA}},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--19},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {The market alternative in education is gaining ground in policy-making circles on both sides of the Atlantic. Parental choice and school competition are seen as ways of achieving reform and raising standards while at the same time reducing State intervention into education planning. This paper interrogates the arguments made for markets and against public monopoly schooling; and it is argued that on both counts the claims of advocates are partial and flawed. The failure to address the bases and effects of inequalities of the market are given particular attention. It is argued that markets in education provide the possibility for the pursuit of class advantage and generate a differentiated and stratified system of schooling.}
}

@Article{Ball1998,
  Title                    = {Big Policies/Small World: An Introduction to International Perspectives in Education Policy},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {119--130},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper the primary emphasis is upon the general and common elements in contemporary, international education policy, but nonetheless the discussion also considers the processes of translation and recontextualisation involved in the realisation or enactment of policy in specific national and local settings. A set of generic 'problems' which constitute the contemporary social, political and economic conditions for education and social policy making are adumbrated. The emergence of ideological and 'magical' solutions to these problems is identified and the means of the dissemination of these solutions are discussed. A relationship between the global market and the marketisation of education is suggested and explored.}
}

@Book{Ball2003,
  Title                    = {Class strategies and the education market: The middle classes and social advantage},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BallEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {School choice, social class and distinction: the realization of social advantage in education},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J. and Bowe, Richard and Gewirtz, Sharon},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0268093960110105},
  ISSN                     = {0268-0939},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--112},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Parental choice is one of the keystones of current education policy in the UK. A combination of open enrolment, per-capita funding and deregulated admission procedures is encouraging competition between schools for student enrolments (at least in areas where there are surplus places). Parents are encouraged to see themselves as consumers of education, and `good parenting' is defined, at least in part, in relation to the `responsibilities' of choice (The Parents Charter, Department of Education 1992). Within education policy choice is taken to be both neutral and individualistic. In this paper, we attempt to challenge that neutrality and to argue that choice in education is systematically related to social class differences and the reproduction of class inequalities.},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BallExley2010,
  Title                    = {Making policy with `good ideas': policy networks and the `intellectuals' of New Labour},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J. and Exley, Sonia},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930903486125},
  ISSN                     = {0268-0939},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {151--169},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The proliferation of policy think tanks and more broadly the rise of `policy networks' can be viewed as indicative of important global transformations in the nature of the state. That is, the emergence of new state modalities, with a shift away from government towards forms of polycentric governance, where policy is produced through multiple agencies and multiple sites of discourse generation. This paper addresses some particular aspects of this shift by focusing on a set of relationships and sites which have had some kind of influence upon the social and educational policies of UK New Labour governments. It has two main concerns. First, focusing on the generation and circulation of some of the key policy `ideas' of New Labour, it maps out a related and overlapping set of policy networks which join-up government, think tanks and some individual interlockers, who `straddle sectors and policy fields and settings'. Second, it highlights some of the main discursive elements that flow through these networks, in particular those of innovation and enterprise. They give particular emphasis on the role of `social enterprise' and social entrepreneurs in the modernisation of public service provision and in providing solutions to intractable social problems.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930903486125},
  Booktitle                = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.01}
}

@Book{BallEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {How Schools Do Policy: Policy Enactments in Secondary Schools},
  Author                   = {Ball, Stephen J. and Maguire, Meg and Braud, Annette},
  Date                     = {2012},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-20315318-5},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Ballard1988,
  author       = {Ballard, Charles L.},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {The Marginal Efficiency Cost of Redistribution},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1019--1033},
  volume       = {78},
  abstract     = {The efficiency effects of redistributive policies are analyzed using a computational general equilibrium model. For parameter values considered most reasonable, a tax-financed universal cash grant generates losses for the higher-income groups that exceed the gains of the lower-income groups by from 50 to 130 percent. These efficiency costs are substantially below those calculated by other authors. The marginal efficiency cost of redistribution through wage subsidies is near zero, and can be negative.},
  month        = dec,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{BallewTodorov2007,
  Title                    = {Predicting political elections from rapid and unreflective face judgments},
  Author                   = {Ballew, Charles C. and Todorov, Alexander},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1073/pnas.0705435104},
  Number                   = {46},
  Pages                    = {17948--17953},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {Here we show that rapid judgments of competence based solely on the facial appearance of candidates predicted the outcomes of gubernatorial elections, the most important elections in the United States next to the presidential elections. In all experiments, participants were presented with the faces of the winner and the runner-up and asked to decide who is more competent. To ensure that competence judgments were based solely on facial appearance and not on prior person knowledge, judgments for races in which the participant recognized any of the faces were excluded from all analyses. Predictions were as accurate after a 100-ms exposure to the faces of the winner and the runner-up as exposure after 250 ms and unlimited time exposure (Experiment 1). Asking participants to deliberate and make a good judgment dramatically increased the response times and reduced the predictive accuracy of judgments relative to both judgments made after 250 ms of exposure to the faces and judgments made within a response deadline of 2 s (Experiment 2). Finally, competence judgments collected before the elections in 2006 predicted 68.6\% of the gubernatorial races and 72.4\% of the Senate races (Experiment 3). These effects were independent of the incumbency status of the candidates. The findings suggest that rapid, unreflective judgments of competence from faces can affect voting decisions.}
}

@Unpublished{BallouEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {A Comparison of Charter Schools and Traditional Public Schools in Idaho},
  Author                   = {Ballou, Dale and Teasley, Bettie and Zeidner, Tim},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the effectiveness of Idaho{\~} charter schools relative to traditional public schools, using the average difference in test score gains in the two sectors as well as the student fixed effects estimator favored in the literature. Our findings are quite sensitive to the choice of estimator. When student fixed effects are included, charter schools appear more effective than traditional public schools in the elementary grades. When student fixed effects are omitted, this is no longer true. We attribute the difference to biases associated with heterogeneity in schools and in the quality of school-student matches when the fixed effects estimator is used. We find much less evidence of selection bias, the standard rationale for the fixed effects estimator.}
}

@Book{Banks1971,
  Title                    = {Cross-Polity Time-Series Data},
  Author                   = {Banks, Arthur S.},
  Date                     = {1971},
  ISBN                     = {0262020718},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{BarberEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {The Behavioral Foundations of Social Politics: Evidence from Surveys and a Laboratory Democracy},
  Author                   = {Barber, Benjamin and Beramendi, Pablo and Wibbels, Erik},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414012472467},
  Number                   = {10},
  Pages                    = {1155-1189},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {The dominant theoretical approaches in the comparative political economy of the welfare state provide alternative accounts for why some governments spend more on social policies than others. In the first, poor voters seek to increase their current income by taxing the rich, and social policy serves to redistribute income from the rich to the poor. In the second account, voters seek social insurance against future job loss, and social policy serves as an insurance mechanism rather than a redistributive one. Both of these accounts share the assumption that voters can clearly distinguish between the redistributive and insurance elements of public policy and, therefore, that individual-level characteristics (income, labor market risks) systematically shape preferences over social policy. Our goal is to examine the soundness of that behavioral assumption. We do so with a laboratory experiment that involves economic production, voting on taxation and fiscal transfers. We treat subjects with social policies that vary in their level of redistribution and insurance to examine how this impacts their preferred tax rate. We complement the experimental evidence with data from original survey questions that assess voters' knowledge of the distributive characteristics of different social policies in the U.S. Evidence from both settings suggest only marginal support for behavioral underpinnings of the standard insurance model, particularly as the empirical setting more closely approximates the real world.}
}

@Article{Barber2004,
  author       = {Barber, Benjamin R.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Security Dialogue},
  title        = {Imperialism or Interdependence?},
  doi          = {10.1177/0967010604044982},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {237--242},
  volume       = {35},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604044982},
}

@Book{Barber1992,
  Title                    = {Education and the Teacher Unions},
  Author                   = {Barber, Michael},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {0304323640},
  Publisher                = {Continuum}
}

@Book{Barber2008,
  Title                    = {Instruction to Deliver: Fighting to Transform {Britain}'s Public Services},
  Author                   = {Barber, Michael},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9780413776648},
  Publisher                = {Methuen Publishing Ltd}
}

@Misc{Barber2012,
  Author                   = {Barber, Sir Michael},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Telephone interview},
  Note                     = {June 19}
}

@Article{BarberisEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {How Does Privatization Work? Evidence from the {Russia}n Shops},
  Author                   = {Barberis, Nicholas and Boycko, Maxim and Shleifer, Andrei and Tsukanova, Natalia},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/262042},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {764{--}790},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {We use a survey of 452 Russian shops, most of which were privatized between 1992 and 1993, to measure the importance of alternative channels through which privatization promotes restructuring. Restructuring is measured as major renovation, a change in suppliers, an increase in hours stores stay open, and layoffs. There is strong evidence that the presence of new owners and new managers raises the likelihood of restructuring. In contrast, there is no evidence that equity incentives of old managers promote restructuring. The evidence points to the critical role new human capital plays in economic transformation.}
}

@Misc{BarbieriEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Correlates of War Project Trade Data Set Codebook, Version 2.01},
  Author                   = {Barbieri, Katherine and Keshk, Omar and Pollins, Brian},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Accessed: 2010/09/17},
  Url                      = {http://correlatesofwar.org/},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://correlatesofwar.org/}
}

@Article{BarbieriEtAl2009,
  author       = {Barbieri, Katherine and Keshk, Omar M. G. and Pollins, Brian M.},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
  title        = {{Trading Data: Evaluating our Assumptions and Coding Rules}},
  doi          = {10.1177/0738894209343887},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {471--491},
  volume       = {26},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894209343887},
}

@Article{Barkawi2004,
  Title                    = {On the pedagogy of 'small wars'},
  Author                   = {Barkawi, Tarak},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00363.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {19--37},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that flawed western strategies for 'small wars', those fought in the non-European world, have been informed by illusions concerning the cultural, military and political superiority of the West. With 9/11, such wars ceased to be small. The main threat to the western powers no longer emanates from other states organized along lines similar to their own, but from a transnational network enterprise that has its origins in the global South and the Islamic world. Nonetheless, old imperial and orientalist constructions continue to inform western and particularly US perceptions of the war on terror. 'Knowing thy enemy' and 'knowing thyself', Sun Tzu's formula for victory, requires abandoning flattering accounts of western identity and learning to empathize with those we call terrorists.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00363.x}
}

@Article{BarnardEtAl2003,
  author       = {Barnard, John and Frangakis, Constantine E. and Hill, Jennifer L. and Rubin, Donald B.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  title        = {Principal Stratification Approach to Broken Randomized Experiments},
  doi          = {10.1198/016214503000071},
  number       = {462},
  pages        = {299--323},
  volume       = {98},
  abstract     = {The precarious state of the educational system in the inner cities of the United States, as well as its potential causes and solutions, have been popular topics of debate in recent years. Part of the difficulty in resolving this debate is the lack of solid empirical evidence regarding the true impact of educational initiatives. The efficacy of so-called ``school choice'' programs has been a particularly contentious issue. A current multimillion dollar program, the School Choice Scholarship Foundation Program in New York, randomized the distribution of vouchers in an attempt to shed some light on this issue. This is an important time for school choice, because on June 27, 2002 the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of a voucher program in Cleveland that provides scholarships both to secular and religious private schools. Although this study benefits immensely from a randomized design, it suffers from complications common to such research with human subjects: noncompliance with assigned ``treatments'' and missing data. Recent work has revealed threats to valid estimates of experimental effects that exist in the presence of noncompliance and missing data, even when the goal is to estimate simple intention-to-treat effects. Our goal was to create a better solution when faced with both noncompliance and missing data. This article presents a model that accommodates these complications that is based on the general framework of ``principal stratification'' and thus relies on more plausible assumptions than standard methodology. Our analyses revealed positive effects on math scores for children who applied to the program from certain types of schools --- those with average test scores below the citywide median. Among these children, the effects are stronger for children who applied in the first grade and for African-American children.},
}

@Article{Barnes2012,
  Title                    = {Does Median Voter Income Matter? The Effects of Inequality and Turnout on Government Spending},
  Author                   = {Barnes, Lucy},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00952.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {82--100},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the relationship between economic inequality, electoral turnout and redistributive spending. I use the Current Population Survey to create direct measures of the income of the median voter to investigate its effect on spending and its relationship with inequality and turnout. In the 50 US states from 1978 to 2002, I find little effect of these direct measures on redistributive outcomes; nor do the individual characteristics of the median voter appear to mediate the effects of turnout and inequality measured at the state level. Thus I find no support for the contention that turnout affects government spending via increasing the political representation of the poor. In contrast to cross-national findings, across US states the income of the median voter is not strongly affected by turnout, but rather by other state characteristics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00952.x},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Barnes2015,
  Title                    = {The size and shape of government: preferences over redistributive tax policy},
  Author                   = {Barnes, Lucy},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu007},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {55--78},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Why do some people support government redistribution more than others? This article addresses this question with reference to attitudes towards redistributive tax policy. In doing so, it identifies an important distinction between preferences over the level of taxation and preferences over its structure. Using individual-level survey data from 17 advanced industrial countries, I find decoupling of pro-redistributive attitudes over the size versus the shape of government. The modal respondent prefers higher progressivity (more redistribution) but lower tax levels (less redistribution). Further, this decoupling varies across countries: preferences over tax levels have a greater effect on progressivity preferences in less progressive tax systems. I examine how theories of redistribution preferences help understand this disconnect, and show that income and risk affect progressivity preferences as they do attitudes towards redistribution. In contrast, trust affects preferences over tax levels in the same way as it affects redistribution preferences.}
}

@Unpublished{BarnesHicks2015,
  Title                    = {Risk, Recession, and Declining Popular Demand for the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2015-02},
  HowPublished             = {CAGE Working Paper no. 228, Department of Economics, University of Warwick},
  Url                      = {http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/research/centres/cage/manage/publications/228-2015_barnes_troeger.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-06-20}
}

@WWW{BarnesHicks2019-09-16,
  author  = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  date    = {2019-09-16},
  title   = {Are the Left Perceived as Debt-Profligate? A Second Pre-Analysis Plan},
  url     = {https://osf.io/hb48v},
  urldate = {2019-09-16},
}

@Article{BarnettFinnemore1999,
  author       = {Barnett, Michael N. and Finnemore, Martha},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {The Politics, Power, and Pathologies of International Organizations},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {699{--}732},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {International Relations scholars have vigorous theories to explain why international organizations (IOs) are created, but they have paid little attention to IO behavior and whether IOs actually do what their creators intend. This blind spot flows logically from the economic theories of organization that have dominated the study of international institutions and regimes. To recover the agency and autonomy of IOs, we offer a constmctivist approach. Building on Max Weber's well-known analysis of bureaucracy, we argue that IOs are much more powerful than even neoliberals have argued, and that the same characteristics of bureaucracy that make IOs powerful can also make them prone to dysfunctional behavior. IOs are powerful because, like all bureaucracies, they make roles, and, in so doing, they create social knowledge. IOs deploy this knowledge in ways that define shared international tasks, create new categories of actors, form new interests for actors, and transfer new models of political organization around the world. However, the same normative valuation on impersonal roles that defines bureaucracies and makes them powerful in modem life can also make them unresponsire to their environments, obsessed with their own roles at the expense of primary missions, and ultimately produce inefficient and self-defeating behavior. Sociological and constmctivist approaches thus allow us to expand the research agenda beyond IO creation and to ask important questions about the consequences of global bureaucratization and the effects of IOs in world politics.},
}

@Article{Baron1989,
  author       = {Baron, David P.},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Service-Induced Campaign Contributions and the Electoral Equilibrium},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {45{--}72},
  volume       = {104},
  abstract     = {Candidates for office are modeled as promising services, such as support for legislation and intervention in the bureaucracy, to interest groups in exchange for campaign contributions. An electoral equilibrium is characterized in which candidates choose service-contribution offers and interest groups choose whether to contribute. The model provides several explanations of congressional incumbents' success in over 90 percent of their reelection contests: a recognition advantage, a high personal valuation of the office, a lower cost of providing services, and policy alignment with high demand interest groups. The model yields predictions that are consistent with empirical findings on the relation between campaign contributions and election outcomes.},
}

@Article{BaronFerejohn1989,
  author       = {Baron, David P. and Ferejohn, John A.},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Bargaining in Legislatures},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1181{--}1206},
  volume       = {83},
  abstract     = {Bargaining in legislatures is conducted according to formal rules specifying who may make proposals and how they will be decided. Legislative outcomes depend on those rules and on the structure of the legislature. Although the social choice literature provides theories about voting equilibria, it does not endogenize the formation of the agenda on which the voting is based and rarely takes into account the institutional structure found in legislatures. In our theory members of the legislature act noncooperatively in choosing strategies to serve their own districts, explicitly taking into account the strategies members adopt in response to the sequential nature of proposal making and voting. The model permits the characterization of a legislative equilibrium reflecting the structure of the legislature and also allows consideration of the choice of elements of that structure in a context in which the standard, institution-free model of social choice theory yields no equilibrium.},
}

@Article{BaronKenny1986,
  author       = {Baron, Reuben M. and Kenny, David A.},
  date         = {1986},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  title        = {The moderator--mediator variable distinction in social psychological research: Conceptual, strategic, and statistical considerations.},
  doi          = {10.1037/0022-3514.51.6.1173},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1173--1182},
  volume       = {51},
}

@Article{BaroneEtAl2015,
  author       = {Barone, Guglielmo and D'Acunto, Francesco and Narciso, Gaia},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Economic Policy},
  title        = {Telecracy: Testing for Channels of Persuasion},
  doi          = {10.1257/pol.20130318},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {30--60},
  volume       = {7},
  abstract     = {Can biased information persuade in the long run? Political information on Italian TV has been biased towards Berlusconi's party since 1994. We exploit a shock to exposure to bias: idiosyncratic deadlines to switch to digital TV from 2008 to 2012. Digital TV increased the number of free channels tenfold. The switch caused a drop in Berlusconi's vote share by 5.5 to 7.5 percentage points. The effect was stronger for older and less educated voters. At least 30\% of digital users had not filtered out the bias from 1994 to 2010. Selective attention and persuasion bias are consistent with our results.},
}

@Book{Barr2001,
  Title                    = {The Welfare State as Piggy Bank: Information, Risk, Uncertainty, and the Role of the State},
  Author                   = {Nicholas Barr},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {0-19-924659-9},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.10.31}
}

@Article{Barr2004,
  Title                    = {Higher Education Funding},
  Author                   = {Barr, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/oxrep/grh015},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {264--283},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {The expansion of higher education throughout the OECD{\textemdash}and beyond{\textemdash}is both necessary and desirable. But it is costly, and faces competing imperatives for public spending. Higher education finance is therefore salient to an extent that is not yet fully appreciated in all countries, and is also immensely sensitive politically. This paper sets out the core lessons for financing higher education deriving from economic theory and puts them alongside lessons from country experience. The UK reforms announced in 2004 are assessed against the backdrop of those two elements. A concluding section briefly maps out unfinished business.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/grh015}
}

@Incollection{Barrett1998,
  Title                    = {The importance of state enterprises in the Irish economy and the future for privatisation},
  Author                   = {Barrett, Sean},
  Booktitle                = {Privatisation in the European Union: Theory and Policy Perspectives},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {David Parker},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {136--149},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Barro2012,
  Title                    = {Why This Slow Recovery is Like No Recovery},
  Author                   = {Barro, Robert J.},
  Date                     = {2012-06-05},
  Journaltitle             = {Wall Street Journal},
  Url                      = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/barro/files/wsj_recovery_12_0605.pdf}
}

@WWW{Barro2012-05-09,
  author       = {Barro, Robert J.},
  date         = {2012-05-09},
  title        = {Stimulus Spending Keeps Failing},
  url          = {https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052702304451104577390482019129156},
  organization = {Wall Street Journal},
  urldate      = {2021-02-25},
}

@Article{BarroGordon1983,
  author       = {Barro, Robert J. and Gordon, David B.},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {A Positive Theory of Monetary Policy in a Natural Rate Model},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {589{--}610},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {A discretionary policymaker can create surprise inflation, which may reduce employment and raise government revenue. But when people understand the policymaker's objectives, these surprises cannot occur systematically. In equilibrium people form expectations rationally and the policymaker optimizes in each period, subject to the way that people form expectations. Then, we find that (1) the rates of monetary growth and inflation are excessive; (2) these rates depend on the slope of Phillips curve, the natural unemployment rate, and other variables that affect the benefits and costs from inflation; (3) the monetary authority behaves countercyclically; and (4) unemployment is independent of money policy. Outcomes improve if rules commit future policy choices in the appropriate manner. The value of these commitments{--}which amount to long-term contracts between the government and the private sector{--}underlies the argument for rules over discretion.},
}

@Article{BarroLee2005,
  Title                    = {IMF programs: Who is chosen and what are the effects?},
  Author                   = {Barro, Robert J. and Lee, Jong-Wha},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jmoneco.2005.04.003},
  ISSN                     = {0304-3932},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {1245--1269},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {IMF loans react to economic conditions but are also sensitive to political-economy variables. Loans tend to be larger and more frequent when a country has a bigger quota and more professional staff at the IMF and when a country is more connected politically and economically to the United States and major European countries. These results are of considerable interest for their own sake. More importantly for present purposes, the results provide instrumental variables for estimating the effects of IMF loan programs on economic growth and other variables. This instrumental estimation allows us to sort out the economic effects of the loan programs from the responses of IMF lending to economic conditions. The estimates show that a higher IMF loan-participation rate reduces economic growth. IMF lending does not have significant effects on investment, inflation, government consumption, and international openness. However, IMF loan participation has small negative effects on democracy and the rule of law. The reduction in the rule of law implies an additional, indirect channel whereby IMF lending reduces economic growth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmoneco.2005.04.003},
  Booktitle                = {Political economy and macroeconomics Political economy and macroeconomics},
  Keywords                 = {Economic growth, IMF lending, Instruments, Political economy},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Book{Barry1989,
  Title                    = {Theories of Justice: A Treatise on Social Justice, Vol. 1},
  Author                   = {Barry, Brian},
  Date                     = {1989},
  ISBN                     = {9780520076495},
  Location                 = {Berkeley, CA},
  Publisher                = {University of California Press}
}

@Article{Barry1990,
  Title                    = {The Welfare State versus the Relief of Poverty},
  Author                   = {Barry, Brian},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Ethics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {503{--}529},
  Volume                   = {100}
}

@Article{Barry2003,
  Title                    = {Economic Integration and Convergence Processes in the EU Cohesion Countries},
  Author                   = {Barry, Frank},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2003.00468.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {897--921},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Abstract This article compares the economic performance of the EU cohesion countries --- Greece, Spain, Portugal and Ireland --- from 1960 to the present, in order to identify the processes that have promoted or inhibited real convergence prospects at various points in time. The likely impacts of EMU in strengthening or weakening these processes are then analysed. Amongst the factors studied are labour-market performance, macroeconomic stability and the efficacy of microeconomic policy-making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2003.00468.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing}
}

@Article{BarryEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {The Single Market, the Structural Funds and {Ireland}'s Recent Economic Growth},
  Author                   = {Barry, Frank and Bradley, John and Hannan, Aoife},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00302},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {537--552},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00302},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{BartelHarrison2005,
  author       = {Bartel, Ann P. and Harrison, Ann E.},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {Ownership Versus Environment: Disentangling the Sources of Public-Sector Inefficiency},
  doi          = {10.1162/0034653053327595},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {135--147},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {An unanswered question in the debate on public-sector inefficiency is whether reforms other than government divestiture can effectively substitute for privatization. Using a 1981-1995 panel data set of all public and private manufacturing establishments in Indonesia, we analyze whether public-sector inefficiency is primarily due to agency-type problems or to the environment in which public-sector enterprises (PSEs) operate, as measured by the soft budget constraint and the degree of internal and external competition. The results, obtained from fixed-effects specifications, provide support for both models. Ownership matters because, for a given level of government financing or competition, PSEs perform worse than their private-sector counterparts. The environment matters because only PSEs which received government financing or those shielded from import competition or foreign ownership performed worse than private enterprises. The results suggest that the efficiency of PSEs can be increased through privatization, through manipulation of the environment, or through a combination of both approaches.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0034653053327595},
}

@Unpublished{Bartels2008,
  Title                    = {Beyond `Fixed Versus Random Effects': A Framework for Improving Substantive and Statistical Analysis of Panel, TSCS, and Multilevel Data},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Brandon L.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Note                     = {Unpublished working paper, Department of Political Science, The George Washington University},

  Abstract                 = {Researchers analyzing panel, time-series cross-sectional, and multilevel data often choose between a random effects, fixed effects, or complete pooling modeling approach. While pros and cons exist for each approach, I contend that some core issues concerning clustered data continue to be ignored. I present a unified and simple modeling framework for analyzing clustered data that solves many of the substantive and statistical problems inherent in extant approaches. The approach: (1) solves the substantive interpretation problems associated with cluster confounding, which occurs when one assumes that within- and between-cluster effects are equal; (2) accounts for cluster-level unobserved heterogeneity via a random intercept model; (3) satisfies the controversial statistical assumption that level-1 variables be uncorrelated with the random effects term; (4) allows for the inclusion of level-2 variables; and (5) allows for statistical tests of cluster confounding. I illustrate this approach using three substantive examples: global human rights abuse, oil production for OPEC countries, and Senate voting on Supreme Court nominations. Reexaminations of these data produce refined interpretations of some of the core substantive conclusions.}
}

@Article{BartelsEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {The dynamic properties of individual-level party identification in the United States},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Brandon L. and Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M. and Smidt, Corwin D. and Smith, Ren{\'e}e M.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.11.002},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {210--222},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {Central to traditionalist and revisionist perspectives of individual-level party identification is a debate about the stability of party identification. We revisit the debate about the dynamic properties and processes underlying party identification. We present a conceptual framework that defines heterogeneity and state dependence as endpoints of a continuum underlying partisan stability, which is important in understanding an individual's capacity for updating partisanship. Using panel data from the 1992-1996 National Election Study, we estimate dynamic, random effects multinomial logit models of party identification that distinguish between heterogeneity and "true state dependence." In accord with traditionalist perspectives, our evidence suggests that in general, minimal state dependence underlies party identification; party identification is strongly stationary. However, we find that age enhances the magnitude of state dependence, which provides some support for revisionist theories. Overall, our work showcases how explaining individual-level dynamics expands our knowledge of partisan stability.}
}

@Article{Bartels1993,
  Title                    = {Messages Received: The Political Impact of Media Exposure},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2939040},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {267--285},
  Url                      = {https://my.vanderbilt.edu/larrybartels/files/2011/12/Messages_received.pdf},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {Analyses of the persuasive effects of media exposure outside the laboratory have generally produced negative results. I attribute such nonfindings in part to carelessness regarding the inferential consequences of measurement error and in part to limitations of research design. In an analysis of opinion change during the 1980 presidential campaign, adjusting for measurement error produces several strong media exposure effects, especially for network television news. Adjusting for measurement error also makes preexisting opinions look much more stable, suggesting that the new information absorbed via media exposure must be about three times as distinctive as has generally been supposed in order to account for observed patterns of opinion change.}
}

@Article{Bartels1996,
  Title                    = {Pooling Disparate Observations},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {905--942},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Copyright                = {Copyright 1996 Midwest Political Science Association},
  Publisher                = {Midwest Political Science Association}
}

@Article{Bartels2000,
  Title                    = {Partisanship and voting behavior, 1952--1996},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {35--50},
  Volume                   = {44}
}

@Article{Bartels2002,
  author       = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  title        = {Beyond the running tally: Partisan bias in political perceptions},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {117--150},
  doi          = {10.1023/A:1021226224601},
  abstract     = {I examine the impact of long-term partisan loyalties on perceptions of specific political figures and events. In contrast to the notion of partisanship as a simple ``running tally'' of political assessments, I show that party identification is a pervasive dynamic force shaping citizens' perceptions of, and reactions to, the political world. My analysis employs panel data to isolate the impact of partisan bias in the context of a Bayesian model of opinion change; I also present more straightforward evidence of contrasts in Democrats' and Republicans' perceptions of ``objective'' politically relevant events. I conclude that partisan bias in political perceptions plays a crucial role in perpetuating and reinforcing sharp differences in opinion between Democrats and Republicans. This conclusion handsomely validates the emphasis placed by the authors of The American Voter on ``the role of enduring partisan commitments in shaping attitudes toward political objects.''},
}

@Article{Bartels2005,
  Title                    = {Homer Gets a Tax Cut: Inequality and Public Policy in the {America}n Mind},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592705050036},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {15--31},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {In 2001 and 2003, the Bush administration engineered two enormous tax cuts primarily benefiting very wealthy taxpayers. Most Americans supported these tax cuts. I argue that they did so not because they were indifferent to economic inequality, but because they largely failed to connect inequality and public policy. Three out of every four people polled said that the difference in incomes between rich people and poor people has increased in the past 20 years, and most of them added that that is a bad thing --- but most of those people still supported the regressive 2001 Bush tax cut and the even more regressive repeal of the estate tax. Several manifestly relevant considerations had negligible or seemingly perverse effects on these policy views, including assessments of the wastefulness of government spending and desires for additional spending on a variety of government programs. Support for the Bush tax cuts was strongly shaped by people's attitudes about their own tax burdens, but virtually unaffected by their attitudes about the tax burden of the rich --- even in the case of the estate tax, which only affects the wealthiest one or two percent of taxpayers. Public opinion in this instance was ill informed, insensitive to some of the most important implications of the tax cuts, and largely disconnected from (or misconnected to) a variety of relevant values and material interests.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592705050036},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Bartels2006,
  Title                    = {Is the Water Rising? Reflections on Inequality and {America}n Democracy},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096506060057},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {39--42},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Many Americans were shocked and shamed by the televised images of New Orleans in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. Scenes of physical devastation were juxtaposed with even more disturbing scenes of human devastation. Thousands of residents, mostly Black and poor, seemed to be trapped in a Hobbesian state of nature, abandoned by government and civilized society. An untold number starved to death; for days their corpses floated in the streets.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096506060057},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{Bartels2006a,
  Title                    = {What's the Matter with What's the Matter with Kansas?},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.561/100.0000001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {201--226},
  Url                      = {http://www.bsos.umd.edu/socy/vanneman/socy789b/Bartels06.pdf},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Thomas Frank's What's the Matter with Kansas? asserts that the Republican Party has forged a new ``dominant political coalition'' by attracting working-class white voters on the basis of ``class animus'' and ``cultural wedge issues like guns and abortion.'' My analysis con?rms that white voters without college degrees have become significantly less Democratic; however, the contours of that shift bear little resemblance to Frank's account. First, the trend is almost entirely confined to the South, where Democratic support was artificially inflated by the one-party system of the Jim Crow era of legalized racial segregation. (Outside the South, support for Democratic presidential candidates among whites without college degrees has fallen by a total of one percentage point over the past half-century.) Second, there is no evidence that ``culture outweighs economics as a matter of public concern'' among Frank's working-class white voters. The apparent political significance of social issues has increased substantially over the past 20 years, but more among better-educated white voters than among those without college degrees. In both groups, economic issues continue to be most important. Finally, contrary to Frank's account, most of his white working-class voters see themselves as closer to the Democratic Party on social issues like abortion and gender roles but closer to the Republican Party on economic issues},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.bsos.umd.edu/socy/vanneman/socy789b/Bartels06.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.561/100.0000001}
}

@Article{Bartels2007,
  Title                    = {Homer Gets a Warm Hug: A Note on Ignorance and Extenuation},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592707072222},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {785--790},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {Lupia, Levine, Menning, and Sin show that well-informed Republicans and conservatives were highly supportive of the 2001 Bush tax cut. They mistakenly infer that this fact invalidates my claim in ``Homer Gets a Tax Cut'' that ``the strong plurality support'' for the tax cut was ``entirely attributable to simple ignorance.'' Their analysis, like mine, implies that a fully-informed public would have been lukewarm, at best, toward the tax cut. They have little to say about why this is the case, beyond insisting that ``citizens have reasons for the opinions they have.'' I suggest that citizens' ``reasons'' are sometimes misleading, misinformed, or substantively irrational, and that social science should not be limited to ``attempts to better fit our analyses into their rationales.''},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592707072222},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Book{Bartels2008a,
  Title                    = {Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9781400828357},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Bartels2008b,
  Title                    = {The Irrational Electorate},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Washington Quarterly},
  Url                      = {http://www.princeton.edu/~bartels/how_stupid.pdf}
}

@Article{Bartels2013,
  Title                    = {Political Effects of the Great Recession},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0002716213496054},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--76},
  Volume                   = {650},

  Abstract                 = {America's political response to the Great Recession was surprising to pundits but mostly consistent with patterns familiar to political scientists. Ordinary citizens assessed politicians and policies primarily on the basis of visible evidence of success or failure. Thus, in 2008, the president{\textquoteright}s party was punished at the polls for the dismal state of the election-year economy. The successful challenger, Barack Obama, pushed policy significantly to the Left, as Democratic presidents typically do, provoking a predictable {\textquotedblleft}thermostatic{\textquotedblright} shift to the Right in the public{\textquoteright}s policy mood. In 2010, slow economic recovery and public qualms about ideological overreach exacerbated the losses normally suffered by a president{\textquoteright}s party in midterm elections. In 2012, Obama was reelected---as incumbents almost always are when their party has held the White House for just four years---thanks in part to a modest but timely upturn in the income growth rate.}
}

@Book{Bartels2016,
  Title                    = {Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age},
  Author                   = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-691-17284-2},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{BarthEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {Political Reinforcement: How Rising Inequality Curbs Manifested Welfare Generosity},
  Author                   = {Barth, Erling and Finseraas, Henning and Moene, Karl Ove},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12129},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},

  Abstract                 = {We propose a political reinforcement hypothesis, suggesting that rising inequality moves party politics on welfare state issues to the right, strengthening rather than modifying the impact of inequality. We model policy platforms by incorporating ideology and opportunism of party members and interests and sympathies of voters. If welfare spending is a normal good within income classes, a majority of voters moves rightward when inequality increases. As a response, the left, in particular, shift their welfare policy platform toward less generosity. We find support for our arguments using data on the welfare policy platforms of political parties in 22 OECD countries.}
}

@Article{BartleEtAl2011,
  author       = {Bartle, John and Dellepiane-Avellaneda, Sebastian and Stimson, James A.},
  title        = {The Moving Centre: Preferences for Government Activity in {Britain}, 1950--2005},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {41},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {259--285},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123410000463},
  abstract     = {The political centre is often discussed in debates about public policy and analyses of party strategies and election outcomes. Yet, to date, there has been little effort to estimate the political centre outside the United States. This article outlines a method of estimating the political centre using public opinion data collected for the period between 1950 and 2005. It is demonstrated that it is possible to measure the centre in Britain, that it moves over time, that it shifts in response to government activity and, furthermore, that it has an observable association with general election outcomes.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  timestamp    = {2013.01.22},
}

@Incollection{Bartlett1993,
  Title                    = {Quasi-Markets and Educational Reforms},
  Author                   = {Bartlett, Will},
  Booktitle                = {Quasi-Markets and Social Policy},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Julian Le Grand and Will Barlett},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Pages                    = {125{--}153},
  Publisher                = {Macmillan Press}
}

@Incollection{BartlettLeGrand1993,
  Title                    = {The Theory of Quasi-Markets},
  Author                   = {Bartlett, Will and Le Grand, Julian},
  Booktitle                = {Quasi-Markets and Social Policy},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Julian Le Grand and Will Barlett},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Pages                    = {13{--}34},
  Publisher                = {Macmillan Press}
}

@Article{BasEtAl2008,
  author       = {Bas, Muhammet Ali and Signorino, Curtis S. and Walker, Robert W.},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {Statistical Backwards Induction: A Simple Method for Estimating Recursive Strategic Models},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpm029},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21{--}40},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {We present a simple method for estimating regressions based on recursive extensive-form games. Our procedure, which can be implemented in most standard statistical packages, involves sequentially estimating standard logits (or probits) in a manner analogous to backwards induction. We demonstrate that the technique produces consistent parameter estimates and show how to calculate consistent standard errors. To illustrate the method, we replicate Leblang's (2003) study of speculative attacks by financial markets and government responses to these attacks.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm029},
}

@Article{BashirLim2012,
  Title                    = {Misplaced Blame: Foreign Aid and the Consequences of UN Security Council Membership},
  Author                   = {Bashir, Omar S. and Lim, Darren J.},
  Date                     = {2012-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002712453710},

  Abstract                 = {In a well-publicized finding, Bueno de Mesquita and Smith argue that temporary members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) suffer politically and economically because they receive elevated inflows of foreign aid in exchange for votes. Closer examination of the data reveals a lack of support for this claim. Even when the analysis is limited to countries that do not enjoy temporarily increased aid during tenure, UNSC membership retains an association with poor outcomes that are disproportionately strong in nondemocratic countries, contrary to the expectation generated by selectorate theory. A separate least-likely test specification further weakens the case against foreign aid. The authors postulate and weigh alternative explanations. Temporary membership may enable deleterious state policy through a lessened fear of international sanction. Alternatively, the membership selection process may be biased in a way not currently recognized by scholars who employ UNSC election as a source of exogenous variation in the international system.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002712453710},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{BastWalberg2004,
  author       = {Bast, Joseph L. and Walberg, Herbert J.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  title        = {Can parents choose the best schools for their children?},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2003.08.003},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {431--440},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {One of Lewis Solmon's research interests is whether parents can choose the best schools for their children. This paper shows how economic principles predict parents would do a better job choosing schools for their children than do experts in government agencies. Three types of empirical research relevant to the hypothesis are reviewed: surveys showing parents rate schools the same as experts (showing they have sufficient information to choose correctly); surveys showing most parents choose schools on the basis of their perceived academic quality (showing they are choosing in the child's best long-term interests); and data showing student academic achievement gains are higher in schools of choice than in traditional public schools. We conclude that Solmon's belief that parents can choose the best schools for their children is corroborated by economic theory and empirical research.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2003.08.003},
}

@Article{Bates1997,
  author       = {Bates, Robert H.},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Comparative Politics and Rational Choice: A Review Essay},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {699{--}704},
  volume       = {91},
}

@Article{BattagliniCoate2007,
  Title                    = {Inefficiency in Legislative Policymaking: A Dynamic Analysis},
  Author                   = {Battaglini, Marco and Coate, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {118{--}149},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops an infinite horizon model of public spending and taxation in which policy decisions are determined by legislative bargaining. The policy space incorporates both productive and distributive public spending and distortionary taxation. The productive spending is investing in a public good that benefits all citizens (e.g., national defense) and the distributive spending is district-specific transfers (e.g., pork-barrel spending). Investment in the public good creates a dynamic linkage across policymaking periods. The analysis explores the dynamics of legislative policy choices, focusing on the efficiency of the steady-state level of taxation and allocation of spending.}
}

@Unpublished{BaudeEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {The Evolution of Charter School Quality},
  Author                   = {Baude, Patrick L. and Casey, Marcus and Hanushek, Eric A. and Rivkin, Steven G.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Month                    = oct,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper 20645},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w20645},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of the charter school sector typically focus on head-to-head comparisons of charter and traditional schools at a point in time, but the expansion of parental choice and relaxation of constraints on school operations is unlikely to raise school quality overnight. Rather, the success of the reform depends in large part on whether parental choices induce improvements in the charter sector. We study quality changes among Texas charter schools between 2001 and 2011. Our results suggest that the charter sector was initially characterized by schools whose quality was highly variable and, on average, less effective than traditional public schools. However, exits from the sector, improvement of existing charter schools, and positive selection of charter management organizations that open additional schools raised average charter school effectiveness over time relative to traditional public schools. Moreover, the evidence is consistent with the belief that a reduction in student turnover as the sector matures, expansion of the share of charters that adhere to a No Excuses philosophy, and increasingly positive student selection at the times of both entry and reenrollment all contribute to the improvement of the charter sector.},
  Doi                      = {10.3386/w20645},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Number                   = {20645},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series},
  Type                     = {Working Paper}
}

@Article{BaughStone1982,
  Title                    = {Teachers, Unions, and Wages in the 1970{s}: Unionism Now Pays},
  Author                   = {Baugh, William H. and Stone, Joe A.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {368--376},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides evidence that confirms the results of previous studies that teacher unionism produced relatively small wage gains during the early 1970s, but it also shows that union gains increased substantially in the late 1970s. The evidence is based on an application of two complementary research designs-cross-section wage-level regressions and cross-section wage-change regressions-to national samples of teacher data for 1974-75 and 1977-78. The authors conclude that the union/nonunion wage differential among teachers reached 12 to 22 percent by the late 1970s, and during the period 1974-78 the real wages of unionized teachers increased while those of nonunionized teachers declined. They offer several possible explanations for these trends.}
}

@Article{BaumGroeling2010,
  author       = {Baum, Matthew A. and Groeling, Tim},
  title        = {Reality Asserts Itself: Public Opinion on {Iraq} and the Elasticity of Reality},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {64},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {443--479},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818310000172},
  abstract     = {Prevailing theories hold that U.S. public support for a war depends primarily on its degree of success, U.S. casualties, or conflict goals. Yet, research into the framing of foreign policy shows that public perceptions concerning each of these factors are often endogenous and malleable by elites. In this article, we argue that both elite rhetoric and the situation on the ground in the conflict affect public opinion, but the qualities that make such information persuasive vary over time and with circumstances. Early in a conflict, elites (especially the president) have an informational advantage that renders public perceptions of very elastic. As events unfold and as the public gathers more information, this elasticity recedes, allowing alternative frames to challenge the administration's preferred frame. We predict that over time the marginal impact of elite rhetoric and reality will decrease, although a sustained change in events may eventually restore their influence. We test our argument through a content analysis of news coverage of the Iraq war from 2003 through 2007, an original survey of public attitudes regarding Iraq, and partially disaggregated data from more than 200 surveys of public opinion on the war.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Article{BaumGussin2008,
  Title                    = {In the Eye of the Beholder: How Information Shortcuts Shape Individual Perceptions of Bias in the Media},
  Author                   = {Matthew A. Baum and Phil Gussin},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00007010},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--31},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Research has shown that humans are biased information processors. This study investigates an important potential example of biased information processing: when ex ante assessments of a media outlet's ideological orientation cause individual's to perceive bias in balanced news coverage. We conduct an experiment in which participants evaluated the content of a news report about the 2004 presidential election identified as originating from CNN, FOX or a fictional TV station. Our results suggest that in an increasingly fragmented media marketplace, individuals not only distinguish between media outlets but, more importantly, outlet brand names, and the reputations they carry, function as heuristics, heavily influencing perceptions of bias in content. As a result, individuals sometimes create bias, even where none exists.}
}

@Article{BaumgartnerEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Punctuated Equilibrium in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Baumgartner, Frank R. and Breunig, Christian and Green-Pedersen, Christoffer and Jones, Bryan D. and Mortensen, Peter B. and Nuytemans, Michiel and Walgrave, Stefaan},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00389.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {603--620},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {We explore the impact of institutional design on the distribution of changes in outputs of governmental processes in the United States, Belgium, and Denmark. Using comprehensive indicators of governmental actions over several decades, we show that in each country the level of institutional friction increases as we look at processes further along the policy cycle. Assessing multiple policymaking institutions in each country allows us to control for the nature of the policy inputs, as all the institutions we consider cover the full range of social and political issues in the country. We find that all distributions exhibit high kurtosis values, significantly higher than the Normal distribution which would be expected if changes in government attention and activities were proportionate to changes in social inputs. Further, in each country, those institutions that impose higher decision-making costs show progressively higher kurtosis values. The results suggest general patterns that we hypothesize to be related to boundedly rational behavior in a complex social environment.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{BaumgartnerJones1991,
  Title                    = {Agenda Dynamics and Policy Subsystems},
  Author                   = {Baumgartner, Frank R. and Jones, Bryan D.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2131866},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1044{--}1074},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/l5ygkdq},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {Rapid change in public policy outcomes often occurs, but most theories of pluralism emphasize only incrementalism. Yet from a historical view, it can easily be seen that many policies go through long periods of stability and short periods of dramatic reversals. Often the grand lines of policy may be settled for decades during such critical periods of mobilization. In this paper, we argue a single process can explain both periods of extreme stability and short bursts of rapid change. This process is the interaction of beliefs and values concerning a particular policy, which we term the policy image, with the existing set of political institutions{--}the venues of policy action. In a pluralist political system, subsystems can be created that are highly favorable to a given industry. But at the same time, there remain other institutional venues that can serve as avenues of appeal for the disaffected. Here we use the case of civilian nuclear policy to examine the process by which policy images find a favorable reception in some institutional venues but not others, and how the interaction between image and venue can lead to the rapid creation, destruction, or alteration of policy subsystems. We rely on data from a variety of sources to trace agenda access of the nuclear power issue in each of the policy venues available.}
}

@Book{BaumgartnerJones2005,
  Title                    = {Agendas and Instability in American Politics},
  Author                   = {Baumgartner, Frank R. and Jones, Bryan D.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Baumol1967,
  author       = {Baumol, William J.},
  date         = {1967},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Macroeconomics of Unbalanced Growth: The Anatomy of Urban Crisis},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {415{--}426},
  volume       = {57},
}

@Article{Baumol1993,
  author       = {Baumol, William J.},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Health care, education and the cost disease: A looming crisis for public choice},
  doi          = {10.1007/BF01049216},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {17--28},
  volume       = {77},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF01049216},
}

@Article{BaumolFischer1979,
  author       = {Baumol, William J. and Fischer, Dietrich},
  date         = {1979},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {The Output Distribution Frontier: Alternatives to Income Taxes and Transfers for Strong Equality Goals},
  doi          = {10.2307/1808699},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {514--525},
  volume       = {69},
  month        = sep,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{Bawn1995,
  Title                    = {Political Control Versus Expertise: Congressional Choices about Administrative Procedures},
  Author                   = {Bawn, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {62{--}73},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {Congressional choices about administrative procedures affect an agency's political responsiveness and the technical accuracy of its decisions. Legislators would like to design procedures so that agencies make technically sound decisions and balance the needs of competing interests in the way intended. In practice, agency procedures designed to promote technical competence often allow for political drift, and those that promote political control provide little new technical information about the consequences of policy decisions. The trade-off between technical competence and political control is captured in a model of a legislative coalition's decision about agency procedures. The choice variables are the agency's expected preferences and independence. Depending on exogenous levels of technical and political uncertainty, optimal agency procedures can maximize technical competence, maximize political control, or achieve a combination of the two.}
}

@Article{BawnRosenbluth2006,
  Title                    = {Short versus Long Coalitions: Electoral Accountability and the Size of the Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Bawn, Kathleen and Rosenbluth, Frances},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {251--265},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the policy consequences of the number of parties in government. We argue that parties externalize costs not borne by their support groups. Larger parties thus internalize more costs than small parties because they represent more groups. This argument implies that the public sector should be larger the more parties there are in the government coalition. We test this prediction using yearly time-series cross-sectional data from 1970 to 1998 in 17 European countries. We find that increasing the number of parties in government increases the fraction of GDP accounted for by government spending by close to half a percentage point, or more than one billion current dollars in the typical year. We find little support for the alternative claim that the number of legislative parties affects the size of the public sector, except via the number of parties in government.}
}

@Online{BBCNews2013,
  Title                    = {County chief tells Gove to halt `academy broker' visits},
  Author                   = {{BBC News}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-22271467},
  Month                    = apr,
  Urldate                  = {2013-05-25}
}

@Article{BearceTirone2010,
  Title                    = {Foreign Aid Effectiveness and the Strategic Goals of Donor Governments},
  Author                   = {Bearce, David H. and Tirone, Daniel C.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381610000204},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {837--851},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {This paper argues that foreign aid can promote economic growth in recipient countries by facilitating economic reform, but only when the strategic benefits associated with providing aid are small for donor governments. When the strategic benefits are large, foreign aid becomes ineffective because Western governments cannot credibly enforce their conditions for economic reform. This paper presents evidence consistent with both the cause and effect of this argument. Based on the understanding that Western aid was driven more (less) by strategic factors during the Cold War era (post-Cold War era), it shows that aid has been positively associated with economic reform, but only after 1990 when Western governments could more credibly threaten to curtail their aid if such reform was not forthcoming. It also shows that aid has promoted economic growth, but only after 1990 when the strategic benefits associated with aid provision declined for most Western donors.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381610000204},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{BecEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {The {AC}R Model: A Multivariate Dynamic Mixture Autoregression},
  Author                   = {Bec, Fr{\a\'e}d{\a\'e}rique and Rahbek, Anders and Shephard, Neil},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0084.2008.00512.x},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {583--618},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {This paper proposes and analyses the autoregressive conditional root (ACR) time-series model. This multivariate dynamic mixture autoregression allows for non-stationary epochs. It proves to be an appealing alternative to existing nonlinear models, e.g. the threshold autoregressive or Markov switching class of models, which are commonly used to describe nonlinear dynamics as implied by arbitrage in presence of transaction costs. Simple conditions on the parameters of the ACR process and its innovations are shown to imply geometric ergodicity, stationarity and existence of moments. Furthermore, consistency and asymptotic normality of the maximum likelihood estimators are established. An application to real exchange rate data illustrates the analysis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.2008.00512.x}
}

@Article{Becher2010,
  Title                    = {Constraining Ministerial Power: The Impact of Veto Players on Labor Market Reforms in Industrial Democracies, 1973--2000},
  Author                   = {Becher, Michael},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414009341716},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33--60},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates how veto players affect the reform of labor market policies in advanced industrial democracies. Complementing Tsebelis's veto player model with the assumption of ministerial agenda control within the cabinet, the argument is that the constitutional and partisan distribution of veto power affects the capability of ministers to change the status quo in line with their partisan goals. This claim is tested with panel data on unemployment insurance entitlements and employment protection legislation in 20 OECD countries between 1973 and 2000. The central finding is that veto players constrain the power of ministers, cabinet ministers and prime ministers alike, to pursue their partisan interests. The partisanship of ministers shapes reforms only if the ideological distance between veto players is relatively small, and the influence of ministerial partisanship declines as ideological distance increases.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009341716}
}

@Article{BecherDonnelly2014,
  Title                    = {Economic Performance, Individual Evaluations and the Vote: Investigating the Causal Mechanism},
  Author                   = {Becher, Michael and Donnelly, Michael},
  Date                     = {2013-10},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381613000959},
  Number                   = {4},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {While there are many studies on the impact of the economy on elections, there is little evidence on the full mechanism of economic voting implied by performance-based theories of elections. Addressing the scarcity of evidence on the mechanism, this study provides the first estimates of the linkage between macroeconomic performance, individual economic evaluations, and vote choice. Building on recent advances in the statistical analysis of causal mechanisms, we conduct a causal mediation analysis in a data set covering 151 surveys in eighteen countries. We find that the effect of economic performance on the incumbent vote is largely accounted for by voters' retrospective evaluations of the national economy. The effect is stronger in contexts where policymaking power is concentrated rather than dispersed. Altogether, the results imply that the performance-based channel of voting is more relevant in accounting for election outcomes than suggested by recent individual-level studies.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Bechtel2009,
  Title                    = {The Political Sources of Systematic Investment Risk: Lessons from a Consensus Democracy},
  Author                   = {Bechtel, Michael M.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381609090525},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {661--677},
  Url                      = {http://www.mbechtel.com/downloads/Bechtel_2009_Politics_and_Risk.pdf},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines the relationships between democratic politics and systematic investment (or capital) risk. Low risk is crucial to any well-functioning economy, as it encourages capital investment, facilitates growth, and enhances overall economic performance. This article distinguishes preelectoral, postelectoral, and institutional factors and examines how these influence systematic investment risk using daily stock market data from Germany. The results suggest that more (less) favorable and reliable investment conditions during the incumbency of right (left)-leaning governments lead to lower (higher) investment risk. This partisan effect is stronger the more inflation increases and depends on whether government is unified or divided. Investors also anticipate the effect of government partisanship: systematic risk decreases (increases) if the electoral prospects of a right (left)-leaning government enhance. Finally, grand coalition governments as well as periods of coalition formation trigger higher investment risk.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.ib.ethz.ch/people/mbechtel/box_feeder/Bechtel_2009_Politics_and_Risk.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381609090525},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.14}
}

@Article{BechtelEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Preferences for International Redistribution: The Divide over the Eurozone Bailouts},
  Author                   = {Bechtel, Michael M. and Hainmueller, Jens and Margalit, Yotam},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12079},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {835--856},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Why do voters agree to bear the costs of bailing out other countries? Despite the prominence of public opinion in the ongoing debate over the eurozone bailouts, voters' preferences on the topic are poorly understood. We conduct the first systematic analysis of this issue using observational and experimental survey data from Germany, the country shouldering the largest share of the EU's financial rescue fund. Testing a range of theoretical explanations, we find that individuals' own economic standing has limited explanatory power in accounting for their position on the bailouts. In contrast, social dispositions such as altruism and cosmopolitanism robustly correlate with support for the bailouts. The results indicate that the divide in public opinion over the bailouts does not reflect distributive lines separating domestic winners and losers. Instead, the bailout debate is better understood as a foreign policy issue that pits economic nationalist sentiments versus greater cosmopolitan affinity and other-regarding concerns.}
}

@Article{Beck1991,
  Title                    = {Comparing Dynamic Specifications: The Case of Presidential Approval},
  Author                   = {Beck, Nathaniel},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {51--87},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {This article compares a variety of models of presidential approval in terms of their dynamic properties and their theoretical underpinnings. Exponential distributed lags, partial adjustment, error correction, and transfer function models are considered. The major difference between the models lies in interpretation rather than statistical properties. The error correction model seems most satisfactory. Approval models based on individual level theories are examined, and found to give no additional purchase.}
}

@Article{Beck1992,
  Title                    = {The Methodology of Cointegration},
  Author                   = {Beck, Nathaniel},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/4.1.237},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {237--247},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.237}
}

@Article{Beck2001,
  Title                    = {Time-Series{--}Cross-Section Data: What Have We Learned in the Past Few Years?},
  Author                   = {Beck, Nathaniel},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.4.1.271},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {271{--}293},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {This article treats the analysis of time-series-cross-section (TSCS) data, which has become popular in the empirical analysis of comparative politics and international relations (IR). Such data consist of repeated observations on a series of fixed (nonsampled) units, where the units are of interest in themselves. An example of TSCS data is the post-World War II annual observations on the political economy of OECD nations. TSCS data are also becoming more common in IR studies that use the dyad-year design; such data are often complicated by a binary dependent variable (the presence or absence of dyadic conflict). Among the issues considered here are estimation and specification. I argue that treating TSCS issues as an estimation nuisance is old-fashioned; those wishing to pursue this approach should use ordinary least squares with panel correct standard errors rather than generalized least squares. A modern approach models dynamics via a lagged dependent variable or a single equation error correction model. Other modern issues involve the modeling of spatial impacts (geography) and heterogeneity. The binary dependent variable common in IR can be handled by treating the TSCS data as event history data.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.4.1.271}
}

@Article{BeckEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Space Is More than Geography: Using Spatial Econometrics in the Study of Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Beck, Nathaniel and Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede and Beardsley, Kyle},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00391.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {27--44},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {Although spatial econometrics is being used more frequently in political science, most applications are still based on geographic notions of distance. Here we argue that it is often more fruitful to consider political economy notions of distance, such as relative trade or common dyad membership. We also argue that the spatially autoregressive model usually (but not always) should be preferred to the spatially lagged error model. Finally, we consider the role of spatial econometrics in analyzing time-series--cross-section data, and show that a plausible (and testable) assumption allows for the simple introduction of space (however defined) into such analyses. We present examples of spatial analyses involving trade and democracy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00391.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{BeckKatz1995,
  author       = {Beck, Nathaniel and Katz, Jonathan N.},
  title        = {What to do (and not to do) with Time-Series Cross-Section Data},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {1995},
  volume       = {89},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {634{--}647},
  doi          = {10.2307/2082979},
  url          = {http://www.cc.rochester.edu/college/psc/clarke/405/BeckKatz95.pdf},
  abstract     = {We examine some issues in the estimation of time-series cross-section models, calling into question the conclusions of many published studies, particularly in the field of comparative political economy. We show that the generalized least squares approach of Parks produces standard errors that lead to extreme overconfidence, often underestimating variability by 50\% or more. We also provide an alternative estimator of the standard errors that is correct when the error structures show complications found in this type of model. Monte Carlo analysis shows that these "panel-corrected standard errors" perform well. The utility of our approach is demonstrated via a reanalysis of one "social democratic corporatist" model.},
}

@Article{BeckKatz1996,
  Title                    = {Nuisance vs. Substance: Specifying and Estimating Time-Series-Cross-Section Models},
  Author                   = {Beck, Nathaniel and Katz, Jonathan N.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--36},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {In a previous article we showed that ordinary least squares with panel corrected standard errors is superior to the Parks generalized least squares approach to the estimation of time-series-cross-section models. In this article we compare our proposed method with another leading technique, Kmenta's "cross-sectionally heteroskedastic and timewise autocorrelated" model. This estimator uses generalized least squares to correct for both panel heteroskedasticity and temporally correlated errors. We argue that it is best to model dynamics via a lagged dependent variable rather than via serially correlated errors. The lagged dependent variable approach makes it easier for researchers to examine dynamics and allows for natural generalizations in a manner that the serially correlated errors approach does not. We also show that the generalized least squares correction for panel heteroskedasticity is, in general, no improvement over ordinary least squares and is, in the presence of parameter heterogeneity, inferior to it. In the conclusion we present a unified method for analyzing time-series-cross-section data.}
}

@Unpublished{BeckKatz2004,
  Title                    = {Time-Series-Cross-Section Issues: Dynamics, 2004},
  Author                   = {Beck, Nathaniel and Katz, Jonathan N.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Unpublished working paper, Wilf Family Department of Politics, NYU},

  Abstract                 = {This paper deals with a variety of dynamic issues in the analysis of time-series{\textendash}cross-section (TSCS) data raised by recent papers; it also more brie?y treats some cross-sectional issues. Monte Carlo analysis shows that for typical TSCS data that ?xed e?ects with a lagged dependent variable performs about as well as the much more complicated Kiviet estimator, and better than the Anderson-Hsiao estimator (both designed for panels). It is also shown that there is nothing pernicious in using a lagged dependent variable, and all dynamic models either implicitly or explicitly have such a variable; the di?erences between the models relate to assumptions about the speeds of adjustment of measured and unmeasured variables. When adjustment is quick it is hard to di?erentiate between the models, and analysts may choose on grounds of convenience (assuming that the model passes standard econometric tests). When adjustment is slow it may be the case that the data are integrated, which means that no method developed for the stationary case is appropriate. At the cross-sectional level, it is argued that the critical issue is assessing heterogeneity; a variety of strategies for this assessment are discussed.}
}

@Article{BeckEtAl1993,
  author       = {Beck, Nathaniel and Katz, Jonathan N. and Alvarez, R. Michael and Garrett, Geoffrey and Lange, Peter},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Government Partisanship, Labor Organization, and Macroeconomic Performance: A Corrigendum},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {945--948},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {Alvarez, Garrett and Lange (1991) used cross-national panel data on the Organization for Economic Coordination and Development nations to show that countries with left governments and encompassing labor movements enjoyed superior economic performance. Here we show that the standard errors reported in that article are incorrect. Reestimation of the model using ordinary least squares and robust standard errors upholds the major finding of Alvarez, Garrett and Lange, regarding the political and institutional causes of economic growth but leaves the findings for unemployment and inflation open to question. We show that the model used by Alvarez, Garrett and Lange, feasible generalized least squares, cannot produce standard errors when the number of countries analyzed exceeds the length of the time period under analysis. Also, we argue that ordinary least squares with robust standard errors is superior to feasible generalized least squares for typical cross-national panel studies.},
}

@Article{BeckEtAl1998,
  author       = {Beck, Nathaniel and Katz, Jonathan N. and Tucker, Richard},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Taking Time Seriously: Time-Series-Cross-Section Analysis with a Binary Dependent Variable},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1260{--}1288},
  volume       = {42},
  abstract     = {10},
}

@Article{BeckEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {New tools in comparative political economy: The Database of Political Institutions},
  Author                   = {Beck, Thorsten and Clarke, George and Groff, Alberto and Keefer, Philip and Walsh, Patrick},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {World Bank Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {165--176},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Book{Becker1964,
  Title                    = {Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis with Special Reference to Education},
  Author                   = {Becker, Gary S.},
  Date                     = {1964},
  Edition                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Becker1983,
  author       = {Becker, Gary S.},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {A Theory of Competition Among Pressure Groups for Political Influence},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {371--400},
  volume       = {98},
  abstract     = {This paper presents a theory of competition among pressure groups for political influence. Political equilibrium depends on the efficiency of each group in producing pressure, the effect of additional pressure on their influence, the number of persons in different groups, and the deadweight cost of taxes and subsidies. An increase in deadweight costs discourages pressure by subsidized groups and encourages pressure by taxpayers. This analysis unifies the view that governments correct market failures with the view that they favor the politically powerful: Both are produced by the competition for political favors.},
}

@Article{BeckerChiswick1966,
  author       = {Becker, Gary S. and Chiswick, Barry R.},
  date         = {1966},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Education and the Distribution of Earnings},
  number       = {1/2},
  pages        = {358--369},
  volume       = {56},
}

@Article{BeckerEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Going NUTS: The effect of EU Structural Funds on regional performance},
  Author                   = {Becker, Sascha O. and Egger, Peter H. and von Ehrlich, Maximilian},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.06.006},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {9--10},
  Pages                    = {578--590},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {The European Union (EU) provides grants to disadvantaged regions of member states to allow them to catch up with the EU average. Under the Objective 1 scheme, NUTS2 regions with a per capita GDP level below 75\% of the EU average qualify for structural funds transfers from the central EU budget. This rule gives rise to a regression-discontinuity design that exploits the discrete jump in the probability of EU transfer receipt at the 75\% threshold for identification of causal effects of Objective 1 treatment on outcome such as economic growth of EU regions. We find positive per capita GDP growth effects of Objective 1 transfers, but no employment growth effects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.06.006},
  Keywords                 = {Structural funds, Regional growth, Regression-discontinuity design, Quasi-randomized experiment}
}

@Article{Bedau1978,
  author       = {Bedau, Hugo Adam},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Philosophy},
  title        = {Retribution and the Theory of Punishment},
  issn         = {0022-362X},
  number       = {11},
  pages        = {601--620},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2025477},
  volume       = {75},
}

@Book{Beetham2013,
  Title                    = {The Legitimation of Power},
  Author                   = {Beetham, David},
  Date                     = {2013},
  ISBN                     = {9781137361097},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Unpublished{BeetsmavanderPloeg2007,
  author     = {Beetsma, Roel and van der Ploeg, Frederick},
  date       = {2007},
  title      = {The Political Economy of Public Investment},
  note       = {CEPR Discussion Paper Series: International Macroeconomics. DP6090.},
  abstract   = {The political distortions in public investment projects are investigated within the context of a bipartisan political economy framework. The role of scrapping and modifying projects of previous governments receives special attention. The party in government has an incentive to overspend on large ideological public investment projects in order to bind the hands of its successor. This leads to a bias for excessive debt, especially if the probability of being removed from office is large. These political distortions have implications for the appropriate format of a fiscal rule. A deficit rule, like the Stability and Growth Pact, mitigates the overspending bias in ideological investment projects and improves social welfare. The optimal second-best restriction on public debt exceeds the level of public debt that would prevail under the socially optimal outcome. Social welfare may be boosted even more by appropriate investment restrictions: with a restriction on (future) investment in ideological projects, the current government perceives a large benefit of a debt reduction. However, debt and investment restrictions are not needed if investment projects only have a financial return.},
  annotation = {Partisanship.},
}

@Article{BeggBerghman2002,
  Title                    = {Introduction: EU social (exclusion) policy revisited?},
  Author                   = {Begg, Iain and Berghman, Jos},
  Date                     = {2002-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0952872002012003392},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {179--194},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Since the mid-1990s, several steps have been taken towards an integration of social policy in the EU. Yet there is reluctance in many quarters to go further. This article introduces the special issue on integration of EU social policy and explores the case for more comprehensive `Europeanization'. We argue that the norms that underlie the European model provide the rationale for integration, and that the usual focus on the undoubted differences between countries in the approaches to, and delivery mechanisms of, the welfare state are not as great an obstacle as is often assumed. With the advent of EMU and with many common problems to confront, the EU countries have good reasons to adopt a common approach to social policy, even if implementation remains at the national level. The open method of coordination provides the means of reconciling these aims and the article concludes with a discussion of how it might evolve to achieve a more integrated EU policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952872002012003392}
}

@Article{BehrensSmyrl1999,
  Title                    = {A conflict of rationalities: EU regional policy and the Single Market},
  Author                   = {Behrens, Petra and Smyrl, Marc},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343603},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {419--435},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The reform of the European Community's regional policies in the mid 1980s had its intellectual origins in theories of endogenous development and cumulative causation. These ideas shaped proposals put forward by the European Commission as early as the 1960s and provided the substance of the 1985 and 1988 reforms. The reforms were 'sold' politically, however, as part of the overall Single Market project, which was itself based on a very different economic model. The resulting contradiction goes far in explaining the perceived implementation failures of the regional policy reforms. In analysing this case, we seek to further and to refine the ongoing inquiry into the role of ideas and intellectual models in concrete policy-making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343603},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Unpublished{Behrstock2007,
  Title                    = {The Institutional Arrangements for Teacher Labour Market Policy-Making in {England} and Illinois},
  Author                   = {Behrstock, Ellen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Draft dissertation chapter.}
}

@Article{BeimKastellec2014,
  author       = {Beim, Deborah and Kastellec, Jonathan P.},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Interplay of Ideological Diversity, Dissents, and Discretionary Review in the Judicial Hierarchy: Evidence from Death Penalty Cases},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381614000619},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {1074--1088},
  url          = {http://www.princeton.edu/~jkastell/Legal_Consistency_Dissents/beim_kastellec_jop_published_version_with_web_appendix.pdf},
  volume       = {76},
  abstract     = {We use an original dataset of death penalty decisions on the Courts of Appeals to evaluate how the institutions of multimember appellate courts, dissent, and discretionary higher-court review interact to increase legal consistency in the federal judicial hierarchy. First, beginning with three-judge panels, we show the existence of ideological diversity on a panel{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{\i}}and the potential for dissent{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{\i}}plays a significant role in judicial decision making. Second, because of the relationship between panel composition and panel outcomes, considering only the incidence of dissents dramatically underestimates the influence of the institution of dissent{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{\i}}judges dissent much less frequently than they would in the absence of this relationship. Third, this rarity of dissent means they are informative: when judges do dissent, they influence en banc review in a manner consistent with the preferences of full circuits. Taken together, these results have important implications for assessing legal consistency in a vast and diverse judicial hierarchy.},
  month        = oct,
  numpages     = {15},
}

@Article{Beitz1983,
  author       = {Beitz, Charles R.},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Philosophy},
  title        = {Cosmopolitan Ideals and National Sentiment},
  issn         = {0022-362X},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {591-600},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2026155},
  volume       = {80},
}

@Book{Beitz1989,
  Title                    = {Political Equality: An Essay on Democratic Theory},
  Author                   = {Beitz, Charles R.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{BejarEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Time horizons matter: the hazard rate of coalition governments and the size of government},
  Author                   = {Bejar, Sergio and Mukherjee, Bumba and Moore, Will H.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10101-011-0096-0},
  ISSN                     = {1435-6104},
  Pages                    = {1--35},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines how coalition governments affect the size of government, measured by total central government expenditure as a share of GDP. Existing studies suggest that the presence of multiple political parties within ruling coalitions generate common pool resource problems or bargaining inefficiencies which, in turn, leads to more government spending when coalition governments are in office. We demonstrate that coalition governments have shorter time horizons than single party governments and use that finding to motivate a simple formal model. The model shows that coalition governments have greater incentives to increase government spending because of a lower discount factor in office. Results from empirical models estimated on a global sample of 111 democracies between 1975 and 2007 provide strong statistical support for the aforementioned theoretical prediction. The empirical results remain robust when we control for alternative explanations, employ different estimation techniques, and use different measures of government spending.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0096-0},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Springer Berlin / Heidelberg},
  Timestamp                = {2011.05.06}
}

@Article{BelFageda2009,
  Title                    = {Factors explaining local privatization: a meta-regression analysis},
  Author                   = {Bel, Germ{\`a} and Fageda, Xavier},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-008-9381-z},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Language                 = {English},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {105--119},
  Volume                   = {139},

  Abstract                 = {This paper aims at explaining the differences in the results of empirical studies of motivations for local privatization by undertaking a meta-regression. Our results suggest that fiscal constraints and interest groups were especially relevant in the early studies of the US, which considered several services. Further, studies that focus on one service capture the influence of scale economies more accurately. Finally, our results show that small towns are more affected by fiscal and political factors, while ideology plays a major role for European and large cities. Thus, no clear conclusions emerge from this literature because the findings of each study are sensitive to its characteristics.},
  Keywords                 = {Meta-regression analysis; Privatization; Contracting-out; Local governments; L33; R51; H72; C25},
  Publisher                = {Springer US},
  Timestamp                = {2013.06.06}
}

@Article{BelandLecours2005,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Territorial Solidarity: Nationalism and Social Policy Reform in {Canada}, the {United Kingdom}, and {Belgium}},
  Author                   = {Beland, Daniel and Lecours, Andre},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414005275600},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {676{--}703},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the recent proliferation of literature on nationalism and on social policy, little has been written to explore the possible interaction between the two. This article explores two essential aspects of the relationship between substate nationalism and welfare-state development in Canada (Quebec), the United Kingdom (Scotland), and Belgium (Flanders). First, the article shows how the processes of identity formation/consolidation and territorial mobilization inherent to substate nationalism often involve a social policy dimension. Second, it analyzes the ways in which substate nationalism has affected welfare-state development in recent decades. Substate nationalism can impact social policy making in at least two ways: by reshaping the policy agenda at both the state and the substate levels and by reinforcing regional policy autonomy, which is depicted as an alternative to centralist schemes. To explain significant variations between the three empirical cases, the article underlines specific institutional, ideological, and socioeconomic factors.}
}

@Article{Belfield2003,
  Title                    = {Political Preferences And The Privatization Of Education: Evidence From The UK},
  Author                   = {Belfield, Clive},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/09645290210131674},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {155--168},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the determinants of political support for the privatization of education in the UK. In pledging support, the electorate is assumed to form opinions about the effects of education policies and reforms and then apply cost-benefit calculations, depending on their circumstances. Based on assumptions about the effects of a reform and the cost-benefit calculus, it is possible to identify which voters would oppose or advocate educational reforms such as greater school competition, ability selection and promotion of private schooling. Support for these reforms is then estimated using the British Educational Panel Survey (1997). The results indicate that political preferences largely reflect the anticipated personal costs and benefits from educational reforms. Those with children are in favour of reforms to raise school competition; those working in the education sector are against such reform. Those with higher anticipated tax liabilities favour privatization and support private schooling. Overall, however, educational reforms toward privatization received only minority support in Britain as of 1997.}
}

@Article{BelfieldLevin2002,
  Title                    = {The Effects of Competition Between Schools on Educational Outcomes: A Review for the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Belfield, Clive R. and Levin, Henry M.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.3102/00346543072002279},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {279--341},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {This article systematically reviews U.S. evidence from cross-sectional research on educational outcomes when schools must compete with each other. Competition typically is measured by using either the Herfindahl Index or the enrollment rate at an alternative school choice. Outcomes are academic test scores, graduation/attainment, expenditures/efficiency, teacher quality, students' post-school wages, and local housing prices. The sampling strategy identified more than 41 relevant empirical studies. A sizable majority report beneficial effects of competition, and many report statistically significant correlations. For each study, the effect size of an increase of competition by one standard deviation is reported. The positive gains from competition are modest in scope with respect to realistic changes in levels of competition. The review also notes several methodological challenges and recommends caution in reasoning from point estimates to public policy.}
}

@Unpublished{BelkeEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {The Different Extent of Privatisation Proceeds in EU Countries: A Preliminary Explanation Using a Public Choice Approach},
  Author                   = {Belke, Ansgar and Baumgartner, Frank and Schneider, Friedrich and Setzer, Ralph},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Note                     = {CESIFO Working Paper no. 1600.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper empirically investigates the differences in the motives of raising privatisation proceeds for a panel of EU countries from 1990 to 2000. More specifically, we test whether privatisations can be mainly interpreted (a) as ingredients of a larger reform package of economic liberalisation in formerly overregulated economies, (b) as a reaction to an increasing macroeconomic problem pressure and (c) as a means to foster growth and increase tax income and relax the fiscal stance with an eye on the demands by integration of economic and financial markets. Whereas we are able to corroborate claim (a) only partly, we gain consistent evidence in favour of claims (b) and (c).}
}

@Article{BelkePolleit2007,
  Title                    = {How the ECB and the US Fed set interest rates},
  Author                   = {Belke, Ansgar and Polleit, Thorsten},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Applied Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00036840600749623},
  ISSN                     = {0003-6846},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {17},
  Pages                    = {2197--2209},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Monetary policies of the European Central Bank (ECB) and US Fed can be characterized by `Taylor rules, that is both central banks seem to be setting rates by taking into account the `output gap' and inflation. We also set up and tested Taylor rules which incorporate money growth and the euro--dollar exchange rate, thereby improving the `fit' between actual and Taylor rule based rates. In general, Taylor rules appear to be a much better way of describing Fed policy than ECB policy. Simulations suggest that the ECB's short-term interest rates have been at a much lower level in the last 2 years compared with what a Taylor rule would suggest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036840600749623},
  Booktitle                = {Applied Economics},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Unpublished{BelkeSchneider2004,
  Title                    = {Privatization in {Austria}: Some Theoretical Reasons and First Results About the Privatization Proceeds},
  Author                   = {Belke, Ansgar and Schneider, Friedrich},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {CESifo Working Paper No. 1123},

  Abstract                 = {The issues of privatization (and sometimes deregulation) have been reviewed in a large literature on the various aspects of privatization, that has emphasized the potential efficiency gains. Hence, the goal of this paper is twofold: First to provide some theoretical reasoning why privatization is useful as well as profitable for an economy and second to empirically present the extent of privatization in Austria and other European Union countries. Therefore, the reasons why privatization is necessary are elaborated. Then the specific pattern privatization proceeds for Austria relative to other EU and OECD countries is presented. Moreover, some important idiosyncratic extensions for the Austrian case are elaborated. We argue that in the Austrian case, any discussion of privatization cannot be reduced to observing cash flows, the employment performance and the stock-exchange ratings of the privatized formerly stateowned enterprises. Since polito-economic aspects relating to income distribution and ideology play an important role in explaining the way, the extent, the speed and the economic effects of privatization, they have to be considered as well.}
}

@Article{BelkeVonSchnurbein2012,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an monetary policy and the ECB rotation model},
  Author                   = {Belke, Ansgar and von Schnurbein, Barbara},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-010-9748-9},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {289--323},
  Volume                   = {151},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyses the voting power of individual members of the ECB Governing Council and, in particular, that of the Executive Board in the light of recent information published by the ECB. Using the randomization scheme based on the multilinear extension of games, we modify the standard analysis in three ways. First, we include heterogeneous preferences of the Governing Council members. Second, we address the agenda-setting power of the ECB president. Third, we take into account the dynamic decision setting. We show that the rotation model is able to stabilize the position of the core countries of the euro area.}
}

@Article{BellJones2015,
  author       = {Bell, Andrew and Jones, Kelvyn},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  title        = {Explaining Fixed Effects: Random Effects Modeling of Time-Series Cross-Sectional and Panel Data},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2014.7},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {133--153},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {This article challenges Fixed Effects (FE) modeling as the `default' for time-series-cross-sectional and panel data. Understanding different within and between effects is crucial when choosing modeling strategies. The downside of Random Effects (RE) modeling --- correlated lower-level covariates and higher-level residuals --- is omitted-variable bias, solvable with Mundlak's (1978a) formulation. Consequently, RE can provide everything that FE promises and more, as confirmed by Monte-Carlo simulations, which additionally show problems with Plumper and Troeger's FE Vector Decomposition method when data are unbalanced. As well as incorporating time-invariant variables, RE models are readily extendable, with random coefficients, cross-level interactions and complex variance functions. We argue not simply for technical solutions to endogeneity, but for the substantive importance of context/heterogeneity, modeled using RE. The implications extend beyond political science to all multilevel datasets. However, omitted variables could still bias estimated higher-level variable effects; as with any model, care is required in interpretation.},
  month        = may,
}

@Article{BellVanReenen2013,
  Title                    = {Extreme Wage Inequality: Pay at the Very Top},
  Author                   = {Bell, Brian D. and Van Reenen, John},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.103.3.153},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {153--57},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {We provide new evidence on the growth in pay at the very top of the wage distribution in the United Kingdom. Sectoral decompositions show that workers in the financial sector have accounted for the majority of the gains at the top over the last decade. New results are also presented on the pay of CEOs in the United Kingdom. We show how improved measurement of pay points to a stronger pay-performance link than previously estimated. This link is stronger, and more symmetric, for those firms in which institutional investors play a larger role.}
}

@Article{BellBlanchflower2010,
  author       = {Bell, David N. F. and Blanchflower, David G.},
  date         = {2010-10-01},
  journaltitle = {National Institute Economic Review},
  title        = {UK Unemployment in the Great Recession},
  doi          = {10.1177/0027950110389755},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {R3-R25},
  url          = {http://ner.sagepub.com/content/214/1/R3.abstract},
  volume       = {214},
  abstract     = {This paper considers some of the implications of the increase in UK unemployment since the beginning of the Great Recession. The major finding is that the sharp increase in unemployment and decrease in employment is largely concentrated on the young. This has occurred at a time when the size of the youth cohort is large. As a response to a lack of jobs there has been a substantial increase in applications to university, although there has only been a small rise in the number of places available. Further we find evidence that the unemployed have particularly low levels of well-being, are depressed, have low levels of life satisfaction, have difficulties paying their bills and are especially likely to be in financial difficulties.},
}

@Unpublished{BellBlanchflower2011,
  author     = {Bell, David N. F. and Blanchflower, David G.},
  date       = {2011},
  title      = {The Crisis, Policy Reactions and Attitudes to Globalization and Jobs},
  note       = {IZA DP No. 5680},
  url        = {http://ftp.iza.org/dp5680.pdf},
  abstract   = {We consider the effects of the financial crisis and subsequent recession on world labour markets. It begins by cataloguing the adverse effects on output of the sudden collapse in demand brought about by the financial crisis in what has come to be called the Great Recession. Next we look at the labour market and how employment and unemployment have been impacted and document the very different responses by country. We then move on to look at attitudinal indicators of the impact of the rising levels of joblessness we observe across most OECD countries. We examine data on well-being and on attitudes to employment. We also examine a number of questions about the impact of globalization that respondents across many European countries were asked in the Spring of 2010. Finally, we examine the policy responses of governments, and consider what lessons might be learned from the marked differences in labour market outcomes following the recession.},
  bdsk-url-1 = {http://ftp.iza.org/dp5680.pdf},
  month      = apr,
}

@Article{BellCriddle2002,
  author       = {Bell, David S. and Criddle, Byron},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  title        = {Presidentialism Restored: The French Elections of {April-May} and {June} 2002},
  doi          = {10.1093/parlij/55.4.643},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {643{--}663},
  volume       = {55},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/parlij/55.4.643},
}

@Book{Bellamy2007,
  Title                    = {Political Constitutionalism},
  Author                   = {Bellamy, Richard},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University}
}

@Article{BelmanEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Public Sector Earnings and the Extent of Unionization},
  Author                   = {Belman, Dale and Heywood, John S and Lund, John},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {610--628},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {Many studies have examined the influence of union density (union members as a percentage of all workers) on earnings in the private sector, but few such studies have looked at the public sector. Using data from the 1991 Current Population Survey, this study estimates the determinants of earnings for state and local government employees in both the union and nonunion sectors. The extent of public sector unionization appears to be positively correlated with earnings for both state and local government workers and for those covered and not covered by collective agreements. Although the effect for non-covered employees is smaller than that for covered employees, both effects are larger than those typically found in similar estimates for the private sector. The authors also find that bargaining structure has some influence on earnings, with the most consistent effect being a positive influence of arbitration on the earnings of local government workers.}
}

@Unpublished{BelserRama2001,
  Title                    = {State ownership and labor redundancy - estimates based on enterprise-level data from {Vietnam}},
  Author                   = {Belser, Patrick and Rama, Martin},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Note                     = {World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 2599},

  Abstract                 = {Privatizing, or restructuring state-owned enterprises, may lead to massive layoffs, but the number of redundant workers is usually unknown beforehand. The authors estimate labor redundancy by comparing employment levels across enterprises with different degrees of state ownership. In their model, state enterprises are a hybrid between labor-managed enterprises, and profit-maximizing enterprises, with the profit motive becoming less prominent as the state of capital increases. This model leads to an employment equation, that is estimated using an enterprise database from Vietnam. In this database, constructed especially for this paper, roughly a third of the enterprises are fully state-owned, a third are fully private, and a third are joint ventures between the state, and the private sector. The employment equations control for sector activity, region, and the enterprise's age, among other variables. The results suggest that if the state share of capital were brought down to zero, roughly half of the workers in the corresponding enterprises would be redundant. This is more than ten times the estimate by the current enterprise directors. The results also show a wide dispersion of redundancy across sectors of activity. There is only a weak correlation between estimated labor redundancy, and twelve ad hoc indicators of profitability, productivity, and labor cost. But the correlation between most ad hoc indicators also is weak, suggesting that these indicators are not reliable tools for identifying the most overstaffed enterprises.}
}

@Article{Benabou2000,
  Title                    = {Unequal Societies: Income Distribution and the Social Contract},
  Author                   = {Benabou, Roland},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {96--129},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops a theory of inequality and the social contract aiming to explain how countries with similar economic and political `fundamentals' can sustain such different systems of social insurance, fiscal redistribution, and education finance as those of the United States and Western Europe. With imperfect credit and insurance markets some redistributive policies can improve ex ante welfare, and this implies that their political support tends to decrease with inequality. Conversely, with credit constraints, lower redistribution translates into more persistent inequality; hence the potential for multiple steady states, with mutually reinforcing high inequality and low redistribution, or vice versa.}
}

@Article{Benabou2002,
  Title                    = {Tax and Education Policy in a Heterogeneous-Agent Economy: What Levels of Redistribution Maximize Growth and Efficiency?},
  Author                   = {Benabou, Roland},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {481--517},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the effects of progressive income taxes and education finance in a dynamic heterogeneous-agent economy. Such redistributive policies entail distortions to labor supply and savings, but also serve as partial substitutes for missing credit and insurance markets. The resulting tradeoffs for growth and efficiency are explored, both theoretically and quantitatively, in a model that yields complete analytical solutions. Progressive education finance always leads to higher income growth than taxes and transfers, but at the cost of lower insurance. Overall efficiency is assessed using a new measure that properly reflects aggregate resources and idiosyncratic risks but, unlike a standard social welfare function, does not reward equality per se. Simulations using empirical parameter estimates show that the efficiency costs and benefits of redistribution are generally of the same order of magnitude, resulting in plausible values for the optimal rates. Aggregate income and aggregate welfare provide only crude lower and upper bounds around the true efficiency tradeoff.}
}

@Article{BenabouTirole2006,
  Title                    = {Belief in a Just World and Redistributive Politics},
  Author                   = {Benabou, Roland and Tirole, Jean},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {699--746},
  Volume                   = {121},

  Abstract                 = {International surveys reveal wide differences between the views held in different countries concerning the causes of wealth or poverty and the extent to which people are responsible for their own fate. At the same time, social ethnographies and experiments by psychologists demonstrate individuals' recurrent struggle with cognitive dissonance as they seek to maintain, and pass on to their children, a view of the world where effort ultimately pays off and everyone gets their just desserts. This paper offers a model that helps explain i) why most people feel such a need to believe in a "just world"; ii) why this need, and therefore the prevalence of the belief, varies considerably across countries; iii) the implications of this phenomenon for international differences in political ideology, levels of redistribution, labor supply, aggregate income, and popular perceptions of the poor. More generally, the paper develops a theory of collective beliefs and motivated cognitions, including those concerning "money" (consumption) and happiness, as well as religion.}
}

@Article{Bender1998,
  Title                    = {The Central Government-Private Sector Wage Differential},
  Author                   = {Bender, K. A.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-6419.00052},
  ISSN                     = {1467-6419},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {177--220},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Since Ehrenberg and Schwarz (1986) there has been a plethora of articles investigating the relationship between public and private sector wages. This article examines part of this post 1986 literature by reviewing articles that examine central government-private sector wage differentials. In sum, most articles find that there is a premium paid to central government workers, although the premium has declined in recent years. In developing countries, however, the differential is usually negative. Women and minorities tend to do better in the public sector relative to their private sector counterparts. The evidence on union premiums between sectors is mixed, although the premium tends to be higher in the private sector. However public sector union workers do not do much better than private sector union members. The magnitude of all of the wage differentials discussed are sensitive to the estimation technique and data source used. The most common explanation for the public sector wage premium is economic rent accruing to government workers, although the public sector wage determination literature suggests that the differential is due to returns to political and `vote producing' activities not relevant in the private sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6419.00052},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{BendorHammond1992,
  author       = {Bendor,Jonathan and Hammond,Thomas H.},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Rethinking Allison's Models.},
  doi          = {10.2307/1964222},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {02},
  pages        = {301--322},
  volume       = {86},
  abstract     = {The ideas in Graham Allison's Essence of Decision (1971) have had an enormous impact on the study and teaching of bureaucracy and foreign policy making. While Allison's work has received considerable critical attention, there has been surprisingly little examination of the content and internal logic of his models. We subject each of Allison's three models to a systematic critical analysis. Our conclusion is that the models require substantial reformulation.},
  month        = jun,
}

@Article{Benhabib1996,
  Title                    = {On the Political Economy of Immigration},
  Author                   = {Jess Benhabib},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(95)00122-0},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1737--1743},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {We study how immigration policies that impose capital and skill requirements would be determined under majority voting when native agents differ in their wealth holdings and vote to maximize their income.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-2921(95)00122-0},
  Keywords                 = {Immigration policy}
}

@Article{Benn2004,
  Title                    = {Neo-conservatives and their {America}n critics},
  Author                   = {Benn, David Wedgwood},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00428.x},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {963--969},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {This review article examines four recent American books relating, in very different ways, to the rise of unilateralism and neo-conservatism in the United States. Richard Perle and David Frum, former advisors to George W. Bush robustly present the 'neo-conservative' case. Max Boot, another unilateralist, argues from the experience of American history that small wars have often been as important as big wars in projecting American power; and he suggests that this experience has a present-day relevance. Ivo Daalder (who served in the Clinton administration) and his co-author James Lindsay, set out to explain the 'Bush revolution' in foreign policy and put it in context. They insist that Bush is not a mere tool of his advisors, who are in any case not homogenous. His foreign policy strategy is indeed new, although it has given rise to certain unresolved problems. Robert McNamara (a former US Defense Secretary) and James Blight, share the fear of nuclear terrorism but argue that it can only be contained through the universal elimination of weapons of mass destruction, under the supervision of a possibly reformed UN. They oppose the unilateral use of force by the US except when America itself is attacked. They also argue that the US must change its posture from 'deterrence' to 'reassurance' and show more empathy in addressing the concerns of other countries and communities. The review concludes that America is now deeply divided over its foreign policy and that events, rather than arguments, may decide the outcome of the debate.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00428.x}
}

@Article{BennettEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {The Role of Commercial Non-profit Organizations in the Provision of Public Services},
  Author                   = {Bennett, John and Iossa, Elisabetta and Legrenzi, Gabriella},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {335--347},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we discuss the role of commercial non-profit firms in the provision of public services, referring to three case studies to illustrate the main issues. We consider problems of corporate governance, including the role of the board of members and the scope for performance-related pay. We discuss the performance of such non-profit firms in terms of quality and costs, the particular finance problems of these firms and the implications for risk taking. We also suggest various aspects of non-profit behaviour in public service provision that present interesting avenues for future research.}
}

@Article{Bennett1990,
  Title                    = {Toward a Theory of Press-State Relations in the United States},
  Author                   = {Bennett, W. Lance},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.1990.tb02265.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {103--127},
  Volume                   = {40}
}

@Book{Bennett2015,
  Title                    = {News: The Politics of Illusion},
  Author                   = {Bennett, W. Lance},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Edition                  = {9},
  ISBN                     = {978-0226340524},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{BennettIyengar2008,
  Title                    = {A New Era of Minimal Effects? The Changing Foundations of Political Communication},
  Author                   = {Bennett, W. Lance and Iyengar, Shanto},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.00410.x},
  ISSN                     = {1460-2466},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {707--731},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/ougd8ns},
  Volume                   = {58}
}

@Article{Benoit2007,
  Title                    = {Electoral Laws as Political Consequences: Explaining the Origins and Change of Electoral Institutions},
  Author                   = {Benoit, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.072805.101608},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {363--390},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {In this review article, I identify the key questions raised by the treatment of electoral systems not as causal influences on party systems but as effects or byproducts of party systems. Framing these questions in the context of the classic consequences-oriented study of electoral institutions, I first review the classic approach, which treats electoral systems as causes, and explore the potential implications when electoral systems are viewed instead as outcomes of party systems. I then survey a variety of principal explanations of the origins and change of electoral laws, followed by a focus on several of the more explicitly defined models of this process. I conclude by discussing --- and contesting --- the notion that except for exceptional founding episodes of institutional choice, electoral systems eventually stabilize as equilibrium institutions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.072805.101608},
  Keywords                 = {electoral systems, electoral laws, institutional change, Duverger's law}
}

@Article{BenoitLaver2007,
  Title                    = {Estimating party policy positions: Comparing expert surveys and hand-coded content analysis},
  Author                   = {Benoit, Kenneth and Laver, Michael},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2006.04.008},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {90{--}107},
  Url                      = {http://www.kenbenoit.net/pdfs/BenoitLaverElStud_a.pdf},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we compare estimates of the left-right positions of political parties derived from an expert survey recently completed by the authors with those derived by the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) from the content analysis of party manifestos. Having briefly described the expert survey, we first explore the substantive policy content of left and right in the expert survey estimates. We then compare the expert survey to the CMP method on methodological grounds. Third, we directly compare the expert survey results to the CMP results for the most recent time period available, revealing some agreement but also numerous inconsistencies in both cross-national and within-country party placements. We conclude by investigating the CMP scores in more detail, focusing on the series of British left-right placements and the components of these scores.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.kenbenoit.net/pdfs/BenoitLaverElStud_a.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.04.008}
}

@Article{BenoitEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Treating Words as Data with Error: Uncertainty in Text Statements of Policy Positions},
  Author                   = {Benoit, Kenneth and Laver, Michael and Mikhaylov, Slava},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00383.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {495--513},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {Political text offers extraordinary potential as a source of information about the policy positions of political actors. Despite recent advances in computational text analysis, human interpretative coding of text remains an important source of text-based data, ultimately required to validate more automatic techniques. The profession's main source of cross-national, time-series data on party policy positions comes from the human interpretative coding of party manifestos by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). Despite widespread use of these data, the uncertainty associated with each point estimate has never been available, undermining the value of the dataset as a scientific resource. We propose a remedy. First, we characterize processes by which CMP data are generated. These include inherently stochastic processes of text authorship, as well as of the parsing and coding of observed text by humans. Second, we simulate these error-generating processes by bootstrapping analyses of coded quasi-sentences. This allows us to estimate precise levels of nonsystematic error for every category and scale reported by the CMP for its entire set of 3,000-plus manifestos. Using our estimates of these errors, we show how to correct biased inferences, in recent prominently published work, derived from statistical analyses of error-contaminated CMP data.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00383.x}
}

@Article{BensonJordan2008,
  Title                    = {Understanding task allocation in the {Europe}an Union: exploring the value of federal theory},
  Author                   = {Benson, David and Jordan, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {78--97},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {After a long period in the doldrums, in recent years the use of federalism to understand the European Union (EU) has undergone something of a renaissance. However, some of its core claims remain ambiguous and many have not been tested empirically. This paper argues that amongst a number of truth claims made by federal theorists, potentially the most illuminating is that relating to the allocation of decision-making powers (or tasks) across different levels of governance. In testing the value of what appears to be an increasingly distinct 'turn' in EU scholarship, it subjects this particular claim to empirical testing within the area of environmental governance --- a policy area which is especially well suited to federal theory. Drawing on three relevant federal theories, this paper concludes that each one sheds new light on task allocation, but all have their blind spots, suggesting the need for further refinement, empirical testing and possibly synthesis with other theoretical approaches.}
}

@Article{Bento1999,
  Title                    = {Jump risk in the U.S. stock market: Evidence using political information},
  Author                   = {Bento, Lobo J.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Financial Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S1058-3300(00)00011-2},
  ISSN                     = {1058-3300},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {149--163},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the impact of U.S. elections and partisan politics on the stock market using jump--diffusion models of daily stock returns from 1965 to 1996. Our approach permits us to track jump risk in stock markets stemming from political incentives, and to separate the impact of routine trading and informational surprises, or jumps, on the mean and volatility of stock returns in election years and across partisan administrations. Our estimates reveal that the pattern of jumps and of routine trading varies with the political calendar. We find that midterm elections are a more important source of uncertainty compared to presidential elections. Jump risk increases by 10 and 20 percent for small and large-cap stocks, respectively, in midterm election years. We also find that small stocks perform better under Democrats relative to Republicans. However, unexpected events are more frequent during Democratic administrations and these increase the jump risk, especially for large stocks, in these regimes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S1058-3300(00)00011-2}
}

@Article{BenzEberlein2001,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}anization of regional policies: patterns of multi-level governance},
  Author                   = {Benz, Arthur and Eberlein, Burkard},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343748},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {329--348},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The rise and integration of the regional level in the European Union (EU) multi-level system threatens to overload policy-making owing to a rising number of actors, levels and different institutional settings. Based on comparative empirical research on different types of region (less developed regions vs. city-regions) in both France and Germany, it is argued that adjustments of both intergovernmental and regional structures lead to the development of a multi-level framework in which dangers of overload and malfunctions can be successfully circumvented. Concerning the intergovernmental dimension of regional development policies, it is shown that the dynamic differentiation of decision-making structures as well as a balanced mixture of different modes of governance (co-operative networks, hierarchy and competition) can provide viable escape routes from potential deadlock. However, processes of structuring multi-level governance depend to a considerable degree on the national institutional setting which may provide favourable conditions for processes of adaptation, but may also impede them.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343748},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BenzStutzer2004,
  Title                    = {Are Voters Better Informed When They Have a Larger Say in Politics? --- Evidence for the {Europe}an Union and {Switzerland}},
  Author                   = {Benz, Matthias and Stutzer, Alois},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/B:PUCH.0000024161.44798.ef},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {31--59},
  Volume                   = {119},

  Abstract                 = {Public choice theory takes citizens as rationally ignorant about political issues, because the costs of being informed greatly exceed the utility individuals derive from it. The costs of information (supply side) as well as the utility of information (demand side), however, can vary substantially depending on the political system under which citizens live. Using survey data from the European Union and Switzerland, we present empirical evidence that citizens are politically better informed when they have more extended political participation rights. The results corroborate theoretical arguments and circumstantial evidence that voter information should be treated as endogenously determined by political institutions.}
}

@Article{Beramendi2007,
  Title                    = {Inequality and the Territorial Fragmentation of Solidarity},
  Author                   = {Beramendi, Pablo},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818307070270},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {783--820},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {A long tradition of research sees decentralized political structures as an important cause behind lower levels of redistribution and higher levels of inequality. This article offers an alternative interpretation of the association between fragmented fiscal structures and higher levels of inequality. I argue that the distributive effects of decentralization depend on the preexisting territorial patterns of inequality. Therefore, the political choice between alternative fiscal structures is largely driven by their expected distributive consequences. As a result, the territorial structure of inequality becomes an important factor to explain why some fiscal structures are more integrated than others. Two mechanisms link regional income distributions and preferences about the decentralization of redistributive policy: differences in the demand for redistribution associated with inter-regional income differences, and differences in the demand for social insurance associated with the incidence of labor market risks. I test the argument using a dataset of 14 OECD countries over the period 1980-2000. In addition, I illustrate the potential of the approach by analyzing why social solidarity remains territorially fragmented in the European Union despite the fact that it has a common currency and a common market.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818307070270}
}

@Book{BeramendiAnderson2008,
  Title                    = {Democracy, Inequality, and Representation: A Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Beramendi, Pablo and Anderson, Christopher J.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-87154-088-1},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{BeramendiCusack2009,
  Title                    = {Diverse Disparities: The Politics and Economics of Wage, Market, and Disposable Income Inequalities},
  Author                   = {Beramendi, Pablo and Cusack, Thomas R.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912908319220},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {257--275},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {It is widely thought that among the countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), income inequality has become more widespread over the past decades. The authors show that this image is misleading. The OECD countries remain more diverse in their distributions of labor earnings and disposable income than they are in their distributions of market income. The larger and persistent cross-national variation in the distributions of work-related earnings and disposable income is attributable to the role of political actors (such as unions and political parties) as well as economic institutions. The way in which political parties are able to pursue their goals varies across forms of income. Political parties' capacities to shape the distribution of labor earnings is contingent on the degree of wage-bargaining coordination. In turn, political parties directly affect the distribution of disposable income through their choices about fiscal instruments.}
}

@Article{BeramendiRueda2007,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy Constrained: Indirect Taxation in Industrialized Democracies},
  Author                   = {Beramendi, Pablo and Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123407000348},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {619--641},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {The determinants of the welfare state have received a great deal of attention in the comparative political economy literature. An analysis of the role that indirect taxation plays in the politics of advanced industrial societies is, however, missing. This paper demonstrates that a full understanding of the links between redistribution, social democracy and corporatism is impossible without a closer look at indirect taxation. We question conventional wisdom and show that social democratic governments in corporatist environments find themselves in a paradoxical situation. They need to support the welfare state by relying upon a fundamentally regressive policy instrument: indirect taxation. We also show that social democratic governments can minimize the use of consumption taxes as part of their redistributive strategy only in non corporatist settings. In exploring these issues, this article illuminates alternative routes for the pursuit of equality in a context of declining corporatist arrangements.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123407000348}
}

@Article{BerenskoetteraGiegerich2006,
  Title                    = {{Europe} and the `War on Terror': What `War on Terror' are we Talking About? A Response to Alistair Shepherd},
  Author                   = {Berenskoettera, Felix and Giegerich, Bastian},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800134},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {93--104},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This article critically assesses Alistair Shepherd's conclusion that ESDP is of limited utility in the post-9/11 world. We argue that this view is flawed for three reasons: first, Shepherd's analysis rests on an American-centric interpretation of the 'war on terror', neglecting the fact that the European perspective of the current security environment, and how to deal with it, is quite different from the American one. Second, we contend that Shepherd neglects ESDP's development as a tool for both military and civilian crisis management, which leads him to, third, underestimate a variety of activities of the EU and member states aimed at addressing threats of terrorism and WMD proliferation. Building on this criticism, it is suggested that the issue of ESDP's 'relevance' should not, indeed cannot be measured by assessing its usefulness for an American-defined war on terror. Rather than asking what the EU can do for the US, we propose that the more substantial question is how the EU is equipped to address the threats of terrorism and WMD proliferation as they appear to Europeans.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800134}
}

@Article{Berger2006,
  Title                    = {Optimal central bank design: Benchmarks for the ECB},
  Author                   = {Berger, Helge},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of International Organizations},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11558-006-8344-8},
  ISSN                     = {1559-7431},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {207--235},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {The paper discusses key elements of optimal central bank design and applies its findings to the Eurosystem. A particular focus is on the size of monetary policy committees, the degree of centralization, and the representation of relative economic size in the voting rights of regional (or sectoral) interests. Broad benchmarks for the optimal design of monetary policy committees are derived, combining relevant theoretical arguments with available empirical evidence. A new indicator compares the mismatch of relative regional economic size and voting rights in the monetary policy committees of the US Fed, the pre-1999 German Bundesbank, and the ECB over time. Based on these benchmarks, there seems to be room to improve the organization of the ECB Governing Board and current plans for reform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-006-8344-8},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Springer Boston}
}

@Article{BergerDeHaan2002,
  Title                    = {Are small countries too powerful within the ECB?},
  Author                   = {Berger, Helge and De Haan, Jakob},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Atlantic Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02298425},
  ISSN                     = {0197-4254},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {263--282},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the possible consequences of diverging economic developments within the euro area, given the current decision-making process of the European Central Bank (ECB). For the German Bundesbank, the role model of the ECB, there is evidence that differences in the economic situation in the various states affected voting behavior in the Governing Council. For the euro area countries, the paper finds that, despite convergence, important differences in terms of economic performance and preferences remain. As all national central banks have one vote within the Governing Council of the ECB, there is a risk that national considerations may prevail over EMU-wide considerations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02298425},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Springer Netherlands}
}

@Article{BergerMueller2007,
  Title                    = {How should large and small countries be represented in a currency union?},
  Author                   = {Berger, Helge and Mueller, Till},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-007-9173-x},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {471--484},
  Volume                   = {132},

  Abstract                 = {We present a simple model of optimal representation in a federal central bank that balances two opposing forces: the wish to insulate common monetary policy from changing preferences at the national level, and the attempt to avoid an overly active or passive reaction to idiosyncratic national economic shocks. A perfect match between economic size and voting rights is rarely optimal, and neither is the ``one country, one vote principle''. There are indications that the pattern of over- and under-representation of member countries in the ECB Council might be extreme.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-007-9173-x},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Springer Netherlands}
}

@Article{Berger2000,
  Title                    = {Globalization and Politics},
  Author                   = {Berger, Suzanne},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.43},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {43{--}62},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {This chapter reviews the issues at stake in current public and scholarly debates over the impact of changes in the international economy on domestic politics and society. Over the past two decades, there have been dramatic increases in the flow of portfolio capital, foreign direct investment, and foreign exchange trading across borders at the same time as barriers to trade in goods and services have come down. These changes raise many new questions about the effects of trade and capital mobility on the autonomy of nation-states and the relative power in society of various groups. The first signs of realignments within and between political parties of both the left and the right over issues of national independence and trade openness suggest a rich new terrain for political inquiry.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.43}
}

@Article{BerghErlingsson2009,
  Title                    = {Liberalization without Retrenchment: Understanding the Consensus on Swedish Welfare State Reforms},
  Author                   = {Bergh, Andreas and Erlingsson, Gissur {\'O}},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2008.00210.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {71--93},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {In 1980, Sweden was a highly regulated economy with several state monopolies and low levels of economic freedom. Less than twenty years later, liberal reforms turned Sweden into one of the world's most open economies with a remarkable increase in economic freedom. While there is resilience when it comes to high levels of taxes and expenditure shares of GDP, there has been a profound restructuring of Sweden's economy in the 1980s and 1990s that previous studies have under-estimated. Furthermore, the degree of political consensus is striking, both regarding the welfare state expansions that characterized Sweden up to 1980, as well as the subsequent liberalizations. Since established theories have difficulties explaining institutional change, this article seeks to understand how the Swedish style of policy making produced this surprising political consensus on liberal reforms. It highlights the importance of three complementary factors: policy making in Sweden has always been influenced by, and intimately connected to, social science; government commissions have functioned as `early warning systems', pointing out future challenges and creating a common way to perceive problems; and, as a consequence, political consensus has evolved as a feature of Swedish style of policy making. The approach to policy making has been rationalistic, technocratic and pragmatic. The article concludes that the Swedish style of policy making not only explains the period of welfare state expansion --- it is also applicable to the intense reform period of the 1980s and 1990s.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2008.00210.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Incollection{Bergman2000,
  Title                    = {{Sweden}: When Minority Cabinets Are the Rule and Majority Coalitions the Exception},
  Author                   = {Torbj{\"o}rn Bergman},
  Booktitle                = {Coalition Governments in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Wolfgang C. M{\"u}ller and Kaare Str\om},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {192--230},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Bergman2004,
  Title                    = {{Sweden}: Democratic Reforms and Partisan Decline in an Emerging Separation-of-Powers System},
  Author                   = {Bergman, Torbjorn},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2004.00104.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {203--225},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {Early in the twentieth century, parliamentary democracy developed within an 1809 constitution based on separation of powers. By the mid-1970s, the last remnants of this constitution had disappeared. After that, measures such as more openness in candidate nominations, positive preference voting and more scrutiny by parliamentarians were introduced to strengthen the democratic chain. But a weakening of political parties and an increased importance of external constraints are again moving Sweden towards a de facto separation-of-powers system. There is once again a considerable discrepancy between the written constitutional framework and the 'working constitution'. In particular, local and supranational constraints on national policy making provide reason for a reconsideration of the constitutional framework.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2004.00104.x}
}

@InCollection{Bergmann1993,
  author     = {Bergmann, Barbara R},
  booktitle  = {Sociology and the Public Agenda},
  date       = {1993},
  title      = {The French Child Welfare System: An Excellent System We Could Adapt and Afford},
  chapter    = {17},
  editor     = {William Julius Wilson},
  location   = {Newbury Park, CA},
  pages      = {341{--}350},
  publisher  = {Sage},
  annotation = {Discusses "ecoles maternelles" in France.},
}

@Article{BerinskyEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Separating the Shirkers from the Workers? Making Sure Respondents Pay Attention on Self-Administered Surveys},
  Author                   = {Berinsky, Adam J. and Margolis, Michele F. and Sances, Michael W.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12081},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {739--753},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Good survey and experimental research requires subjects to pay attention to questions and treatments, but many subjects do not. In this article, we discuss ``Screeners'' as a potential solution to this problem. We first demonstrate Screeners' power to reveal inattentive respondents and reduce noise. We then examine important but understudied questions about Screeners. We show that using a single Screener is not the most effective way to improve data quality. Instead, we recommend using multiple items to measure attention. We also show that Screener passage correlates with politically relevant characteristics, which limits the generalizability of studies that exclude failers. We conclude that attention is best measured using multiple Screener questions and that studies using Screeners can balance the goals of internal and external validity by presenting results conditional on different levels of attention.}
}

@Article{Berman1998,
  Title                    = {Path Dependency and Political Action: Reexamining Responses to the Depression},
  Author                   = {Berman, Sheri},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {379{--}400},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {New light can be shed on how and why different policy paths were taken during the Great Depression by examining the actions of the Swedish and German social democratic parties. The former adopted a Keynesian work creation scheme and created a new alliance with farmers, while the latter held fast to its traditional economic program and did not try to expand its political base. To understand their actions, it is necessary to examine their earlier development and differing views of social democracy, rather than the incentives and constraints placed on political actors by the structural and institutional context. Cognitive factors are more important than environmental variables in shaping party behavior during the Depression.}
}

@Book{Berman1998a,
  Title                    = {The Social Democratic Moment: Ideas and Politics in the Making of Interwar Europe},
  Author                   = {Berman, Sheri},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {9780674442610},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Book{Berman2006,
  Title                    = {The Primacy of Politics: Social Democracy and the Making of {Europe}'s Twentieth Century},
  Author                   = {Berman, Sheri},
  Date                     = {2006},
  ISBN                     = {978-0521521109},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Political history in the industrial world has indeed ended, argues this pioneering study, but the winner has been social democracy - an ideology and political movement that has been as influential as it has been misunderstood. Berman looks at the history of social democracy from its origins in the late nineteenth century to today and shows how it beat out competitors such as classical liberalism, orthodox Marxism, and its cousins, Fascism and National Socialism by solving the central challenge of modern politics - reconciling the competing needs of capitalism and democracy. Bursting on to the scene in the interwar years, the social democratic model spread across Europe after the Second World War and formed the basis of the postwar settlement. This is a study of European social democracy that rewrites the intellectual and political history of the modern era while putting contemporary debates about globalization in their proper intellectual and historical context.}
}

@InCollection{BermeoBartels2014,
  author    = {Bermeo, Nancy and Bartels, Larry M.},
  booktitle = {Mass Politics in Tough Times: Opinions, Voters and Protest in the Great Recession},
  date      = {2014},
  title     = {Mass Politics in Tough Times},
  editor    = {Bermeo, Nancy and Bartels, Larry M.},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  pages     = {1--49},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{BernankeMihov1997,
  Title                    = {What does the Bundesbank target?},
  Author                   = {Bernanke, Ben S. and Mihov, Ilian},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0014-2921(96)00056-6},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1025--1053},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Although its primary ultimate objective is price stability, the Bundesbank has drawn a distinction between its money-focused strategy and the inflation targeting approach recently adopted by a number of central banks. We show that, holding constant the current forecast of inflation, German monetary policy responds very little to changes in forecasted money growth; we conclude that the Bundesbank is much better described as an inflation targeter than as a money targeter. An additional contribution of the paper is to apply the structural VAR methods of B. Bernanke and I. Mihov (Measuring monetary policy, working paper no. 5145, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, June 1995) to determine the optimal indicator of German monetary policy: We find that the Lombard rate has historically been a good policy indicator, although the use of the call rate as an indicator cannot be statistically rejected.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0014-2921(96)00056-6},
  Keywords                 = {Monetary policy, Monetary targets, Bundesbank, Structural vector autoregressions}
}

@Article{Bernhard1998,
  Title                    = {A Political Explanation of Variations in Central Bank Independence},
  Author                   = {Bernhard, William},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {311{--}327},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {Although central banks possess a similar function across the industrial democracies, their institutional structures-their levels of independence-differ greatly. My explanation of this variation emphasizes the informational asymmetries of monetary policymaking. Government ministers have informational advantages in the policy process, potentially creating conflicts with backbench legislators and, in a multiparty government, coalition partners. An independent central bank can help alleviate these conflicts. Politicians will choose an independent bank (1) if government ministers, party legislators, and coalition partners have different monetary policy incentives and (2) if government ministers fear that party legislators and coalition partners will withdraw their support over a policy dispute. I statistically test the argument against the cross-national variation of central bank institutions. I also use the theoretical framework to examine episodes of institutional choice and reform in Germany, Britain, and Italy.}
}

@Article{BernhardEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Monetary Institutions},
  Author                   = {Bernhard, William and Broz, J. Lawrence and Clark, William Roberts},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081802760403748},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {693{--}723},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Why do national governments choose the monetary institutions they do? While this question has long interested political economists, previous literature on the topic suffers from a central limitation: the choicesof exchange-rate regime and central bank independence (CBI) have been analyzed in isolation from one another. This is surprising given thatprominent arguments from this literature portray these institutions assolutions to the same problem the time-inconsistency of monetary policy, or the inability of policymakers to commit credibly to staying thecourse on an announced policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403748}
}

@Article{BernhardLeblang2002,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and Monetary Commitments},
  Author                   = {Bernhard, William and Leblang, David},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081802760403784},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {803--830},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {We argue that political parties will choose monetary institutions in order to help them win elections and retain office. Increased levels of economic openness in the industrial democracies have complicated the pursuit of office by altering the policy preferences of constituents and decreasing the ability of cabinet ministers to deliver promised economic outcomes. We contend that monetary commitments can help political parties manage diverse constituent interests, restore policy effectiveness, and, ultimately, maintain their position in office. Therefore, we expect that fixed exchange rates and central bank independence can improve cabinet durability, especially under conditions of economic openness.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403784}
}

@Article{BernhardtEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Political polarization and the electoral effects of media bias},
  Author                   = {Bernhardt, Dan and Krasa, Stefan and Polborn, Mattias},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.01.006},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Number                   = {5--6},
  Pages                    = {1092--1104},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {We develop a model in which profits of media firms depend on their audience ratings, and maximizing profits may involve catering to a partisan audience by suppressing information that the partisan audience does not like hearing. While voters are rational, understand the nature of the news suppression bias and update appropriately, important information is lost through bias and can lead to electoral mistakes. We characterize those conditions that give rise to electoral mistakes, showing that heightened political polarization and asymmetric distributions of voter ideologies make electoral mistakes more likely. Even if the median ideology is a centrist and centrist voters gain access to unbiased news, media bias can generate excessive ``cross-over'' voting, which, in turn, can lead to the election of the wrong candidate.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.01.006},
  Keywords                 = {Media bias, Polarization, Information aggregation, Democracy}
}

@Article{Bernstein1954,
  Title                    = {The Growth of {America}n Unions},
  Author                   = {Bernstein, Irving},
  Date                     = {1954},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {301--318},
  Volume                   = {44}
}

@Article{BerryEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {After Enactment: The Lives and Deaths of Federal Programs},
  Author                   = {Berry, Christopher R. and Burden, Barry C. and Howell, William G.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00414.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--17},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {While many scholars have focused on the production of legislation, we explore life after enactment. Contrary to the prevailing view that federal programs are indissoluble, we show that programmatic restructurings and terminations are commonplace. In addition, we observe significant changes in programmatic appropriations. We suggest that a sitting congress is most likely to transform, kill, or cut programs inherited from an enacting congress when its partisan composition differs substantially. To test this claim, we examine the postenactment histories of every federal domestic program established between 1971 and 2003, using a new dataset that distinguishes program death from restructuring. Consistent with our predictions, we find that changes in the partisan composition of congresses have a strong influence on program durability and size. We thus dispel the notion that federal programs are everlasting while providing a plausible coalition-based account for their evolution.}
}

@Article{BerryBerry1990,
  Title                    = {State Lottery Adoptions as Policy Innovations: An Event History Analysis},
  Author                   = {Berry, Frances Stokes and Berry, William D},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {395{--}415},
  Volume                   = {84},

  Abstract                 = {Two types of explanations of state government innovation have been proposed: internal determinants models (which posit that the factors causing a state government to innovate are political, economic, and social characteristics of a state) and regional diffusion models (which point toward the role of policy adoptions by neighboring states in prompting a state to adopt). We show that the two are conceptually compatible, relying on Mohr's theory of organizational innovation. Then we develop and test a unified explanation of state lottery adoptions reflecting both internal and regional influences. The empirical results provide a great degree of support for Mohr's theory. For the empirical analysis, we rely on event history analysis, a form of pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, which we believe may be useful in a wide variety of subfields of political science. Event history analysis may be able to explain important forms of political behavior (by individuals, organizations, or governments) even if they occur only rarely.}
}

@Article{BerryBerry1994,
  author       = {Berry, Frances Stokes and Berry, William D.},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Politics of Tax Increases in the States},
  doi          = {10.2307/2111610},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {855--859},
  url          = {http://mailer.fsu.edu/~wberry/garnet-wberry/ajps94.pdf},
  volume       = {38},
  abstract     = {This paper updates a recent study of the factors prompting states to adopt new tax instruments by testing the explanation supported in the original work over a longer time period and broadening the pooled cross-sectional time series analysis to include increases in the rates of existing tax instruments. Our results are consistent with the original study's support for a "political opportunity" explanation that suggests that politicians are most likely to adopt tax increases when the electoral risks of doing so are minimized.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://mailer.fsu.edu/~wberry/garnet-wberry/ajps94.pdf},
  bdsk-url-2   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111610},
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Berry1999,
  Title                    = {Unravelling the `Australian Housing Solution' the Post-War Years},
  Author                   = {Berry, Mike},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing, Theory and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/14036099950149974},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {106{--}123},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {Australia has long been seen as the prime example of a `home owning democracy'. More than 50\% of the population were home owners by the turn of the 20th century. This figure climbed to 70\% in the first 15 years after the Second World War. More than 90\% of middle aged and older Australians alive today have owned their dwelling at some stage in their lives. However, in the 1990s there are clear signs that home ownership is on the decline. The proportion of households purchasing on a mortgage is falling across all age groups and income classes. Decline is particularly evident among younger and lower income groups, suggesting that underlying economic and demographic forces are at work. Governments at all levels in Australia are turning away from an almost exclusive concern with encouraging owner occupation in favour of targeting housing subsidies towards low income tenants in the private rental market, as well as the small social housing sector. This paper traces the rise and imminent decline of owner occupation in Australia over past 50 years, identifying the structural social and economic factors responsible and placing the analysis within a theoretical framework informed by regulation theory and David Harvey's analysis of the Keynesian and post-Keynesian cities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036099950149974}
}

@Article{Berry2016,
  Title                    = {The UK Press and the Deficit Debate},
  Author                   = {Berry, Mike},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0038038515582158},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {542--559},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {The 2008 financial crisis initially appeared to challenge the sustainability of neoliberal finance capitalism. However, the focus of political and public debate soon shifted to state spending and the need for austerity. This research examines how this shift took place in the British press during 2009. The article begins by charting the rise of neoliberalism and its role in financializing the economy. It then examines how such developments impacted news production and made neoliberal perspectives more prominent in the media. This meant, as the data in this article demonstrate, that the key definers of the crisis in the media were among the strongest advocates of neoliberalism. Reporting of the deficit was characterized by fear appeals, the presentation of misleading data and false comparisons. Finally the article notes the consistent endorsement of austerity measures, by almost all newspapers, despite their consistent history of policy failure during recessions.}
}

@Article{Berry2016a,
  Title                    = {No alternative to austerity: how BBC broadcast news reported the deficit debate},
  Author                   = {Berry, Mike},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Media, Culture \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0163443715620931},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines how BBC News at Ten covered the emergence of the UK public deficit debate in 2009. A total of 25 days of coverage drawn from the first seven months of 2009 were subject to a source and thematic content analysis to examine how news bulletins explained the emergence, consequences and possible solutions to the rise in the public deficit. Results indicated that political and financial elites dominated coverage. The consequence was that the news reproduced a very limited range of opinion on the implications and potential strategies for deficit reduction. The view that Britain was in danger of being abandoned by its international creditors with serious economics consequences was unchallenged and repeatedly endorsed by journalists. Despite their limited record of success during recessions, austerity policies dominated discussion of possible solutions to the rise in the deficit. This research thus raises questions about impartiality and the watchdog role of public service journalism.}
}

@Article{BerryEtAl2010a,
  Title                    = {Testing for Interaction in Binary Logit and Probit Models: Is a Product Term Essential?},
  Author                   = {Berry, William D and DeMeritt, Jacqueline H.R and Esarey, Justin},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00429.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {248--266},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Political scientists presenting binary dependent variable (BDV) models often hypothesize that variables interact to influence the probability of an event, Pr(Y). The current typical approach to testing such hypotheses is (1) estimate a logit or probit model with a product term, (2) test the hypothesis by determining whether the coefficient for this term is statistically significant, and (3) characterize the nature of any interaction detected by describing how the estimated effect of one variable on Pr(Y) varies with the value of another. This approach makes a statistically significant product term necessary to support the interaction hypothesis. We show that a statistically significant product term is neither necessary nor sufficient for variables to interact meaningfully in influencing Pr(Y). Indeed, even when a logit or probit model contains no product term, the effect of one variable on Pr(Y) may be strongly related to the value of another. We present a strategy for testing for interaction in a BDV model, including guidance on when to include a product term.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00429.x}
}

@Article{BerryEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Improving Tests of Theories Positing Interaction},
  Author                   = {Berry, William D. and Golder, Matt and Milton, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381612000199},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {653--671},
  Url                      = {https://files.nyu.edu/mrg217/public/jop2.pdf},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {It is well established that all interactions are symmetric: when the effect of X on Y is conditional on the value of Z, the effect of Z must be conditional on the value of X. Yet the typical practice when testing an interactive theory is to (1) view one variable, Z, as the conditioning variable, (2) offer a hypothesis about how the marginal effect of the other variable, X, is conditional on the value of Z, and (3) construct a marginal effect plot for X to test the theory. We show that the failure to make additional predictions about how the effect of Z varies with the value of X, and to evaluate them with a second marginal effect plot, means that scholars often ignore evidence that can be extremely valuable for testing their theory. As a result, they either understate or, more worryingly, overstate the support for their theories.}
}

@Article{BerryEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Measuring Citizen and Government Ideology in the {America}n States, 1960-93},
  Author                   = {Berry, William D and Ringquist, Evan J and Fording, Richard C and Hanson, Russell L},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {327{--}348},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {We construct dynamic measures of the ideology of a state's citizens and political leaders, using the roll call voting scores of state congressional delegations, the outcomes of congressional elections, the partisan division of state legislatures, the party of the governor, and various assumptions regarding voters and state political elites. We establish the utility of our indicators for 1960-93 by (i) examining and, whenever possible, testing the assumptions on which they are based, (ii) assessing their reliability, (iii) assessing their convergent validity by correlating them with other ideology indicators, and (iv) appraising their construct validity by analyzing their predictive power within multivariate models from some of the best recent research in the state politics field. Strongly supportive results from each battery of tests indicate the validity of our annual, state-level measures of citizen and government ideology. Substantively, our measures reveal more temporal variation in state citizen ideology than is generally recognized.}
}

@Article{BertrandEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {How Much Should We Trust Differences-In-Differences Estimates?},
  Author                   = {Bertrand, Marianne and Duflo, Esther and Mullainathan, Sendhil},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355304772839588},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {249--275},
  Volume                   = {119},

  Abstract                 = {Most papers that employ Differences-in-Differences estimation (DD) use many years of data and focus on serially correlated outcomes but ignore that the resulting standard errors are inconsistent. To illustrate the severity of this issue, we randomly generate placebo laws in state-level data on female wages from the Current Population Survey. For each law, we use OLS to compute the DD estimate of its effect as well as the standard error of this estimate. These conventional DD standard errors severely understate the standard deviation of the estimators: we find an effect significant at the 5 percent level for up to 45 percent of the placebo interventions. We use Monte Carlo simulations to investigate how well existing methods help solve this problem. Econometric corrections that place a specific parametric form on the time-series process do not perform well. Bootstrap (taking into account the autocorrelation of the data) works well when the number of states is large enough. Two corrections based on asymptotic approximation of the variance-covariance matrix work well for moderate numbers of states and one correction that collapses the time series information into a pre- and post-period and explicitly takes into account the effective sample size works well even for small numbers of states.}
}

@Article{Besley2007,
  Title                    = {The New Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02097.x},
  Number                   = {524},
  Pages                    = {F570{--}F587},
  Volume                   = {117},

  Abstract                 = {The aim of the New Political Economy is to understand important issues that arise in the policy sphere.1 It is not, as is occasionally hinted, an effort by economists to colonise political science. Rather, the main concern is to extend the competence of economists to analyse issues that require some facility with economic and political decision making. At the margin, the New Political Economy reverses the split that occurred between the disciplines of economics and political science at the end of the nineteenth century. This article is not a survey of the field. It is a selective and personal view of some of the themes in the literature. It is framed more as a manifesto presented in the hope that somebody who encounters these ideas for the first time here might be tempted to delve further into the literature and even contribute to it.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02097.x}
}

@Article{BesleyCase2000,
  Title                    = {Unnatural Experiments? Estimating the Incidence of Endogenous Policies},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy and Case, Anne},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0297.00578},
  Number                   = {467},
  Pages                    = {F672{--}F694},
  Volume                   = {110},

  Abstract                 = {There are numerous empirical studies that exploit variation in policies over space and time in the U.S. federal system. If state policy making is purposeful action, responsive to economic and political conditions within the state, then it is necessary to identify and control for the forces that lead to these policy changes. This paper investigates the implications of policy endogeneity for a specific policy context - workers' compensation benefits. We contrast different methods of estimation and their pros and cons in this context.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.00578}
}

@Article{BesleyCase2003,
  author       = {Besley, Timothy and Case, Anne},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  title        = {Political Institutions and Policy Choices: Evidence from the {United States}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {7{--}73},
  volume       = {41},
  annotation   = {Partisanship.},
}

@Article{BesleyCoate1998,
  Title                    = {Sources of Inefficiency in a Representative Democracy: A Dynamic Analysis},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy and Coate, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {139{--}156},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the efficiency of policy choice in representative democracies. It extends the citizen-candidate model of democratic policy-making to a dynamic environment. Equilibrium policy choices are shown to be efficient in the sense that in each period, conditional on future policies being selected through the democratic process, there exists no alternative current policy choices which can raise the expected utilities of all citizens. However, policies that would be declared efficient by standard economic criteria are not necessarily adopted in political equilibrium. The paper argues that these divergencies are legitimately viewed as "political failures."}
}

@Article{BesleyGhatak2001,
  Title                    = {Government versus Private Ownership of Public Goods},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy and Ghatak, Maitreesh},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355301753265598},
  ISSN                     = {0033-5533},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1343--1372},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {There has been a dramatic change in the division of responsibility between the state and the private sector for the delivery of public goods and services in recent years with an increasing trend toward contracting out to the private sector and ``public-private partnerships.'' This paper analyzes how ownership matters in public good provision. We show that if contracts are incomplete then the ownership of a public good should lie with a party that values the benefits generated by it relatively more. This is true regardless of whether this party is also the key investor, or other aspects of the technology.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355301753265598},
  Booktitle                = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{BesleyGhatak2003,
  Title                    = {Incentives, Choice, and Accountability in the Provision of Public Services},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy and Ghatak, Maitreesh},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {235--249},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {This paper discusses a theoretical framework to study the issues of competition and incentives without relying on the standard profit-oriented {\textquoteleft}market{\textquoteright} model in the context of the debates about public-service reform in the UK. It uses the idea that the production of public services coheres around a mission, and discusses how decentralized service provision can raise productivity by matching motivated workers to their preferred missions. Our focus on competition and incentives cuts across traditional debates about public versus private ownership and allows for the possibility of involving private non-profit organizations. We also address concerns about the consequences of allowing more flexibility in mission design and competition on inequality.}
}

@Article{BesleyEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Political Competition, Policy and Growth: Theory and Evidence from the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy and Persson, Torsten and Sturm, Daniel M.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-937X.2010.00606.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops a simple model to analyze how a lack of political competition may lead to policies that hinder economic growth. We test the predictions of the model on panel data for the US states. In these data, we find robust evidence that lack of political competition in a state is associated with anti-growth policies: higher taxes, lower capital spending and a reduced likelihood of using right-to-work laws. We also document a strong link between low political competition and low income growth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-937X.2010.00606.x}
}

@Article{BesleyPreston2007,
  Title                    = {Electoral Bias and Policy Choice: Theory and Evidence},
  Author                   = {Besley, Timothy and Preston, Ian},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1437{--}1510},
  Volume                   = {122},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops an approach to studying how bias in favor of one party due to the pattern of electoral districting affects policy choice. We tie a commonly used measure of electoral bias to the theory of party competition and show how this affects party strategy in theory. The usefulness of the approach is illustrated using data on local government in England. The results suggest that reducing electoral bias leads parties to moderate their policies.}
}

@Article{BestEtAl2012,
  author       = {Best, Robin E. and Budge, Ian and McDonald, Michael D.},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Representation as a median mandate: Taking cross-national differences seriously},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01996.x},
  issn         = {1475-6765},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--23},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {The extent and ways in which popular preferences influence government policy are absolutely central to our understanding of modern democracy. Paul Warwick's discussion of these in the European Journal of Political Research in 2010 puts itself at the heart of the debate with its critique of the median mandate theory of McDonald and Budge, proposing an alternative `bilateralist' concept of representation. This article questions whether this concept has much to add to our theoretical understanding of representational processes. However, Warwick's further conceptual points deserve serious consideration. These concern the time horizons within which representative processes work, and the status of the median position given multi-motivated voting. At the evidential level, Warwick argues that survey-based measures of voter and party left--right positions fail to produce the correspondence between median and government policy positions that median mandate theory would have us expect. However, survey-based measures of median voter and party placements obscure important cross-national variation. Using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES 2007), as Warwick does, this article shows that survey respondents norm their own and their country's party positions to their national context. The consequence is to make the political centre in all nations appear similar. Allowing for the relevant cross-national differences brings the relationship between the median voter and government position back in line with expectations.},
  keywords     = {median mandate, bilateralism, representation, cross-national variation, party positions},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Book{Bevan1952,
  Title                    = {In Place of Fear},
  Author                   = {Bevan, Aneurin},
  Date                     = {1952},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Heinemann}
}

@Book{Bevan1944,
  Title                    = {Why Not Trust the Tories?},
  Author                   = {Bevan, Aneurin (Celticus)},
  Date                     = {1944},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Victor Gollancz Ltd.}
}

@Book{Beveridge1942,
  Title                    = {Social Insurance and Allied Services},
  Author                   = {Beveridge, William},
  Date                     = {1942},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Her Majesty's Stationery Office}
}

@Article{BeyersKerremans2007,
  Title                    = {The press coverage of trade issues: a comparative analysis of public agenda-setting and trade politics},
  Author                   = {Beyers, Jan and Kerremans, Bart},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760601122571},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {269--292},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {During the last decade trade has become a fertile laboratory for studying interest group politics and agenda-setting. This paper illustrates the mechanisms through which trade issues become prominent on the media agenda. Our analysis resorts to two datasets. First, we use comparative data (covering Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands) on press coverage regarding issues that have been dealt with in the World Trade Organization (WTO), and in which the European Union (EU) had a stake. Second, in order to measure group prominence we analyse a dataset on the involvement of interest groups in WTO ministerial conferences, WTO symposia and the EU's Civil Society Dialogue. The analysis is focused on four factors: member state, issue accessibility, sector density and, finally, interest mobilization. In general, the most effective predictors of public visibility are member state, issue accessibility and interest mobilization.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760601122571},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BhattiEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The Effects of Administrative Professionals on Contracting Out},
  Author                   = {Bhatti, Yosef and Olsen, Asmus Leth and Pedersen, Lene Holm},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2008.01424.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0491},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {121--137},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {An often-debated subject in the public administration literature concerns why some units contract out more than others. The present article decomposes the influence of public employees on municipal contracting as different types of employees have different skills and incentives and must be treated accordingly. First, the analysis shows that the apparent negative relationship between public employees in general and municipal contracting is partly reflecting the fact that the number of public employees is endogenous to contracting. Second, we suggest that administrative professionals and not bureaucrats in general have a positive impact on contracting. This is because administrative professional skills are vital for carrying out a tender and because contracting is essentially a part of administrative professionals' bureau-shaping interests. Finally, we find support for two often-discussed claims in the literature, namely, the influence of prosperity and ideology.}
}

@Article{BiaisPerotti2002,
  Title                    = {Machiavellian Privatization},
  Author                   = {Biais, Bruno and Perotti, Enrico},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/000282802760015694},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {240{--}258},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze politically motivated privatization in a bipartisan environment. When median-class voters a priori favor redistributive policies, a strategic privatization program allocating them enough shares can induce a voting shift away from left-wing parties whose policy would reduce the value of shareholdings. To induce median-class voters to buy enough shares to shift political preferences, strategic rationing and underpricing is often necessary. In the extreme, this may lead to free share distribution and voucher privatization. Shifting voting preferences becomes impossible when strong ex ante political constraints require large upfront transfers to insiders or when social inequality is extreme.}
}

@Article{BickertonEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Security Co-operation beyond the Nation-State: The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy},
  Author                   = {Bickerton, Chris J. and Irondelle, Bastien and Menon, Anand},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02126.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--21},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02126.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{BieberMartens2011,
  Title                    = {The OECD PISA Study as a Soft Power in Education? Lessons from Switzerland and the US},
  Author                   = {Bieber, Tonia and Martens, Kerstin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1465-3435.2010.01462.x},
  ISSN                     = {1465-3435},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {101--116},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Although originally created for economic purposes, the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) has increasingly gained weight in education policy in recent years and is now regarded as an international authority in the field, particularly through its `Programme for International Student Assessment' (PISA), which was highly esteemed in many countries and enabled diverse domestic education reforms. OECD derived a variety of policy recommendations from the PISA results. However, which of these were implemented at the national level and how OECD was able to achieve an impact on its member states have not yet been analysed in sufficient depth. To answer these questions, we analyse which OECD recommendations were reflected in Switzerland and the US. As their reception differs across countries, we assess under which conditions policy convergence towards the OECD `model' took place. Then we elaborate on the governance mechanisms that caused policy convergence. We show that in Switzerland PISA's platform for transnational communication enabled policy learning at the expert level, thus leading to a rather high degree of policy convergence. This was not the case in the US, where PISA was regarded only as one of many studies assessing the performance of education systems.},
  Keywords                 = {education policy, OECD, PISA study, policy convergence, soft governance},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Bieler2007,
  Title                    = {Co-option or resistance? Trade unions and neoliberal restructuring in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Bieler, Andreas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Capital \& Class},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/030981680709300107},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {111--124},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this article is to engage critically with recent scholarship that accuses European trade unions of having been co-opted into neoliberal restructuring within the EU. The article first demonstrates, through a focus on British and German unions, that even if they have accepted economic and monetary union as such, trade unions still reject its underlying neoliberal rationale and demand changes to its operation. Then an analysis at the European level shows how trade unions have potential strategies at their disposal that allow them to counter restructuring, with specific reference to the European Metalworkers' Federation and the European Federation of Public Service Unions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981680709300107}
}

@Article{Biesta2004,
  Title                    = {Education, Accountability, and the Ethical Demand: Can the Democratic Potential of Accountability Be Regained?},
  Author                   = {Biesta, Gert JJ},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Theory},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {233--250},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the impact of the idea of accountability on education. It considers the kind of relationships that are promoted or produced by the culture of accountability, both in order to understand what kind of relationships are made possible and to understand what kind of relationships are made difficult, or even impossible, as a result of the accountability regime. The paper explores how the managerial uses of the idea of accountability have become pervasive in contemporary education and how this has changed relationships among students, parents, teachers, and the state. Ultimately, accountability erodes relationships of responsibility. Zygmunt Bauman's "postmodern ethics" is used to gain a detailed understanding of why it has become so much more difficult to develop relationships of responsibility under the accountability regime. Bauman's proposal that we should take responsibility for our responsibility also suggests a starting point from which the democratic potential of accountability might be regained.}
}

@Article{BiglaiserBrown2003,
  Title                    = {The Determinants of Privatization in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Biglaiser, Glen and Brown, David S.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/106591290305600108},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77--89},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Previous work on political institutions and economic reform provide a number of testable hypotheses that have yet to be fully examined in a multivariate framework. The strength of the presidency, divided government, political polarization, fragmented legislatures, ideology, and democracy itself have all been forwarded as possible constraints that influence the depth and speed of economic reform. Using time-series cross-sectional data, we provide a multivariate test of the impact these institutions have on privatization. Our findings suggest privatization is a unique process that should be analyzed separately from other economic reforms. More importantly, the results provide reasons to be optimistic: privatization can occur under a variety of different political institutions.}
}

@Book{Billig1995,
  Title                    = {Banal Nationalism},
  Author                   = {Billig, Michael},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Publisher                = {Sage Publications}
}

@Article{Bindseil2001,
  Title                    = {A Coalition-Form Analysis Of The ``One Country - One Vote'' Rule In The Governing Council Of The {Europe}an Central Bank},
  Author                   = {Bindseil, Ulrich},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {International Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/10168730100000007},
  ISSN                     = {1016-8737},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {145--164},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyses the ``one country--one vote'' rule for monetary policy decision making of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank in a framework of cooperative game theory. The Shapley value is used as a solution concept. In contrast to former papers analysing the allocation of abstract "voting power" in committees of international organisations, preferences for monetary policy are modelled to obtain a prediction about potential transfers implied by an equal allocation of voting rights when countries are of different size. It is shown that if the number of countries participating to a currency union grows and the weight of the largest country within the currency union becomes small, the allocation of voting rights becomes irrelevant in the sense that transfers per country tend in any case to zero.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10168730100000007},
  Booktitle                = {International Economic Journal},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2011.12.05}
}

@Article{BingleyLanot2002,
  Title                    = {The incidence of income tax on wages and labour supply},
  Author                   = {Bingley, Paul and Lanot, Gauthier},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(01)00080-9},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {173--194},
  Volume                   = {83},

  Abstract                 = {In the simple framework of a static model for equilibrium wages and labour supplies, we show that the incidence of income tax on equilibrium wages can be measured independently from the individual labour supply elasticity. This extends recent work by [Journal of Labour Economics, 15(3) (1997) S72{\textendash}S101] and [Journal of Public Economics, 65 (1997) 119{\textendash}145], who estimate tax incidence on earnings, and [Econometrica, 66(4) (1998) 827{\textendash}861] and [NBER Working Paper 5023 (1995)], who estimate labour supply elasticities. Our measurements are based on a large multi-level longitudinal data set of Danish private sector establishments and workers. We show that, allowing for labour supply response, there is strong evidence for partial shifting of the burden of income tax from worker to employer. Higher marginal tax rates are associated with increases in gross wages and earnings.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(01)00080-9}
}

@Article{Birch1978,
  Title                    = {Woman-Made {America} The Case of Early Public Housing Policy},
  Author                   = {Birch, Eugenie L},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the American Planning Association},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01944367808976886},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {130{--}144},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {The 1937 Wagner-Steagall Act provided for the first permanent public housing program subsidized by the federal government. Although immediate economic conditions caused by the Depression provided the direct impetus for its passage, a painstakingly constructed intellectual background and grass-roots political support created the climate for its acceptance. This atmosphere was the product of the work of many housing reformers. However, two women, Edith Elmer Wood and Catherine Bauer, stand out as leaders having the most significant impact on the formulation of the new policy. As women, they contributed two major facets to it: the recognition of the need for government construction of dwellings when the private sector did not build; the demand that publicly constructed homes be positively supportive of family life.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01944367808976886}
}

@Article{BirchfieldCrepaz1998,
  Title                    = {The impact of constitutional structures and collective and competitive veto points on income inequality in industrialized democracies},
  Author                   = {Birchfield, Vicki and Crepaz, Markus M},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1006960528737},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {175{--}200},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents the first systematic, empirical examination of the impact of constitutional structures on income inequality among eighteen OECD countries. Our pooled time series/cross-sectional panel analysis (n = 18, t = 2) reveals that consensual political institutions are systematically related to lower income inequalities while the reverse is true for majoritarian political institutions. We also make a crucial distinction between {\textquoteleft}collective{\textquoteright} and {\textquoteleft}competitive{\textquoteright} veto points. Our multiple regression results provide strong evidence that collective veto points depress income inequalities while competitive veto points tend to widen the inequality of incomes. Thus, some institutional veto points have constraining effects on policy while others have {\textquoteleft}enabling{\textquoteright} effects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1006960528737}
}

@Article{BirneyEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Public Opinion and the Push to Repeal the Estate Tax},
  Author                   = {Birney, Mayling and Graetz, Michael J. and Shapiro, Ian},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {National Tax Journal},
  Pages                    = {439--461},
  Url                      = {http://ntj.tax.org/wwtax/ntjrec.nsf/22F3DE5F238508AB852572290041C73C/$FILE/Article\%2003-Birney.pdf},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the recent battle for federal estate tax repeal in order better to understand the role of public opinion in enacting legislation, particularly regarding low salience issues. Our analyses of the polling data show how the contours of public opinion were strategically used in the policy debate. When the issue was framed as a matter of fairness, misperceptions of selfinterest and principled beliefs about fairness combined to yield apparently overwhelming support for repeal. However, when it was instead framed as a matter of priority, majorities supported estate tax reform options overrepeal. Interest groups used the findings about public opinion in coalitionbuilding and campaigns that changed the public image of repeal from extreme to mainstream. In sum, public opinion polls supporting repeal provided ``running room'' for politicians to vote for repeal.}
}

@Article{BishopWoesmann2004,
  Title                    = {Institutional Effects in a Simple Model of Educational Production},
  Author                   = {Bishop, John H and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0964529042000193934},
  Pages                    = {17--38},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents a model of educational production that tries to make sense of recent evidence on effects of institutional arrangements on student performance. In a simple principal-agent framework, students choose their learning effort to maximize their net benefits, while the government chooses educational spending to maximize its net benefits. In the jointly determined equilibrium, schooling quality is shown to depend on several institutionally determined parameters. The impact on student performance of institutions such as central examinations, centralization versus school autonomy, teachers' influence, parental influence, and competition from private schools is analyzed. Furthermore, the model can rationalize why positive resource effects may be lacking in educational production.}
}

@Unpublished{BjorklundEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Education, equality, and efficiency {\textendash} An analysis of Swedish school reforms during the 1990{s}},
  Author                   = {Bj{\"o}rklund, Anders and Edin, Per-Anders and Fredriksson, Peter and Krueger, Alan B.},
  Date                     = {2004}
}

@Article{BjorklundJantti1997,
  author       = {Bj{\"o}rklund, Anders and J{\"a}ntti, Markus},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Intergenerational Income Mobility in {Sweden} Compared to the {United States}},
  doi          = {10.2307/2951338},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1009--1018},
  volume       = {87},
  month        = dec,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Incollection{Bjornberg2006,
  Title                    = {Paying for the costs of children in eight North {Europe}an countries: ambivalent trends},
  Author                   = {Bj{\"o}rnberg, Ulla},
  Booktitle                = {Children, Changing Families and Welfare States},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Jane Lewis},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {Cheltenham, UK},
  Pages                    = {90{--}109},
  Publisher                = {Edward Elgar}
}

@Article{BjoernsdottirEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {The Influence of Teachers in the Operation of Basic Schools in {Iceland}},
  Author                   = {Bj{\"o}rnsd{\a\'o}ttir, Amal{\a\'\i}a and Hansen, B{\"o}rkur and J{\a\'o}hannsson, {\a\'O}lafur H},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00313830802346397},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {513--526},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {The governance of basic schools (grades 1--10) in Iceland was transferred from state control to municipal control in 1995 with a new Basic School Act. This transfer was in line with the emphasis on school-based management that was stressed in the Act. This policy was criticised by many, including teachers and their union representatives. Research indicates that basic principals are very pleased with their new working environment, but showed indication of dissatisfaction amongst teachers. Accordingly, it was of interest to investigate how this policy has influenced the working environment of basic school teachers: Has it facilitated increased autonomy of schools? Has it enhanced participative decision-making and co-operation amongst teachers? What kind of pressures and expectations has it generated from parents and municipal educational authorities? A questionnaire was sent to a sample of 750 teachers during the spring of 2005. The findings indicate that there seems to be a gap emerging between the perceived professional independence of schools and the professional independence of teachers. This study also indicates that the general teacher wants to be more involved in decision-making in his/her school in areas such as development projects, in-service planning and distribution of financial resources. The study also shows that external demands and pressures on teachers have increased considerably, particularly in urban areas.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313830802346397}
}

@Article{Black1948,
  Title                    = {On the Rationale of Group Decision-Making},
  Author                   = {Black, Duncan},
  Date                     = {1948},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {23--34},
  Volume                   = {56}
}

@Article{Black1948a,
  Title                    = {The Decisions of a Committee Using a Special Majority},
  Author                   = {Black, Duncan},
  Date                     = {1948},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1907278},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {245--261},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1907278}
}

@Article{Black1998,
  Title                    = {Learning, League Tables and National Assessment: Opportunity Lost or Hope Deferred?},
  Author                   = {Black, Paul},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {57--68},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {In 1988, the UK government accepted most of a set of radical proposals which their Task Group on Assessment and Testing had set out as the basis for a new scheme of national assessment. This paper outlines the formulation, the reception and the eventual abandonment of the scheme, illustrating how this outcome emerged from the interplay of political groups who approached the problems with fundamentally different beliefs about assessment and learning. It then reviews some of the basic problems involved, calling in particular on evidence produced over the last ten years about the importance and effectiveness of formative assessment in classrooms. It is argued that such assessment requires, and could justify, a new and substantial investment in development and training. It is further argued that current national testing in England and Wales falls far short of acceptable requirements of reliability and validity, and that the place of teachers' assessments in such testing has to be enhanced to meet the shortcomings. Overall, however, many public prejudices and misunderstandings about testing will have to be overcome if such programmes are to command support.}
}

@Other{BlackWiliam2001,
  annotation = {A version of the document, amended for readers in the USA, has been published in the journal. Phi Delta Kappan Vol. 80 (2) pp.139-148 October 1998 . That version has the same title and authors as the version above. However, the copyright in that version is held by the publishers of Kappan.},
  author     = {Black, Paul and Wiliam, Dylan},
  date       = {2001},
  title      = {Inside the Black Box: Raising Standards Through Classroom Assessment},
}

@Article{Black1999,
  Title                    = {Do Better Schools Matter? Parental Valuation of Elementary Education},
  Author                   = {Black, Sandra E},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {577--599},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {The evaluation of numerous school reforms requires an understanding of the value of better schools. Given the difficulty of calculating the relationship between school quality and student outcomes, I turn to another method and use house prices to infer the value parents place on school quality. I look within school districts at houses located on attendance district boundaries; houses then differ only by the elementary school the child attends. I thereby effectively remove the variation in neighborhoods, taxes, and school spending. I find that parents are willing to pay 2.5 percent more for a 5 percent increase in test scores. This finding is robust to a number of sensitivity checks.}
}

@Incollection{BlackDevereux2011,
  Title                    = {Recent Developments in Intergenerational Mobility},
  Author                   = {Black, Sandra E. and Devereux, Paul J.},
  Booktitle                = {Handbook of Labor Economics},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Ashenfelter, Orley and Card, David},
  Chapter                  = {16},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0169-7218(11)02414-2},
  Pages                    = {1487--1541},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier},
  Volume                   = {Volume 4, Part B},

  Abstract                 = {Economists and social scientists have long been interested in intergenerational mobility, and documenting the persistence between parents and children's outcomes has been an active area of research. However, since Gary Solon's 1999 Chapter in the Handbook of Labor Economics, the literature has taken an interesting turn. In addition to focusing on obtaining precise estimates of correlations and elasticities, the literature has placed increased emphasis on the causal mechanisms that underlie this relationship. This chapter describes the developments in the intergenerational transmission literature since the 1999 Handbook Chapter. While there have been some important contributions in terms of measurement of elasticities and correlations, we focus primarily on advances in our understanding of the forces driving the relationship and less on the precision of the correlations themselves.},
  ISSN                     = {1573-4463},
  Keywords                 = {Intergenerational transmission, Education, Income mobility, Inequality of income, Intergenerational income mobility}
}

@Article{BlackabyEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {The payment of public sector workers in the UK: reconciliation with {North America}n findings},
  Author                   = {Blackaby, D. H. and Murphy, P. D. and O'Leary, N. C.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics Letters},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0165-1765(99)00132-9},
  ISSN                     = {0165-1765},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {239--243},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {In common with recent North American evidence, the highest wage premiums for UK public-sector workers are found in the lower tail of the wage distribution. Evidence of public sector underpayment at the opposite extreme of the earnings spectrum is also apparent.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0165-1765(99)00132-9},
  Keywords                 = {Public sector, Wage differentials}
}

@Article{Blais2006,
  Title                    = {What Affects Turnout?},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e}},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.070204.105121},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {111--125},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Why is turnout higher in some countries and/or in some elections than in others? Why does it increase or decrease over time? To address these questions, I start with the pioneer studies of Powell and Jackman and then review more recent research. This essay seeks to establish which propositions about the causes of variations in turnout are consistently supported by empirical evidence and which ones remain ambiguous. I point out some enigmas and gaps in the field and suggest directions for future research. Most of the research pertains to established democracies, but analyses of nonestablished democracies are also included here.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.070204.105121},
  Keywords                 = {party systems, closeness, institutions, electoral systems}
}

@Article{BlaisEtAl1990,
  Title                    = {The Public/Private Sector Cleavage in {North America}: The Political Behavior and Attitudes of Public Sector Employees},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Blake, Donald E. and Dion, St{\'e}phane},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414090023003005},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {381--403},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the private/public sector cleavage in voting and political attitudes in Canada and the United States. The authors use public choice theory to hypothesize that the interest of public sector employees in the growth of the state inclines them to vote for parties of the left, to support increased state spending, and to place themselves on the left ideologically in both countries. However, given differences between Canadian and U.S. party systems as well as differences over time in the prominence of issues related to state size and growth, the sectoral cleavage should be more prominent in the United States than in Canada but of greater significance in recent elections than in earlier ones in both countries. The authors proceed by adding a sectoral-cleavage variable to multivariate models of party support and attitudinal position. On the whole the effect is greater in the United States, and mainly for presidential voting, and seems to have been particularly significant in the 1984 election. In Canada, sector is related mainly to the choice of the New Democratic Party over the two larger parties. In Canada, but not the United States, an ideological difference between sectors may have emerged that could strengthen sectoral differences based on self-interest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414090023003005}
}

@Article{BlaisEtAl1993,
  Title                    = {Do Parties Make a Difference? Parties and the Size of Government in Liberal Democracies},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Blake, Donald E. and Dion, St{\'e}phane},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2111523},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {40--62},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {The paper attempts to determine whether parties of the left, when in government, spend more than parties of the right. It first reviews the theoretical literature and concludes that parties are likely to make a difference, but only a modest one. It then reviews previous empirical studies, which come out with conflicting results. It finally proposes a study that covers 15 liberal democracies over a period of 28 years, from 1960 to 1987, and combines longitudinal, cross-sectional, and pooled designs. The analysis shows that parties of the left do spend a little more than parties of the right. The difference, however, emerges only for majority governments whose party composition remains unchanged over a number of years, an indication that it takes time for parties to affect total spending.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111523}
}

@Article{BlaisEtAl1993a,
  author       = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Blake, Donald E. and Dion, St{\'e}phane},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Governance},
  title        = {Are Leftist Governments More Generous Toward Public Sector Employees? Evidence From {Canada}, 1967-1984},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.1993.tb00137.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {67--78},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {This article tests the hypothesis that leftist governments concede higher wage increases to their public sector employees than right-wing governments. Leftist governments are expected to be more generous toward public sector employees because of their commitment to public sector intervention, and because of the heavy representation of the public sector among leftist party elite and clientele. The study examines all major wage settlements signed between 1967 and 1984 in the Canadian provincial public sector and finds that, everything else being equal, wage increases are 10\% higher under leftist governments. The standard economic variables (labor demand, expected inflation and spillover from previous contracts) that have been shown to affect wage increases in the private sector also emerge as significant. Finally, the data indicate that the greater the public debt the more constrained governments feel to negotiate minimal wage increases. These findings establish that a proper understanding of public sector labor relations requires a consideration of political as well as economic variables.},
  annotation   = {Find that the New Democratic Party is associated with 10\% higher wage agreements than other (non-leftist) parties at the provincial level in Canada.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1993.tb00137.x},
}

@Article{BlaisEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {Do Parties Make a Difference? A Reappraisal},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Blake, Donald E. and Dion, St{\'e}phane},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2111635},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {514--520},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Government spending tends to increase more under governments of the left than under governments of the right. Pooled data analysis of changes in central government domestic spending in 18 countries, between 1962 and 1991. The original finding, that the partisan composition of governments makes a difference, though a small one, is confirmed. The new results do not, however, replicate the previous finding that parties matter only under majority governments.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111635}
}

@Article{BlaisDobrzynska1998,
  Title                    = {Turnout in Electoral Democracies},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Dobrzynska, Agnieszka},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00382},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {239--261},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Abstract. We examine turnout in 324 democratic national lower house elections held in 91 countries, between 1972 and 1995. We rely on Freedom House ratings of political rights to determine whether an election is democratic or not. We distinguish three blocs of factors that affect turnout: the socio--economic environment, institutions, and party systems. We show that turnout is influenced by a great number of factors and that the patterns that have been shown to prevail in studies dealing with more limited samples of countries generally hold when we look at a larger set of democracies. But we also show that the socioeconomic environment, which has been downplayed in previous studies, has a substantial impact on turnout.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00382},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{BlaisEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {To Adopt or Not to Adopt Proportional Representation: The Politics of Institutional Choice},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Dobrzynska, Agnieszka and Indridason, Indridi H.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123405000098},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {182--190},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123405000098}
}

@Article{BlaisEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Public Spending, Public Deficits and Government Coalitions},
  Author                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Kim, Jiyoon and Foucault, Martial},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2010.00842.x},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines the relationship between types of government and level of public spending. There are two competing perspectives about the consequences of coalition governments for the size of public expenditures. The most common argument is that government spending increases under coalition governments, compared with one-party governments. Another line of thought contends that coalition governments are often stalled in the status quo due to the veto power of each member. Our analysis of public spending in 33 parliamentary democracies between 1972 and 2000 confirms the latter argument that coalition governments have a status quo bias. We find, particularly, that single-party governments are apt to modify the budget according to the current fiscal condition, which enables them to increase or decrease spending more flexibly. By contrast, coalition governments find it difficult not only to decrease spending under difficult fiscal conditions but also to increase it even under a more favorable context, because each member of the coalition has a veto power.}
}

@Article{BlakeAdolino2001,
  Title                    = {The Enactment of National Health Insurance: A Boolean Analysis of Twenty Advanced Industrial Countries},
  Author                   = {Blake, Charles H. and Adolino, Jessica R.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy \& Law},
  Doi                      = {10.1215/03616878-26-4-679},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {679--708},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {The scholarly literature on health care politics has generated a series of hypotheses to explain U.S. exceptionalism in health policy and to explain the adoption of national health insurance (NHI) more generally. Various cultural, institutional, and political conditions are held to make the establishment of some form of national health insurance policy more (or less) likely to occur. The literature is dominated by national and comparative case studies that illustrate the theoretical logic of these hypotheses but do not provide a framework for examining the hypotheses cross-nationally. This article is an initial attempt to address that void by using Boolean analysis to examine systematically several of the major propositions that emerge from the case study literature on the larger universe of twenty advanced industrial democracies. This comparative analysis offers considerable support for the veto points hypothesis while still finding each of the factors examined to be relevant in certain scenarios. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for future research and for advocates of national health insurance in the United States.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-26-4-679}
}

@Article{Blanc1998,
  Title                    = {Social Integration and Exclusion in {France}: Some Introductory Remarks from a Social Transaction Perspective},
  Author                   = {Blanc, Maurice},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039883065},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {781{--}792},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Nowadays in France, a political rhetoric highlights the `excluded' and aims to reduce `social fracture'. Most sociologists react negatively to this stance and propose alternative concepts to exclusion, such as `disaffiliation' and `disqualification'. This paper links together integration and exclusion as a social transaction process and outlines how this theoretical framework is applicable to the housing field. It identifies some implications for housing policy, particularly in relation to the management of the HLM sector in France.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039883065}
}

@Article{Blanchflower2007,
  Title                    = {International Patterns of Union Membership},
  Author                   = {Blanchflower, David G},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8543.2007.00600.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--28},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines changes in unionization that have occurred over the last decade or so using individual level micro data on many countries, with particular emphasis on the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada. I document an empirical regularity not hitherto identified, namely the probability of being unionized follows an inverted U-shaped pattern in age, maximizing in the mid-to late 40s in 34 of the 38 countries I study. I consider the question of why union membership seems to follow a similar inverted U-shape pattern in age across countries with such diverse industrial relations systems. I ?nd evidence that this arises in part because of cohort effects, but even when cohort effects are removed a U-shape remains.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2007.00600.x}
}

@Article{BlanchflowerBryson2010,
  Title                    = {The Wage Impact of Trade Unions in the UK Public and Private Sectors},
  Author                   = {Blanchflower, David G. and Bryson, Alex},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economica},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0335.2008.00726.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0335},
  Number                   = {305},
  Pages                    = {92--109},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {There is a growing gap in the union membership wage premium between public and private-sector workers in the United Kingdom. Using the Labour Force Surveys of 1993--2006, the gap between the membership premium in the public and private sectors closes with the addition of three-digit occupational controls, although significant wage premia remain in both sectors. However, using the Workplace Employment Relations Survey of 2004, the public-sector union membership wage premium remains roughly twice the size of the private-sector membership premium, having accounted for workplace fixed effects and workers' occupations, job characteristics, qualifications and demographics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0335.2008.00726.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Unpublished{VidalLeaver2006,
  Title                    = {An Economic Analysis of Judicial Diversity},
  Author                   = {Blanes i Vidal, Jordi and Leaver, Clare},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides a quantitative study of the drivers of diversity among senior judicial appointments in England and Wales. The raw data for the 275 High Court judges serving between 1985 and 2005 display large differences in promotions to the Court of Appeal across background groups. Adjusting for censoring, 58\% of the "traditional" group (a private education, or a state education followed by Oxbridge and a leading London set) are predicted to be promoted, compared to 19\% for the "non-traditional" group (ex-Circuit judges or a state education not followed by Oxbridge and a leading London set). Estimating a simple structural model of promotion committee decision-making, we show that the majority of this difference can be explained by promotion-relevant characteristics. Both youth and a civil/public law specialism were positively associated with promotion and the non-traditional group was older at appointment and disproportionately specialised in family and crime. That said, even after controlling for experience and a range of judicial performance measures, membership of the traditional group was still associated with a two-fold increase in the odds of being chosen for promotion by a given committee.}
}

@Article{Blank2000,
  Title                    = {When Can Public Policy Makers Rely on Private Markets? The Effective Provision of Social Services},
  Author                   = {Blank, Rebecca M.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {462},
  Pages                    = {34--49},
  Volume                   = {110},

  Abstract                 = {The privatisation of social services is being increasingly discussed. The social services market is characterised by multiple market failures, including informational asymmetries, agency problems, externalities, and distributional concerns. Consumers may care as much or more about quality of services than about price. If quality is readily observable, the government can regulate private providers to assure standards are met. But when standards are difficult to observe or when the recipient is not the agent who makes the decisions, government ownership may be preferable. This paper categorises the market situations in which government provision of social services is likely to be most versus least attractive.}
}

@Article{Blank2002,
  author       = {Blank, Rebecca M.},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Labour Economics},
  title        = {Can equity and efficiency complement each other?},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0927-5371(02)00011-8},
  issn         = {0927-5371},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {451--468},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {Economists tend to assume that redistributive transfers increase equity but cause a loss in efficiency, the so-called ``leaky bucket'' effect. This paper explores situations where efficiency losses are small or where equity and efficiency might even complement each other. A simple model identifies key parameters that cause leaky buckets and which policy can affect. Three situations are discussed where the equity/efficiency tradeoff may be low: when transfers go to populations with no capacity to change their behavior; when transfers go to programs that limit efficiency losses through behavioral requirements; and when commodities are subsidized that function as long-term investments and create future income gains.},
  keywords     = {Equity},
}

@Book{BlanpainEtAl1978,
  Title                    = {National Health Insurance and Health Resources: The {Europe}an Experience},
  Author                   = {Blanpain, Jan and Delesie, Luc and Nys, Herman},
  Date                     = {1978},
  ISBN                     = {0674269551},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{BlantonBlanton2009,
  Title                    = {A Sectoral Analysis of Human Rights and {FDI}: Does Industry Type Matter?},
  Author                   = {Blanton, Shannon Lindsey and Blanton, Robert G.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2009.00542.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {469--493},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {While there is a considerable degree of consensus about the economic determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI), the role of socio-political factors has only recently come under scrutiny. In this study, we build upon research on one such factor, human rights. Specifically, whereas extant research into FDI examines aggregate investment indices, we seek to disaggregate the analysis of FDI to further assess the role of human rights, namely physical integrity rights, in investment decisions. As FDI is a heterogeneous enterprise, we posit that the importance of human rights varies in part due to the nature of the industrial sector. In particular, two factors that vary across industrial sectors --- skill requirements and the degree to which societal acceptance or ``social license'' is sought --- likely increase the salience of human rights concerns in investment decisions. To empirically assess these linkages, we analyze U.S. FDI across 10 different sectors. We find human rights to be a significant determinant of FDI across sectors that value higher skills and integration within the host society.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2009.00542.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{PallageEtAl2013,
  author       = {Pallage, Stephane and Scruggs, Lyle and Zimmerman, Christian},
  title        = {{Measuring Unemployment Insurance Generosity}},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {21},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {524--549},
}

@Article{BleiEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Latent Dirichlet Allocation},
  Author                   = {Blei, David M. and Ng, Andrew Y. and Jordan, Michael I.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Machine Learning Research},
  Number                   = {1},
  Url                      = {http://www.jmlr.org/papers/v3/blei03a.html},
  Urldate                  = {2016-05-19},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {We describe latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA), a generative probabilistic model for collections of discrete data such as text corpora. LDA is a three-level hierarchical Bayesian model, in which each item of a collection is modeled as a finite mixture over an underlying set of topics. Each topic is, in turn, modeled as an infinite mixture over an underlying set of topic probabilities. In the context of text modeling, the topic probabilities provide an explicit representation of a document. We present efficient approximate inference techniques based on variational methods and an EM algorithm for empirical Bayes parameter estimation. We report results in document modeling, text classification, and collaborative filtering, comparing to a mixture of unigrams model and the probabilistic LSI model.}
}

@Article{Blekesaune2007,
  Title                    = {Economic Conditions and Public Attitudes to Welfare Policies},
  Author                   = {Blekesaune, Morten},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcm012},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {393--403},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {Can changing economic conditions predict changes in public attitudes towards welfare state policies? More specifically, does public support for governmental provision and economic redistribution increase in periods of economic strain and low employment? This has been a popular hypothesis among political commentators but has been subject of limited empirical scrutiny. The hypothesis is tested using data from three waves of the World Values Survey and fixed effects models at country level following cross-sectional analyses at the level of respondents which control for individual characteristics. The hypothesis is supported by three out of four effects being tested. These effects are largely contextual as individual level compositional effects can only explain a minor part. The results also indicate that the formation of public opinion towards welfare state policies is predictable and rational.}
}

@Article{BlekesauneQuadagno2003,
  Title                    = {Public Attitudes toward Welfare State Policies: A Comparative Analysis of 24~{N}ations},
  Author                   = {Blekesaune, Morten and Quadagno, Jill},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/19.5.415},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {415--427},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates public attitudes toward welfare state policies as a result of both situational, i.e. unemployment, and ideological factors, i.e. egalitarian ideology, at both the individual and national level. The dependent variables are public support for the sick and the old as well as for the unemployed as target beneficiaries of welfare state policies. Data from the ISSP study Role of Government' are analysed using a multi-level regression technique. Findings indicate that the National level is important in shaping public attitudes toward welfare state policies in industrialized nations, and that both situational and ideological factors play a role. Apparently, various nations generate different public beliefs about national social problems and about the relationship between individuals, the state and other institutions. Eventually, these understandings and beliefs influence popular attitudes regarding what kind of policies the state should pursue, and who should benefit.}
}

@Article{BlockPiven2010,
  Author                   = {Block, Fred and Piven, Frances Fox},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365043},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {205--211},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Article{Blom-Hansen2000,
  Title                    = {Still Corporatism in Scandinavia? A Survey of Recent Empirical Findings},
  Author                   = {Blom-Hansen, Jens},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {157--181},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {This essay surveys empirical research conducted in the 1990s on the influence of organized interests in the Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The essay consists of five main sections. After a brief introduction, the first three main sections survey the emergence, development and present state of Scandinavian corporatism. Then the question of the impact of corporatism on the Scandinavian societies is discussed, followed by an overview of the state of corporatism outside the traditional areas of the labour market, industry and agriculture. The essay closes with a brief conclusion discussing areas in need of further study.}
}

@Article{Blom-Hansen2001,
  Title                    = {Organized interests and the state: A disintegrating relationship? Evidence from {Denmark}},
  Author                   = {Blom-Hansen, Jens},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1011071828548},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {391--416},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {It has proven difficult to determine the direction in which corporatism is moving. This discussion is marred by two shortcomings: A bias towards the macro-level and the lack of a clear distinction between the stages of the policy process. Trying to remedy these shortcomings, this paper follows the development of corporatism over the twenty years since 1980 and uses this material to illuminate the causes of the development of corporatism. The analysis consists of a comparative study of seven Danish policy areas. By focusing on the meso-level within one country we gain the methodological advantage of being able to hold constant a number of variables at the macro-level which are difficult to control for in cross-national analyses. We are thus in a position to illuminate the explanatory value of a number of commonly advanced explanations of corporatism: partisan influences; state traditions; and policy specific factors. These explanations are all found wanting. The paper concludes by suggesting an alternative explanation more consistent with the Danish data, namely that corporatism be studied from a perspective placing politicians and agency at center stage.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1011071828548}
}

@Article{Blom-Hansen2005,
  Title                    = {Principals, agents, and the implementation of EU cohesion policy},
  Author                   = {Blom-Hansen, Jens},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760500160136},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {624--648},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this paper is to analyse who controls the implementation of EU cohesion policy. The main argument is that EU control mechanisms are weak and that the goals formulated at the EU level are likely to be remoulded in the implementation process in order to suit the preferences of the implementing actors at the national level. In order to make this argument it is necessary to move beyond the traditional approach to EU cohesion policy, i.e. the multi-level governance model. I suggest the principal--agent framework as an alternative approach. An inspection of EU cohesion policy through the lenses of this approach uncovers serious implementation problems. The empirical relevance of this argument is demonstrated in a study of the implementation of a selected area of EU cohesion policy, the Urban Community Initiative.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760500160136},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Blom-HansenEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Do parties matter for local revenue policies? A comparison of {Denmark} and {Norway}},
  Author                   = {Blom-Hansen, Jens and Monkerud, Lars Christian and Sorensen, Rune},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00305.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {445--465},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the impact of party ideology on revenue politics. Theoretically, claims can be made that party ideology should matter for revenue policies. First, leftist governments are more favourable towards government intervention and a large public sector. To accomplish this, leftist governments need more revenue than bourgeois governments. Second, revenue policy is a redistributive policy area well suited for ideological positioning. However, the claim that party ideology does not matter can also be made since raising revenue is unpopular and politicians may shy away from new initiatives. Empirically, the question is unsettled. The article investigates the problem by looking at three revenue policy areas (income and property taxation, and user charges) in two countries (Denmark and Norway). The data used is from the municipal level, providing several hundreds of units to compare. The evidence favours the `parties matter' argument, particularly in the Danish case.}
}

@Article{Blomqvist2004,
  author       = {Blomqvist, Paula},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Social Policy and Administration},
  title        = {The Choice Revolution: Privatization of Swedish Welfare Services in the 1990{s}},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {139--155},
  volume       = {38},
  abstract     = {During the 1990s, the Swedish welfare state was declared by some to be in a ``crisis'' , due to both financial strain and loss of political support. Others have argued that the spending cuts and reforms undertaken during this period did slow down the previous increase in social spending, but left the system basically intact. The main argument put forward in this article is that the Swedish welfare state has been and is still undergoing a transforming process whereby it risks losing one of its main characteristics, namely the belief in and institutional support for social egalitarianism. During the 1990s, the public welfare service sector opened up to competing private actors. As a result, the share of private provision grew, both within the health-care and primary education systems as well as within social service provision. This resulted in a socially segregating dynamic, prompted by the introduction of ? consumer choice ? . As will be shown in the article, the gradual privatization and market-orientation of the welfare services undermine previous Swedish notions of a ? people ' s home ? , where uniform, high-quality services are provided by the state to all citizens, regardless of income, social background or cultural orientation.},
  annotation   = {Decentralisation, privatisation, and choice as the thin end of the wedge. The fear is that it undercuts social solidarity by creating constituencies in favour of further such measures, and also for extending such measures to funding.},
}

@Other{Blondal2002,
  annotation = {Public funding of post-compulsory education tends to be regressive.},
  author     = {Blondal, Sveinbjorn},
  date       = {2002},
  title      = {Investment in Human Capital Through Post-Compulsory Education: The Impact of Government Financing},
}

@Article{BloomEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {Does Management Matter in schools?},
  Author                   = {Bloom, Nicholas and Lemos, Renata and Sadun, Raffaella and Van Reenen, John},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ecoj.12267},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {584},
  Pages                    = {647--674},
  Volume                   = {125},

  Abstract                 = {We collect data on management practices in over 1,800 high schools in eight countries. We show that higher management quality is strongly associated with better educational outcomes. The UK, Sweden, Canada and the US obtain the highest management scores, followed by Germany, with a gap before Italy, Brazil and India. We also show that autonomous government schools (government funded but with substantial independence like UK academies and US charters) have higher management scores than regular government or private schools. Almost half of the difference between the management scores of autonomous and regular government schools is accounted for principal leadership and governance.}
}

@Online{NUT2010,
  Title                    = {Christine Blower's speech at the TUC on academies},
  Author                   = {Christine Blower},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://teachers.org.uk/node/11940},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://teachers.org.uk/node/11940}
}

@Article{Bluestone1990,
  Title                    = {The Impact of Schooling and Industrial Restructuring on Recent Trends in Wage Inequality in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Bluestone, Barry},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {303--307},
  Volume                   = {80}
}

@Other{BlumkinGrossmann2005,
  Title                    = {Do Stronger Ideological Preferences of Parties Benefit the Median Voter?},
  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the impact of shifts in parties{\textquoteright} ideological preferences on the political equilibrium and explores its positive and normative implications in a simple two-party model. Prima facie, one would expect that the fact that parties become more ideologically driven would lead to increased divergence across party platforms, thereby reducing the well-being of non-partisan (middle-of-the-road) voters. We demonstrate, however, that contrary to conventional wisdom and due to strategic considerations, such a shift may well lead to convergence of parties{\textquoteright} policy platforms. This in turn may increase the well-being of the median voter.},
  Author                   = {Blumkin, Tomer and Grossmann, Volker},
  Date                     = {2005}
}

@Article{BlundellBond1998,
  Title                    = {Initial conditions and moment restrictions in dynamic panel data models},
  Author                   = {Blundell, Richard and Bond, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Econometrics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {115--143},
  Volume                   = {87}
}

@Article{Bluth2004,
  Title                    = {The British road to war: Blair, Bush and the decision to invade {Iraq}},
  Author                   = {Bluth, Christoph},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00423.x},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {871--892},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {The British decision to go to war against Iraq with the United States has been widely criticized for being based on inaccurate and exaggerated assessments of the threat posed by Iraq. This article shows that the case for military action made by the British government was based on a measured analysis of the threat, on the conviction that the continued containment of Iraq through sanctions was not effective or morally acceptable, and that the human rights violations of the Iraqi regime were of a such a scale that they could no longer be tolerated. The article then assesses the judgements of the British government in the light of the information that has come to light since the war against Iraq in 2003.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00423.x}
}

@Article{Blyth1997,
  Title                    = {Review: `Any More Bright Ideas?' The Ideational Turn of Comparative Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Blyth, Mark},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {229{--}250},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {The renewed interest in ideas as an explanatory category in political economy, particularly among rationalist and historical institutionalists, is flawed. This turn to ideas is theoretically degenerate; it treats ideas as desiderata, catch-all concepts to explain variance, rather than subjects in their own right. The two schools ask what stabilizes and what causes change, not what ideas are and what they do. The ideational turn taken by both rationalist and historical institutionalists is best understood as an ad hoc solution to the inherent weaknesses of their research programs.}
}

@Article{Blyth2001,
  Title                    = {The Transformation of the Swedish Model: Economic Ideas, Distributional Conflict, and Institutional Change},
  Author                   = {Blyth, Mark},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--26},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the transformation of the Swedish model of economic regulation from an ideational perspective. While the majority of arguments about the decline of the Swedish model have focused on the role of structural factors, this article looks to illuminate the ideational factors that made possible both the emergence and the transformation of the Swedish model. The article details how, during the 1930s and 1940s, economic ideas provided the Swedish state and its trade union allies with the means to construct the institutions of the Swedish model. By the 1970s, however, Swedish business suffered diminishing returns to continued participation within these institutions and responded to labor's challenges by adopting a two-pronged strategy of withdrawal from and ideological contestation of labor's supporting institutions. The politics of ideas was key in this regard. During the 1980s Swedish business marshaled alternative economic ideas to contest and thus delegitimate existing institutions and the patterns of distribution they made possible. Swedish business thus began the process of overturning the Swedish model long before capital mobility or domestic inflation was ever a problem. By highlighting these factors, the article offers an explanation of the transformation of the Swedish model that stresses the centrality of ideational contestation for understanding institutional change in general.}
}

@Book{Blyth2002,
  Title                    = {Great Transformations: Economic Ideas and Institutional Change in the Twentieth Century},
  Author                   = {Blyth, Mark},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {978-0521010528},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {This book picks up where Karl Polanyi's study of economic and political change left off. Building upon Polanyi's conception of the double movement, Blyth analyzes the two periods of deep seated institutional change that characterized the twentieth century: the 1930s and the 1970s. Blyth views both sets of changes as part of the same dynamic. In the 1930s labor reacted against the exigencies of the market and demanded state action to mitigate the market's effects by `embedding liberalism.' In the 1970s, those who benefited least from such `embedding' institutions, namely business, reacted against these constraints and sought to overturn that institutional order. Blyth demonstrates the critical role economic ideas played in making institutional change possible. Great Transformations rethinks the relationship between uncertainty, ideas, and interests, achieving profound new insights on how, and under what conditions, institutional change takes place.}
}

@Article{Blyth2006,
  Title                    = {Great Punctuations: Prediction, Randomness, and the Evolution of Comparative Political Science},
  Author                   = {Blyth, Mark},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055406062344},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {493--498},
  Url                      = {http://users.polisci.wisc.edu/schatzberg/ps816/Blyth2006.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-07-09},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {I argue that comparative politics has been shaped by two ``Great Punctuations'' that, on each occasion, transformed our conceptions of what the subfield is and what we do. Just before a punctuation occurs, the subfield seems especially coherent, united by a set of common assumptions, methods, theories, and so on, which are then punctuated by a series of events that destroys faith in them. The subfield then reconstitutes itself around new assumptions, until, just as coherence is achieved, the next punctuation occurs. To demonstrate why the sub-field has evolved in this way, I draw on probability theory to argue that the desire to be a predictive science causes us to imagine the world to be far more predictable than it actually is. This results in the development of theories that are surprised by events; hence the peculiar trajectory of the subfield.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055406062344}
}

@Article{Blyth2007,
  Title                    = {Powering, Puzzling, or Persuading?: The Mechanisms of Building Institutional Orders},
  Author                   = {Blyth, Mark},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2007.00475.x},
  Pages                    = {761--777},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {This article offers an agent-centered constructivist analysis of institution building; that of the ``first'' New Deal of the National Recovery Administration. It argues that in moments of uncertainty generated by the failure of existing institutions, institutional choice becomes underdetermined by structure and open to attempts at creative and underdetermined inter-elite persuasion. What matters in such moments are the locally generated ``crisis-defining'' ideas at hand rather than simply the ostensible material positions of the actors in question. How this process took place in the U.S. is compared with both similar historical cases and alternative materialist models. An alternative model is developed, and in conclusion it is suggested why periods of deflation may be particularly open to inter-elite attempts at persuasion.}
}

@Book{Blyth2013,
  Title                    = {Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea},
  Author                   = {Blyth, Mark},
  Date                     = {2013},
  ISBN                     = {978-0199828302},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@WWW{Blyth2013a,
  author       = {Blyth, Mark},
  title        = {Eternal austerity makes complete sense -- if you're rich},
  date         = {2013-11-05},
  url          = {http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/nov/15/eternal-austerity-makes-sense-if-rich-david-cameron},
  organization = {{The Guardian}},
  urldate      = {2016-05-17},
}

@Article{BoadwayEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {Investment in Education and the Time Inconsistency of Redistributive Tax Policy},
  Author                   = {Boadway, Robin and Marceau, Nicolas and Marchand, Maurice},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Economica},
  Number                   = {250},
  Pages                    = {171{--}189},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {Time inconsistency of tax policy is shown to arise in a setting where households differ in their ability to accumulate wealth and where the government has redistributional objectives. It is assumed that wealth accumulation takes the form of human capital acquired through education. The government is precluded from redistributing to a first-best optimum by a self-selection constraint. The second-best is shown to be time-inconsistent. In the time-consistent optimum, households underinvest in education. An argument can be made for public intervention in the provision of education.}
}

@Book{Board1970,
  Title                    = {The Government and Politics of {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Board, Joseph B.},
  Date                     = {1970},
  Location                 = {Boston, MA},
  Publisher                = {Houghton Mifflin Company}
}

@Article{BoardmanVining1989,
  Title                    = {Ownership and Performance in Competitive Environments: A Comparison of the Performance of Private, Mixed, and State-Owned Enterprises},
  Author                   = {Boardman, Anthony E. and Vining, Aidan R.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/467167},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/467167}
}

@Article{BoasGans-Morse2009,
  Title                    = {Neoliberalism: From New Liberal Philosophy to Anti-Liberal Slogan},
  Author                   = {Boas, Taylor C. and Gans-Morse, Jordan},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s12116-009-9040-5},
  ISSN                     = {0039-3606},
  Language                 = {English},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {137--161},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years, neoliberalism has become an academic catchphrase. Yet, in contrast to other prominent social science concepts such as democracy, the meaning and proper usage of neoliberalism curiously have elicited little scholarly debate. Based on a content analysis of 148 journal articles published from 1990 to 2004, we document three potentially problematic aspects of neoliberalism{\textquoteright}s use: the term is often undefined; it is employed unevenly across ideological divides; and it is used to characterize an excessively broad variety of phenomena. To explain these characteristics, we trace the genesis and evolution of the term neoliberalism throughout several decades of political economy debates. We show that neoliberalism has undergone a striking transformation, from a positive label coined by the German Freiberg School to denote a moderate renovation of classical liberalism, to a normatively negative term associated with radical economic reforms in Pinochet{\textquoteright}s Chile. We then present an extension of W. B. Gallie{\textquoteright}s framework for analyzing essentially contested concepts to explain why the meaning of neoliberalism is so rarely debated, in contrast to other normatively and politically charged social science terms. We conclude by proposing several ways that the term can regain substantive meaning as a {\textquotedblleft}new liberalism{\textquotedblright} and be transformed into a more useful analytic tool.},
  Keywords                 = {Neoliberalism; Development; Political economy; Germany; Chile; Latin America; Pinochet; Gallie; Essentially contested concept; Concept analysis},
  Publisher                = {Springer-Verlag}
}

@Book{Bobbio1987,
  Title                    = {The Future of Democracy: A Defence of the Rules of the Game},
  Author                   = {Bobbio, Norberto},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {9780745603087},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Polity Press}
}

@Article{Bode2003,
  Title                    = {The Organisational Evolution of the Childcare Regime in {Germany}: Issues and Dynamics of a Public-private Partnership},
  Author                   = {Bode, Ingo},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8292.2003.00238.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {631--658},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {In many European countries, institutional childcare has developed as a field shaped by both statutory and associative agency, the German system being emblematic for this. In Germany, a considerable proportion of childcare services are provided by nonprofit organizations under public regulation. Departing from a historical overview, the article elaborates on the mixed economy of welfare in that system and sheds light on recent transformations of the existing public private partnership. It is argued that with a range of cultural and civil society related evolutions, the system is going to adopt elements of a market regulation that are prone to change the rules of games within the partnership as such.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.2003.00238.x}
}

@Article{Bodea2010,
  Title                    = {Exchange Rate Regimes and Independent Central Banks: A Correlated Choice of Imperfectly Credible Institutions},
  Author                   = {Bodea, Cristina},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818310000111},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {411--442},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {Theory and empirical evidence show that low inflation is a precondition for economic growth. Independent central banks and fixed exchange rates are institutional mechanisms that help keep inflation low by lending monetary policy credibility to governments. However, the two institutions are commonly analyzed as substitutes that tie the hands of inflation prone governments. Thus, the literature has difficulties describing why governments would adopt both institutions and the interaction between them. This paper presents a model that allows policymakers the simultaneous choice of monetary institutions and shows that imperfectly credible institutions will overlap: when exchange rates are fixed but adjustable and central bank independence is not fully ascertainable, governments choose both institutions. More generally, the paper generates hypotheses about the conditions that make fixed exchange rates and independent central banks complements or substitutes, thus contributing to an explanation of the diversity of global monetary institutions in the post-Bretton Woods period.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818310000111},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Boelhouwer2002,
  Title                    = {Trends in Dutch Housing Policy and the Shifting Position of the Social Rented Sector},
  Author                   = {Boelhouwer, Peter},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00420980120102939},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219{--}235},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {The housing system of the Netherlands has acquired an international reputation because of its special nature and the way it has evolved. In this contribution, we explain how the Dutch social rented sector came to have this specific character. We establish that the position of the social rented sector is strongly influenced by developments in society at large. In particular, its specific position may be explained with reference to the emergence and transformation of the Dutch welfare state. In the Netherlands, the development of the social rented sector coincided with the vigorous build-up of the welfare state. That sector continued to grow in the Netherlands for a longer period than in most other west European countries. Ultimately, the share of the Dutch social rented sector reached its highest point --- 41 per cent of the stock --- at the beginning of the 1990s. The current position of the social rented sector in the Netherlands is determined not only by the structure of the Dutch welfare state and the country's distinct housing policy. It is also the result of the shifting balance of supply and demand in the national housing market. Compared with other countries, the particular historical development of the Dutch social rented sector makes the adjustment of the housing system to a more market-orientated policy --- in which more attention is devoted to the freedom of choice of the housing consumer --- an unprecedented activity to say the least. This process will require the present housing associations to show a large measure of creativity and flexibility.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420980120102939}
}

@Article{BoelhouwervanderHeijden1993,
  Title                    = {Housing policy in seven {Europe}an countries: The role of politics in housing},
  Author                   = {Boelhouwer, Peter and van der Heijden, Harry},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Housing and the Built Environment},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02496562},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {383{--}404},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02496562}
}

@Article{BoelhouwerEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Management of social rented housing in Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Boelhouwer, Peter and van der Heijden, Harry and van de Ven, Birgitta},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039708720913},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {509{--}529},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {The pre-war growth and development of the social rented housing sector in Western Europe was related to substantial quantitative housing shortages, and was largely supported and controlled by central governments. However, since the 1970s there have been reductions in government subsidies for this sector and a shift away from government regulation towards market mechanisms. The greater freedom of the social rented sector to decide its own policy is often accompanied by greater risks. Social housing organisations feel more tension between guaranteeing the financial continuity of the organisation and its social objectives. This paper will examine to what extent and in what way this process of independence in seven Western European countries is being shaped and what this means for the position of the social housing organisations. The focus will be on a number of financial and social aspects of the housing management in the social rented sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039708720913}
}

@Article{BoelhouwerPriemus1990,
  Title                    = {Dutch housing policy realigned},
  Author                   = {Boelhouwer, Peter and Priemus, Hugo},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Housing and the Built Environment},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02525012},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {105{--}119},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02525012}
}

@Article{deBoerEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Broadening without Intensification: The Added Value of the {Europe}an Social and Sectoral Dialogue},
  Author                   = {de Boer, Rob and Benedictus, Hester and van der Meer, Marc},
  Date                     = {2005-03-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0959680105050400},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {51--70},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {The framework of the European social dialogue (ESD) has enabled interest organizations at the European level to conclude agreements on a wide range of social policy issues. This applies both at the inter-sectoral level and within the various sectors, and has led in the last few decades to the creation of a large number of joint texts. This article addresses the issue of the added value of these results for the parties concluding them. It is argued that the ESD does not constitute a system of industrial relations at the European level, but serves as an alternative lobbying channel for the social partners involved.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680105050400}
}

@Article{Bogdanor1999,
  Title                    = {Reform of the House of Lords: A Sceptical View},
  Author                   = {Bogdanor, Vernon},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-923X.00259},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {375--381},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.00259},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Unpublished{Bogedan2006,
  Author                   = {Claudia Bogedan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {TranState Working Papers No. 40, University of Bremen}
}

@Article{Boix1997,
  Title                    = {Privatizing the Public Business Sector in the Eighties: Economic Performance, Partisan Responses and Divided Governments},
  Author                   = {Boix, Carles},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {473--496},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {From the late 1970s on, after several decades characterized by relatively interventionist patterns of economic policy making, most advanced states began questioning and, in some instances, abandoning active industrial policies and privatizing public businesses. Examining the evolution of the public business sector in all nations included in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) from 1979 to 1993, this article shows that the sale of public firms did not mechanically derive from either declining growth rates, growing budget deficits or the increasing internationalization of domestic economies. Although the economic slowdown of the 1970s had the effect of breaking down the so-called Keynesian post-war consensus, the strategies towards the public business sector eventually adopted were shaped by the partisan composition of office {\textendash} conservatives privatized while social democrats opted for the status quo {\textendash} and by the internal structure of the cabinet {\textendash} divided governments produced little change in either direction. From a theoretical point of view, this analysis broadens the current political-economic literature by showing that, although parties have a limited impact on the standard macroeconomic policies employed to manage the business cycle {\textendash} a point widely confirmed in the literature {\textendash} they do play a central role in designing policies, such as the level of public ownership of the business sector, that shape the supply side of the economy.}
}

@Article{Boix1997a,
  author       = {Boix, Carles},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Political Parties and the Supply Side of the Economy: The Provision of Physical and Human Capital in Advanced Economies, 1960--90},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {814--845},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {Partisan tenure of government (in contrast to institutionalist and structural approaches) is used to explain the nature of governmental strategies to affect the supply side of the economy ---the provision of the input factors, capital and labor. Supply-side economic strategies are a function of the party in office. Left-wing governments spend heavily in physical and human capital formation to raise the productivity of factors and the competitiveness of the economy. Right-wing governments rely instead on private agents to maximize economic growth. The organization of the domestic political economy and the international economy, which place heavy limits on the capacity of parties to affect the conduct of macro-economic policies, hardly constrain the choice of supply-side economic strategies. Regression analysis of data for levels of public spending on gross fixed capital formation and on education in OECD nations from 1960 to 1990. Supply-side policies conform to partisan preferences throughout the period examined. The institutional configuration of the economy affected policies jointly with government partisanship until the oil shock but not afterwards. Economic openness does not constrain the choice of supply-side policies.},
  annotation   = {Later turned into his book, "Political Parties, Growth, and Equality".},
}

@Book{Boix1998,
  Title                    = {Political Parties, Growth and Equality: Conservative and Social Democratic Economic Strategies in the World Economy},
  Author                   = {Boix, Carles},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {0521585953},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Boix2000,
  Title                    = {Partisan Governments, the International Economy, and Macroeconomic Policies in Advanced Nations, 1960-93},
  Author                   = {Boix, Carles},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {38{--}73},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the impact of parties, domestic institutions, and the international economy on the conduct of monetary and fiscal policies using time-series cross-section data from nineteen OECD countries for the years between 1960 and the mid-1990s. The results are as follows. Partisan governments have affected, alone and in interaction with the organization of labor markets, the pattern of macroeconomic management. Still, their impact has varied over time, partly as a function of economic conditions but fundamentally as a function of the degree of financial liberalization and the exchange-rate system in place. After following broadly similar macroeconomic policies in the 1960s, OECD governments pursued divergent monetary and fiscal policies in response to the economic slowdown of the 1970s. Even when they initially adopted countercyclical measures, conservative governments quickly favored tight monetary policies and strove to achieve fiscal discipline. By contrast, taking advantage of generalized capital controls and floating exchange rates, socialist cabinets embraced demand management policies in a systematic fashion-mostly through budget deficits in corporatist countries and through both loose monetary and loose fiscal measures in noncorporatist settings. As financial liberalization progressed in the early 1980s, partisan- and institution-led differences in macroeconomic policies waned across countries.}
}

@Article{Boix2001,
  Title                    = {Democracy, Development, and the Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Boix, Carles},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--17},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This article develops a model that describes the growth of the public sector as a joint result of the process of economic development and the political institutions in place. The model is tested using panel data for about sixty five developing and developed nations for the period 1950-90. Economic modernization leads to the growth of the public sector through two mechanisms: first, the state intervenes to provide certain collective goods such as regulatory agencies and infrastructures; second, industrialization and an ageing population translate into higher demands for transfers in the form of unemployment benefits, health insurance, and pensions. Still, the impact of economic development is strongly conditional on the political regime in place as well as on the level of electoral participation. Whereas in a democratic regime, where politicians respond to voters' demands, the public sector grows parallel to the structural changes associated with economic development, in authoritarian countries the size of the public sector remains small.}
}

@Article{Boix2008,
  Title                    = {Economic Roots of Civil Wars and Revolutions in the Contemporary World},
  Author                   = {Boix,Carles},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0043887100009047},
  ISSN                     = {1086-3338},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Pages                    = {390--437},
  Url                      = {http://www.princeton.edu/~cboix/economic-roots-of-violence.pdf},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {To explain the distribution of civil wars, guerrilla warfare, and revolutionary outbreaks, the literature on modern political violence has shifted, broadly speaking, from a modernization perspective that emphasized the role of material conflict and of grievances to a more recent research program that stresses the geographical and organizational opportunities that insurgents may have to engage in violence. Drawing on those lines of inquiry equally, this article offers an integrated analytical model that considers both the motives and the opportunities of states and rebels. Civil wars, guerrillas, and revolutionary outbreaks are seen as a result of the nature and distribution of wealth in each country. Systematic and organized violent conflicts are most likely in economies where inequality is high and wealth is mostly immobile, that is, in societies where those worse off would benefit substantially from expropriating all assets. Violence is conditional on the mobilizational and organizational capacity of challengers and on the state capacity to control its territory. The theory is tested on data on civil wars from 1850 to 1999 for the whole world and on data on guerrilla warfare and revolutionary episodes spanning the years from 1919 to 1997 across all countries.}
}

@Article{Boix2011,
  author       = {Boix, Carles},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Democracy, Development, and the International System},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055411000402},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {809--828},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/z95gwdo},
  volume       = {105},
  abstract     = {Resolving a controversy on the relationship of development to democratization, this article expands the time period under study with panel data running from the early nineteenth century (a time where hardly any country was democratic) to the end of the twentieth century, and shows a positive and significant effect of income on the likelihood of democratic transitions and democratic consolidations. The estimations hold after I control for country and time effects and instrument for income. Results reveal that the effect of income varies across income levels and across eras. First, income has a decreasing marginal effect on democratization. In already developed (and democratized) countries, any extra growth has no further effect on the level of democracy. Second, the structure of the international system affects the resources and strategies of pro-authoritarian and pro-democratic factions in client states. The proportion of liberal democracies peaks under international orders governed by democratic hegemons, such as the post-Cold War period, and bottoms out when authoritarian great powers such as the Holy Alliance control the world system.},
  month        = {11},
  numpages     = {20},
}

@Book{Boix2015,
  author    = {Boix, Carles},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Political Order and Inequality: Their Foundations and Their Consequences for Human Welfare},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9781316105504},
  isbn      = {978-1-107-46107-9},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BoixStokes2003,
  author       = {Boix, Carles and Stokes, Susan C.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Endogenous Democratization},
  doi          = {10.1353/wp.2003.0019},
  issn         = {1086-3338},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {517--549},
  volume       = {55},
  abstract     = {The authors show that economic development increases the probability that a country will undergo a transition to democracy. These results contradict the finding of Przeworski and his associates, that development causes democracy to last but not to come into existence in the first place. By dealing adequately with problems of sample selection and model specification, the authors discover that economic growth does cause nondemocracies to democratize. They show that the effect of economic development on the probability of a transition to democracy in the hundred years between the mid-nineteenth century and World War II was substantial, indeed, even stronger than its effect on democratic stability. They also show that, in more recent decades, some countries that developed but remained dictatorships would, because of their development, be expected to democratize in as few as three years after achieving a per capita income of $12,000 per capita.},
  month        = {7},
  numpages     = {33},
}

@Article{BoliverSwift2011,
  Title                    = {Do comprehensive schools reduce social mobility?},
  Author                   = {Boliver, Vikki and Swift, Adam},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-4446.2010.01346.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-4446},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--110},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the claim that the shift from a selective to a comprehensive school system had a deleterious effect on social mobility in Great Britain. Using data from the National Child Development Study, we compare the chances, for both class and income mobility, of those who attended different kinds of school. Where media attention focuses exclusively on the chances for upward mobility of those children from lowly origins who were (or would have been) judged worthy of selection into a grammar school, we offer more rounded analyses. We match respondents in a way that helps us to distinguish those inequalities in mobility chances that are due to differences between children from those due to differences between the schools they attended; we look at the effects of the school system on the mobility chances of all children, not merely those from less advantaged origins; and we compare comprehensive- and selective-system schools, not merely comprehensive and grammar schools. After matching, we find, first, that going to a grammar school rather than a comprehensive does not make low-origin children more likely to be upwardly mobile but it helps them move further if they are; second, that grammar schools do not benefit working-class children, in terms of class mobility, more than they benefit service-class children, but, in terms of income mobility, such schools benefit low-income children somewhat more than they benefit higher-income children --- that benefit relating only to rather modest and limited movements within the income distribution. Finally, however, the selective system as a whole yields no mobility advantage of any kind to children from any particular origins: any assistance to low-origin children provided by grammar schools is cancelled out by the hindrance suffered by those who attended secondary moderns. Overall, our findings suggest that comprehensive schools were as good for mobility as the selective schools they replaced.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2010.01346.x},
  Keywords                 = {Social mobility, comprehensive, grammar, selective schools},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{BollenPaxton1998,
  Title                    = {Interactions of Latent Variables in Structural Equation Models},
  Author                   = {Bollen, Kenneth A and Paxton, Pamela},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Structural Equation Modeling},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {267--293},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {Provides a discussion of an alternative two-stage least squares (2SLS) technique to include interactions of latent variables in structural equation models. The method requires selection of instrumental variables, and rules for selection are presented. An empirical example and Statistical Analysis System programs are presented. Interactions of variables occur in a variety of statistical analyses. The best known procedures for models with interactions of latent variables are technically demanding. Not only does the potential user need to be familiar with structural equation modeling (SEM), but the researcher must be familiar with programming nonlinear and linear constraints and must be comfortable with fairly large and complicated models. This article provides a largely nontechnical description of an alternative two-stage least squares (2SLS) technique to include interactions of latent variables in SEM. The method requires the selection of instrumental variables and we give rules for their selection in the most common cases. We compare the 2SLS method to the alternatives. Some of the important advantages of the 2SLS are that it can handle nonnormal observed variables, is readily available in major statistical software packages, and has a known asymptotic distribution. In providing the comparisons, we reanalyze all the interaction examples from Kenny and Judd's (1984) article with the 2SLS method. We also give a new empirical example, and list SAS programs for all examples.}
}

@Unpublished{BoltvanZanden2013,
  Title                    = {The First Update of the Maddison Project; Re-Estimating Growth Before 1820},
  Author                   = {Jutta Bolt and {van Zanden}, Jan Luiten},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Maddison-Project Working Paper No. 4},
  Url                      = {http://www.ggdc.net/maddison/maddison-project/abstract.htm?id=4},
  Urldate                  = {2014-01-26}
}

@Article{BondFleisher2001,
  author       = {Bond, Jon R and Fleisher, Richard},
  title        = {The Polls: Partisanship and Presidential Performance Evaluations},
  journaltitle = {Presidential Studies Quarterly},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {31},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {529{--}540},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.0360-4918.2001.00186.x},
  abstract     = {This article analyzes the growing impact of partisanship on citizens' evaluations of the president's job performance at the individual level. The literature seeking to explain variation in presidential approval has analyzed aggregate trends over time. Although studies of aggregate trends have contributed to our understanding of the conditions that influence presidential approval, they are unable to model the individual-level process underlying the aggregate results. The authors estimate the effects of individual citizens' party identification and retrospective and prospective economic evaluations on presidential approval in thirteen national samples over the two and one-half decades from 1972 to 2000. It is found that party identification has a stronger influence on evaluations of the president's job performance in the period since 1982 than in the 1970s. Evidence is also found of an increasing tendency for partisanship to influence assessments of the economy in the period since 1982.},
}

@Article{Bond2002,
  Title                    = {Dynamic panel data models: a guide to micro data methods and practice},
  Author                   = {Bond, Stephen R},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Portuguese Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10258-002-0009-9},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {141--162},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {This paper reviews econometric methods for dynamic panel data models, and presents examples that illustrate the use of these procedures. The focus is on panels where a large number of individuals or firms are observed for a small number of time periods, typical of applications with microeconomic data. The emphasis is on single equation models with autoregressive dynamics and explanatory variables that are not strictly exogenous, and hence on the Generalised Method of Moments estimators that are widely used in this context. Two examples using firm-level panels are discussed in detail: a simple autoregressive model for investment rates; and a basic production function.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10258-002-0009-9}
}

@Article{BoomgaardenVliegenthart2007,
  author       = {Boomgaarden, Hajo G. and Vliegenthart, Rens},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Explaining the rise of anti-immigrant parties: The role of news media content},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2006.10.018},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {404--417},
  volume       = {26},
  abstract     = {Anti-immigrant populism is on the rise throughout western Europe. Traditionally, economic and immigration-related factors are used to explain support for anti-immigrant parties at the aggregate level. Until recently, the role of news media has received only limited attention. The present study assesses the power of news content as an explanatory contextual factor, simultaneously controlling for the unemployment rate, the level of immigration, and leadership in the Netherlands for the period from 1990 to 2002. The results show that the prominence of immigration issues in national newspapers has a significant and positive impact: The more news media reported about immigration-related topics, the higher the aggregate share of vote intention for anti-immigrant parties, even when controlling for real-world developments. Future research explaining anti-immigrant party success needs to take into account the role of news media content.},
  keywords     = {Anti-immigrant parties},
}

@Article{BoomgaardenVliegenthart2009,
  author       = {Boomgaarden, Hajo G. and Vliegenthart, Rens},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {How news content influences anti-immigration attitudes: Germany, 1993--2005},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01831.x},
  issn         = {1475-6765},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {516--542},
  volume       = {48},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{Boone1996,
  Title                    = {Politics and the effectiveness of foreign aid},
  Author                   = {Boone, Peter},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(95)00127-1},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {289--329},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Critics of foreign aid programs have long argued that poverty reflects government failure. In this paper I test predictions for aid effectiveness based on an analytical framework that relates aid effectiveness to political regimes. I find that aid does not significantly increase investment, nor benefit the poor as measured by improvements in human development indicators, but it does increase the size of government. The impact of aid does not vary according to whether recipient governments are liberal democratic or highly repressive. But liberal political regimes and democracies, ceteris paribus, have on average 30\% lower infant mortality than the least free regimes. This may be due to greater empowerment of the poor under liberal regimes even though the political elite continues to receive the benefits of aid programs. An implication is that short-term aid targeted to support new liberal regimes may be a more successful means of reducing poverty than current programs.},
  Keywords                 = {Foreign aid, Savings}
}

@Book{Boonin2008,
  Title                    = {The Problem of Punishment},
  Author                   = {Boonin, David},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9780521709613},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Booth2003,
  Title                    = {New revisionists and the Keynesian era: an expanding consensus?},
  Author                   = {Booth, Alan},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic History Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0289.00245},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {125{--}130},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00245}
}

@Book{Booth1995,
  Title                    = {The Economics of the Trade Union},
  Author                   = {Booth, Alison L},
  Date                     = {1995},
  ISBN                     = {0521464676},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Borck2007,
  Title                    = {Voting, Inequality and Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Borck, Rainald},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6419.2007.00265.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {90--109},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This paper surveys models of voting on redistribution. Under reasonable assumptions, the baseline model produces an equilibrium with the extent of redistributive taxation chosen by the median income earner. If the median is poorer than average, redistribution is from rich to poor, and increasing inequality increases redistribution. However, under different assumptions about the economic environment, redistribution may not be simply rich to poor, and inequality need not increase redistribution. Several lines of argument are presented, in particular, political participation, public provision of private goods, public pensions, and tax avoidance or evasion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6419.2007.00265.x}
}

@Unpublished{BordoMeissner2012,
  Title                    = {Does Inequality Lead to a Financial Crisis?},
  Author                   = {Bordo, Michael D. and Meissner, Christopher M.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper 17896},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w17896},

  Abstract                 = {The recent global crisis has sparked interest in the relationship between income inequality, credit booms, and financial crises. Rajan (2010) and Kumhof and Ranci{\'e}re (2011) propose that rising inequality led to a credit boom and eventually to a financial crisis in the US in the first decade of the 21st century as it did in the 1920s. Data from 14 advanced countries between 1920 and 2000 suggest these are not general relationships. Credit booms heighten the probability of a banking crisis, but we find no evidence that a rise in top income shares leads to credit booms. Instead, low interest rates and economic expansions are the only two robust determinants of credit booms in our data set. Anecdotal evidence from US experience in the 1920s and in the years up to 2007 and from other countries does not support the inequality, credit, crisis nexus. Rather, it points back to a familiar boom-bust pattern of declines in interest rates, strong growth, rising credit, asset price booms and crises.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w17896},
  Journaltitle             = {National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper Series},
  Pages                    = {--},
  Volume                   = {No. 17896}
}

@Article{BorenszteinEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {How does foreign direct investment affect economic growth?},
  Author                   = {Borensztein, E. and De Gregorio, J. and Lee, J-W.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of International Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0022-1996(97)00033-0},
  ISSN                     = {0022-1996},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {115--135},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {We test the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on economic growth in a cross-country regression framework, utilizing data on FDI flows from industrial countries to 69 developing countries over the last two decades. Our results suggest that FDI is an important vehicle for the transfer of technology, contributing relatively more to growth than domestic investment. However, the higher productivity of FDI holds only when the host country has a minimum threshold stock of human capital. Thus, FDI contributes to economic growth only when a sufficient absorptive capability of the advanced technologies is available in the host economy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0022-1996(97)00033-0},
  Keywords                 = {Foreign direct investment, Economic growth, Cross-country regression framework, Developing countries},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{Boreus1997,
  Title                    = {The shift to the right: Neo-liberalism in argumentation and language in the Swedish public debate since 1969},
  Author                   = {Boreus, Kristina},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1006827027111},
  Pages                    = {257--286},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, a study is presented of the ideological shift to the right that took place in the Swedish elite-dominated public debate between 1969 and 1989. The first aim of the article is to present the results of a number of analyses of the shift. Two questions guided the analyses: first, what was the ideological content of this swing to the right? Second, how comprehensive was it? The results indicate that the shift could best be described as a neo-liberalization of the debate, and that conservative ideas were still virtually absent from the arenas of public debate in the late 1980s. The comprehensiveness of the shift was studied (a) as the proportion of neo-liberal ideas put forward as explicit statements in the debate arenas, and (b) as influence on the normative and descriptive use of political terms such as the Swedish words for "democracy", "justice" and "equality". The results showed a "neo-liberalization" of the usage of some of the terms. The second aim of the article is to suggest, by example, certain methods for the analysis of ideological change and to evaluate those methods.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1006827027111}
}

@Article{BorgeRattso2004,
  Title                    = {Income distribution and tax structure: Empirical test of the Meltzer-Richard hypothesis},
  Author                   = {Borge, Lars-Erik and Ratts{\o}, J{\o}rn},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2003.09.003},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {805{--}826},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {The Meltzer-Richard hypothesis that more unequal income distribution will create a majority for more redistribution has generated much research, but little empirical support. The empirical literature has concentrated on cross-country studies and the size of the public sector, and the results broadly do not indicate more redistribution with more inequality. This analysis suggests that the hypothesis should be investigated in a more homogenous setting with comparable institutions and with an explicit decision about redistribution (here tax structure). New data on poll tax and property tax in decentralized government in Norway are exploited. We show how the multi-dimensional decision can be analyzed as majority rule assuming intermediate preferences. In the econometric analysis, instruments are used to account for endogeneity of income level and income distribution. The estimated model supports the understanding that more unequal income distribution implies a shift in the tax burden from poll tax to property taxes and thereby gives more redistribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2003.09.003}
}

@Article{BorgesEtAl2013,
  author       = {Walt Borges and Harold D. Clarke and Marianne C. Stewart and David Sanders and Paul Whiteley},
  title        = {The emerging political economy of austerity in Britain},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {32},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {396--403},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  abstract     = {This paper uses data from the British Election Study's Continuous Monitoring Surveys to investigate reactions of the British public to the economic crisis and the austerity policies the Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government has adopted to deal with it. Multivariate models informed by competing valence and positional theories of electoral choice are employed to study the impact of these reactions on support for the Conservative Party and Prime Minister David Cameron and evaluations of the Conservatives' ability to handle important issues. Analyses indicate that there is widespread and growing pessimism about the prospects of resolving the economic crisis in the near future. Since the crisis began in 2008, the dynamics of these bearish attitudes have been closely linked to rising unemployment rates. Differing positions regarding the Coalition's austerity policies exert sizable effects on party support, but these attitudes have not negated the force of valence politics considerations such as party leader images, partisan attachments and global assessments of party performance.},
  keywords     = {Economic voting},
}

@Article{BortolottiEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Privatisation: politics, institutions, and financial markets},
  Author                   = {Bortolotti, Bernardo and Fantini, Marcella and Siniscalco, Domenico},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Emerging Markets Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S1566-0141(01)00013-9},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {109{--}137},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents evidence on privatisation processes in 49 countries for the period 1977-1996. The empirical analysis shows that the decision to privatise and the choice of privatisation method appear to be influenced by the governing political majority and public-sector budget constraints, while the success of privatisation in terms of revenues and stakes sold requires suitable legal institutions and developed capital markets.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S1566-0141(01)00013-9}
}

@Article{BortolottiEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Privatisation around the world: evidence from panel data},
  Author                   = {Bortolotti, Bernardo and Fantini, Marcella and Siniscalco, Domenico},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(02)00161-5},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {305{--}332},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {Why do countries privatise? This paper presents new evidence from a panel of 34 countries over the 1977-1999 period. The empirical analysis shows that privatisation takes place typically in wealthy democracies, encumbered by high public debt, but endowed with deep and liquid stock markets. Budget and `market' constraints matter, but legal institutions are also important. Indeed, the extent of privatisation in terms of revenues and stakes sold appears more limited in civil law countries, where shareholders are poorly protected, banks powerful, and capital markets less developed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(02)00161-5}
}

@Article{BortolottiPinotti2008,
  Title                    = {Delayed Privatization},
  Author                   = {Bortolotti, Bernardo and Pinotti, Paolo},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-008-9299-5},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {331--351},
  Volume                   = {136},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the timing of privatization in 21 major developed economies in the 1977--2002 period. Duration analysis shows that political fragmentation plays a significant role in explaining government's decision to privatize: privatization is delayed longer in democracies characterized by a larger number of parties and operating under proportional electoral rules, as predicted by war of attrition models of economic reform. Results are robust to various assumptions on the underlying statistical model and to controlling for other economic and political factors.}
}

@Book{BortolottiSiniscalco2004,
  Title                    = {The Challenges of Privatization: An International Analysis},
  Author                   = {Bortolotti, Bernardo and Siniscalco, Domenico},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {9780199249343},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {This book provides the first systematic empirical analysis of privatization processes worldwide to explain how and why governments privatize. Privatization is shown to be a difficult process, shaped by political preferences and budgetary constraints, often pursued in the absence of suitable economics and legal institutions. As a result, in most cases, the process has been partial and incomplete, so that private ownership tends to coexist with public control.}
}

@Article{BosettiPyryt2007,
  author       = {Lynn Bosetti and Michael C. Pyryt},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of School Choice},
  title        = {Parental Motivation in School Choice},
  doi          = {10.1300/15582150802098795},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {89--108},
  volume       = {1},
  abstract     = {Concerned that public schooling leads to mediocrity rather than meritocracy, many middle-class parents are seeking other options such as private schools, alternative public schools, and charter schools to develop their children's academic, creative, and athletic talents. Based on a mixed method investigation of school choice among parents (N = 1,871) in the two largest cities in the Province of Alberta, this paper examines the logic, values, and concerns that inform parental decision-making and the impact of social class differentiation in the process of selection of elementary schools. Issues surrounding the placement of gifted students in various school options are discussed.},
}

@Article{BoubakriEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Liberalization, corporate governance and the performance of privatized firms in developing countries},
  Author                   = {Boubakri, Narjess and Cosset, Jean-Claude and Guedhami, Omrane},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Corporate Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jcorpfin.2004.05.001},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {767--790},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {This paper seeks to provide an answer to the following question: when and how does privatization work? Using a sample of 230 firms headquartered in 32 developing countries, we document a significant increase in profitability, efficiency, investment and output. Our analysis shows that the changes in performance vary with the extent of macro-economic reforms and environment, and the effectiveness of corporate governance. In particular, economic growth is associated with higher profitability and efficiency gains, trade liberalization is associated with higher levels of investment and output, while financial liberalization is associated with higher output changes. Further, control relinquishment by the government is a key determinant of profitability, efficiency gains and output increases. Finally, we find higher improvements in efficiency for firms in countries in which stock markets are more developed and where property rights are better protected and enforced. These results for a sample of developing countries differ from those reported in a contemporaneous study by D'Souza et al. [D'Souza, J., Megginson, W.L., Nash, R.C., 2001. Why do privatized firms improve performance? Evidence from developed countries. Unpublished working paper. University of Oklahoma] which focuses on developed countries. These diverging findings suggest that privatization in developing countries indeed obeys to particular constraints and has a dynamic of its own.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcorpfin.2004.05.001}
}

@Book{Boudon1974,
  author     = {Boudon, Raymond},
  date       = {1974},
  title      = {Education, Opportunity, and Social Inequality: Changing Prospects in Western Society},
  location   = {New York},
  publisher  = {Wiley-Interscience},
  abstract   = {The topics of particular importance in contemporary sociology are inequality of educational opportunity (IEO) and mechanisms of social mobility (or immobility). IEO refers to the differences in level of educational attainment according to social background. Social mobility means the differences in social achievement according to social background. When taken in this restricted sense, social immobility can also be called inequality of social opportunity (ISO). This book describes an attempt to synthesize the main findings accumulated by empirical research on these two closely related points. The synthesis takes the form of a simulation model. In the first part of the model a theory is developed leading to some specific conclusions on a number of questions related to IEO. In the second part of the model, the change over time in IEO and in other factors, such as overall average increase in level of educational attainment, is related to ISO. This leads to an examination of the effects on social mobility of the tremendous increase in rates of school attendance that has occurred in most societies since 1945. In varying the model, wide use is made of the impressive set of data collected by The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.},
  annotation = {On primacy of secondary effects of socio-economic background on educational attainment.},
}

@Book{Bourdieu1984,
  Title                    = {Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste},
  Author                   = {Bourdieu, Pierre},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Book{Bourdieu2015,
  author    = {Bourdieu, Pierre},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {On the State},
  isbn      = {978-0-7456-6329-6},
  publisher = {Polity Press},
  url       = {https://tinyurl.com/y5rbn644},
  urldate   = {2020-09-08},
}

@Article{Bovard1996,
  Title                    = {Teachers Unions: Are Schools Run for Them?},
  Author                   = {Bovard, James},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {The Freeman},
  Number                   = {7},
  Volume                   = {46}
}

@Article{Bovens2002,
  Title                    = {Information Rights: Citizenship in the Information Society},
  Author                   = {Bovens, Mark},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {317--341},
  Volume                   = {10}
}

@Book{BowlesGintis1976,
  Title                    = {Schooling in Capitalist {America}: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life},
  Author                   = {Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert},
  Date                     = {1976},
  ISBN                     = {0710083912},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Routledge \& Kegan Paul Ltd.}
}

@Article{BowlesGintis1996,
  Title                    = {Efficient Redistribution: New Rules for Markets, States, and Communities},
  Author                   = {Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {307--342},
  Url                      = {http://www.umass.edu/preferen/gintis/efficient.pdf},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{BowlesGintis2002,
  Title                    = {The Inheritance of Inequality},
  Author                   = {Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/089533002760278686},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {3--30},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {How level is the intergenerational playing field? What are the causal mechanisms that underlie the intergenerational transmission of economic status? Are these mechanisms amenable to public policies in a way that would make the attainment of economic success more fair? These are the questions we will try to answer.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533002760278686},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{BowlesEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {The Determinants of Earnings: A Behavioral Approach},
  Author                   = {Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert and Osborne, Melissa},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1137{--}1176},
  Volume                   = {39}
}

@Article{Bown2004,
  Title                    = {On the Economic Success of GATT/WTO Dispute Settlement},
  Author                   = {Bown, Chad P.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/0034653041811680},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Month                    = aug,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {811--823},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Abstract                 = {What features of the dispute settlement process help governments live up to their trade liberalization commitments? Exploiting data on GATT/WTO trade disputes initiated and completed between 1973 and 1998, this paper identifies economic and institutional determinants that help defendant governments commit to liberalizing trade. We find substantial evidence consistent with the theory that power measures, including threat of retaliation by the plaintiff, yield credibility to allow defendant governments to live up to their commitments. We find only limited evidence, however, that particular procedural or institutional features beyond the basic GATT/WTO dispute settlement forum itself contributed to the successful economic resolution of trade disputes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0034653041811680},
  Booktitle                = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{Bown2005,
  Title                    = {Participation in wto Dispute Settlement: Complainants, Interested Parties, and Free Riders},
  Author                   = {Bown, Chad P.},
  Date                     = {2005-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {World Bank Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/wber/lhi009},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {287--310},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {What affects a country's decision of whether to formally engage in a trade dispute directly related to its exporting interests? This article empirically examines determinants of affected country participation decisions in formal trade litigation arising under the World Trade Organization (wto) between 1995 and 2000. It investigates determinants of nonparticipation and examines whether the incentives generated by the system's rules and procedures discourage active engagement in dispute settlement by developing country members in particular. Though the size of exports at stake is found to be an important economic determinant affecting the decision to participate in challenges to a wto-inconsistent policy, the evidence also shows that measures of a country's retaliatory and legal capacity as well as its international political economy relationships matter. These results are consistent with the hypothesis of an implicit `institutional bias' generated by the system's rules and incentives that particularly affects developing economy participation in dispute settlement.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wber/lhi009},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{BownHoekman2005,
  Title                    = {WTO Dispute Settlement and the Missing Developing Country Cases: Engaging the Private Sector},
  Author                   = {Bown, Chad P. and Hoekman, Bernard M.},
  Date                     = {2005-12},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of International Economic Law},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jiel/jgi049},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {861--890},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The poorest WTO member countries almost universally fail to engage as either complainants or interested third parties in formal dispute settlement activity related to their market access interests. This paper focuses on costs of the WTO's extended litigation process as an explanation for the potential but `missing' developing country engagement. We provide a positive examination of the current system, and we catalogue and analyze a set of proposals encouraging the private sector to provide DSU-specific legal assistance to poor countries. We investigate the role of legal service centres, non-governmental organizations, development organizations, international trade litigators, economists, consumer organizations, and law schools to provide poor countries with the services needed at critical stages of the WTO's extended litigation process. In the absence of systemic rules reform, the public-private partnership model imposes a substantial cooperation burden on such groups as they organize export interests, estimate the size of improved market access payoffs, prioritize across potential cases, engage domestic governments, prepare legal briefs, assist in evidentiary discovery, and pursue the public relations effort required to induce foreign political compliance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgi049},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{Box-SteffensmeierEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Event Dependence and Heterogeneity in Duration Models: The Conditional Frailty Model},
  Author                   = {Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M and De Boef, Suzanna and Joyce, Kyle A},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpm013},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {237{--}256},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {We introduce the conditional frailty model, an event history model that separates and accounts for both event dependence and heterogeneity in repeated events processes. Event dependence and heterogeneity create within-subject correlation in event times thereby violating the assumptions of standard event history models. Simulations show the advantage of the conditional frailty model. Specifically they demonstrate the model's ability to disentangle the sources of within-subject correlation as well as the gains in both efficiency and bias of the model when compared to the widely used alternatives, which often produce conflicting conclusions. Two substantive political science problems illustrate the usefulness and interpretation of the model: state policy adoption and terrorist attacks.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm013}
}

@Article{BoyckoEtAl1996,
  author       = {Boycko, Maxim and Shleifer, Andrei and Vishny, Robert W.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  title        = {A Theory of Privatisation},
  doi          = {10.2307/2235248},
  number       = {435},
  pages        = {309{--}319},
  volume       = {106},
  abstract     = {Public enterprises around the world have proved to be highly inefficient, primarily because they pursue strategies, such as excess employment, that satisfy the political objectives of politicians who control them. Privatisation of public enterprises can raise the cost to politicians of influencing them, since subsidies to private firms necessary to force them to remain inefficient are politically harder to sustain than wasted profits of the state firms. In this way, privatisation leads to efficient restructuring of firms. Moreover, privatisation is more effective when combined with a tight monetary policy, and when the new owners of firms are profit maximising investors, rather than their employees or even managers.},
}

@Article{Boyd1987,
  Title                    = {Balancing Public and Private Schools: The {Australia}n Experience and {America}n Implications},
  Author                   = {Boyd, William Lowe},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {183{--}198},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Australia has been touted as a model for how the United States might benefit by undertaking public funding of private schools. However, the advocates of this view have glossed over some very significant problems. A consideration of both the successful and unsuccessful features of the Australian approach suggests that Americans should be cautious about emulating this model. More broadly, cross-national research shows that a delicate balance in public policy must be struck if there is to be parity of esteem between public and private schools and equality of opportunity as well as excellence and choice in education. Because the policy changes necessary to achieve this balance are unpopular with both public and private school advocates, the political prospects for achieving this fragile balance are dim.}
}

@Unpublished{BoydstunEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {Initial Estimates of Economic Performance, Revised Estimates and the Causal Effect of Media Coverage of the Economy on Presidential Approval},
  Author                   = {Boydstun, Amber and Highton, Benjamin and Linn, Suzanna},
  Date                     = {2015},
  HowPublished             = {Paper presented at the 5th Annual Conference of the European Political Science Association (Vienna, June 25--27).}
}

@Article{Boyer2010,
  Title                    = {The collapse of finance but labour remains weak},
  Author                   = {Robert Boyer},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Volume                   = {8}
}

@Article{BoyneEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Party Control, Party Competition and Public Service Performance},
  Author                   = {Boyne, George A. and James, Oliver and John, Peter and Petrovsky, Nicolai},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123411000482},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = jul,
  Pages                    = {641--660},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {This article assesses party effects on the performance of public services. A policy-seeking model, hypothesizing that left and right party control affects performance, and an instrumental model, where all parties strive to raise performance, are presented. The framework also suggests a mixed model in which party effects are contingent on party competition, with parties raising performance as increasing party competition places their control of government at increasing risk. These models are tested against panel data on English local governments' party control and public service performance. The results question the traditional account of left and right parties, showing a positive relationship between right-wing party control and performance that is contingent on a sufficiently high level of party competition. The findings suggest leftright models should be reframed for the contemporary context.}
}

@Unpublished{Brauninger2002,
  Title                    = {Partisan Veto Players, Party Preferences, and the Composition of Government Expenditures},
  Author                   = {Br{\"a}uninger, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2002},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines changes in the cross-sectional composition of government expenditure from a comparative perspective. The central question concerns the impact of domestic party politics on budgetary outlays in terms of their allocation to functional budget sectors. Previous work has largely concentrated on the effects of political actors{\textquoteright} preferences and the institutions they partake in on the size and balance of budgets. One major obstacle for analyzing patterns in the composition of governmental budgets was the lack of adequate data on actors{\textquoteright} preferences with respect to budgetary policy areas. Applying veto player theory to budgetary legislation, this paper examines the allocation of outlays and the determinants of their cross-sectional changes in 19 OECD countries from 1973 to 1997. Using party manifesto data on party preferences that vary across policy areas and across time, changes in the composition of expenditure are related to both changes in actors{\textquoteright} policy preferences and institutional settings, in particular, the partisan composition of government.}
}

@Article{Brauninger2005,
  Title                    = {A partisan model of government expenditure},
  Author                   = {Br{\"a}uninger, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-005-3055-x},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {409--429},
  Volume                   = {125},

  Abstract                 = {Partisan models of budget politics largely concentrate on the size of government, budget deficits and debt, but most theories have little to say as to what the effect of party politics on both the size and the composition of budgets is. This paper seeks to extend previous literature in two directions. First, a model of spending preferences is developed that relates actors' preferred level and allocation of expenditure to electoral gains from fiscal policies. Second, changes in both total expenditure and the expenditure mix of two budget categories are analyzed for the effect of parties' spending preferences as stated in their election manifestos. Using data on 19 OECD countries from 1971 to 1999, the paper finds support for general partisan hypothesis. The results suggest that the actual spending preferences of parties matter whereas they do not indicate that parties of the left consistently differ from parties of the right in their spending behavior.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-005-3055-x}
}

@Article{BradburyKellough2008,
  Title                    = {Representative Bureaucracy: Exploring the Potential for Active Representation in Local Government},
  Author                   = {Bradbury, Mark D. and Kellough, J. Edward},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jopart/mum033},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {697--714},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {The theory of representative bureaucracy suggests that a demographically diverse public sector workforce (passive representation) will lead to policy outcomes that reflect the interests of all groups represented, including historically disadvantaged communities (active representation). Implicit in the passive-active link is the expectation that minority public administrators, in particular, will have similar attitudes to minority citizens on issues of critical import and relevance to those citizens, and those attitudes, in turn, will influence policy decisions. This research examines the attitudes of citizens and administrators on a series of survey items focused on the responsibilities of local government administrators to advocate for the interests of the African-American community. The survey results confirm the hypothesis that African-American citizens and administrators are more likely than white citizens and administrators to support governmental behaviors that specifically target the interests of the African-American community and that African-American citizens and administrators hold markedly different attitudes from white administrators. Most significantly, attitude congruence with the views of African-American citizens by administrators is shown to be a significant predictor of the adoption of an African-American representative administrative role, overwhelming the influence of other variables including race.}
}

@Article{BraderTucker2012,
  Title                    = {Following the Party's Lead: Party Cues, Policy Opinion, and the Power of Partisanship in Three Multiparty Systems},
  Author                   = {Brader, Ted and Tucker, Joshua A.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041512801283004},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {403--420},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {In the United States, considerable evidence documents the power of partisanship to shape voter preferences. But does partisanship have similar powers beyond American shores? Observational evidence leads some in this old debate to answer yes, but others to contend partisanship merely restates party vote. Experimentation can clarify what powers, if any, partisanship wields over voters in specific countries. If effects differ across countries, then scholars can turn their attention to explaining why. Survey experiments conducted in three countries where multiple parties viably compete for legislative seats --- Great Britain, Hungary, and Poland --- demonstrate that, when cues are available, party identifiers often follow their party's lead when expressing policy preferences. However, the pattern of results suggests this power may strengthen with party system crystallization.}
}

@Article{BradleyEtAl2003,
  author       = {Bradley, David and Huber, Evelyne and Moller, Stephanie and Nielsen, Fran\c{c}ois and Stephens, John D.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Distribution and Redistribution in Postindustrial Democracies},
  doi          = {10.2307/25054218},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {193--228},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yxjd3yok},
  urldate      = {2020-09-10},
  volume       = {55},
  annotation   = {Partisanship.},
}

@Article{BradleyEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Testing for Quasi-Market Forces in Secondary Education},
  Author                   = {Bradley, Steve and Crouchley, Robert and Millington, Jim and Taylor, Jim},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {357--390},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the effect of introducing quasi-market forces into secondary education on the allocation of pupils between schools and on the exam performance of pupils. A unique database is used which covers all publicly-funded secondary schools in England over the period 1992-98. We find several effects consistent with the operation of a quasi-market. Firstly, new admissions are found to be positively related to a school's own exam performance and negatively related to the exam performance of competing schools. Secondly, a school's growth in pupil numbers is positively related to its exam performance compared to its immediate competitors. Thirdly, there is strong evidence that schools experiencing an excess demand for places have responded by increasing their physical capacity. Fourthly, there is some evidence of an increase in the concentration of pupils from poor family backgrounds in those schools with the poorest exam performance of schools during 1992-98 can be attributed to the introduction of quasi-market forces.}
}

@Article{BradleyTaylor2002,
  Title                    = {The Effect of the Quasi-market on the Efficiency-equity Trade-off in the Secondary School Sector},
  Author                   = {Bradley, Steve and Taylor, Jim},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Bulletin of Economic Research},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {295--314},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Britain's education system was radically transformed during the 1990s following the Education Reform Act (1988). The primary objective of these reforms was to raise educational standards through the creation of a quasi-market based upon greater parental choice and the transfer of control over resources from local education authorities to schools. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of the quasi-market on efficiency and equity in the secondary education sector in England during the 1990s. Two primary questions are addressed. Has the quasi-market led to an improvement in efficiency in the secondary education sector? Has the quasi-market had any adverse consequences on the social segregation of pupils between schools? Using data obtained from the Schools' Census and the School Performance Tables, we find strong evidence that the quasi-market has led to a substantial improvement in efficiency (as measured by a school's exam performance and by the productivity of staff) during the 1990s. The same market forces have led to a greater social segregation of pupils between schools.}
}

@Article{BradsherCardwell2012,
  Title                    = {U.S. Slaps High Tariffs on Chinese Solar Panels},
  Author                   = {Bradsher, Keith and Cardwell, Diane},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {New York Times},
  Note                     = {A version of this article appeared in print on May 18, 2012, on page B1 of the New York edition with the headline: ``Chinese Solar Panels Face Big Tariffs''.},
  Url                      = {http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/18/business/energy-environment/us-slaps-tariffs-on-chinese-solar-panels.html},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Incollection{BradyEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Congress and Civil rights Policy: An Examination of Endogenous Preferences},
  Author                   = {Brady, David W. and Ferejohn, John A. and Pope, Jeremy C.},
  Booktitle                = {Preferences and Situations: Points of Intersection Between Historical and Rational Choice Institutionalism},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Ira Katznelson and Barry Weingast},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Pages                    = {62--87},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{BragaEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Educational policies in a long-run perspective},
  Author                   = {Braga, Michela and Checchi, Daniele and Meschi, Elena},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0327.12002},
  ISSN                     = {0266-4658},
  Number                   = {73},
  Pages                    = {45--100},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we study the effects of educational reforms on school attainment. We construct a dataset of relevant reforms that occurred at the national level over the last century, and match individual information from 24 European countries to the most likely set-up faced when individual educational choices were undertaken. Our identification strategy relies on temporal and geographical variations in the institutional arrangements, controlling for time/country fixed effects, as well as for country specific time trend. By characterizing each group of reforms for their impact on mean years of education, educational inequality and intergenerational persistence, we show an ideal policy menu which has been available to policymakers. We distinguish between groups of policies that are either {\textquoteleft}inclusive{\textquoteright} or {\textquoteleft}selective{\textquoteright}, depending on their diminishing or augmenting impact on inequality and persistence. Finally, we correlate these reform measures to political coalitions prevailing in parliament, finding support for the idea that left-wing parties support reforms that are inclusive, while right-wing parties prefer selective ones. {\textemdash} Michela Braga, Daniele Checchi and Elena Meschi}
}

@Book{Braithwaite1979,
  Title                    = {Inequality, Crime and Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Braithwaite, John},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Location                 = {Abingdon, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BramanNelson2007,
  Title                    = {Mechanism of Motivated Reasoning? Analogical Perception in Discrimination Disputes},
  Author                   = {Braman, Eileen and Nelson, Thomas E.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00290.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {940--956},
  Volume                   = {51}
}

@Article{BramborEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Understanding Interaction Models: Improving Empirical Analyses},
  Author                   = {Brambor, Thomas and Clark, William Roberts and Golder, Matt},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpi014},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--82},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Multiplicative interaction models are common in the quantitative political science literature. This is so for good reason. Institutional arguments frequently imply that the relationship between political inputs and outcomes varies depending on the institutional context. Models of strategic interaction typically produce conditional hypotheses as well. Although conditional hypotheses are ubiquitous in political science and multiplicative interaction models have been found to capture their intuition quite well, a survey of the top three political science journals from 1998 to 2002 suggests that the execution of these models is often flawed and inferential errors are common. We believe that considerable progress in our understanding of the political world can occur if scholars follow the simple checklist of dos and don'ts for using multiplicative interaction models presented in this article. Only 10\% of the articles in our survey followed the checklist.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpi014}
}

@Article{Brancati2007,
  Title                    = {The Origins and Strengths of Regional Parties},
  Author                   = {Brancati, Dawn},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123408000070},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {135{--}159},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Traditional explanations of the origins of regional parties as the products of regionally-based social cleavages cannot fully account for the variation in regional party strength both within and across countries. This unexplained variance can be explained, however, by looking at institutions, and in particular, political decentralization. This argument is tested with a statistical analysis of thirty-seven democracies around the world from 1945 to 2002. The analysis shows that political decentralization increases the strength of regional parties in national legislatures, independent of the strength of regional cleavages, as well as of various features of a country's political system, such as fiscal decentralization, presidentialism, electoral proportionality, cross-regional voting laws and the sequencing of executive and legislative elections.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000070}
}

@Article{Brandolini2010,
  Title                    = {Political Economy and the Mechanics of Politics},
  Author                   = {Brandolini, Andrea},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365045},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {212--226},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Incollection{BrandoliniSmeeding2009,
  Title                    = {Income inequality in richer and OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Brandolini, Andrea and Smeeding, Timothy},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Economic Inequality},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Editor                   = {Salverda, Wiemer and Nolan, Brian and Smeeding, Timothy},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{BrandoliniSmeeding2006,
  author       = {Brandolini, Andrea and Smeeding, Timothy M.},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {PS: Political Science and Politics},
  title        = {Patterns of Economic Inequality in Western Democracies: Some Facts on Levels and Trends},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1049096506060124},
  issn         = {1049-0965},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--26},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {A large body of research has documented comparative levels of inequality among nations and also the substantial change in inequality across and within nations. Political scientists, sociologists, and economists have used these databases to make a number of claims about changes in inequality and their interrelations with economic and political life, patterns of redistribution, social institutions, and social and individual wellbeing more generally.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096506060124},
  month        = jan,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.20},
}

@Article{BrandtFreeman2009,
  Title                    = {Modeling Macro-Political Dynamics},
  Author                   = {Brandt, Patrick T. and Freeman, John R.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpp001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {113{--}142},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Analyzing macro-political processes is complicated by four interrelated problems: model scale, endogeneity, persistence, and specification uncertainty. These problems are endemic in the study of political economy, public opinion, international relations, and other kinds of macro-political research. We show how a Bayesian structural time series approach addresses them. Our illustration is a structurally identified, nine-equation model of the U.S. political-economic system. It combines key features of the model of Erikson, MacKuen, and Stimson (2002) of the American macropolity with those of a leading macroeconomic model of the United States (Sims and Zha, 1998; Leeper, Sims, and Zha, 1996). This Bayesian structural model, with a loosely informed prior, yields the best performance in terms of model fit and dynamics. This model 1) confirms existing results about the countercyclical nature of monetary policy (Williams 1990); 2) reveals informational sources of approval dynamics: innovations in information variables affect consumer sentiment and approval and the impacts on consumer sentiment feed-forward into subsequent approval changes; 3) finds that the real economy does not have any major impacts on key macropolity variables; and 4) concludes, contrary to Erikson, MacKuen, and Stimson (2002), that macropartisanship does not depend on the evolution of the real economy in the short or medium term and only very weakly on informational variables in the long term.}
}

@Article{Brans1997,
  Title                    = {The Autopoiesis of Administrative Systems: Niklas Luhmann on Public Administration and Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Brans, M and Rossbach, S},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {417--439},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {This article offers an introduction to Niklas Luhmann's theory of social systems as it pertains to public administration and policy, as a first step towards both a critique and its empirical application to empirical reality. It reconstructs Luhmann's early writings on bureaucracy and policy-making and shows how this early, more empirical work grounded his abstract theory of social systems in general and the political system in particular. The article also introduces some central concepts of Luhmann's more recent work on the autopoietic nature of social systems and considers the latter's consequences for bureaucratic adaptiveness and governmental steering in the welfare state. One of the main benefits of applying Luhmann's theory to public administration, the article concludes, is that it conceptualizes the central concerns of public administration within a complex picture of society as a whole, in which both the agency that issues decisions and the realm affected by these decisions are included.}
}

@Book{BraunEtAl2006,
  author     = {Braun, Henry and Jenkins, Frank and Grigg, Wendy},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Comparing Private Schools and Public Schools Using Hierarchical Linear Modeling},
  location   = {Washington, D.C.},
  publisher  = {U.S. Government Printing Office},
  abstract   = {In grades 4 and 8 for both reading and mathematics, students in private schools achieved at higher levels than students in public schools. The average difference in school means ranged from almost 8 points for grade 4 mathematics, to about 18 points for grade 8 reading. The average differences were all statistically significant. Adjusting the comparisons for student characteristics resulted in reductions in all four average differences of approximately 11 to 14 points. Based on adjusted school means, the average for public schools was significantly higher than the average for private schools for grade 4 mathematics, while the average for private schools was significantly higher than the average for public schools for grade 8 reading. The average differences in adjusted school means for both grade 4 reading and grade 8 mathematics were not significantly different from zero. Comparisons were also carried out with subsets of private schools categorized by sectarian affiliation. After adjusting for student characteristics, raw score average differences were reduced by about 11 to 15 points. In grade 4, Catholic and Lutheran schools were each compared to public schools. For both reading and mathematics, the results were generally similar to those based on all private schools. In grade 8, Catholic, Lutheran, and Conservative Christian schools were each compared to public schools. For Catholic and Lutheran schools for both reading and mathematics, the results were again similar to those based on all private schools. For Conservative Christian schools, the average adjusted school mean in reading was not significantly different from that of public schools. In mathematics, the average adjusted school mean for Conservative Christian schools was significantly lower than that of public schools.},
  annotation = {U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Educational Sciences.},
}

@Unpublished{BravoMcLean2006,
  author     = {Bravo, Jorge and McLean, Iain},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Policy: to lock-, or not to lock-in? A simple model of policy commitment and electoral competition},
  abstract   = {Although there is a vast, and diverse, literature modeling electoral competition, most of the extant models have had little to say about one key feature of electoral competition: candidates often compete over the definition of the issue agenda itself. Yet candidates devote considerable efforts to increase (reduce) the salience of those issues on which their policy positions are (un)popular. Interestingly, this struggle is usually not only over the issue agenda on which the present election is fought over, but also the issue agenda on which future elections will be fought over. There are a number of ways in which candidates fight for the control of the electoral agenda. In this paper we examine in detail one of them: incumbent candidates can choose to either 1) {\textquotedblleft}lock in{\textquotedblright} policy or 2) maintain policy flexibility. This paper fleshes out, with the aid of a very simple game-theoretic model, the following tensions: On the one hand, if an incumbent perfectly ties the hands of her successors on some issue dimension k, then future policy is independent of who gets elected, and policy on k is removed from political campaigns. This may nevertheless end up giving the opposition party an electoral advantage {\textendash} i.e. political competition would then shift to another issue dimension, on which the opposition may have an advantage. On the other hand, if an incumbent instead opts not to commit policy on k, then policy on k remains (at least potentially) alive during political campaigns. This may nevertheless amount to failing to gain from locking policy on some issue dimension k in the event that the election is lost. In particular, we show how the imperatives of electoral competition explain why 1) incumbents sometimes commit policy despite the fact that there are benefits associated with maintaining policy flexibility, and 2) incumbents sometimes refuse to commit policy even in the face of time-consistency problems that make non-commitment costly. Our model provides insight on why, the British Conservative Party, while firmly in control of government throughout the 1980{\textquoteright}s, and while clearly having strong policy preferences on the matter, did not introduce any measure that would make the Central Bank more independent from governmental influence {\textendash} and on why independence to the Central Bank was granted only in 1997, when Labour came into office, in effect removing an issue on which the Conservatives had had an electoral advantage from the issue space on which political campaigns are fought over.},
  annotation = {Very preliminary. I provided some minimal research assistance for the more empiral part of the paper.},
}

@Book{BraybrookeLindblom1963,
  Title                    = {A Strategy of Decision: Policy Evaluation as a Social Process},
  Author                   = {Braybrooke, David and Lindblom, Charles E.},
  Date                     = {1963},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {The Free Press of Glencoe}
}

@Article{BrazysHardiman2015,
  Title                    = {From `Tiger' to `PIIGS': Ireland and the use of heuristics in comparative political economy},
  Author                   = {Brazys, Samuel and Hardiman, Niamh},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.12068},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {23--42},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the consequences of the narrative construction of the group of countries that has been grouped as `PIIGS' (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain) for their sovereign debt risk rating. Acronyms for groups of countries can provide a useful shorthand to capture emergent similarities in economic profile and prospects. But they can also lead to misleading narratives, since the grounds for use of these terms as heuristic devices are usually not well elaborated. This article examines the process whereby the `PIIGS' group came into being, traces how Ireland became a member of this grouping, and assesses the merits of classifying these countries together. The contention is that the repetition of the acronym in public debate did indeed shape the behaviour of market actors toward these countries. It is argued that this involved a co-constituting process: similarities in market treatment drives PIIGS usage, which in turn promotes further similarities in market treatment. Evidence is found of Granger causality, such that increased media usage of the term `PIIGS' is followed by increased changes in Irish bond yields. This demonstrates the constitutive role of perceptions and discourse in interpreting the significance of economic fundamentals. The use of acronyms as heuristics has potentially far-reaching consequences in the financial markets.},
  Keywords                 = {political economy, debt, crisis, constructivism}
}

@Article{BreenJonsson2005,
  Title                    = {Inequality of Opportunity in Comparative Perspective: Recent Research on Educational Attainment and Social Mobility},
  Author                   = {Breen, Richard and Jonsson, Jan O.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.31.041304.122232},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {223--243},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of how characteristics of the family of origin are associated with educational and labor market outcomes indicate the degree of openness of societies and have a long tradition in sociology. We review research published since 1990 into educational stratification and social (occupational or class) mobility, focusing on the importance of parental socioeconomic circumstances, and with particular emphasis on comparative studies. Large-scale data now available from many countries and several time points have led to more and better descriptions of inequality of opportunity across countries and over time. However, partly owing to problems of comparability of measurement, unambiguous conclusions about trends and ranking of countries have proven elusive. In addition, no strong evidence exists that explains intercountry differences. We conclude that the 1990s witnessed a resurgence of microlevel models, mostly of a rational choice type, that signals an increased interest in moving beyond description in stratification research.}
}

@Article{BreenJonsson2007,
  author       = {Breen, Richard and Jonsson, Jan O.},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Explaining Change in Social Fluidity: Educational Equalization and Educational Expansion in Twentieth-Century {Sweden}},
  doi          = {10.1086/508790},
  issn         = {0002-9602},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1775--1810},
  volume       = {112},
  abstract     = {The authors analyze social fluidity among Swedish men and women using a series of 24 annual surveys, 1976--99 (N=63,280). A theoretical model suggests that changes in fluidity are normally driven by cohort rather than period effects. The results support this argument: changes in fluidity between the mid-1970s and late 1990s were due to the successive replacement of older and less fluid, by younger and more fluid, cohorts. Cohorts differed in their fluidity because the effect of class origins on educational attainment declined (an equalization effect) and because greater shares of each cohort had higher levels of educational attainment, which placed them in labor markets that operate more meritocratically (a compositional effect). The article discusses the relevance of these results for other countries and for policy.},
  month        = may,
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
  timestamp    = {2013.02.07},
}

@Article{BreenEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Long-term Trends in Educational Inequality in Europe: Class Inequalities and Gender Differences},
  Author                   = {Breen, Richard and Luijkx, Ruud and M{\"u}ller, Walter and Pollak, Reinhard},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcp001},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {31--48},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Using data for seven European countries we analyse trends among women in class differences in educational attainment over the first two-thirds of the 20th century. We also compare educational attainment between men and women; we ask whether class differences among the two sexes are similar or not; and whether trends in class differences over birth cohorts have differed between men and women. We find that, as expected, over the 20th century, inequalities between men and women in their educational attainment declined markedly. More importantly, changes in class inequalities in educational attainment have been similar for both men and women, although, in some countries, women displayed greater inequality at the start of the 20th century and have shown a somewhat greater rate of increase in equality. Patterns of class inequality were also largely similar for both sexes, though in some countries daughters of farmers and the petty-bourgeoisie did relatively better than their brothers. While some of these results reinforce what has long been believed, our central finding of a decline in class inequality in educational attainment for both men and women contradicts the persistent inequality in education that earlier scholars claimed existed.}
}

@Article{BreenEtAl2009,
  author       = {Richard Breen and Ruud Luijkx and Walter M{\"u}ller, and Reinhard Pollak},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Nonpersistent Inequality in Educational Attainment: Evidence from Eight European Countries},
  issn         = {0002-9602},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1475--1521},
  url          = {https://pure.uvt.nl/portal/files/1093818/Soc_Breen_Luijkx_Nonpersistent_AJS_2009.pdf},
  volume       = {114},
  abstract     = {In their widely cited study, Shavit and Blossfeld report stability of socioeconomic inequalities in educational attainment over much of the 20th century in 11 out of 13 countries. This article outlines reasons why one might expect to find declining class inequalities in educational attainment, and, using a large data set, the authors analyze educational inequality among cohorts born in the first two?thirds of the 20th century in eight European countries. They find, as expected, a widespread decline in educational inequality between students coming from different social origins. Their results are robust to other possible choices of method and variables, and the authors offer some explanations of why their findings contradict Shavit and Blossfeld's conclusions.},
}

@Article{BrenderDrazen2008,
  author       = {Brender, Adi and Drazen, Allan},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {How Do Budget Deficits and Economic Growth Affect Reelection Prospects? Evidence from a Large Panel of Countries},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.98.5.2203},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {2203--2220},
  volume       = {98},
  abstract     = {We test whether good economic conditions and expansionary fiscal policy help incumbents get reelected in a large panel of democracies. We find no evidence that deficits help reelection in any group of countries independent of income level, level of democracy, or government or electoral system. In developed countries and old democracies, deficits in election years or over the term of office reduce reelection probabilities. Higher growth rates over the term raise reelection probabilities only in developing countries and new democracies. Low inflation is rewarded by voters only in developed countries. These effects are both statistically significant and quite substantial quantitatively.},
}

@Article{Breton1964,
  Title                    = {The Economics of Nationalism},
  Author                   = {Breton, Albert},
  Date                     = {1964},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {376--386},
  Volume                   = {72}
}

@Book{Breuilly1994,
  Title                    = {Nationalism and the State},
  Author                   = {Breuilly, John},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {9780226074146},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {Chicago University Press}
}

@Article{BreunigBusemeyer2012,
  author       = {Christian Breunig and Marius R. Busemeyer},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Fiscal austerity and the trade-off between public investment and social spending},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2011.614158},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {921--938},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {This article makes two claims: first, it argues that the impact of fiscal austerity varies across different types of public spending. In particular, we show that discretionary spending (public investment) is hit harder by fiscal austerity than entitlement spending (public spending on pensions and unemployment) because of different institutional and political constraints. Second, we find that electoral institutions affect how governments solve this trade-off. Discretionary spending is cut back more severely in countries with an electoral system based on proportional representation than in a majoritarian system. Our empirical analysis relies on a methodological approach (composite data analysis) that takes into account interdependencies between budgetary categories. Using data for 21 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 1979 to 2003, we find strong evidence for the varying impact of fiscal stress on the budget shares of discretionary and entitlement spending as well as strong interactive effect between fiscal austerity and electoral institutions.},
}

@Article{Breuning1995,
  Title                    = {Words and Deeds: Foreign Assistance Rhetoric and Policy Behavior in the {Netherlands}, {Belgium}, and the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {Marijke Breuning},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2600848},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {235--254},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Alternative hypotheses involving self-interested versus benevolent motives have played an important role in the study of foreign assistance policy behavior. Most often, such studies infer motives from data regarding the foreign assistance expenditures of a donor state. This study moves beyond such inferences. First, donor self-interest can take different forms that are likely to be expressed in different policies. Second, inferences about motivation derived from aid expenditure data infer motives from the observation of actions only. This study seeks to address both points. First, it proposes a typology of aid motivation. Second, it proposes separate indicators of motivation and behavior. The proposed national role conception framework hypothesizes that certain motivations, as expressed in rhetoric, and certain behaviors, as expressed in the foreign assistance expenditures, co-vary. The study focuses on the foreign assistance debate in and policy behavior of the Netherlands, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. It finds that there is a congruence between the rhetoric and policy behavior of the foreign assistance decision makers of the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, but that the Belgian data lack such congruence.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Brewer1974,
  Title                    = {The policy sciences emerge: To nurture and structure a discipline},
  Author                   = {Brewer, Garry D.},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00144283},
  ISSN                     = {0032-2687},
  Language                 = {English},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {239--244},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Publisher                = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}
}

@Article{Brighouse1996,
  Title                    = {Egalitarian Liberals and School Choice},
  Author                   = {Brighouse, Harry},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {457--486},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Booklet{Brighouse2002,
  author       = {Brighouse, Harry},
  date         = {2002},
  title        = {Choosing Equality: Parental Choice, Vouchers and Educational Equality},
  howpublished = {Social Market Foundation},
  annotation   = {Advocates a combination of the "Gintis model" of market corrections through monetary incentives, and the "Milwaukee model" of central regulation.},
}

@Book{Brighouse2003,
  Title                    = {School Choice and Social Justice},
  Author                   = {Brighouse, Harry},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {0199257876},
  Location                 = {Oxford},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Harry Brighouse provides a new theory of justice for education, arguing that justice requires that all children have a real opportunity to become autonomous persons, and that the state use a criterion of educational equality for deploying educational resources. Through systematic presentation of empirical evidence, Brighouse argues that existing schemes do not fare well against the criterion of social justice, yet this need not impugn school choice. He offers a school choice proposal that could implement social justice and explains why other essential educational reforms can be compatible with choice.}
}

@Article{BrighouseSwift2003,
  Title                    = {Defending liberalism in education theory},
  Author                   = {Brighouse, Harry and Swift, Adam},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Pages                    = {355--373},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Educationists frequently either reject or neglect liberalism as a possible normative grounding for their evaluation of education reform. We argue that their reasons for doing so are usually grounded either in fundamental misunderstandings of liberalism, or misguided evaluations of some standard objections to liberalism. We show how five standard objections to liberalism fail, and display the richness of liberalism as a normative approach to education by applying it to issues of choice, equality, and religious schooling.}
}

@Misc{BHPS2014,
  Title                    = {British Household Panel Survey, Waves 1--18, 1991--2009},
  Author                   = {{British Household Panel Survey}},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Doi                      = {10.5255/UKDA-SN-6340-2},
  HowPublished             = {University of Essex. Institute for Social and Economic Research},
  Month                    = jan,

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Brittan1968,
  Title                    = {Left or Right: The Bogus Dilemma},
  Author                   = {Samuel Brittan},
  Date                     = {1968},
  ISBN                     = {436068710},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Secker \& Warburg}
}

@Article{Broockman2012,
  Title                    = {The ``Problem of Preferences'': Medicare and Business Support for the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Broockman,David E.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in American Political Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0898588X12000077},
  ISSN                     = {1469-8692},
  Issue                    = {02},
  Month                    = oct,
  Pages                    = {83--106},
  Url                      = {http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~broockma/broockman_medicare_preferences.pdf},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Few political observers would readily assume that a present-day politician's or interest group's claims about their preferences accurately reflect their genuine views. However, scholars often unwittingly make this very assumption when inferring the preferences of historical political actors. In this article I explore the influence of business groups on Medicare's passage to illustrate how inattention to political actors' strategic misrepresentations can bias qualitative and quantitative research. An ongoing debate wrestles with the pattern that businesses often grant support to welfare-state expansions just before they occur, a regularity some take as evidence that business interests dictate these expansions. I use Medicare as a case study and document that key business groups and their allies did not truly favor the program. However, I also show that these actors strategically misrepresented their preferences as Medicare's passage became likely in order to advance more limited alternatives. The strategic nature of this position is exceptionally easy to miss; yet inattention to it produces the opposite, erroneous conclusion about these actors' historical role. Medicare's legislative history thus illustrates the methodological necessity of documenting whether political actors are misrepresenting their preferences. I discuss how scholars can do so by tracing actors stated preferences across strategic circumstances, including audiences and time.},
  Numpages                 = {24}
}

@Unpublished{BroockmanButler2013,
  Title                    = {Why Is {America}n Democracy Unequal? The Rich and Poor's Advantaged Resources And Differing Pathways to Political Influence},
  Author                   = {Broockman, David E. and Butler, Daniel M.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~broockma/broockman_butler_advantaged_resources.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {We propose the Advantaged Resourcesframework for understanding causes of and potential cures for economic inequality in political representation. Our framework begins with the premise that the rich and poor have durable advantages in access to different politically relevant resources: the rich have a reliable financial advantage and the poor have a reliable numerical advantage. Because neither group can reliably exceed the other's efforts to use their advantaged resource, both groupstypically influence politics with tactics that deploy their own advantaged resource but not with tactics that rely upon the others'. The factors that most strongly affect the balance of power between these groups are therefore those that affect each group's ability to deploy their advantaged resourcesin politics, but not the degree to which these groups attempt to deploy the others'. Survey experiments administered to politicians corroborate these theoretical expectations, which are also consistent with many heretofore-disparate and ostensibly contradictory findings.}
}

@Article{Brooke1995,
  author       = {Stephen Brooke},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Contemporary British History},
  title        = {The labour party and the 1945 general election},
  doi          = {10.1080/13619469508581325},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--21},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {This article examines the Labour Party's experience of the general election of 1945. Using a variety of unpublished and published sources, it reviews the party's strategy, policy, and organisation at the end of the Second World War. It also considers the relationship between the election victory and the state of wartime public opinion. In 1945 there occurred the conjuncture of a number of factors rare in Labour's history: a cautiously sympathetic public, a tired Conservative Party, and, not least, a moment of coherence and unity within the party itself. What this article stresses is the particular coincidence of such elements in 1945, all of which contributed to the Labour victory.},
}

@Incollection{Brooks2012,
  Title                    = {Framing theory, welfare attitudes and the United States case},
  Author                   = {Brooks, Clem},
  Booktitle                = {Contested Welfare States: Welfare Attitudes in Europe and Beyond},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Stefan Svallfors},
  Location                 = {Stanford, CA},
  Pages                    = {193--221},
  Publisher                = {Stanford University Press}
}

@Article{BrooksManza2006,
  Title                    = {Why Do Welfare States Persist?},
  Author                   = {Brooks, Clem and Manza, Jeff},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00472.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {816--827},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {The shape and aggregate output of welfare states within many developed democracies have been fairly resilient in the face of profound shifts in their national settings, and with respect to the global environment of the past 20 years. This contrasts with once-widespread predictions of universal retrenchment, and it has broadened debates over trends in social policymaking to focus on the phenomenon of welfare state persistence. Research on persistence has not, to date, directly considered the possibility that welfare states survive because of enduring popular support. Building from recent welfare state theory and the emerging literature on policy responsiveness, we consider the possibility that mass public opinion-citizens' aggregate policy preferences-are a factor behind welfare state persistence. We analyze a new country-level data set, controlling for established sources of welfare state development, and buttressing estimates by testing for endogeneity with respect to policy preferences. We find evidence that the temporal distribution of policy preferences has contributed to persistence tendencies in a number of welfare states. We discuss results in conclusion, suggesting the utility of further consideration of linkages between mass opinion and social policy in cross-national perspective.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00472.x}
}

@Article{BrooksManza2006a,
  Title                    = {Social Policy Responsiveness in Developed Democracies},
  Author                   = {Brooks, Clem and Manza, Jeff},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/30039000},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {474--494},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {Do mass policy preferences influence the policy output of welfare states in developed democracies? This is an important issue for welfare state theory and research, and this article presents an analysis that builds from analytical innovations developed in the emerging literature on linkages between mass opinion and public policy. The authors analyze a new dataset combining a measure of social policy preferences with data on welfare state spending, alongside controls for established causal factors behind social policy-making. The analysis provides evidence that policy preferences exert a significant influence over welfare state output. Guided also by statistical tests for endogeneity, the authors find that cross-national differences in the level of policy preferences help to account for a portion of the differences among social, Christian, and liberal welfare state regimes. The results have implications for developing fruitful connections between welfare state scholarship, comparative opinion research, and recent opinion/policy studies.}
}

@Article{BrooksManza2006b,
  author       = {Brooks, Clem and Manza, Jeff},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Reply to Myles: Theory and Methods for Comparative Opinion/Social Policy Research},
  doi          = {10.2307/30039002},
  issn         = {0003-1224},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {499--502},
  volume       = {71},
  publisher    = {American Sociological Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.26},
}

@Article{BrooksManza2013,
  Title                    = {A Broken Public? Americans' Responses to the Great Recession},
  Author                   = {Brooks, Clem and Manza, Jeff},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0003122413498255},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {727--748},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {Did Americans respond to the recent Great Recession by demanding that government provide policy solutions to rising income insecurity, an expectation of state-of-the-art theorizing on the dynamics of mass opinion? Or did the recession erode support for government activism, in line with alternative scholarship pointing to economic factors having the reverse effect? We find that public support for government social programs declined sharply between 2008 and 2010, yet both fixed-effects and repeated survey analyses suggest economic change had little impact on policy-attitude formation. What accounts for these surprising developments? We consider alternative microfoundations emphasizing the importance of prior beliefs and biases to the formation of policy attitudes. Analyzing the General Social Surveys panel, our results suggest political partisanship has been central. Gallup and Evaluations of Government and Society surveys provide further evidence against the potentially confounding scenario of government overreach, in which federal programs adopted during the recession and the Obama presidency propelled voters away from government. We note implications for theoretical models of opinion formation, as well as directions for partisanship scholarship and interdisciplinary research on the Great Recession.}
}

@Article{Brooks2005,
  Title                    = {Interdependent and Domestic Foundations of Policy Change: The Diffusion of Pension Privatization Around the World},
  Author                   = {Brooks, Sarah M.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0020-8833.2005.00345.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {273--294},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {In the last two decades, striking correlations in the location and timing of structural pension reforms have raised important questions about the kind of information used by policy makers in their decisions to adopt such measures. This study tests the hypothesis that the adoption of pension privatization is shaped systematically by an interdependent logic, wherein the decision to privatize pensions in one country is systematically linked to corresponding decisions made by governments in relevant peer nations. Duration analysis with time-varying covariates of data from 59 countries between 1980 and 1999 reveals that the decision to adopt a private pension reform in one country increases systematically as the proportion of peer nations that have adopted corresponding measures rises. Importantly, the effect of this peer dynamic varies across groups of nations, with the most powerful impact of peer decisions being found among Eastern European and Central Asian nations. Peer dynamics likewise contribute powerfully to the adoption of private pension reforms in Latin America, but do not significantly shape the hazard of privatization among the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development member nations. Even controlling for diffusion mechanisms, the analysis shows that pension reform decisions remain subject to domestic political and economic considerations, including demographic pressures, financial costs and incentives to reform, and constraints delimited by the political institutions in each nation.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing}
}

@Article{Broome1994,
  Title                    = {Discounting the Future},
  Author                   = {Broome, John},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Philosophy and Public Affairs},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {128{--}156},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Book{Brown2001,
  Title                    = {Understanding International Relations},
  Author                   = {Brown, Chris},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  ISBN                     = {0333948491},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave}
}

@Article{BrowningJohnson1984,
  author       = {Browning, Edgar K. and Johnson, William R.},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The Trade-Off between Equality and Efficiency},
  issn         = {0022-3808},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {175--203},
  volume       = {92},
  abstract     = {This paper uses a 1976 microdata base to estimate the marginal cost of reducing income inequality with a policy that has distributional effects similar to the present tax-transfer system. The analysis uses a simulation methodology in which only the labor supply effects are evaluated; other behavioral effects are ignored. The most striking finding is that marginal cost is quite high even for modest labor supply elasticities. For example, in the benchmark case with a weighted-average economy-wide uncompensated wage elasticity of 0.2 (and compensated elasticity of 0.31), the disposable money income of upper-income quintiles of households is depressed by 9.51 for each dollar increase in the disposable money income of lower-income quintiles. When income equivalent values that take account of the value of leisure are compared, the marginal cost for this case is estimated to be 3.49.},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{BrownstoneValletta2001,
  Title                    = {The Bootstrap and Multiple Imputations: Harnessing Increased Computing Power for Improved Statistical Tests},
  Author                   = {Brownstone, David and Valletta, Robert},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {129{--}141},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Incollection{Broz2013,
  Title                    = {Partisan Financial Cycles},
  Author                   = {Broz, J. Lawrence},
  Booktitle                = {Politics in the New Hard Times: The Great Recession in Comparative Perspective},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Editor                   = {David L. Lake and Miles Kahler},
  Location                 = {Ithaca, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press},
  Url                      = {http://dss.ucsd.edu/~jlbroz/pdf_folder/wip/broz_partisian_fin_cycles_2-21-12.pdf}
}

@Article{BruceWaldman1991,
  Title                    = {Transfers in Kind: Why They Can be Efficient and Nonpaternalistic},
  Author                   = {Bruce, Neil and Waldman, Michael},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1345--1351},
  Volume                   = {81}
}

@Article{Bruce1989,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and Labour legislation in {Canada} and the U.S.},
  Author                   = {Bruce, Peter G.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-232X.1989.tb00861.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-232X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {115--141},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This article shows that structural political and legal factors, better than cultural or economic ones, explain why Canada's workforce is twice as unionized as that of the United States. Its main argument demonstrates that Canada's legal environment is more pro-union due to systematic national differences in party systems and constitutions --- i.e., the presence of a social-democratic party and a federalized and parliamentary constitution, versus the U.S.'s separation of powers, more nationalized polity, and absence of a social democratic party.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232X.1989.tb00861.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.14}
}

@Article{BruneEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {The International Monetary Fund and the Global Spread of Privatization},
  Author                   = {Brune, Nancy and Garrett, Geoffrey and Kogut, Bruce},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {IMF Staff Papers},
  Number                   = {2},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {Well over a trillion dollars worth of state-owned firms have been privatized since 1980. The traditional argument is that governments choose to privatize in response to fiscal pressures. In this study, the authors examine the impact of IFI conditionality on privatization and find that IMF conditionality, in particular, has an important indirect economic benefit. Investors are willing to pay more for privatized assets in countries that owe the IMF money (and hence that are subject to the policy constraints attached to the loans). The reason for this is that investors view IMF conditionality as a signal of credible policy reform. The magnitude of this effect is striking. For every dollar a developing country owed the IMF in the early l980s, it subsequently privatized state-owned assets worth roughly 50c. Admittedly, this "credibility bonus" of IMF lending may not justify the policy conditions typically imposed by the IMF. However, the additional capital drawn into developing countries as a result of the IMF-privatization nexus is no doubt helpful to these economies.}
}

@Article{BrunnerRoss2010,
  Title                    = {Is the median voter decisive? Evidence from referenda voting patterns},
  Author                   = {Eric J. Brunner and Stephen L. Ross},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.09.009},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines whether the voter with the median income is decisive in local spending decisions. Previous tests have relied on cross-sectional data while we make use of a pair of California referenda to estimate a first difference specification. The referenda proposed to lower the required vote share for passing local educational bonding initiatives from 67 to 50\% and 67 to 55\%, respectively. We find that voters rationally consider future public service decisions when deciding how to vote on voting rules. However, the empirical evidence strongly suggests that an income percentile below the median is decisive for majority voting rules, especially in communities that have a large share of high-income voters with attributes that suggest low demand for public services. Based on a model that explicitly recognizes that each community contains voters with both high and low demand for public school spending, we also find that an increase in the share of low demand voters is associated with a lower decisive voter income percentile for the high demand group. This two type model implies that our low demand types (individuals over age 45 with no children) have demands that are 45\% lower than other voters. Collectively, these findings are consistent with high-income voters with weak preferences for public educational services voting with the poor against increases in public spending on education.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.09.009}
}

@Article{Brunner2009,
  Title                    = {Does politics matter[quest] The influence of elections and government formation in the {Netherlands} on the Amsterdam Exchange Index},
  Author                   = {Brunner, Martins},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Politica},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/ap.2008.37},
  ISSN                     = {0001-6810},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {150--170},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {In stable democratic countries the redistribution of power is institutionalized. Yet, there are periods of increased political uncertainty: During electoral campaigns there is uncertainty about who will win the election. And in multiparty parliamentary systems the uncertainty over who will actually govern usually continues throughout the coalition formation process. This article tries to contribute to answering the question whether and how financial markets react to such political uncertainty. Using a standard econometric tool, a GARCH (1,1) model, I find evidence for reactions of the AEX (Amsterdam Exchange Index) on periods of political uncertainty in the Netherlands. There is strong evidence that the political uncertainty during electoral campaigns is reflected in increased volatility of the AEX. The reactions during the coalition formation period seem to depend on the degree of uncertainty about the expected government coalition. The evidence for reactions on the ideological positions of government is mixed: Participation of left parties in governments seems to increase volatility, but the mean returns are not negatively affected in recent elections.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.37},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.14}
}

@Article{Bruter2001,
  Title                    = {Diplomacy without a state: the external delegations of the {Europe}an Commission},
  Author                   = {Bruter, Michael},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343676},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {183--205},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The external delegations of the European Commission are unique institutions in the sense that they are embassies without a state. This article first assesses the particularity of their situation owing to unusual political, functional and structural handicaps. This is followed by a review of their actions which are split between the desire to assert their legitimacy as autonomous embassies and the necessity of taking part in the more global frame of a developing European foreign policy. Finally, an analysis is provided of the way the delegations have developed a form of 'consumer-oriented' diplomacy. Throughout the article, the delegations emerge as institutions that reflect the evolution of the European institutional equilibrium, the modernization of administrations, and the transformation of diplomatic practice on the eve of the twentyfirst century.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343676},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Buchanan2002,
  author       = {Buchanan, Allen},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {Political Legitimacy and Democracy},
  doi          = {10.1086/340313},
  issn         = {0014-1704},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {689--719},
  volume       = {112},
}

@Article{Buckman2004,
  Title                    = {Divided Government and Constitutional Reform in {France} and {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Buckman, Kirk},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {French Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--60},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {The constitutional reforms in France and Germany moved the potential for divided government to complicate governance in opposite directions. This outcome highlights the limits of constant-cause analyses of institutional reform. While theoretical models of institutional change that embrace constant-cause explanations may be able to account for the recent expansion of the Bundesrat's power, they are unable to account for the French amendment to reduce the presidential mandate (Article 6), whose purpose was to prevent the recurrence of divided government. Indeed, constant-cause models predict that constitutional reforms will in all cases expand the universe of political strategies, not limit it. The French reform does not preclude the recurrence of cohabitation; it does, however, make it less likely. By focusing on critical junctures in each country's constitutional history, a contextualized historical analysis of divided government and constitutional reform in France and Germany accounts for this outcome and demonstrates the strength of path-dependent explanations.}
}

@Book{Budde1988,
  Title                    = {Education by Charter: Restructuring School Districts},
  Author                   = {Budde, Ray},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Publisher                = {WestEd},

  Abstract                 = {It was in this book that Ray Budde named and defined the charter school concept that is gaining followers and influencing school reform legislation across the United States. In case-study style, Budde follows a new superintendent as he provides school board members and staff with a vision of how to restructure the school district over the course of a decade. The impetus is the gradual shift of the "responsible control" of the entire function of instruction to those who teach. This shift is accomplished by the school board granting 3- to 5-year "educational charters" to teachers organized according to subjects, grade levels, and/or schools.}
}

@Article{Budde1989,
  Title                    = {Education by Charter},
  Author                   = {Budde, Ray},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Phi Delta Kappan},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {518--520},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {Education by charter is a model for restructuring school districts that promotes long-term, continuing educational improvement. Groups of teachers can request funds directly from the school board to implement specific instructional programs. The usual administrative layers between teachers and school boards are nonexistent. Charter life cycles and effects are explained.}
}

@Unpublished{BuddinZimmer2005,
  Title                    = {Is Charter School Competition in California Improving the Performance of Traditional Public Schools?},
  Author                   = {Buddin, Richard and Zimmer, Ron},
  Date                     = {2005},

  Abstract                 = {This research examines the effects of charter schools on traditional public schools. A premise of charter school initiatives has been that these schools have direct benefits for students attending these schools and indirect benefits for other students by creating competition for traditional public schools to improve their performance. Using California{\~} data, the analysis examines the responses to a survey of principals in a sample of traditional public schools. In addition, the research assesses how charter school competition affects student-level achievement trends in traditional public schools. The survey results showed that public school principals felt little competitive pressure from charters. Similarly, the student achievement analysis showed that charter competition (measured in a variety of ways) was not improving the performance of traditional public schools.}
}

@Article{Budge1994,
  Title                    = {A New Spatial Theory of Party Competition: Uncertainty, Ideology and Policy Equilibria Viewed Comparatively and Temporally},
  Author                   = {Budge, Ian},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {443{--}467},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This article considers how parties can decide on policy when there is no reliable information about the effect of these decisions on voting. Where this is the case they must base their stands on a priori assumptions about appropriate priorities, namely on political ideologies. These indicate the general policy area a party should occupy, but do not give detailed guidance on which position to take within it. Five different ways of deciding on this, within ideological constraints, are specified. The predictions derived from these models well anticipate the actual decisions made by post-war parties in twenty democracies, as summarized in the unique spatial maps of policy movements published by the Manifesto Research Group of the European Consortium for Political Research.}
}

@Article{Budge2000,
  Title                    = {Expert judgements of party policy positions: Uses and limitations in political research},
  Author                   = {Budge, Ian},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1007065520497},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {103--113},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1007065520497}
}

@Article{BudgeEtAl2010,
  author       = {Budge,Ian and Ezrow,Lawrence and McDonald,Michael D.},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Ideology, Party Factionalism and Policy Change: An integrated dynamic theory},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123409990184},
  number       = {04},
  pages        = {781--804},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {Operationalized as a simulation and checked against 1,737 policy shifts in twenty-four post-war democracies, this theory of party position-taking offers both an explanation and specific postdictions of party behaviour, synthesizing some previous approaches and linking up with mandate theories of political representation. These wider implications are considered at the beginning and the end of the article.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123409990184},
}

@InCollection{BudgeKlingemann2001,
  author     = {Budge, Ian and Klingemann, Hans-Dieter},
  booktitle  = {Mapping Policy Preferences: Estimates for Parties, Electors, and Governments 1945-1998},
  date       = {2001},
  title      = {Finally! Comparative Over-Time Mapping of Party Policy Movement},
  chapter    = {1},
  editor     = {Budge, Ian and Klingemann, Hans-Dieter and Volkens, Andrea and Bara, Judith and Tanenbaum, Eric},
  isbn       = {978-0-19-924400-3},
  location   = {Oxford, UK},
  pages      = {19--50},
  publisher  = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract   = {This book uniquely enriches and empowers its readers. It enriches them by giving them the most detailed and extensive data available on the policies and preferences of key democratic actors - parties, governments, and electors in 25 democracies over the post-war period. Estimates are provided for every election and most coalitions of the post-war period and derive from the programmes, manifestos, and platforms of parties and governments themselves. Thus they form a uniquely authoritative source, recognized as such and provided through the labour of a team of international scholars over 25 years.The book empowers readers by providing these estimates on the CD ROM contained in it. The printed text provides documentation and suggested uses for data, along with much other background information. The changing ideologies and concerns of parties trace general social developments over the post-war period, as well as directly affecting economic policy making. Indispensable for any serious discussion of democratic politics, the book provides necessary information for political scientists, policy analysts, comparativists, sociologists, and economists. A must for every social science library - private as well as academic or public.},
  annotation = {Manifesto Research Group / Comparative Manifestos Project},
}

@Book{BudgeEtAl1987,
  Title                    = {Ideology, Strategy and Party Change: Spatial Analyses of Post-War Election Programmes in 19 Democracies},
  Author                   = {Budge, Ian and Robertson, David and Hearl, Derek},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {0521306485},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{BuenodeMesquitaSmit2009,
  Title                    = {A Political Economy of Aid},
  Author                   = {Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce and Smith, Alastair},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818309090109},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {309--340},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {We model how the size of a leader's support coalition and government revenues affect trades between policy concessions and aid. We find that aid benefits donor and recipient leaders, while harming the recipient's, but not the donor's, citizenry. The willingness to grant policy concessions for aid depends on how easily leaders can reimburse supporters for their concession. As coalition size increases, incumbents rely more on public goods to reward supporters, making it difficult to compensate for policy concessions. Small-coalition leaders rely more on private goods to retain office, making it easier for them to grant policy concessions for aid. Empirical tests of bilateral aid transfers by Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nations between 1960 and 2001 support the predictions that (1) aid is given by wealthy, large-coalition systems; (2) relatively poor, small-coalition systems are most likely to get aid; but, (3) conditional on receiving aid, the amount increases as the recipient's coalition size, wealth, and policy salience increase. Evidence suggests that OECD members have little humanitarian motivation for aid giving.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818309090109},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{BulkleyFisler2003,
  Title                    = {A Decade of Charter Schools: From Theory to Practice},
  Author                   = {Bulkley, Katrina and Fisler, Jennifer},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {317--342},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Charter schools have become an increasingly significant aspect of the educational landscape. After a decade of implementation and research, this article returns to some of the original ideas underlying charter schools{\textemdash}including autonomy, accountability, and performance outcomes{\textemdash}to assess what progress has been made and what is still unknown. Although some successes are evident, there is still much to learn about the quality of charter schools and the experiences of charter school stakeholders. There is strong evidence that parents and students who remain in charter schools are satisfied and that charter schools are more autonomous than other public schools. But the jury is still out on some of the most important questions, including those about innovation, accountability, equity, and outcomes. This article provides a framework for examining research on charter schools and some guiding questions for future work.}
}

@Article{Bull2003,
  Title                    = {{Italy}: The Crisis of the Left},
  Author                   = {Bull, Martin J},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsg005},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {58--74},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the transformation of the Italian left in the past decade and its presence in government between 1996 and 2001, its shattering electoral defeat in the May 2001 general election represented a new nadir in what is a long-term decline. The principal party of the left, the Democrats of the Left (DS), is undergoing an electoral and organisational crisis which is a product of the failure over ten years to construct a left-wing party free of the organisational legacy of the former communist party. The crisis is further complicated by the left's alliance with the centre parties (in the Olive Tree Coalition) which are competing for the same electoral space. Recent attempts to address the crisis (through the election of a new leader on a platform of change) have been unconvincing, and the DS remains torn between different types of reformist identity.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsg005}
}

@Article{Bullock2011,
  Title                    = {Elite Influence on Public Opinion in an Informed Electorate},
  Author                   = {Bullock, John G.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055411000165},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {496--515},
  Url                      = {http://bullock.research.yale.edu/papers/elite/elite.pdf},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {An enduring concern about democracies is that citizens conform too readily to the policy views of elites in their own parties, even to the point of ignoring other information about the policies in question. This article presents two experiments that undermine this concern, at least under one important condition. People rarely possess even a modicum of information about policies; but when they do, their attitudes seem to be affected at least as much by that information as by cues from party elites. The experiments also measure the extent to which people think about policy. Contrary to many accounts, they suggest that party cues do not inhibit such thinking. This is not cause for unbridled optimism about citizens' ability to make good decisions, but it is reason to be more sanguine about their ability to use information about policy when they have it.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Techreport{BullockEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Partisan Bias in Factual Beliefs about Politics},
  Author                   = {John G. Bullock and Alan S. Gerber and Seth J. Hill and Gregory A. Huber},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {19080},
  Type                     = {Working Paper},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w19080},

  Abstract                 = {Partisanship seems to affect factual beliefs about politics. For example, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that the deficit rose during the Clinton administration; Democrats are more likely to say that inflation rose under Reagan. We investigate whether such patterns reflect differing beliefs among partisans or instead reflect a desire to praise one party or criticize another. We develop a model of partisan survey response and report two experiments that are based on the model. The experiments show that small payments for correct and ``don't know'' responses sharply diminish the gap between Democrats and Republicans in responses to ``partisan'' factual questions. The results suggest that the apparent differences in factual beliefs between members of different parties may be more illusory than real.},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series}
}

@Article{Bunar2008,
  Title                    = {The Free Schools `Riddle'': Between traditional social democratic, neo-liberal and multicultural tenets},
  Author                   = {Bunar, Nihad},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00313830802184608},
  ISSN                     = {0031-3831},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {423--438},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {The question of what role free schools should perform in the Swedish educational system has been a contested subject between three ideological, theoretical, political and policy tenets. The first, ``contribution to pedagogical diversity in a controlled school market'' reflects a traditional social democratic view. The second, ``contribution to a better education on a competitive school market'' reflects a neo-liberal approach. The third tenet, ``contribution to the maintenance of groups' and individuals' cultural and religious identity'' reflects a multicultural view insisting on the thesis that a family's cultural and religious identity should be a steering motive for the school choice. The aim of this article is to take a closer look at what the three tenets that constitute the `riddle' contain --- including their claims, responses to critics, arguments and empirical evidence --- and to discuss some of their practical impacts on the shaping of educational policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313830802184608},
  Booktitle                = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Bunar2010,
  Title                    = {Choosing for quality or inequality: current perspectives on the implementation of school choice policy in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Bunar, Nihad},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930903377415},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--18},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {A policy of school choice has, in various shapes, been implemented in educational systems across the world during the last decades. Drawing on various empirical and theoretical sources, the aim of this article is to distinguish the key defining elements of the Swedish school choice policy and to present and discuss some of its outcomes in terms of segregation, costs, and student achievements. Thus I show that the policy design contains some peculiarities since it nourishes both a strong market-orientation and an equally strong market-skepticism. Regarding the outcomes I show that the research is pervaded by ambiguity and uncertainty regarding whether the policy has delivered its promises or, on the contrary, it has worsened the state of education by increasing segregation and crowding out some schools of their socially strongest students. Finally, I argue that due to its peculiarities the school choice policy in itself so far has, surprisingly or not, had a relatively small impact on the overall educational quality and equity in Sweden. I also argue that since the market forces are definitely gaining the upper hand under the current liberal-conservative government, we can soon expect some decisive changes in the way school choice operates and with what results in Sweden.}
}

@Article{Bunar2010a,
  Title                    = {The Controlled School Market and Urban Schools in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Bunar, Nihad},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of School Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/15582151003626418},
  ISSN                     = {1558-2159},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--73},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {The aim of this article is to outline some major defining aspects of the Swedish controlled school market and to describe and analyze how a number of urban school leaders in the Swedish cities of Stockholm and Malm{\"o} define, understand, and respond to the competition they see. Based on interviews with school leaders and research on a wide range of secondary literature, it is possible to identify three types of rivals: ``White'' schools, ordinary and religious/ethnic free schools, and neighboring urban schools. The responding strategies vary from the logic of resignation and condemnation of parents for making ``wrong'' choices to a critical redefinition of pedagogical practices toward minority students and the equivocal alliances. I argue that the specific features of the Swedish urban school market create noteworthy new opportunities and new difficulties.},
  Booktitle                = {Journal of School Choice},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Bunbury1957,
  Title                    = {Lloyd George's Ambulance Wagon: Being the Memoirs of William J. Braithwaite 1911-1912},
  Author                   = {Bunbury, Sir Henry N},
  Date                     = {1957},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Methuen \& Co}
}

@Article{Bunea2013,
  author       = {Bunea, Adriana},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Issues, preferences and ties: determinants of interest groups' preference attainment in the EU environmental policy},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2012.726467},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {552-570},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {Some interest groups are more successful than others in translating their policy preferences into policy outputs at the EU level. This study investigates why this is the case by testing an explanatory framework emphasizing the impact of the policy environment on interest groups' preference attainment during the policy formulation stage of EU legislation in the environmental policy. The findings show that preferences having a median positioning on the policy space and demands for no regulation are more likely to be translated into policy outcomes. The type of interest a group represents, as well as its organizational form, are also found to be strong predictors of preference attainment.},
}

@Article{Burby2006,
  Title                    = {Hurricane Katrina and the Paradoxes of Government Disaster Policy: Bringing About Wise Governmental Decisions for Hazardous Areas},
  Author                   = {Burby, Raymond J},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0002716205284676},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {171--191},
  Volume                   = {604},

  Abstract                 = {The unprecedented losses from Hurricane Katrina can be explained by two paradoxes. The safe development paradox is that in trying to make hazardous areas safer, the federal government in fact substantially increased the potential for catastrophic property damages and economic loss. The local government paradox is that while their citizens bear the brunt of human suffering and financial loss in disasters, local officials pay insufficient attention to policies to limit vulnerability. The author demonstrates in this article that in spite of the two paradoxes, disaster losses can be blunted if local governments prepare comprehensive plans that pay attention to hazard mitigation. The federal government can take steps to increase local government commitment to planning and hazard mitigation by making relatively small adjustments to the Disaster Mitigation Act of 2000 and the Flood Insurance Act. To be more certain of reducing disaster losses, however, the author suggests that we need a major reorientation of the National Flood Insurance Program from insuring individuals to insuring communities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716205284676}
}

@Article{BurdenSanberg2003,
  Title                    = {Budget Rhetoric in Presidential Campaigns from 1952 to 2000},
  Author                   = {Burden, Barry C. and Sanberg, Joseph Neal Rice},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Behavior},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1023825212333},
  ISSN                     = {0190-9320},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {97--118},
  Volume                   = {25}
}

@Article{BurgessBriggs2010,
  author       = {Simon Burgess and Adam Briggs},
  title        = {School assignment, school choice and social mobility},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {29},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {639--649},
  issn         = {0272-7757},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2009.10.011},
  abstract     = {We estimate the chances of poor and non-poor children getting places in good schools, analysing the relationship between poverty, location and school assignment. Our dataset allows us to measure location and distance very precisely. The simple unconditional difference in probabilities of attending a good school is substantial. We run an analysis that controls completely for location, exploiting within-street variation and controlling for other personal characteristics. Children from poor families are significantly less likely to go to good schools. We show that the lower chance of poor children attending a good school is essentially unaffected by the degree of choice.},
  keywords     = {School assignment},
}

@Article{BurgessEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {What Parents Want: School Preferences and School Choice},
  Author                   = {Burgess, Simon and Greaves, Ellen and Vignoles, Anna and Wilson, Deborah},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ecoj.12153},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate parents' preferences for school attributes in a unique data set of survey, administrative, census and spatial data. Using a conditional logit, incorporating characteristics of households, schools and home--school distance, we show that most families have strong preferences for schools' academic performance. Parents also value schools' socio-economic composition and distance, which may limit the potential of school choice to improve academic standards. Most of the variation in preferences for school quality across socio-economic groups arises from differences in the quality of accessible schools rather than differences in parents' preferences, although more advantaged parents have stronger preferences for academic performance.}
}

@Unpublished{BurgessEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Sorting and Choice in English Secondary Schools},
  Author                   = {Burgess, Simon and McConnell, Brendon and Propper, Carol and Wilson, Deborah},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {CMPO Working Paper Series No. 04/111},

  Abstract                 = {This paper focuses on one of the outcomes arising from England{\textquoteright}s choice based education system; the extent to which different types of pupils are sorted across schools. Pupil sorting will in turn impact on attainment outcomes, if there are peer group effects operating within schools. We consider three dimensions across which sorting may occur: ethnicity, income, and, for the first time using UK data, ability. We use a very large administrative dataset which contains linked histories of test scores for every pupil in England, as well as pupil level markers for ethnicity and low household income, and their home postcode (zip code). We first establish that choice is both feasible for and exercised by the majority of pupils in England. We then characterise and describe ability sorting and related it to feasibility of choice. We compare sorting across schools with sorting across neighbourhoods. We establish that post-residential school choice is an important component of the overall schooling decision. We show that there is a difference in the school-neighbourhood sorting relationship between areas that operate under different student-to-school assignment rules.}
}

@Article{BurgessRatto2003,
  Title                    = {The Role of Incentives in the Public Sector: Issues and Evidence},
  Author                   = {Burgess, Simon and Ratto, Marisa},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {285--300},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Using incentive pay to improve public-sector efficiency is an important component of the UK government's public-service modernization agenda. In this paper, we review the important issues in performance pay in the public sector, and summarize the evidence on its effects. We consider how optimal incentives for public-sector workers may differ from those in the private sector and, if they do, what types of incentives are more appropriate for the public sector. We investigate the reasons for the infrequent use of explicit incentives in the public sector. We summarize evidence of particular relevance to the public sector, on issues such as the impact on output of incentive pay schemes, gaming and dysfunctional behaviour, multiple principals, intrinsic motivation, and teamwork. Finally, we comment on the design of new policies being introduced in the UK public sector in the light of the theoretical arguments and the evidence.}
}

@Article{Burgoon2010,
  Title                    = {Betwixt and between? The {Europe}an Union's redistributive management of globalization},
  Author                   = {Burgoon, Brian},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501761003661893},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {433--448},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The European Union's (EU) management of globalization includes redistributing or compensating for distributional consequences of globalization, using policies at different levels of governance (national, regional-European and supra-European). This contribution analyzes the extent and politics of such redistributive management. It emphasizes how redistributive management is meaningful and very popular, though less developed than EU policies setting the level and terms of openness. In addition, it suggests how EU policies that manage globalization through redistribution or other mechanisms and that operate at different levels of governance are causally interconnected. Existing national and EU policies of redistribution have strong but uneven effects for EU protections setting the level of openness. And national-level welfare provisions and EU redistributive policies, like the Structural Funds, sometimes undermine and sometimes reinforce one another. Case examples and analysis of public opinion develop these claims.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501761003661893},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{BurleyMattli1993,
  Title                    = {{Europe} before the Court: A Political Theory of Legal Integration},
  Author                   = {Burley, Anne-Marie and Mattli, Walter},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {41{--}76},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {The European Court of Justice has been the dark horse of European integration, quietly transforming the Treaty of Rome into a European Community (EC) constitution and steadily increasing the impact and scope of EC law. While legal scholars have tended to take the Court's power for granted, political scientists have overlooked it entirely. This article develops a first-stage theory of community law and politics that marries the insights of legal scholars with a theoretical framework developed by political scientists. Neofunctionalism, the theory that dominated regional integration studies in the 1960s, offers a set of independent variables that convincingly and parsimoniously explain the process of legal integration in the EC. Just as neofunctionalism predicts, the principal forces behind that process are supranational and subnational actors pursuing their own self-interests within a politically insulated sphere. Its distinctive features include a widening of the ambit of successive legal decisions according to a functional logic, a gradual shift in the expectations of both government institutions and private actors participating in the legal system, and the strategic subordination of immediate individual interests of member states to postulated collective interests over the long term. Law functions as a mask for politics, precisely the role neofunctionalists originally forecast for economics. Paradoxically, however, the success of legal institutions in performing that function rests on their self-conscious preservation of the autonomy of law.}
}

@Unpublished{BurnsThomas2009,
  Title                    = {Teaching in the Storm's Wake: Post-Katrina Public Education Reform in New Orleans},
  Author                   = {Burns, Peter F and Thomas, Matthew O},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the APSA conference, Toronto (2009)},

  Abstract                 = {The Orleans Parish School District suffered from corruption, mismanagement, racial tension, poor performance, patronage, and decrepit facilities, among other things, before Hurricane Katrina arrived on August 29, 2005. Louisiana{\textquoteright}s Department of Education attempted to ameliorate these problems before the storm hit New Orleans. It hired a financial turnaround group from New York to manage the school district{\textquoteright}s finances. That company, Alvarez \& Marsal, began to cut jobs and the budget in the summer of 2005. The state also assumed the ability to take over failing schools and the Recovery School District operated a handful of New Orleans schools as the 2005-2006 school year commenced. This paper describes the performance of New Orleans schools in the pre-Katrina period and it explains how the state attempted to address these problems. The poster provides an overview of the characteristics and outputs of New Orleans schools in the post-Katrina era.}
}

@Article{BurnsideDollar2000,
  Title                    = {Aid, Policies, and Growth},
  Author                   = {Burnside, Craig and Dollar, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {847--868},
  Url                      = {http://www.econ.ucdavis.edu/faculty/gperi/Teaching/econ270A/Aid,\%20Policies\%20and\%20Growth.pdf},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses a new database on foreign aid to examine the relationships among foreign aid, economic policies, and growth of per capita GDP. We find that aid has a positive impact on growth in developing countries with good fiscal, monetary, and trade policies but has little effect in the presence of poor policies. Good policies are ones that are themselves important for growth. The quality of policy has only a small impact on the allocation of aid. Our results suggest that aid would be more effective if it were more systematically conditioned on good policy.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Burstein1998,
  author       = {Burstein, Paul},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Social Forces},
  title        = {Bringing the Public Back in: Should Sociologists Consider the Impact of Public Opinion on Public Policy?},
  doi          = {10.2307/3006009},
  issn         = {0037-7732},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--62},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {The struggle for democracy, central to Western politics for hundreds of years, is predicated upon the belief that democratic institutions give citizens considerable power over their government. Whether this belief is correct is a key question in the study of democratic politics. This article argues that this question is neglected by sociologists who examine the determinants of public policy; they neither address theories of democratic responsiveness nor assess the impact of public opinion on public policy. This neglect is problematic for two reasons: there is much evidence that public opinion strongly influences public policy, and there is reason to believe that adding public opinion to sociologists' empirical analyses of policy change would undermine some of their conclusions about the influence of other factors. Two ways of responding to these findings are presented.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3006009},
  month        = sep,
  publisher    = {University of North Carolina Press},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.22},
}

@Article{Burstein2003,
  Title                    = {The Impact of Public Opinion on Public Policy: a Review and an Agenda},
  Author                   = {Burstein, Paul},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/106591290305600103},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {29--40},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {This article considers the impact of public opinion on public policy, asking: (1) how much impact it has; (2) how much the impact increases as the salience of issues increases; (3) to what extent the impact of public opinion may be negated by interest groups, social movement organizations, political parties, and elites; (4) whether responsiveness of governments to public opinion has changed over time; and (5) the extent to which our conclusions can be generalized. The source of data is publications published in major journals and included in major literature reviews, systematically coded to record the impact of public opinion on policy. The major findings include: the impact of public opinion is substantial; salience enhances the impact of public opinion; the impact of opinion remains strong even when the activities of political organizations and elites are taken into account; responsiveness appears not to have changed significantly over time; and the extent to which the conclusions can be generalized is limited. Gaps in our knowledge made apparent by the review are addressed in proposals for an agenda for future research.}
}

@Article{Burstein2006,
  Title                    = {Why Estimates of the Impact of Public Opinion on Public Policy are Too High: Empirical and Theoretical Implications},
  Author                   = {Burstein, Paul},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Forces},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/sof.2006.0083},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {2273--2289},
  Volume                   = {84},

  Abstract                 = {Statistical studies often show public opinion strongly affecting public policy. But the studies may overestimate the effect because they focus on issues -- those especially important to the public -- on which governments are most likely to be responsive. This article considers what the opinion-policy linkage would be if less-important issues were also considered, by examining a random sample of proposals addressed by the U.S. Congress. Opinion has considerably less impact in the random sample than in the statistical studies. But this does not mean that the public is being defeated by special interests. On many issues, the public has no meaningful opinions; organized interests, therefore, can win without the public losing.}
}

@Article{Busch2000,
  Title                    = {Democracy, Consultation, and the Paneling of Disputes under GATT},
  Author                   = {Busch, Marc L.},
  Date                     = {2000-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002700044004002},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {425--446},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) stress the role of formal panels in adjudicating trade conflicts. Yet most cases are settled beforehand in informal consultations. This article tests two sets of hypotheses about the decision to escalate GATT cases, one concerning the significance of the right to a panel, the other concerning the effects of political regime type. Results show that the right to a panel did not inspire more early settlement, more escalation, or more resolution through concessions at the panel stage; however, highly democratic dyads are more likely to achieve concession, but only at the consultation stage. This suggests that a strategy of tying hands, rather than adherence to legal (and other) norms of conflict resolution, is likely to shed light on the way democracies use formal third-party adjudication at GATT.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002700044004002},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{BuschReinhardt2006,
  Title                    = {Three's a Crowd: Third Parties and WTO Dispute Settlement},
  Author                   = {Busch, Marc L. and Reinhardt, Eric},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.2007.0000},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {446--477},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Disputes filed at the World Trade Organization (WTO) are attracting a growing number of third parties. Most observers argue that their participation influences the institution's rulings. The authors argue that third parties undermine pretrial negotiations; their influence on rulings is conditioned by this selection effect. They test their hypotheses, along with the conventional wisdom, using a data set of WTO disputes initiated through 2002. Consistent with the authors' argument, they find that third-party participation lowers the prospects for early settlement. Controlling for this selection effect, the evidence also suggests that third-party support increases the chances of a legal victory at the WTO.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0000},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{Busemeyer2007,
  Title                    = {Determinants of public education spending in 21 OECD democracies, 1980-2001},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760701314417},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {582--610},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This paper focuses on the analysis of determinants of public education spending in OECD countries. It starts out by reviewing and replicating the model presented by Castles (1989, 1998), finding that only a few of his explanatory variables remain significant in a pooled time-series framework. I present an alternative model that contains socio-economic, political, and institutional variables: the level of economic development, the magnitude of demographic demand, the constitutional veto structure, the level of public social expenditures, the degree of tax-revenue decentralization as well as government participation of conservative parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760701314417}
}

@Article{Busemeyer2009,
  Title                    = {Social democrats and the new partisan politics of public investment in education},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760802453171},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {107--126},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the impact on public education spending of social democratic participation in government. By means of a pooled time-series analysis of spending in OECD democracies, it is shown that social democrats have increased public spending primarily on higher education. This finding is at odds with simple class-based models of partisan preferences (Boix) that predict a preference for non-tertiary education. As an alternative, the notion of a `new politics of public investment in education' (Iversen) is presented. From this perspective, political parties are not merely transmission belts for the economic interests of social classes, but use policies and spending strategically to attract and consolidate voter groups. By increasing public investment in tertiary education, social democrats cater to their core electoral constituencies (for example, by expanding enrolment) and, at the same time, new middle-class constituencies to escape electoral dilemmas and reforge the cross-class alliance with the middle class.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760802453171}
}

@Article{Busemeyer2012,
  Title                    = {Inequality and the political economy of education: An analysis of individual preferences in OECD countries},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928712440200},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {219--240},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Scholarly interest in the study of education from the perspective of political science has increased rapidly in the last few years. However, the literature focuses on comparing education politics at the country level, neglecting the analysis of micro-level foundations of education policies in terms of individual preferences and their interaction with macro contexts. This paper provides a first step in addressing this research gap, engaging in a multilevel analysis of survey data for a large number of OECD countries. The core research question is how institutional contexts in this case socio-economic and educational inequalities shape the micro-level association between the individual income position and support for education spending. The core finding is that these different dimensions of inequality have different implications at the micro level. Higher levels of socio-economic inequality enhance the conflict between the rich and the poor over public investments in education. By contrast, when access to higher levels of education is effectively restricted, the rich are more likely to support public education spending. This is because higher levels of educational stratification ensure that further public investments in education benefit the rich relatively more than the poor, who in turn become less willing to support this kind of public spending.}
}

@Article{Busemeyer2013,
  Title                    = {Education Funding and Individual Preferences for Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcs085},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1122--1133},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis of the association between welfare state institutions and individual-level attitudes has become an important research topic in the past years. This article focuses on the association between the institutional set-up of the education system, the division of labour between public and private sources in funding human capital formation, and preferences for redistribution. Applying a multilevel research design with International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) survey data for 20 OECD countries, the main empirical finding of this article is that individuals in countries with high levels of private spending on education are less willing to support government-induced redistribution. One possible interpretation of this finding is that the specific kind of education financing influences the prevailing norms of social solidarity and expectations vis--vis the state.}
}

@Unpublished{Busemeyer2015,
  Title                    = {Trade-offs between social investment and passive transfers in the new welfare state: New political coalitions in European welfare states?},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R.},
  Date                     = {2015-07-03}
}

@Article{BusemeyerEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Attitudes towards redistributive spending in an era of demographic ageing: the rival pressures from age and income in 14 OECD countries},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R. and Goerres, Achim and Weschle, Simon},
  Date                     = {2009-07-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928709104736},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {195--212},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {This article is about the relative impact of age and income on individual attitudes towards welfare state policies in advanced industrial democracies; that is, the extent to which the intergenerational conflict supercedes or complements intragenerational conflicts. On the basis of a multivariate statistical analysis of the 1996 ISSP Role of Government Data Set for 14 OECD countries, we find considerable age-related differences in welfare state preferences. In particular for the case of education spending, but also for other policy areas, we see that one's position in the life cycle is a more important predictor of preferences than income. Second, some countries, such as the United States, show a higher salience of the age cleavage across all policy fields; that is, age is a more important line of political preference formation in these countries than in others. Third, country characteristics matter. Although the relative salience of age varies across policy areas, we see --- within one policy area --- a large variance across countries.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.20}
}

@Article{BusemeyerIversen2014,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Opting Out: Explaining educational financing and popular support for public spending},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R. and Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu005},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {299--328},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, we address two empirical puzzles: Why are cross-country differences in the division of labor between public and private education funding so large and why are they politically sustainable in the long term? We argue that electoral institutions play a crucial role in shaping politico-economic distributive coalitions that affect the division of labor in education financing. In PR systems, the lower and middle classes form a coalition supporting the establishment of a system with a large share of public funding. In majoritarian systems, in contrast, the middle class voters align with the upper income class and support private education spending instead. Once established, institutional arrangements create feedback effects on the micro-level of attitudes, supporting their continued political sustainability. These hypotheses are tested empirically both on the micro level of preferences as well as on the macro level with aggregate data and survey data from the ISSP for 20 OECD countries.}
}

@Article{BusemeyerTrampusch2011,
  Title                    = {Review Article: Comparative Political Science and the Study of Education},
  Author                   = {Busemeyer, Marius R. and Trampusch, Christine},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123410000517},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {413--443},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {The study of education has long been a neglected subject in political science. Recently, however, scholarly interest in the field has been increasing rapidly. This review essay introduces the general readership to this burgeoning literature with a particular focus on work in comparative public policy and political economy. Particular topics discussed are the historical and political foundations of contemporary education systems, the political and institutional determinants of education policies, the internationalization and Europeanization of education, the political economy of skill formation in varieties of capitalism and the effects of education policies. The article also introduces scholarship in related disciplines such as economics, sociology and comparative education sciences, and points out avenues for future interdisciplinary dialogue between political science and these disciplines.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123410000517},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.17}
}

@Article{BusseHefeker2007,
  Title                    = {Political risk, institutions and foreign direct investment},
  Author                   = {Busse, Matthias and Hefeker, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {397--415},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Book{ButlerEtAl1994,
  Title                    = {Failure in British Government: The Politics of the Poll Tax},
  Author                   = {Butler, David and Adonis, Andrew and Travers, Tony},
  Date                     = {1994},
  ISBN                     = {978-0198278764},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{ButlerDeLaO2011,
  Title                    = {The Causal Effect of Media-Driven Political Interest on Political Attitudes and Behavior},
  Author                   = {Butler, Daniel M. and De La O, Ana},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00010041},
  Pages                    = {321--337},
  Url                      = {http://butler.research.yale.edu/papers/Butler_DeLaO_QJPS.pdf},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {This article considers the hypothesis that media-driven political interest shapes party identification, the timing of vote decisions, and electoral participation. To estimate the effect of media-driven political interest, we make a key distinction between political interest as a lifetime political orientation and political interest that rises and falls with the occurrence of noteworthy political events. We then exploit the shared media markets in Switzerland and its neighboring countries to overcome the otherwise crippling endogeneity problem and identify exogenous increases in Swiss citizens' self-reported political interest caused by the coverage of national elections in France, Germany, and Italy. We find that media-driven political interest increases the length of time individuals use to make their vote decisions, decreases partisanship, and increases self-reported and actual turnout.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://butler.research.yale.edu/papers/Butler_DeLaO_QJPS.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00010041},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{ButlerEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Choice in a World of New School Types},
  Author                   = {Butler, J. S. and Carr, Douglas A. and Toma, Eugenia F. and Zimmer, Ron},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.21711},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {785--806},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {As school choice options have evolved over recent years, it is important to understand what family and school factors are associated with the enrollment decisions families make. Use of restricted-access data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study allowed us to identify household location from a nationally representative sample of students and to match households to the actual schools attended and other nearby schools. This matching is significant as previous research generally has not been able to link individual households to school enrollment decisions. Using these data, we examined the role that socioeconomic status, race, and ethnicity play in school enrollment decisions. One of our more interesting results suggests that the newest public alternative, charter schools, attracts families with higher socioeconomic status than those that traditional public schools attract. The attraction of charter schools, however, unlike traditional public schools, appears to be racially and ethnically neutral. Families do not choose a charter school because of its racial or ethnic composition, nor do race and ethnicity within a household influence its choice of charter schools. Other socioeconomic factors influencing charter school choice are more similar to factors explaining private school choice than to those factors explaining the choice of traditional public schools. The findings suggest that policies governing the design of charter schools should focus on broader socioeconomic diversity rather than race only.}
}

@Article{Butler2015,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Relative Ability Beliefs},
  Author                   = {Butler, Jeffrey V.},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ecoj.12175},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Pages                    = {n/a--n/a},

  Abstract                 = {I present experimental evidence for a novel mechanism yielding inequality persistence. Just world beliefs research suggests that individuals believe they merit unequal treatment they experience. Merit depends on ability and effort so that disadvantage (advantage) may undermine (bolster) confidence in own relative ability. Because decisions determining economic success rely on such beliefs (e.g. competitiveness), inequality may self-perpetuate. In multiple experiments, I randomly assign unequal pay for an identical task where performance depends on cognitive ability. I find that pay level consistently and substantially affects beliefs but not performance. Finally, I show that among males high pay increases competitiveness by 33\%.}
}

@Article{ByersEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {The dynamics of aggregate political popularity: evidence from eight countries},
  Author                   = {Byers, David and Davidson, James and Peel, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00035-9},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {49--62},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {This paper extends previous analyses of aggregate political popularity (partisanship) data by Box-Steffensmeier and Smith (Box-Steffensmeier, J.M., Smith, R.M., 1996. The dynamics of aggregate partisanship. American Political Science Review 90 (September), 567-580) for the US, and Byers et al. (Byers, D., Davidson, J., Peel, D.A., 1997. Modelling political popularity: an analysis of long-range dependence in opinion poll series. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society Series A, 160, 471-490) for the UK. These studies independently found that the time series of poll ratings are well modelled by fractionally integrated processes. Here, the analysis is conducted for 26 political parties in eight different countries, and the results obtained are on the whole closely in line with the ones cited above. As in the earlier studies, we find in many of our cases that the estimated fractional integration parameter d is close to 0.7. This implies that popularity is highly persistent and a nonstationary process, but that it is also mean-reverting eventually. Most of the time series are also found to be pure fractional noise, effectively uncorrelated after fractional differencing, so that the d parameter alone accounts for the dependence. As well as offering added support for theories of political allegiance based on a certain distribution of the attributes of commitment and pragmatism in the voting population, these findings have important implications for the explanation of political support using time series data.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00035-9}
}

@Article{Bynner2002,
  Title                    = {Equality and Opportunity in Education: evidence from the 1958 and 1970~{b}irth cohort studies},
  Author                   = {Bynner, J and Joshi, H},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Pages                    = {405--425},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {There is controversy about whether inequalities and educational outcomes are increasing or decreasing. Using longitudinal data collected in two birth cohort studies started in 1970 and 1958 respectively, the paper examines the evidence in relation to two outcomes, probability of leaving school at 16 and highest qualification achieved. Multi-variate analysis (logistic and OLS regression) was used to model the relationships of these educational outcomes to family social class, taking account of a wide range of early life variables, including living in an urban as opposed to rural location. It is concluded that the impact of social class on educational achievement has not changed across the 12 years covered by the two studies, a result that applies in both rural and urban areas of Britain.}
}

@Article{Byrne2010,
  author       = {Byrne, Elaine},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Irish Times},
  title        = {To move on we must never forget},
  doi          = {10/04},
  note         = {April 3rd},
  abstract     = {RENEWING THE REPUBLIC: This series has shown a thirst for political reform coupled with an uncertainty about how to achieve it, writes ELAINE BYRNE in the Irish Times April 3 2010},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://elaine.ie/2010/04/03/to-move-on-we-must-never-forget/},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.23},
}

@Article{CabezaGarciaGomezAnson2007,
  Title                    = {Governance and Performance of Spanish Privatised Firms},
  Author                   = {Cabeza Garc{\'\i}a, Laura and G{\'o}mez Ans{\'o}n, Silvia},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Corporate Governance: An International Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8683.2007.00584.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {503--519},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyses the effect of the Spanish privatisation process on the performance and corporate governance of the firms that were privatised through public offerings over the 1985--2003 period. Using conventional pre- versus post-privatisation comparisons, we do not find significant improvements in privatised firms' profitability and efficiency. However, our results do suggest a change in firms' ownership structure and in the characteristics of Boards of Directors after privatisation. Firms' ownership concentration decreases as a consequence of the relinquishment of control by the State and the Boards of Directors are restructured with the creation of new specialised committees and the incorporation of more executives.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8683.2007.00584.x}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1945,
  Title                    = {National Health Service: Memorandum by the Minister of Health and the Secretary of State for {Scotland}},
  Author                   = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  Date                     = {1945},
  HowPublished             = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  Note                     = {CP (45) 32, 11th June}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1945a,
  Title                    = {National Health Service: Memorandum by the Lord President of the Council},
  Author                   = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  Date                     = {1945},
  HowPublished             = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  Note                     = {CP (45) 13, 4th June}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1945b,
  Title                    = {National Health Service --- The Hospital Services: Memorandum by the Minister of Health},
  Author                   = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  Date                     = {1945},
  HowPublished             = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  Note                     = {CP (45) 231, 16th October}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1945c,
  Title                    = {Conclusions of a Meeting of the Cabinet},
  Author                   = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  Date                     = {1945},
  HowPublished             = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  Note                     = {CM (45) 43, 18th October}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1945d,
  Title                    = {Conclusions of a Meeting of the Cabinet},
  Author                   = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  Date                     = {1945},
  HowPublished             = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  Note                     = {CM (45) 65, 20th December}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1946,
  Title                    = {Conclusions of a Meeting of the Cabinet},
  Author                   = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  Date                     = {1946},
  HowPublished             = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  Note                     = {CM (46) 93, 31st October}
}

@Misc{CabinetPapers1951,
  author       = {{Cabinet Papers}},
  date         = {1951},
  title        = {Conclusions of a Meeting of the Cabinet},
  howpublished = {National Archives of the UK: Public Record Office},
  note         = {CM (51) 25, 9th April},
  annotation   = {Bevan declares opposition to NHS charges in 'principle' and as being 'politically dangerous'.},
}

@InCollection{Cagan1956,
  author     = {Cagan, Phillip},
  booktitle  = {Studies in the Quantity Theory of Money},
  date       = {1956},
  title      = {The Monetary Dynamics of Hyperinflation},
  editor     = {Milton Friedman},
  location   = {Chicago, IL},
  pages      = {25--117},
  publisher  = {University of Chicago Press},
  annotation = {First use of adaptive expectations.},
}

@Article{CairneyJones2016,
  author       = {Cairney, Paul and Jones, Michael D.},
  title        = {Kingdon's Multiple Streams Approach: What Is the Empirical Impact of this Universal Theory?},
  journaltitle = {Policy Studies Journal},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {37--58},
  issn         = {1541-0072},
  doi          = {10.1111/psj.12111},
  abstract     = {While John Kingdon's Multiple Streams Approach (MSA) remains a key reference point in the public policy literature, few have attempted to assess MSA holistically. To assess its broader impact and trends in usage, we combine in-depth analysis of representative studies, with comprehensive coverage of MSA-inspired articles, to categorize its impact. We find that Kingdon's work makes two separate contributions. First, it has contributed to the development of ``evolutionary'' policy theories such as punctuated equilibrium. Second, it has prompted a large, dedicated, and often empirical, literature. However, most MSA empirical applications only engage with broader policy theory superficially. The two contributions are oddly independent of each other. We argue that these trends in application are due largely to its intuitive appeal and low ``barrier to entry.'' Drawing on other policy approaches, we offer suggestions to improve the MSA-inspired literature.},
  keywords     = {Kingdon, multiple streams analysis, policy theory},
}

@Article{CalcagnoEscaleras2007,
  Title                    = {Party alternation, divided government, and fiscal performance within US States},
  Author                   = {Calcagno, Peter and Escaleras, Monica},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10101-006-0030-z},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {111--128},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The literature on US state government fiscal performance has examined the role of institutional factors such as budget rules and divided government, but has largely ignored the impact of party alternation. This paper primarily focuses on whether party alternation in the governor\^a??s office affects fiscal performance. Our hypothesis is that frequent party changes create a political environment that impacts fiscal performance. To further assess the impact of party alternation on fiscal performance, we consider our primary hypothesis in conjunction with the degree of division that exists between the governor\^a??s office and the legislature. Using panel data from 37 states between 1971 and 2000 we test the hypothesis that frequent party alternation can be expected to affect fiscal performance and find strong support for the hypothesis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10101-006-0030-z}
}

@Article{Callaghan2003,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy in Transition},
  Author                   = {Callaghan, John},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsg009},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {125--140},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Social democratic parties entered hard times after 1973 when the long postwar boom was succeeded by decades of lower rates of economic growth and higher rates of inflation and unemployment. A new convergence of government policy characterised the 1980s as neo-liberalism gained the ascendancy at the expense of the political economy of the postwar social democratic settlement. The largely Anglo-American literature on social democracy critically surveyed in this article has theorised the discomfiture of these parties in a number of interrelated ways. Changes to the social structure, the salience of class, the decline of partisan identification and the cultures of solidarity which supported the social demoratic parties have been linked to epochal transformations in the global political economy. Such arguments arise in a context of uncertainty about the identity and future of those parties, conditioned by the absence of a persuasive model of socialist political economy and profound doubts about the capacity of social democratic governments to achieve their strategic goals by steering' mixed economies. But if the old metaphysic of the inexorable rise of labour is dead, there is no warrant for its replacement by a new metaphysic of pessimism.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsg009}
}

@Article{CallendarJackson2005,
  author       = {Callender, Claire and Jackson, Jonathan},
  title        = {Does the Fear of Debt Deter Students from Higher Education?},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {34},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {509--540},
  doi          = {10.1017/S004727940500913X},
  abstract     = {Concerns over the impact of debt on participation in higher education (HE) have dominated much of the debate surrounding the most recent reforms of financial support for full-time students in England, including the introduction of variable tuition fees. Yet few studies have attempted to explore this issue in a statistically robust manner. This article attempts to fill that gap. It examines the relationship between prospective HE students' attitudes to debt, and their decisions about whether or not to enter HE. Using data derived from a survey of just under 2,000 prospective students, it shows how those from low social classes are more debt averse than those from other social classes, and are far more likely to be deterred from going to university because of their fear of debt, even after controlling for a wide range of other factors. The article concludes that these findings pose a serious policy dilemma for the Westminster government. Their student funding policies are predicated on the accumulation of debt and thus are in danger of deterring the very students at the heart of their widening participation policies.},
}

@Article{Calltorp1999,
  Title                    = {Priority setting in health policy in {Sweden} and a comparison with {Norway}},
  Author                   = {Johan Calltorp},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0168-8510(99)00061-5},
  Number                   = {1--2},
  Pages                    = {1--22},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {The development of priority setting policies has been an important part of the national agenda for health services in Sweden and Norway during the past 10 years. Both countries have health systems with a pronounced public character and a declared emphasis on equity and solidarity. Both countries have also had National Priority Commissions that have developed general documents providing advice, but not very detailed guidelines, on how to set priorities. Resource constraints and the rapid restructuring of the health care system were important characteristics forming the background for the National Priority Commission in Sweden (1995). In Norway, the starting point for the first-ever Priority Commission in the world (1987) was how to set limits for health care in a society with rapidly increasing wealth. The second Norwegian Commission (1997) critically reviewed the effects of the general principles for priority setting that have been put forward, and demonstrated the importance to link them to steering tools within health care services.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0168-8510(99)00061-5}
}

@Article{CalmforsDriffill1988,
  Title                    = {Bargaining Structure, Corporatism and Macroeconomic Performance},
  Author                   = {Calmfors, Lars and Driffill, John},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1344503},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {13{--}61},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The structure of labour markets is increasingly perceived as a determinant of the macroeconomic performance of a country. This article focuses on one aspect of labour markets, the degree of centralization of wage setting. The main conclusion is that extremes work best. Either highly centralized systems with national bargaining (such as in Austria and the Nordic countries), or highly decentralized systems with wage setting at the level of individual firms (such as in Japan, Switzerland and the US) seem to perform well. The worst outcomes with respect to employment may well be found in systems with an intermediate degree of centralization (such as in Belgium and the Netherlands). This conclusion is reasonably well supported by the available empirical evidence. It is also logical. Indeed, large and all-encompassing trade unions naturally recognize their market power and take into account both the inflationary and unemployment effects of wage increases. Conversely, unions operating at the individual firm or plant level have very limited market power. In intermediate cases, unions can exert some market power but are led to ignore the macroeconomic implications of their actions. These conclusions challenge the conventional wisdom which asserts that the more 'corporatist' is an economy, the better is its economic performance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344503}
}

@Article{Calvo-ArmengolEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Peer Effects and Social Networks in Education},
  Author                   = {Calv{\'o}-Armengol, Antoni and Patacchini, Eleonora and Zenou, Yves},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {The Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-937X.2009.00550.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1239--1267},
  Volume                   = {76},

  Abstract                 = {We develop a model that shows that, at the Nash equilibrium, the outcome of each individual embedded in a network is proportional to his/her Katz-Bonacich centrality measure. This measure takes into account both direct and indirect friends of each individual, but puts less weight to his/her distant friends. We then bring the model to the data using a very detailed dataset of adolescent friendship networks. We show that, after controlling for observable individual characteristics and unobservable network specific factors, a standard deviation increase in the Katz-Bonacich centrality increases the pupil school performance by more than 7\% of one standard deviation.}
}

@Article{Calvert1985,
  Title                    = {The Value of Biased Information: A Rational Choice Model of Political Advice},
  Author                   = {Calvert, Randall L},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {530{--}555},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Typically, political decision making involves the concomitant problem of deciding how to use advice. Advice can reduce uncertainty about outcomes, but it is often costly to obtain and assimilate, and is itself subject to uncertainty and error. This paper explores how a rational decision maker uses imperfect advice. Using only the assumption of utility maximization, along with a specification of exactly how knowledge and advice are "imperfect," it is possible to derive some of the initial assumptions of cognitive and bounded-rationality models. Also changes in the decision-making environment can be connected to changes in how advice is used, thereby providing theoretical predictions about political behavior. In particular it is shown here that, under certain reasonable circumstances, the rational decision maker should engage in selective exposure or "bolstering." These results do not depend upon any cost advantage or inherent value in biased advice.}
}

@Article{Calvert1985a,
  Title                    = {Robustness of the Multidimensional Voting Model: Candidate Motivations, Uncertainty, and Convergence},
  Author                   = {Calvert, Randall L},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {69{--}95},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {This analysis demonstrates that important implications of the multidimensional voting model are robust to significant changes in the model's assumptions. (1) If candidates in the model are allowed to be partially or totally interested in the election's policy outcomes, convergence to the median must still occur. (2) If candidates are uncertain about voters' responses, and therefore attempt to maximize the probability of winning, the candidate platforms should still converge in equilibrium under weak assumptions about symmetry of the candidates' situations. (3) If both of these nonstandard assumptions are made together, the convergence result no longer holds; but small departures from the classic assumptions lead to only small departures from convergence. In combination with other recent multidimensional voting models that examine behavior in the absence of a median, this study indicates the usefulness of the traditional model for conceptualizing electoral politics.}
}

@Article{CalvertEtAl1989,
  Title                    = {A Theory of Political Control and Agency Discretion},
  Author                   = {Calvert, Randall L. and McCubbins, Mathew D. and Weingast, Barry R.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {588{--}611},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {A major issue in the study of American politics is the extent to which electoral discipline also constrains bureaucrats. In practice, executive agencies operate with considerable independence from elected officials. However, the entire process of policy execution is a game among legislators, the chief executive, and bureaucratic agents. It includes the initial delegation of authority, the choice of policy alternatives, and opportunities for oversight and control. A simple model of this process demonstrates an important distinction between bureaucratic authority and bureaucratic discretion. Indeed, in its simplest form, the model predicts a world in which bureaucrats are the sole active participants in policymaking, but in which the choice of policy is traceable entirely to the preferences of elected officials. More realistically, the model leads to a precise definition of agency discretion. These conclusions have practical applications for both students and reformers of policymaking.}
}

@Incollection{CameronMorton2002,
  Title                    = {Formal Theory Meets Data},
  Author                   = {Cameron, Charles M. and Morton, Rebecca},
  Booktitle                = {Political Science: The State of the Discipline},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Ira Katznelson and Helen V. Milner},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Pages                    = {784--804},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton \& Company}
}

@Incollection{Cameron1984,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy, Corporatism, Labour Quiesence and the Representation of Economic Interest in Advanced Capitalist Society},
  Author                   = {Cameron, David R.},
  Booktitle                = {Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Editor                   = {John H. Goldthorpe},
  Chapter                  = {7},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {143{--} 178},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Cameron1978,
  author       = {Cameron, David R.},
  title        = {The Expansion of the Public Economy: A Comparative Analysis},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {1978},
  volume       = {72},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1243--1261},
  doi          = {10.2307/1954537},
  abstract     = {In spite of the traditional legitimacy accorded the market mechanism of the private sector in advanced capitalist nations, governments in those nations have become more influential as providers of social services and income supplements, producers of goods, managers of the economy, and investors of capital. And in order to finance these various activities the revenues of public authorities have increased dramatically--to a point where they are now equivalent to one-third to one-half of a nation's economic product. This growth in governmental activity in advanced capitalist society is examined by considering the causes, and some of the consequences, of the expansion of the public economy--defined, following Schumpeter's discussion of the @'tax state,@' in terms of the extractive role of government. The primary concern of this article is to discover why some nations have experienced a far greater rate of increase in recent years and, as a result, have a much larger public economy than other nations. Five types of explanation are elaborated to account for the growth of the scope of governmental activity: (1) the level and rate of growth in the economic product; (2) the degree to which the fiscal structure of a nation relies on indirect, or ``invisible,'' taxes; (3) politics--in particular the partisan composition of government and the frequency of electoral competition; (4) the institutional structure of government; and (5) the degree of exposure of the economy to the international marketplace. The article evaluates the five explanations with data for 18 nations, and concludes by discussing some implications of the analysis.},
}

@Article{Cammaerts2012,
  author       = {Cammaerts, Bart},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Media \& Cultural Politics},
  title        = {The strategic use of metaphors by political and media elites: The 2007 Belgian constitutional crisis},
  doi          = {10.1386/macp.8.2-3.229_1},
  number       = {2--3},
  pages        = {229--249},
  url          = {http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/intellect/mcp/2012/00000008/F0020002/art00006},
  volume       = {8},
  keyword      = {Belgium, Othering, discourse, metaphors, nationalism, political communication},
}

@Article{Campbell2002,
  author       = {Campbell,Andrea Louise},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Self-Interest, Social Security, and the Distinctive Participation Patterns of Senior Citizens},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055402000333},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {565--574},
  volume       = {96},
  abstract     = {Decades of participation research show that political activity increases with income, but the participation of senior citizens specifically with regard to Social Security poses an exception to this pattern. Social Security-oriented participation decreases as income rises, in part because lower-income seniors are more dependent on the program. The negative income-participation gradient is especially pronounced for letter writing about the program, but even Social Security-related voting and contributing are less common among higher-income seniors. This is an instance in which self-interest is highly influential: Those who are more dependent are more active. It is also an example of lower-class mobilization with regard to an economic issue, something quite unusual in the United States.},
  month        = sep,
}

@Book{Campbell2003a,
  Title                    = {How Policies Make Citizens: Senior Political Acitivism and the {America}n Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Campbell, Andrea Louise},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Campbell2010,
  Title                    = {The Public's Role in Winner-Take-All Politics},
  Author                   = {Campbell, Andrea Louise},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365046},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {227--232},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Article{Campbell2012a,
  Title                    = {Policy Makes Mass Politics},
  Author                   = {Campbell, Andrea Louise},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-012610-135202},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {333--351},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This review examines policy feedback effects among the mass public, with a focus on social policies in the United States and Europe. It shows that existing policies feed back into the political system, shaping subsequent policy outcomes. Policies exert this effect by altering not only the capacities, interests, and beliefs of political elites and states but also those of the public. Public policies can shape political participation and attitudes. These effects can be positive or negative, enhancing or undercutting participation and conferring positive or negative messages about individuals' worth as citizens. These effects originate in elements of program design, such as the size, visibility, and traceability of benefits, the proximity of beneficiaries, and modes of program administration. Thus, public policy itself shapes the distance of citizens from government, with profound implications for democratic governance.}
}

@Book{Campbell1987,
  Title                    = {Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism},
  Author                   = {Campbell, John},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {0297789988},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Weidenfeld and Nicolson Ltd.}
}

@Article{Campbell2012,
  Title                    = {Forecasting the Presidential and Congressional Elections of 2012: The Trial-Heat and the Seats-in-Trouble Models},
  Author                   = {Campbell, James E.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science and Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {630},
  Volume                   = {45}
}

@Article{Campbell2003,
  Title                    = {Ideas, Politics, and Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Campbell, John L},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.28.110601.141111},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {21--38},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars have become acutely interested in how behavior driven by ideas rather than self-interest determines policy-making outcomes. This review examines the literature on this subject. It differentiates among the types of ideas that may affect policy making (i.e., cognitive paradigms, world views, norms, frames, and policy programs) and identifies some of the persistent difficulties associated with studying how ideas shape policy. In particular, studies often do a poor job pinpointing the causal mechanisms that link ideas to policy-making outcomes. More attention needs to be paid to articulating the causal processes through which ideas exert effects. Suggestions for future scholarship that might improve this situation are offered. These include identifying the actors who seek to influence policy making with their ideas, ascertaining the institutional conditions under which these actors have more or less influence, and understanding how political discourse affects the degree to which policy ideas are communicated and translated into practice.},
  Keywords                 = {frames, norms, cognitive paradigms, world culture}
}

@Article{CampbellPedersen2007,
  Title                    = {The Varieties of Capitalism and Hybrid Success: {Denmark} in the Global Economy},
  Author                   = {Campbell, John L and Pedersen, Ove K},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006286542},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {307--332},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {The varieties of capitalism literature maintains that advanced capitalist countries whose institutions best fit either the liberal or coordinated market economy types will perform better than countries whose institutions are mixed. This is because hybrids are less likely to yield functionally beneficial institutional complementarities. The authors challenge this assertion. Denmark has performed as well as many purer cases during the 1990s. And Denmark has recently developed a more hybrid form than is generally recognized by (a) increasing the exposure of actors to market forces and (b) decentralizing collective learning and decision making. The institutional complementarities associated with such hybridization have contributed to its success; however, these complementarities are based on institutional heterogeneity rather than homogeneity. This is demonstrated by analyses of three cases: Danish labor markets, vocational training, and industrial policy. The implication of the authors' argument is that the varieties of capitalism theory is logically flawed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006286542}
}

@Unpublished{CampbellChilds2013,
  Title                    = {To the Left, to the Right: Representing Conservative Women's Interests},
  Author                   = {Rosie Campbell and Sarah Childs},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Note                     = {Paper presented to the Nuffield College Seminar Series in Politics, 19 Feb 2013}
}

@Article{Canes-Wrone2004,
  Title                    = {The Public Presidency, Personal Approval Ratings, and Policy Making},
  Author                   = {Canes-Wrone, Brandice},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Presidential Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00208.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {477{--}492},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, I argue that personal popularity is less essential to how a president's public activities affect policy making than commonly presumed, and provide two types of evidence for this argument. First, I show that unpopular as well as popular presidents can increase their prospects for legislative success by appealing to the public. Second, I demonstrate that on prominent issues, unpopular presidents are no more likely than popular ones to take positions favored by mass opinion. After relating these findings to a perspective of the public presidency that differs from the conventional wisdom, I discuss enduring questions concerning the topic.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00208.x}
}

@Article{Canes-WronedeMarchi2002,
  Title                    = {Presidential Approval and Legislative Success},
  Author                   = {Canes-Wrone, Brandice and de Marchi, Scott},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2508.00136},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {491{--}509},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {While a large body of work exists on presidents' public approval, no study identifies the conditions under which approval generates policy influence. This gap is particularly significant since empirical research has produced inconsistent findings on whether popularity affects a president's legislative success. In the following, we argue that public salience and issue complexity determine the extent to which a president can capitalize on approval, and we proceed to test this hypothesis on U.S. House of Representatives roll-call votes between 1989 and 2000. The empirical analysis provides strong support for our hypothesis, which holds across a variety of econometric specifications and estimates of approval.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.00136}
}

@Article{Canes-WronePark2013,
  Title                    = {Elections, Uncertainty and Irreversible Investment},
  Author                   = {Canes-Wrone,Brandice and Park,Jee-Kwang},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S000712341200049X},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that the policy uncertainty generated by elections encourages private actors to delay investments that entail high costs of reversal, creating pre-election declines in the associated sectors. Moreover, this incentive depends on the competitiveness of the race and the policy differences between the major parties/candidates. These arguments are tested using new survey and housing market data from the United States. The survey analysis assesses whether respondents' perceptions of presidential candidates' policy differences increased the likelihood that they would delay certain purchases and actions. The housing market analysis examines whether elections are associated with a pre-election decline in economic activity, and whether any such decline depends on electoral competitiveness. The results support the predictions and cannot be explained by existing theories.},
  Numpages                 = {24}
}

@Article{Canes-WroneShotts2004,
  Title                    = {The Conditional Nature of Presidential Responsiveness to Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {Canes-Wrone, Brandice and Shotts, Kenneth W},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00096.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {690{--}706},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {How does public opinion affect presidential policymaking? We address this issue by testing a diverse set of hypotheses with data concerning a set of individual policies across time. In particular, the data revolve around presidential budgetary proposals on a set of major policy issues for which there are recurring surveys on citizens' preferences over spending. The analysis suggests that presidents are more responsive to mass opinion on issues that are familiar to citizens in their everyday lives. Also, for reelection-seeking presidents, responsiveness is shown to depend upon two key political factors. First, presidents are more responsive to public opinion when the next election is imminent. Second, the effect of presidential popularity is nonmonotonic; presidents with average approval ratings are most likely to adopt policy positions congruent with public opinion, whereas presidents with approval ratings that are significantly above or below average have the greatest propensity to take unpopular positions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00096.x}
}

@Techreport{CanzoneriEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Monetary and Fiscal Policy: Independence or Dependence?},
  Author                   = {Canzoneri, Matthew B. and Cumby, Robert E. and Diba, Behzad},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Institution              = {Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City},
  Location                 = {Jackson Hole, WY},
  Note                     = {A Symposium on ``Rethinking Stabilization Policy"},
  Url                      = {http://testing.kc.frb.org/publicat/sympos/2002/pdf/S02Canzoneri.pdf}
}

@Article{Cao2009,
  Title                    = {Networks of Intergovernmental Organizations and Convergence in Domestic Economic Policies},
  Author                   = {Cao, Xun},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2009.00570.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1095--1130},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {We studied three potential causal mechanisms through which network dynamics of intergovernmental organizations (IGO) might cause convergence in domestic economic policies. First, IGO networks facilitate policy learning by providing relevant information. Second, they encourage policy emulation by creating a sense of affinity among countries that are closely connected by IGO networks. Finally, some powerful IGOs ``coerce'' their member states to adopt certain policies. We used causal modeling to test the relationships between different types of IGOs (and the causal mechanisms to which they mostly correspond) and policy convergence. The findings demonstrate the important roles played by salient IGOs such as the WTO, the EU, and the OECD, with each of them having a strong converging effect on their member states' domestic economic policies. More interestingly, we find that the cumulative effects of multiple layers of even the weakest types of IGOs have strong causal effects on states' domestic policies. Indeed, the shared memberships in IGOs with economic functions and with the minimal level of institutional capacity are not only statistically associated with, but also have converging causal effects on, countries' domestic policies. This supports the information-driven policy learning mechanism. The emulation mechanism in which IGO networks create a sense of affinity and therefore facilitate policy diffusion and convergence, on the other hand, is not supported by empirical analysis.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Cao2010,
  Title                    = {Networks as Channels of Policy Diffusion: Explaining Worldwide Changes in Capital Taxation, 1998--2006},
  Author                   = {Cao, Xun},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00611.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {823--854},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies policy changes in capital taxation by focusing on policy interdependence induced by network dynamics at the international level. The empirical findings indicate that the competition mechanism induced by network position similarity in the network of portfolio investment and that of exports causes policy diffusion in corporate taxation; the socialization mechanism (policy learning and emulation) induced by network position proximity in the IGO networks also drives policy changes, and the evidence is much stronger in the IGO networks that facilitate policy learning than in those that facilitate emulation. The paper also discusses explicitly empirical challenges to incorporate network characteristics into connectivity matrices in spatial lag models often used to study policy diffusion. It suggests that students of policy diffusion should discuss as explicitly as possible the assumptions and procedures to construct connectivity matrices and present results from alternative specifications: our conclusion on the strength of policy diffusion is often sensitive to the choice of connectivity matrices.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Caplan2001,
  Title                    = {Rational Irrationality and the Microfoundations of Political Failure},
  Author                   = {Caplan, Bryan},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1010311704540},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {311--331},
  Volume                   = {107},

  Abstract                 = {Models of inefficient political failure have been criticized for implicitly assuming the irrationality of voters (Wittman, 1989,1995, 1999; Coate and Morris, 1995). Building on Caplan's (1999a,1999b) model of ``rational irrationality'', the current paper maintains that the assumption of voter irrationality is both theoretically and empirically plausible. It then examines microfoundational criticisms of four classes of political failure models: rent-seeking, pork-barrel politics, bureaucracy, and economic reform. In each of the four cases, incorporating simple forms of privately costless irrationality makes it possible to clearly derive the models' standard conclusions. Moreover, it follows that efforts to mitigate political failures will be socially suboptimal, as most of the literature implicitly assumes. It is a mistake to discount the empirical evidence for these models on theoretical grounds.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1010311704540}
}

@Book{Caplan2011,
  Title                    = {The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies},
  Author                   = {Caplan, Bryan},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{CaplinNalebuff1991,
  Title                    = {Aggregation and Social Choice: A Mean Voter Theorem},
  Author                   = {Andrew Caplin and Barry Nalebuff},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2938238},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--23},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.som.yale.edu/barrynalebuff/AggregationSocialChoice_Econometrica1991.pdf},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {A celebrated result of Black (1948a) demonstrates the existence of a simple-majority winner when preferences are single-peaked. The social choice follows the preferences of the median voter: the median voter's most-preferred outcome beats any alternative. However, this conclusion does not extend to elections in which candidates differ in more than one dimension. This paper provides a multi-dimensional analog of the median voter result. We provide conditions under which the mean voter's most preferred outcome is unbeatable according to a 64\%-majority rule. The conditions supporting this result represent a significant generalization of Caplin and Nalebuff (1988). The proof of our mean voter result uses a mathematical aggregation theorem due to Pr{\'e}kopa (1971, 1973) and Borell (1975). This theorem has broad applications in economics. An application to the distribution of income is described at the end of this paper; results on imperfect competition are presented in the companion paper, Caplin and Nalebuff (1991).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://faculty.som.yale.edu/barrynalebuff/AggregationSocialChoice_Econometrica1991.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938238}
}

@Article{Capoccia2002,
  Title                    = {The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws: The German System at Fifty},
  Author                   = {Capoccia, Giovanni},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713601619},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {171--202},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The electoral system has often been considered an important determinant of the political stability that the Federal Republic of Germany has enjoyed in the half-century of its existence, so that it has been often indicated as a 'model' for electoral reforms in other democracies. The analysis of the political impact of the German electoral system after 1949 shows that such impact was different in the different phases of evolution of the party system. In the 1950s, the German party system was characterised by a higher level of fractionalisation, which the electoral system contributed progressively to reduce. That phase was followed by 30 years of concentration and defractionalisation of the vote. In the last decade, the post-reunification party system presents again higher electoral fractionalisation, which the electoral system has partially reduced in the vote-seats translation. In the current political contingency it is doubtful, however, that the electoral system by itself can contain fragmentation on a durable basis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713601619}
}

@Article{Capoccia2002a,
  Title                    = {Anti-System Parties: A Conceptual Reassessment},
  Author                   = {Capoccia, Giovanni},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095169280201400103},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {9--35},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Many years after its emergence in the vocabulary of comparative politics, the label of anti-system' is still one of the most used to describe a party or group that exerts a radical form of opposition. However, the term has been used in an increasingly idiosyncratic manner, which makes it inappropriate for comparative research. The origins of the concept reside in the writings of Sartori on party systems in the 1960s and 1970s, where it mainly referred to the totalitarian parties of the inter-war and post-war decades. Since its inception, however, the concept of an anti-system party has not only been used in party system analysis, but also in the context of empirical studies of various aspects of the life of democratic regimes, to indicate challenges to its stability, legitimacy or, more recently, consolidation. This article reconstructs the concept of anti-systemness' by disentangling its different empirical referents in party system theory and in the empirical analysis of democracy, and proposes a more refined typology of anti-system parties'.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095169280201400103}
}

@Article{CapocciaKelemen2007,
  Title                    = {The Study of Critical Junctures: Theory, Narrative, and Counterfactuals in Historical Institutionalism},
  Author                   = {Capoccia, Giovanni and Kelemen, R. Daniel},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.2007.0025},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {341--369},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {The causal logic behind many arguments in historical institutionalism emphasizes the enduring impact of choices made during critical junctures in history. These choices close off alternative options and lead to the establishment of institutions that generate self-reinforcing path-dependent processes. Despite the theoretical and practical importance of critical junctures, however, analyses of path dependence often devote little attention to them. The article reconstructs the concept of critical junctures, delimits its range of application, and provides methodological guidance for its use in historical institutional analyses. Contingency is the key characteristic of critical junctures, and counterfactual reasoning and narrative methods are necessary to analyze contingent factors and their impact. Finally, the authors address specific issues relevant to both cross-sectional and longitudinal comparisons of critical junctures.}
}

@Article{Caporaso1996,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Union and Forms of State: Westphalian, Regulatory or Post-Modern?},
  Author                   = {Caporaso, James A.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1996.tb00559.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {29--52},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {Abstract This article sets out to chart the evolving institutional structure of the EU, in the context of theories about forms of state. `Forms of state' are taken to be conceptually possible expressions of political authority organized at the national and transnational levels, here dealt with as emphases and qualities to be accented rather than phenomena to be sorted into categories. The EU is examined in the light of three stylized state forms - the Westphalian state, the regulatory state and the post-modem state. Each of these captures important elements of the evolution of the EU, and provides support for analysis of its development as a form of `international state'. Such an analysis implies attention not only to forms of state, but also to related concepts such as government and governance which give leverage on the exploration of `international state forms'. Conclusions are drawn about the power of the three `metaphors' used, and the relationship to possible empirical studies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1996.tb00559.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{CappelenEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {The Impact of EU Regional Support on Growth and Convergence in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Cappelen, Aadne and Castellacci, Fulvio and Fagerberg, Jan and Verspagen, Bart},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00438},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {621--644},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {The evidence presented in this article suggests that EU regional support has a significant and positive impact on the growth performance of European regions. Moreover, there are signs of a change in the impact of this support in the 1990s, indicating that the major reform of the structural funds undertaken in 1988 may have succeeded in making EU regional policy more effective. However, the results also indicate that the economic effects of such support are much stronger in more developed environments, emphasizing the importance of accompanying policies that improve the competence of the receiving environments.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00438},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.02.23}
}

@Article{CapraEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Anomalous Behavior in a Traveler's Dilemma?},
  Author                   = {Capra, C. Monica and Goeree, Jacob K and Gomez, Rosario and Holt, Charles A},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/117040},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {678--690},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/117040}
}

@Unpublished{CardEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {School Competition and Efficiency with Publicly Funded Catholic Schools},
  Author                   = {Card, David and Dooley, Martin and Payne, Abigail},
  Date                     = {2008}
}

@Article{CardKrueger1996,
  author       = {Card, David and Krueger, Alan B.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {School Resources and Student Outcomes: An Overview of the Literature and New Evidence from North and South Carolina},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {31--50},
  volume       = {10},
  annotation   = {Survey a broader literature than Hanushek (1986), and find more empirical support for the idea that school resources make a difference. They accept that the results are hardly overwhelming, though. The North/South Carolina results are not too convincing, but their referenced 1992b study sounds more promising.},
}

@Incollection{CarderKlingeberg1980,
  Title                    = {Towards a Salaried Medical Profession: How `Swedish' was the Seven Crowns Reform?},
  Author                   = {Carder, Mack and Klingeberg, Bendix},
  Booktitle                = {The Shaping of the Swedish Health System},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Editor                   = {Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Nils Elvander},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {143--172},
  Publisher                = {Croom Held}
}

@Article{CareyShugart1995,
  Title                    = {Incentives to cultivate a personal vote: A rank ordering of electoral formulas},
  Author                   = {Carey, John M and Shugart, Matthew Soberg},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {417--439},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Seat allocation formulas affect candidates' incentives to campaign on a personal rather than party reputation. Variables that enhance personal vote-seeking include: (1) lack of party leadership control over access to and rank on ballots, (2) degree to which candidates are elected on individual votes independent of co-partisans, and (3) whether voters cast a single intra-party vote instead of multiple votes or a party-level vote. District magnitude has the unusual feature that, as it increases, the value of a personal reputation rises if the electoral formula itself fosters personal vote-seeking, but falls if the electoral formula fosters party reputation-seeking.}
}

@Article{Carlsen1997,
  Title                    = {Opinion polls and political business cycles: Theory and evidence for the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Carlsen, Fredrik},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {369--385},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {The paper shows that the ldquoFrey{\textendash}Schneider{\textendash}Schultz hypothesisrdquo {\textendash} that there is a negative relation between the government's popularity and the government's incentives to engineer political business cycles {\textendash} is consistent with rational, forward-looking voting provided one makes appropriate assumptions about the incumbent's preferences. The empirical part of the paper presents evidence favourable to the hypothesis using quarterly data on US money growth.}
}

@Article{CarmassiEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The Global Financial Crisis: Causes and Cures},
  Author                   = {Carmassi, Jacopo and Gros, Daniel and Micossi, Stefano},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02031.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {977--996},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {The massive financial instability of 2007--08 was, in the main, the result of lax monetary policy. Regulation compounded this error by allowing and encouraging excessive leverage and maturity transformation by banks. Innovation did contribute to reckless credit expansion and investments, but without lax money and excessive leverage, reckless bets on asset price increases would not have been possible. Therefore, a repeat of this instability could be avoided by correcting these two policy faults. There is no need for intrusive rules constraining non-bank intermediaries and financial innovation. The main message is: keep it simple.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02031.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.19}
}

@Article{Carmignani2003,
  Title                    = {Political Instability, Uncertainty and Economics},
  Author                   = {Carmignani, Fabrizio},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-6419.00187},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--54},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This paper focuses on the relationship between political instability, policy-making and macroeconomic outcomes. The theoretical section explores various models that explain the effect of instability (and political uncertainty) on growth, budget formation, inflation and monetary policy. The empirical section discusses the evidence on the predictions generated by theoretical models. Preliminary to this discussion, however, is the analysis of a few general issues concerning the specification and estimation of econometric models with political variables. Some new results are then produced on the empirical relevance of theories of strategic use of fiscal deficit.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6419.00187}
}

@Article{CarneiroHeckman2002,
  Title                    = {The Evidence on Credit Constraints in Post-Secondary Schooling},
  Author                   = {Carneiro, Pedro and Heckman, James J.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {482},
  Pages                    = {705--734},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the family income-college enrolment relationship and the evidence on credit constraints in post-secondary schooling. We distinguish short run liquidity constraints from the long term factors that promote cognitive and noncognitive ability. Long run factors crystallised in ability are the major determinants of the family income - schooling relationship, although there is some evidence that up to 8\% of the total US population is credit constrained in a short run sense. Evidence that IV estimates of the returns to schooling exceed OLS estimates is sometimes claimed to support the existence of substantial credit constraints. This argument is critically examined.}
}

@Misc{CarneiroHeckman2003,
  author     = {Carneiro, Pedro and Heckman, James J.},
  date       = {2003},
  title      = {Human Capital Policy},
  abstract   = {This paper considers alternative policies for promoting skill formation that are targeted to different stages of the life cycle. We demonstrate the importance of both cognitive and noncognitive skills that are formed early in the life cycle in accounting for racial, ethnic and family background gaps in schooling and other dimensions of socioeconomic success. Most of the gaps in college attendance and delay are determined by early family factors. Children from better families and with high ability earn higher returns to schooling. We find only a limited role for tuition policy or family income supplements in eliminating schooling and college attendance gaps. At most 8\% of American youth are credit constrained in the traditional usage of that term. The evidence points to a high return to early interventions and a low return to remedial or compensatory interventions later in the life cycle. Skill and ability beget future skill and ability. At current levels of funding, traditional policies like tuition subsidies, improvements in school quality, job training and tax rebates are unlikely to be effective in closing gaps.},
  annotation = {This is a draft version of chapter 2 from Krueger and Heckman's 'Inequality in America'.},
}

@Article{Carnes2012,
  Title                    = {Does the Numerical Underrepresentation of the Working Class in Congress Matter?},
  Author                   = {Carnes, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1939-9162.2011.00033.x},
  ISSN                     = {1939-9162},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--34},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {Working-class citizens have been numerically underrepresented in policymaking institutions throughout most of America's history. Little is known, however, about the political consequences of this enduring feature of our democratic system. This essay examines the relationship between legislators' class backgrounds and their votes on economic policy in the House of Representatives during the twentieth century. Like ordinary Americans, representatives from working-class occupations exhibit more liberal economic preferences than other legislators, especially those from profit-oriented professions. These findings provide the first evidence of a link between the descriptive and substantive representation of social classes in the United States.}
}

@Book{Carnes2013,
  Title                    = {White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making},
  Author                   = {Carnes, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2013},
  ISBN                     = {978-0226087146},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press},
  Series                   = {Chicago Studies in American Politics}
}

@Unpublished{Carney2007,
  author   = {Carney, Richard W.},
  title    = {Deducing Varieties of Capitalism},
  date     = {2007},
  note     = {MPRA Paper No. 5145.},
  abstract = {One of the key criticisms made of the Varieties of Capitalism perspective advanced by Hall and Soskice (2001) is that it is functionalist. Here, I offer a deductive model of capitalism that is consistent with their framework. Specifically, I deduce the structure of nations' capitalist institutions based on distributive welfare gains to those actors representing an economy's main factors of production - land, labor, and capital. Based on the coalitions and political battles that may be fought among these actors, I derive seven capitalist ideal-types that fall along the LME-CME spectrum.},
}

@InCollection{Carnoy1993,
  author     = {Carnoy, Martin},
  booktitle  = {Decentralization and School Improvement: Can We Fulfill the Promise?},
  date       = {1993},
  title      = {School Improvement: Is Privatization the Answer?},
  chapter    = {7},
  editor     = {Martin Carnoy and Jane Hannaway},
  location   = {San Francisco},
  pages      = {163{--}201},
  publisher  = {Jossey-Bass},
  annotation = {Critique of vouchers and privatization. Uses formal economic analysis of school monopolies and "supply of parents' time" to make his case.},
}

@Book{Carnoy1984,
  Title                    = {The State and Political Theory},
  Author                   = {Carnoy, Martin},
  Date                     = {1984},
  ISBN                     = {9780691612706},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Carnoy1998,
  Title                    = {National Voucher Plans in {Chile} and {Sweden}: Did Privatization Reforms Make for Better Education?},
  Author                   = {Carnoy, Martin},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {309--337},
  Volume                   = {42}
}

@Article{CarnoyLoeb2002,
  Title                    = {Does External Accountability Affect Student Outcomes? A Cross-State Analysis},
  Author                   = {Carnoy, Martin and Loeb, Susanna},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {305--331},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {We developed a zero-to-five index of the strength of accountability in 50 states based on the use of high-stakes testing to sanction and reward schools, and analyzed whether that index is related to student gains in the NAEP mathematics test in 1996-2000. The study also relates the index to changes in student retention in the 9th grade and to changes in high school completion rates over the same period. The results show that students in high-accountability states averaged significantly greater gains on the NAEP 8th-grade math test than students in states with little or no state measures to improve student performance. Furthermore, students in high-accountability states to not have significantly higher retention or lower high school completion rates.}
}

@Book{CarrierKendall1998,
  Title                    = {Health and the National Health Service},
  Author                   = {Carrier, John and Kendall, Ian},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {048580007},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {The Athlone Press}
}

@Article{CarrollEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Unemployment Risk and Precautionary Wealth: Evidence from Households' Balance Sheets},
  Author                   = {Carroll, Christopher D. and Dynan, Karen E. and Krane, Spencer D.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465303322369740},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Month                    = aug,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {586--604},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines precautionary behavior by relating job-loss risk to household net worth. We use existing best practice and some new strategies to deal with some problematic issues inherent in this literature regarding proxying uncertainty, instrumentation, and incorporating theoretical restrictions. We do not find precautionary variation in the wealth holdings of households with low permanent income, but do find precautionary effects for moderate and higher-income households. When the dependent variable is total net worth, these findings are robust to several alternative specifications. But we do not find precautionary responses in subaggregates of wealth that exclude home equity.},
  Booktitle                = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{Carrubba1997,
  Title                    = {Net Financial Transfers in the {Europe}an Union: Who Gets What and Why?},
  Author                   = {Carrubba, Clifford J.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2998173},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {469--496},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {Why do the wealthier European Union (EU) member states agree to make financial transfers to poorer members states? The traditional claim is that these transfers are a function of economic need (e.g., regional poverty or weak agricultural sectors). Here I argue that they are actually a device to smooth the market integration process. That is, the more prointegrationist governments provide transfers as a side-payment in exchange for agreement to deeper levels of integration from the less integrationist governments. To test this claim, I generate three propositions that relate the level of transfers to measures of how a chosen level of integration will affect a government's chances of reelection. These propositions are tested empirically, controlling for the economic need argument. The statistical results strongly support the claim that domestic political conditions influence transfer levels. Thus, this result implies that the transfers do serve as side-payments to further the integration process.}
}

@Article{CarrubbaEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Judicial Behavior under Political Constraints: Evidence from the {Europe}an Court of Justice},
  Author                   = {Carrubba, Clifford J. and Gabel, Matthew and Hankla, Charles},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055408080350},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {435--452},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {The actual impact of judicial decisions often depends on the behavior of executive and legislative bodies that implement the rulings. Consequently, when a court hears a case involving the interests of those controlling the executive and legislative institutions, those interests can threaten to obstruct the court's intended outcome. In this paper, we evaluate whether and to what extent such constraints shape judicial rulings. Specifically, we examine how threats of noncompliance and legislative override influence decisions by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). Based on a statistical analysis of a novel dataset of ECJ rulings, we find that the preferences of member-state governments --- whose interests are central to threats of noncompliance and override --- have a systematic and substantively important impact on ECJ decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055408080350},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{CarrubbaEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Understanding the Role of the {Europe}an Court of Justice in {Europe}an Integration},
  Author                   = {Carrubba, Clifford J. and Gabel, Matthew and Hankla, Charles},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000020},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {214--223},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {In 2008 we published an article finding evidence for political constraints on European Court of Justice (ECJ) decision making. Stone Sweet and Brunell (this issue) argue that our theoretical foundations are fundamentally flawed and that our empirical evidence supports neofunctionalism over intergovernmentalism ``in a landslide.'' We respectfully disagree with Stone Sweet and Brunell regarding both their conclusions about our theoretical arguments and what the empirical evidence demonstrates. We use this response to clarify our argument and to draw a clearer contrast between our and their perspective on the role the ECJ plays in European integration. Finally, we reevaluate their neofunctionalist hypotheses. Ultimately, we do not find support in the data for Stone Sweet and Brunell's empirical claims.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055412000020},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{CarrubbaVolden2001,
  Title                    = {Explaining Institutional Change in the {Europe}an Union: What Determines the Voting Rule in the Council of Ministers?},
  Author                   = {Carrubba, Clifford J and Volden, Craig},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116501002001001},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--30},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {Numerous studies have explored how the European Union's institutions shape political behavior and legislative outcomes in the EU. Far fewer examine in detail how individual institutional changes have come about. This paper presents a formal model that allows us to analyze under what conditions institutional change should be expected, with a focus on the Council of Ministers' voting rule in particular. Changes in the number of member states in the EU, changes in the legislative procedures and changes in the policy areas under consideration are found to affect the ability to pass legislation, and thereby provide the impetus for adjustments in equilibrium coalition sizes and chamber voting rules.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116501002001001}
}

@Article{Carson2003,
  Title                    = {Strategic Interaction and Candidate Competition in U.S. House Elections: Empirical Applications of Probit and Strategic Probit Models},
  Author                   = {Carson, Jamie L},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpg022},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {368{--}380},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {In recent work, Signorino (American Political Science Review 93:279-297, 1999; International Interactions 28:93-115, 2002) has sought to test statistical models derived from extensive-form games in the context of international relations research focusing on conflict and interstate bargaining. When two or more actors interact with one another under conditions of uncertainty, Signorino demonstrates that it is necessary to incorporate such strategic interaction into the underlying model to avoid potential threats to statistical inference. Outside the realm of international relations research, however, there have been limited applications of Signorino's strategic probit model in understanding strategic interaction. In this article, I present an empirical comparison of probit and strategic probit models in the context of candidate competition in House elections during the 1990s. I show that incumbent spending deters challenger entry and factors such as minority party affiliation and redistricting significantly affect incumbent career decisions, findings that run counter to those reported in the nonstrategic model. Overall, the results illustrate that failing to account for strategic interaction can lead to biased and inaccurate estimates related to challenger and incumbent entry decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg022}
}

@Article{Carson2005,
  Title                    = {Strategy, Selection, and Candidate Competition in U.S. House and Senate Elections},
  Author                   = {Carson, Jamie L},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00305.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}28},
  Volume                   = {67},

  Abstract                 = {In the context of congressional elections research on candidate competition, two lines of inquiry have received a considerable amount of scholarly attention. The first deals with the issue of strategic candidate emergence in seeking to identify the conditions under which experienced candidates will challenge incumbents. The second focuses on the question of incumbents' career choices, particularly in terms of their decisions to seek reelection or retire. While past research has treated these questions as mutually exclusive, I argue in this article that such explanations are incomplete due to the complementary nature of the approaches. To unify these related research agendas, I develop a theoretical model of strategic interaction between congressional challengers and incumbents and test the model with House and Senate elections data from 1976 to 2000 using a strategic probit technique. The results both confirm and challenge a number of findings in the literature on candidate competition.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00305.x}
}

@Article{Carstensen2006,
  Title                    = {Estimating the ECB Policy Reaction Function},
  Author                   = {Carstensen, Kai},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {German Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0475.2006.00145.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0475},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--34},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {This paper estimates the policy reaction function of the European Central Bank in the first four years of EMU using an ordered probit model which accounts for the fact that central bank rates are set at multiples of 25 basis points. Starting from a baseline model which mimics the Taylor rule, the impacts of different economic variables on interest rate decisions are analysed. It is concluded that the monetary growth measure which was announced by the ECB as the first pillar of their monetary strategy does not play an outstanding role for the actual interest rate decisions. More sophisticated measures like the money overhang which uses information from both pillars are better suited. Overall, it is concluded that the revision of the monetary policy strategy in May 2003 which implied a downgrading of the first pillar will not induce any observable changes in monetary policy decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2006.00145.x},
  Keywords                 = {C24, E52, E58, Taylor rule, monetary policy, EMU},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Carter2004,
  Title                    = {State Restructuring and Union Renewal: The Case of the National Union of Teachers},
  Author                   = {Carter, Bob},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Work, Employment \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0950017004040766},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {137--156},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {All sections of state employment have undergone radical restructuring since the 1980s, giving rise to a debate about the actual and necessary responses of public sector unions. Much of this debate has concerned the possibility of union renewal prompted by the tendency of New Public Management to decentralize employment relations. This article combines an examination of secondary works with a case study to evaluate the extent to which the largest of the teachers{\textquoteright} unions, the National Union of Teachers, has been subject to this process. It concludes that while many of the conditions for renewal appear to be in place, there is no crisis of unionism and evidence points to a traditional pattern of relations between local associations of the union and LEAs being resilient.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017004040766}
}

@Article{Carter2002,
  Title                    = {Proportional Representation and the Fortunes of Right-Wing Extremist Parties},
  Author                   = {Carter, E. L},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713601617},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {125--146},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713601617}
}

@Article{CarterIrons1991,
  author       = {Carter, John R. and Irons, Michael D.},
  date         = {1991},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Are Economists Different, and If So, Why?},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.5.2.171},
  issn         = {0895-3309},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {171--177},
  volume       = {5},
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{CasellaGeorge1992,
  Title                    = {Explaining the Gibbs Sampler},
  Author                   = {Casella, George and George, Edward I},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {The American Statistician},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2685208},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {167--174},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Computer-intensive algorithms, such as the Gibbs sampler, have become increasingly popular statistical tools, both in applied and theoretical work. The properties of such algorithms, however, may sometimes not be obvious. Here we give a simple explanation of how and why the Gibbs sampler works. We analytically establish its properties in a simple case and provide insight for more complicated cases. There are also a number of examples.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2685208}
}

@Article{Castelnuovo2003,
  Title                    = {{Taylor} rules, omitted variables, and interest rate smoothing in the US},
  Author                   = {Castelnuovo, Efrem},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics Letters},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0165-1765(03)00152-6},
  ISSN                     = {0165-1765},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {55--59},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {We test for the presence of interest rate smoothing in forward looking Taylor rules in first differences. We also consider financial and asymmetric preferences indicators. We find that interest rate smoothing is not induced by an omitted variable bias.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0165-1765(03)00152-6},
  Keywords                 = {Taylor rules, Interest rate smoothing, Serial correlation, Observational equivalence, Omitted variables}
}

@Article{Castelnuovo2007,
  Title                    = {{Taylor} Rules and Interest Rate Smoothing in the Euro Area},
  Author                   = {Castelnuovo, Efrem},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {The Manchester School},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9957.2007.01000.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9957},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--16},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {Conventional wisdom suggests that central banks implement monetary policy in a gradual fashion. Some researchers claim that this gradualism is due to `optimal cautiousness'; in contrast, Rudebusch (Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. 49 (2002), pp. 1161--1187) states that the observed policy rate sluggishness is mainly due to serially correlated exogenous shocks. In this paper we use models in first differences to assess the `endogenous' versus `exogenous' gradualism hypothesis for the Euro area. Our results suggest that the joint formalization of the two hypotheses is likely to offer the best simple approximation of the Euro area monetary policy conduct.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9957.2007.01000.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Castles1978,
  Title                    = {The Social Democratic Image of Society: A study of the achievements and origins of Scandinavian Social Democracy in comparative perspective},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G.},
  Date                     = {1978},
  ISBN                     = {0710088701},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge \& Kegan Paul}
}

@Article{Castles1989,
  Title                    = {Explaining public education expenditure in OECD nations},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00202.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {431--448},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This article seeks to explain cross-sectional variation in public education expenditure levels and change since 1960. Five possible explanations are located: the incremental push of programme inertia, demographic and related pressures, economic resource growth, the impact of party and the cultural impact of Roman Catholicism. A multivariate analysis demonstrates that educational expenditure is an arena in which monocausal explanations are wholly inappropriate. With the exception of programme inertia, each of the explanations is seen to have an important bearing on this aspect of the people's welfare.}
}

@Article{Castles1998,
  Title                    = {The really big trade-off: home ownership and the welfare state in the new world and the old},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Politica},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--19},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Castles2001,
  Title                    = {On the political economy of recent public sector development},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {195--211},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {This paper starts from a major contradiction in the literature on recent public sector development. On the one hand, globalization theory is read as implying major tendencies towards the retrenchment of the public sector and a 'race to the bottom' in social spending. On the other hand, comparative studies are largely unanimous in arguing that such tendencies have not occurred. To gain greater purchase on the realities of recent public sector trends, we disaggregate data for public expenditure change in 19 OECD countries over the period 1984 to 1997. We then develop a series of models of the factors determining expenditure trends over this period. The findings presented here provide no evidence that exposure to international trade leads governments to down-size their public sectors and suggest that the main influences on contemporary expenditure patterns have been unemployment, economic growth and catch-up from prior expenditure level.}
}

@Article{Castles2002,
  Title                    = {Developing new measures of welfare state change and reform},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00024},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {613--641},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Since the publication of G{\o}sta Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Esping-Andersen 1990), which built its typologies on a rich database of detailed programme characteristics, it has been generally accepted that measures of social expenditure are an inferior, and even a misleading, source of information concerning the character of welfare state development. The problem is, however, that the kinds of detailed programme data Esping-Andersen used are not routinely available, while the quality of social expenditure data has been improving rapidly, culminating in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) now regularly updated and highly disaggregated Social Expenditure Database (SOCX). This article explores the possibility of using SOCX to devise measures of the extent, structure and trajectory of welfare state change and reform in 21 OECD countries over the period 1984 to 1997. On the basis of these measures, it suggests that there has been almost no sign of systematic welfare retrenchment in recent years and only limited evidence of major structural transformation or programmatic reorientation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00024}
}

@Article{CastlesMair1984,
  Title                    = {Left-Right Political Scales: Some `Expert' Judgements},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G. and Mair, Peter},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1984.tb00080.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {73--88},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1984.tb00080.x}
}

@Article{CastlesMair1997,
  Title                    = {Left-right political scales},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G. and Mair, Peter},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1006874631504},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {147{--}157},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {Although left-right scales are an inherent feature of much cross-national research, they have necessarily been created on a somewhat ad hoc basis, since the empirical foundation for valid cross-national scales rarely exists. This paper seeks to provide such a foundation by using judgements of party ideological position which are both explicit and non-idiosyncratic across a wide range of countries. These judgements derive from a so-called `expert' survey of leading political scientists in Western Europe, the USA, and elsewhere. It is our hope that the scales which we derive in this way may prove useful in a wide variety of contexts of comparative research.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1006874631504}
}

@Incollection{CastlesMitchell1993,
  Title                    = {Worlds of Welfare and Families of Nations},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G. and Mitchell, Deborah},
  Booktitle                = {Families of Nations: Patterns of Public Policy in Western Democracies},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Francis G. Castles},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Publisher                = {Dartmouth}
}

@Article{CastlesMitchell1992,
  Title                    = {Identifying Welfare State Regimes: The Links Between Politics, Instruments and Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Castles, Francis G. and Mitchell, Deborah},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.1992.tb00026.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0491},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--26},
  Url                      = {http://www.lisproject.org/publications/liswps/63.pdf},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {With new sources of cross-national data appearing on income distribution and the characteristics of redistributional policy instruments, it is now possible to take the comparative analysis of welfare states well beyond the conventional focus on government expenditures. This study of 18 OECD nations examines the linkages between various aspects of the income redistribution process, elaborates a typology of welfare state regimes and locates the political origins of each of these regimes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.lisproject.org/publications/liswps/63.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1992.tb00026.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{CaugheySekhon2011,
  Title                    = {Elections and the Regression-Discontinuity Design: Lessons from Close U.S. House Races, 1942-2008},
  Author                   = {Caughey, Devin M. and Sekhon, Jasjeet S.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpr032},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {385--408},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Timestamp                = {2011.09.19}
}

@Unpublished{CavailleTrumpND,
  author      = {Charlotte Cavaill{\'e} and Kris-Stella Trump},
  date        = {2013},
  title       = {Redistributive Attitudes in Hard Times},
  note        = {Unpublished manuscript},
  institution = {Harvard University},
  timestamp   = {2013.02.20},
}

@Article{CavaliereScabrosetti2008,
  Title                    = {Privatization and Efficiency: From Principals and Agents to Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Cavaliere, Alberto and Scabrosetti, Simona},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6419.2007.00546.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {685--710},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {We survey the theoretical literature on privatization and efficiency by tracing its evolution from the applications of agency theory to recent contributions in the field of political economy. The former extend the theory of regulation with incomplete information to address privatization issues, comparing state-owned enterprises with private regulated firms. The benefits of privatization may derive either from the constraints it places on malevolent agents or from the impossibility of commitment by a benevolent government because of incomplete contracts. Contributions dealing with political economy issues separate privatization from restructuring decisions. They either explore bargaining between managers and politicians or analyse the impact of privatization shaped by political preferences on efficiency. The theoretical results regarding the relation between privatization and efficiency do not lead to any definitive conclusion. Privatization may increase productive efficiency when restructuring takes place whereas its effects on allocative efficiency still remain uncertain.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6419.2007.00546.x}
}

@Article{CavanaghAnderson2002,
  author       = {Cavanagh, John and Anderson, Sarah},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Policy},
  title        = {Happily Ever NAFTA?},
  issn         = {0015-7228},
  pages        = {58--60},
  volume       = {132},
  abstract     = {Focuses on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and how it has boosted investment and trade, particularly between the United States and Mexico. Topics of productivity growth, decline in real manufacturing wages, and the negative impact of cheap U.S. corn imports on Mexican small farmers; Discussion of why NAFTA failed to reduce poverty or produce greater environmental spending; View that strong controls are needed to ensure that trade and investment support social goals.},
  keywords     = {FREE trade, INTERNATIONAL economic relations, UNITED States -- Foreign economic relations, SOCIAL goals, UNITED States, MEXICO, NORTH America},
  month        = sep,
  publisher    = {Foreign Policy},
}

@Article{Caviedes2004,
  Title                    = {The open method of co-ordination in immigration policy: a tool for prying open Fortress {Europe}?},
  Author                   = {Caviedes, Alexander},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176042000194449},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {289--310},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {The European Union's immigration policy develops cautiously. Nation-states view immigration control policy as critical to maintaining sovereignty and are slow to relinquish their policy monopoly. This paper analyses the Commission's 2001 communication on an open method of co-ordination in immigration policy, which proposes the creation of a European immigration regime of co-ordination, lacking the imposition of binding external conditions or quotas. Upon tracing the development of EU immigration policy and discussing the OMC and its soft law character, the `Communication' is reviewed. A survey of its main tenets shows that while security thinking remains prominent, there is equal emphasis upon liberalization and co-ordination. `Fortress Europe' is far from inevitable. However, though the OMC appears to be an appropriate mechanism for effecting co-ordination leading to a common regime, the member states have not embraced the format to avoid the further introduction of new ideas and actors into the process.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176042000194449},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Unpublished{CecchettiSchoenholtz2008,
  Title                    = {How Central Bankers See It: The First Decade of ECB Policy and Beyond},
  Author                   = {Stephen G. Cecchetti and Kermit L. Schoenholtz},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Month                    = nov,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 14489},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w14489},

  Abstract                 = {In this history of the first decade of ECB policy, we also discuss key challenges for the next decade. Beyond the ECB's track record and an array of published critiques, our analysis relies on unique source material: extensive interviews with current and former ECB leaders and with other policymakers and scholars who viewed the evolution of the ECB from privileged vantage points. We share the assessment of our interviewees that the ECB has enjoyed many more successes than disappointments. These successes reflect both the ECB's design and implementation. Looking forward, we highlight the unique challenges posed by enlargement and, especially, by the euro area's complex arrangements for guarding financial stability. In the latter case, the key issues are coordination in a crisis and harmonization of procedures. As several interviewees suggested, in the absence of a new organizational structure for securing financial stability, the current one will need to function as if it were a single entity.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w14489},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Number                   = {14489},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series},
  Type                     = {Working Paper}
}

@Article{CedermanRao2001,
  Title                    = {Exploring the Dynamics of the Democratic Peace},
  Author                   = {Cederman, Lars-Erik and Rao, Mohan Penubarti},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002701045006006},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {818-833},
  Url                      = {http://www.corwin.com/upm-data/2906_12jcr01.pdf},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {In quantitative models of international conflict, the variables' causal effects are generally assumed to be constant over historical time. Yet, qualitative liberal theorizing, especially that of Immanuel Kant, has tended to emphasize a dynamic perspective based on the theme of progress. To bridge this gap between method-imposed stasis and theoretical dynamics, a framework featuring time-varying parameters is applied to the democratic peace hypothesis. The model strongly confirms a dynamic reinterpretation of Kant's theory. Results show that dispute probabilities decline steadily among democratic states over time, and the democratic peace hypothesis is not just a transient cold war effect. This result is robust to statistical control involving geopolitical and liberal control variables, including alliances, capabilities, and economic development.}
}

@Article{Chabe-Ferret,
  Title                    = {Symmetric Difference in Difference Dominates Matching in a Realistic Selection Model},
  Author                   = {Chab{'e}-Ferret, Sylvain},
  Date                     = {forthcoming},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Econometrics},

  Abstract                 = {Matching and Difference in Difference (DID) are two widespread methods that use pre-treatment outcomes to correct for selection bias. I use a model of earnings dynamics and entry into a Job Training Program (JTP) calibrated with realistic parameter values to assess the performances of both estimators. I find that Matching generally underestimates the average causal effect of the program and gets closer to the true effect when conditioning on an increasing number of pre-treatment outcomes. Applying DID symmetrically around the treatment date is consistent when selection bias forms and dissipates at the same pace. When selection bias is not symmetric, Monte Carlo simulations show that Symmetric DID still performs better than Matching, especially in the middle of the life-cycle. These results are consistent with estimates of the bias of Matching and DID from randomly assigned JTPs. Some of the virtues of Symmetric DID extend to programs allocated according to a cutoff eligibility rule.}
}

@Article{ChadwickSolon2002,
  author       = {Chadwick, Laura and Solon, Gary},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Intergenerational Income Mobility among Daughters},
  doi          = {10.2307/3083337},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {335--344},
  volume       = {92},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{Chakrabarti2001,
  Title                    = {The Determinants of Foreign Direct Investments: Sensitivity Analyses of Cross-Country Regressions},
  Author                   = {Chakrabarti, Avik},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Kyklos},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-6435.00142},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--114},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {A vast empirical literature has used ad hoc linear cross-country regressions to search for the determinants of FDI. The literature is extensive and controversial. Can policy-makers use this body of research to learn anything that can help them stimulate FDI? The author uses Extreme Bound Analysis (EBA) to examine if any of the conclusions from the existing studies is robust to small changes in the conditioning information set. The EBA upholds the robustness of the correlation between FDI and market-size, as measured by per-capita GDP, but indicates that the relation between FDI and many of the controversial variables (namely, tax, wage, openness, exchange rate, tariff, growth, and trade balance) are highly sensitive to small alterations in the conditioning information set. The author also studies the distribution of the estimated coefficients of the controversial explanatory variables to rank them in order of their likelihood of their being correlated with FDI.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6435.00142}
}

@Article{Chakrabarti2013,
  Title                    = {Do Vouchers Lead to Sorting under Random Private School Selection? Evidence from the Milwaukee Voucher Program},
  Author                   = {Chakrabarti, Rajashri},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Education Review},
  Url                      = {http://nyfedeconomists.org/chakrabarti/EER_paper_cond_accp.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the impact of voucher design on student sorting, and more specifically investigates whether there are feasible ways of designing vouchers that can reduce or eliminate student sorting. It studies these questions in the context of the first five years of the Milwaukee voucher program. Much of the existing literature investigates the question of sorting where private schools can screen students. However, the publicly funded U.S. voucher programs require private schools to accept all students unless oversubscribed and to pick students randomly if oversubscribed. This paper focuses on two crucial features of the Milwaukee voucher program --- random private school selection and the absence of topping up of vouchers. In the context of a theoretical model, it argues that random private school selection alone cannot prevent student sorting. However, random private school selection coupled with the absence of topping up can preclude sorting by income, although there is still sorting by ability. Sorting by ability is not caused here by private school selection, but rather by parental self selection. Using a logit model and student level data from the Milwaukee voucher program for 1990-94, it then establishes that random selection has indeed taken place so that it provides an appropriate setting to test the corresponding theoretical predictions in the data. Next, using several alternative logit specifications, it demonstrates that these predictions are validated empirically. These findings have important policy implications.}
}

@Article{ChandlerFeuille1991,
  Title                    = {Municipal Unions and Privatization},
  Author                   = {Chandler, Timothy and Feuille, Peter},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {15{--}22},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {Does the presence of municipal unions influence local decisions to privatize the delivery of public services? In this article, Timothy Chandler and Peter Feuille present the results of a survey of public works directors. Their findings indicate that unionization does have an impact. For example, cities with unionized sanitation employees are less likely to consider seriously the privatization of sanitation service, and less likely to implement privatization when it is seriously contemplated. Their study also shows that success of such union opposition is not dependent on negotiation or provisions of a bargaining contract, but is rooted in the unions' ability to exert influence away from the bargaining table. An additional factor is the relationship between the managers and the unions, for privatization is more likely to emerge on the agenda and be implemented in cities where labor-management relationships have been adversarial. Finally, Chandler and Feuille find that union opposition to privatization is rational, since unionization declines where contracting has occurred. Offsetting these findings are indications that privatization did not necessarily lead to high unemployment among displaced workers, that some of the private sanitation firms were unionized, and that some cities revert back to public provision of sanitation services.}
}

@Article{ChangSorrentino1991,
  Title                    = {Union Membership Statistics in 12~{C}ountries},
  Author                   = {Chang, Clara and Sorrentino, Constance},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Monthly Labor Review},
  Pages                    = {46--53}
}

@Article{ChangTurnbull2002,
  Title                    = {Bureaucratic Behavior in the Local Public Sector: A Revealed Preference Approach},
  Author                   = {Chang, Chinkun and Turnbull, Geoffrey K},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1020385329491},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {191--210},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {Public sector bureaucratic utility is typically assumed to be a function ofbudget size or government employment. Although intuitively appealing, thereare no definitive direct tests of the assumption. To fill this gap, thispaper exploits data that isolate resource allocation decisions made by localpublic sector bureaucrats. We use revealed preference theory to find thatthe bureaucracy behaves ``as if'' bureaucratic utility is an increasingfunction of employment across government functions and public spending,providing direct evidence justifying the popular assumption in theoreticalmodels of government behavior.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1020385329491}
}

@Article{ChappellKeech1985,
  author       = {Chappell, Henry W., Jr and Keech, William R.},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {A New View of Political Accountability for Economic Performance},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {10--27},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/1956116},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {Most political support models imply that in evaluating economic performance, voters use a standard that would provide poor predictions of the future and leave the economy vulnerable to manipulation by vote-hungry politicians. Drawing on macroeconomic theory, we develop a simple standard of evaluation which encompasses a concern not only for current economic outcomes, but also for accurately assessed future consequences of current policies. We find that political support for the president can be explained as well as by models that assume that voters use this sophisticated standard as by models that assume voter naivete. Our analysis questions the wisdom of measures typically used to assess voter evaluation of economic performance in a variety of theoretical contexts. The results also help to explain the absence of convincing evidence that governments exploit voter ignorance in manipulating the economy.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/1956116},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2012.09.18},
}

@Article{ChappellGoncalves2000,
  author       = {Chappell, Jr, Henry W. and Gon\c{c}alves Veiga, Linda},
  title        = {Economics and elections in Western {Europe}: 1960--1997},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {19},
  number       = {2--3},
  pages        = {183--197},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00047-5},
  abstract     = {This paper analyzes macroeconomic conditions and parliamentary election outcomes in 13 European countries over the 1960--1997 period. The analysis focuses on two themes. The first is that different macroeconomic theories imply that different economic indicators should be important for voters. The second is that political responsibility should condition voters' responses to economic performance. We estimate a model in which indicators of economic performance and political responsibility interactively determine election outcomes. Performance measures suggested by alternative theories are included in empirical specifications. Results suggest that changes in inflation, especially when measured relative to the European average, have an impact on incumbents' vote shares. The analysis fails to isolate political responsibility variables that condition the impact of economic performance on the vote, however.},
  keywords     = {Elections},
}

@Article{ChappellEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Majority Rule, Consensus Building, and the Power of the Chairman: Arthur Burns and the FOMC},
  Author                   = {Chappell, Jr., Henry W. and McGregor, Rob Roy and Vermilyea, Todd},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Money, Credit and Banking},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3838980},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {407--422},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates decision making within the Federal Open Market Committee of the Federal Reserve, focusing on the competing pressures of majority rule, consensus building, and the power of the Chairman. To undertake this analysis, we have constructed an original data set recording desired federal funds rates for each member of the Committee over the 1970-78 period. Our results confirm a disproportionate influence of the Chairman in the policy process; they also confirm that other voting members of the Committee have an impact on policy choices. Estimates indicate that the Chairman exercises 40\% to 50\% of the voting weight in Committee decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3838980}
}

@Article{ChappellKeech1986,
  Title                    = {Policy Motivation and Party Differences in a Dynamic Spatial Model of Party Competition},
  Author                   = {Chappell, William and Keech, Henry},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1960543},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {881--899},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {We present a model of party competition that produces more realistic patterns of results than those often emphasized in the literature. Reversing Downs (1957), we assume that parties win elections in order to formulate policies, rather that formulate policies in order to win elections. Voters are modeled first as having perfect information about candidate positions, and then under conditions of uncertainty. In simulation experiments we show that policy motivation and voter uncertainty can bring about persistent and predictable party differences in sequential majority rule elections. As the degree of voter certainty decreases, parties diverge towards their optima, whereas increases in voter certainty draw parties towards cycles in which party positions vary, but predictable issue stances are maintained on the average.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960543}
}

@Book{ChariKritzinger2006,
  Title                    = {Understanding E.U. Policy Making},
  Author                   = {Chari, Raj and Kritzinger, Sylvia},
  Date                     = {2006},
  ISBN                     = {9780745319704},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Pluto Press},

  Abstract                 = {EU policy shapes all areas of our lives -- from our money, to our food, to our welfare. Yet we know little about how EU decisions are made, and who benefits from them. This book is a critical guide to the policies of the EU.Raj Chari and Sylvia Kritzinger argue that there is an agenda that underlies EU policy making. Some policies -- those that aim to create a competitive economy -- are prioritized, while others are effectively ignored.Setting the EU in a proper economic and theoretical context, the authors provide a chapter-by-chapter analysis of each of the EU's major policy areas. Arguing that traditional accounts of EU integration are inadequate, the authors develop an innovative new perspective. Written with clarity and precision, this book is ideal for students of the EU and anyone looking for an incisive critique of the role of corporate capital in the development of EU policy.}
}

@Article{Chari1998,
  Title                    = {Spanish socialists, privatising the right way?},
  Author                   = {Chari, Raj S},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402389808425276},
  Pages                    = {163--179},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389808425276}
}

@Article{ChariCavatorta2002,
  Title                    = {Economic Actors' Political Activity in `Overlap Issues': Privatisation and EU State Aid Control},
  Author                   = {Chari, Raj S and Cavatorta, Francesco},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {119--142},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {This article considers the political activity of economic actors in what we refer to as `overlap issues'. The cases examined here are the domestic level privatisation policy-making processes in Spain, France, and Ireland, and the subsequent European Commission decisions on state aids given during the sales. Although the influence of economic actors is crucial in understanding the domestic-level privatisation aid negotiations, such actors' participation is absent in the supranational decision-making process. In order to explain this limited political activity of firms at the EU level, attention is focused on both the role of member states and the paradoxes in EU policies that simultaneously guide and constrain the Commission from making a decision against capital.}
}

@Article{ChayPowell2001,
  Title                    = {Semiparametric Censored Regression Models},
  Author                   = {Chay, Kenneth Y and Powell, James L},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {29{--}42},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@TechReport{Checchi2001,
  author      = {Checchi, Daniele},
  date        = {2001},
  institution = {Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines, LSE},
  title       = {Education, Inequality and Income Inequality},
  number      = {52},
  type        = {STICERD - Distributional Analysis Research Programme Papers},
  abstract    = {In this paper we propose to measure inequality of educational achievements by constructing a Gini index on educational attainments. We then use the proposed measure to analyse the relationship between inequality in incomes and educational achievements (in terms of both the average attainments and its concentration). Even if theoretical considerations suggest a non-linear relationship between these two measures of inequality, actual data indicate that average years of education have a stronger negative impact on measured income inequality. Multivariate regressions also prove that, once we take into account the negative correlation between average educational achievement and its dispersion, the relationship between income inequality and average years of schooling is U-shaped, with a lower turning point at 6.5 years. Income inequality is also negatively related to per capita income and positively related to capital/output ratio and government expenditure in education.},
  annotation  = {available at http://ideas.repec.org/p/cep/stidar/52.html},
}

@Article{ChecchiEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {More equal but less mobile? Education financing and intergenerational mobility in {Italy} and in the US},
  Author                   = {Checchi, Daniele and Ichino, Andrea and Rustichini, Aldo},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(99)00040-7},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {351--393},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {A centralised and egalitarian school system reduces the cost of education for poor families, and so it should reduce income inequality and make intergenerational mobility easier. In this paper we provide evidence that Italy, compared to the USA, displays less income inequality, as expected given the type of school system, but also less intergenerational upward mobility between occupations and between education levels. We explore some of the reasons which can explain this puzzling result and conclude that in a world in which family background is important for labor market success, a centralised and egalitarian tertiary education does not necessarily help poor children and may take away from them a fundamental tool to prove their talent and to compete with rich children.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(99)00040-7}
}

@Article{ChecchiLucifora2002,
  Title                    = {Unions and labour market institutions in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Checchi, Daniele and Lucifora, Claudio},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {35},
  Pages                    = {361--408},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {We study the evolution of union density in 14 European countries over the postwar period in light of theoretical rationales for union membership. Unions offer not only wage bargaining strength, but also protection against uninsurable labour market risks, and similar protection may also be offered by labour market institutions. Empirically, such institutions as job security legislation and wage indexation do appear to crowd out unions. Conversely, institutional features that make it easier for unions to function (such as workplace representation and centralized wage bargaining) are empirically associated with higher unionization.}
}

@Article{CheibubEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Democracy and dictatorship revisited},
  Author                   = {Cheibub, Jos{\'e} Antonio and Gandhi, Jennifer and Vreeland, James Raymond},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-009-9491-2},
  ISSN                     = {1573-7101},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {67--101},
  Volume                   = {143},

  Abstract                 = {We address the strengths and weaknesses of the main available measures of political regime and extend the dichotomous regime classification first introduced in Alvarez et al. (Stud. Comp. Int. Dev. 31(2):3--36, 1996). This extension focuses on how incumbents are removed from office. We argue that differences across regime measures must be taken seriously and that they should be evaluated in terms of whether they (1) serve to address important research questions, (2) can be interpreted meaningfully, and (3) are reproducible. We argue that existing measures of democracy are not interchangeable and that the choice of measure should be guided by its theoretical and empirical underpinnings. We show that the choice of regime measure matters by replicating studies published in leading journals.}
}

@Article{Chen2010,
  Title                    = {The Effect of Electoral Geography on Pork Barreling in Bicameral Legislatures},
  Author                   = {Chen, Jowei},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00432.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {301--322},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {How does the electoral geography of legislative districts affect pork barreling? This article presents a formal model extending Mayhew's classic credit-claiming theory to account for the electoral geography of bicameralism. Under bicameralism, upper chamber (Senate) and lower chamber (Assembly) legislators who share overlapping constituencies must collaborate to bring home pork projects. Collaboration is easier between a Senator and an Assembly Member who share a large fraction of their constituents and thus have relatively aligned electoral incentives. But dividing a Senate district into a larger number of Assembly district fragments misaligns these electoral incentives for collaboration, thus reducing equilibrium pork spending. Hence, increased Senate district fragmentation causes a decrease in equilibrium spending. I exploit the 2002 New York Senate expansion as a natural experiment, examining how sudden changes in the geographic fragmentation of Senate districts account for differences in the distribution of pork earmarks immediately before and after the redrawing of district boundaries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00432.x}
}

@Article{ChenMalhotra2007,
  author       = {Chen, Jowei and Malhotra, Neil},
  title        = {The Law of k/n: The Effect of Chamber Size on Government Spending in Bicameral Legislatures},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {101},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {657{--}676},
  abstract     = {Recent work in political economics has examined the positive relationship between legislative size and spending, which Weingast et al. (1981) formalized as the law of 1/n. However, empirical tests of this theory have produced a pattern of divergent findings. The positive relationship between seats and spending appears to hold consistently for unicameral legislatures and for upper chambers in bicameral legislatures but not for lower chambers. We bridge this gap between theory and empirics by extending Weingast et al.'s model to account for bicameralism in the context of a Baron--Ferejohn bargaining game. Our comparative statics predict, and empirical data from U.S. state legislatures corroborate, that the size of the upper chamber (n) is a positive predictor of expenditure, whereas the ratio of lower-to-upper chamber seats (k) exhibits a negative effect. We refer to these relationships as the law of k/n, as the two variables influence spending in opposite directions.},
}

@Article{CheshireSheppard2004,
  Title                    = {Capitalising the Value of Free Schools: The Impact of Supply Characteristics and Uncertainty},
  Author                   = {Cheshire, Paul and Sheppard, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Pages                    = {F397-F424},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the sources and impact of variations of a given school quality at either primary or secondary level as capitalised into the price of houses. The results provide new evidence on the complex and subtle ways in which housing markets capitalise the value of local public goods such as school quality and suggest that this is highly nonlinear. We expect variation in the capitalised price according to the elasticity of supply of ? school quality ? in the local market, the certainty with which that quality can be expected to be maintained and the suitability of the dwelling to accommodate children.}
}

@Book{Chester1975,
  Title                    = {The Nationalisation of British Industry},
  Author                   = {Chester, Norman},
  Date                     = {1975},
  ISBN                     = {0116301899},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Her Majesty's Stationery Office}
}

@Article{Chetty2006,
  author       = {Chetty, Raj},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {A New Method of Estimating Risk Aversion},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1821--1834},
  volume       = {96},
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{Chetty2008,
  Title                    = {Moral Hazard versus Liquidity and Optimal Unemployment Insurance},
  Author                   = {Chetty, Raj},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/588585},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {173--234},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents new evidence on why unemployment insurance (UI) benefits affect search behavior and develops a simple method of calculating the welfare gains from UI using this evidence. I show that 60 percent of the increase in unemployment durations caused by UI benefits is due to a {\textquotedblleft}liquidity effect{\textquotedblright} rather than distortions on marginal incentives to search ({\textquotedblleft}moral hazard{\textquotedblright}) by combining two empirical strategies. First, I find that increases in benefits have much larger effects on durations for liquidity-constrained households. Second, lump-sum severance payments increase durations substantially among constrained households. I derive a formula for the optimal benefit level that depends only on the reduced-form liquidity and moral hazard elasticities. The formula implies that the optimal UI benefit level exceeds 50 percent of the wage. The {\textquotedblleft}exact identification{\textquotedblright} approach to welfare analysis proposed here yields robust optimal policy results because it does not require structural estimation of primitives.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/588585}
}

@Unpublished{ChevalierDolton2004,
  Title                    = {The labour market for Teachers},
  Author                   = {Chevalier, Arnaud and Dolton, Peter},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Centre for Economic Research, University College Dublin, Working Paper WP04/11.}
}

@Article{ChiangKnight2011,
  Title                    = {Media Bias and Influence: Evidence from Newspaper Endorsements},
  Author                   = {Chiang, Chun-Fang and Knight, Brian},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/restud/rdq037},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {795--820},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the relationship between media bias and the influence of the media on voting in the context of newspaper endorsements. We first develop a simple econometric model in which voters choose candidates under uncertainty and rely on endorsements from better informed sources. Newspapers are potentially biased in favour of one of the candidates and voters thus rationally account for the credibility of any endorsements. Our primary empirical finding is that endorsements are influential in the sense that voters are more likely to support the recommended candidate after publication of the endorsement. The degree of this influence, however, depends upon the credibility of the endorsement. In this way, endorsements for the Democratic candidate from left-leaning newspapers are less influential than are endorsements from neutral or right-leaning newspapers and likewise for endorsements for the Republican. We also find that endorsements are more influential among moderate voters and those more likely to be exposed to the endorsement. In sum, these findings suggest that voters do rely on the media for information during campaigns but that the extent of this reliance depends upon the degree and direction of any bias.}
}

@Article{ChibGreenberg1995,
  Title                    = {Understanding the Metropolis-Hastings Algorithm},
  Author                   = {Chib, Siddhartha and Greenberg, Edward},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {The American Statistician},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2684568},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {327--335},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {We provide a detailed, introductory exposition of the Metropolis-Hastings algorithm, a powerful Markov chain method to simulate multivariate distributions. A simple, intuitive derivation of this method is given along with guidance on implementation. Also discussed are two applications of the algorithm, one for implementing acceptance-rejection sampling when a blanketing function is not available and the other for implementing the algorithm with block-at-a-time scans. In the latter situation, many different algorithms, including the Gibbs sampler, are shown to be special cases of the Metropolis-Hastings algorithm. The methods are illustrated with examples.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2684568}
}

@Book{Chitty2004,
  Title                    = {Education Policy in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Clyde Chitty},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {1403902224},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave}
}

@Unpublished{ChiuriJappelli2001,
  Title                    = {Financial Market Imperfections and Home Ownership: A Comparative Study},
  Author                   = {Chiuri, Maria Concetta and Jappelli, Tullio},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {CEPR Discussion Paper No. 2717}
}

@Article{ChoiEtAl2014,
  author       = {Jinsook Choi and Bradley Tatar and Jeongyeon Kim},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Intercultural Communication Research},
  title        = {Can EFL Speakers Communicate in English-mediated Classes?: A Case of a Liberal Arts Class for Engineering Students in Korea},
  doi          = {10.1080/17475759.2014.989254},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {369-385},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {The purpose of this paper is twofold: (1) to explore what factors prevent English as a foreign language (EFL) students from participating in English-medium instruction classes; and (2) to examine how dialogic teaching techniques enhance students' participation in classroom interaction. Utilizing the notions of ``communicative competence'' and ``truncated repertoire,'' we first investigated the barriers to communication in classrooms. We next examined how EFL speakers are able to communicate in English-medium instruction (EMI) classes. The findings suggest that when the instruction was designed to reduce cultural barriers and to facilitate authentic discussion, EFL students were able to participate in classroom interaction, and they perceived discussion as a way to learn an unfamiliar subject taught in English.},
}

@Article{ChongGradstein2008,
  Title                    = {What determines foreign aid? The donors' perspective},
  Author                   = {Chong, Alberto and Gradstein, Mark},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jdeveco.2007.08.001},
  ISSN                     = {0304-3878},
  Month                    = aug,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--13},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the factors affecting the support for foreign aid among voters in donor countries. A simple theoretical model, which considers an endogenous determination of official and private aid flows, relates individual income to aid support and also suggests that government efficiency is an important factor in this regard. The empirical analysis of individual attitudes, based on the World Values Surveys, reveals that satisfaction with own government performance and individual relative income are positively related to the willingness to provide foreign aid. Furthermore, using actual donor country data we find that aid is adversely affected by own government inefficiency.},
  Keywords                 = {Foreign aid, Donors, Perceptions, Development, Corruption}
}

@Article{ChongOlivera2008,
  Title                    = {Does Compulsory Voting Help Equalize Incomes?},
  Author                   = {Chong, Alberto and Olivera, Mauricio},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2008.00336.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0343},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {391--415},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the link between compulsory voting and income distribution using a cross-section of countries around the world. Our empirical cross-country analysis for 91 countries during the period 1960--2000 shows that when compulsory voting can be strongly enforced the distribution of income improves as measured by the Gini coefficient and the bottom income quintiles of the population. Our findings are robust to changes and additions to our benchmark specification. Because poorer countries are the ones with relatively more unequal distribution of income it might make sense to promote such voting schemes in developing regions, such as Latin America. This, under the assumption that bureaucratic costs related with design and implementation are not excessive.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{ChongDruckman2007,
  Title                    = {Framing Theory},
  Author                   = {Chong, Dennis and Druckman, James N.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.072805.103054},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {103--126},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/q8q4tyq},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {We review the meaning of the concept of framing, approaches to studying framing, and the effects of framing on public opinion. After defining framing and framing effects, we articulate a method for identifying frames in communication and a psychological model for understanding how such frames affect public opinion. We also discuss the relationship between framing and priming, outline future research directions, and describe the normative implications of framing.}
}

@Article{ChongDruckman2007a,
  Title                    = {A Theory of Framing and Opinion Formation in Competitive Elite Environments},
  Author                   = {Chong, Dennis and Druckman, James N.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00331.x},
  ISSN                     = {1460-2466},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {99--118},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Public opinion often depends on how elites choose to frame issues. For example, citizens opinions about a Ku Klux Klan rally may depend on whether elites frame the event as a free-speech issue or a public safety issue. Past research has focused largely on documenting the size of framing effects in uncontested settings. By contrast, there has been little research on framing in competitive environments in which individuals receive multiple frames representing alternative positions on an issue. We take an initial step toward understanding how frames work in competitive environments by integrating research on attitude structure and persuasion. Our theory of framing identifies the key individual and contextual parameters that determine which of many competing frames will have an effect on public opinion.}
}

@Article{ChongDruckman2007b,
  author       = {Chong, Dennis and Druckman, James N.},
  date         = {2007-11},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Framing Public Opinion in Competitive Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055407070554},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {637--655},
  volume       = {101},
  abstract     = {What is the effect of democratic competition on the power of elites to frame public opinion? We address this issue first by defining the range of competitive contexts that might surround any debate over a policy issue. We then offer a theory that predicts how audiences, messages, and competitive environments interact to influence the magnitude of framing effects. These hypotheses are tested using experimental data gathered on the opinions of adults and college students toward two policy issues --- the management of urban growth and the right of an extremist group to conduct a rally. Our results indicate that framing effects depend more heavily on the qualities of frames than on their frequency of dissemination and that competition alters but does not eliminate the influence of framing. We conclude by discussing the implications of these results for the study of public opinion and democratic political debate.},
}

@Article{ChongDruckman2010,
  author       = {Chong, Dennis and Druckman, James N.},
  date         = {2010-11},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Dynamic Public Opinion: Communication Effects over Time},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055410000493},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {663--680},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/nkhkrap},
  volume       = {104},
  abstract     = {We develop an approach to studying public opinion that accounts for how people process competing messages received over the course of a political campaign or policy debate. Instead of focusing on the fixed impact of a message, we emphasize that a message can have variable effects depending on when it is received within a competitive context and how it is evaluated. We test hypotheses about the effect of information processing using data from two experiments that measure changes in public opinion in response to alternative sequences of information. As in past research, we find that competing messages received at the same time neutralize one another. However, when competing messages are separated by days or weeks, most individuals give disproportionate weight to the most recent communication because previous effects decay over time. There are exceptions, though, as people who engage in deliberate processing of information display attitude stability and give disproportionate weight to previous messages. These results show that people typically form significantly different opinions when they receive competing messages over time than when they receive the same messages simultaneously. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for understanding the power of communications in contemporary politics.},
}

@Misc{ChoteEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Public Spending Under Labour},
  Author                   = {Chote, Robert and Crawford, Rowena and Emmerson, Carl and Tetlow, Gemma},
  Date                     = {2010-04-12},
  HowPublished             = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Note                     = {2010 Election Briefing Note No. 5 (IFS BN92)},
  Url                      = {http://www.ifs.org.uk/bns/bn92.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-05-08}
}

@Article{ChowdryEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Widening participation in higher education: analysis using linked administrative data},
  Author                   = {Chowdry, Haroon and Crawford, Claire and Dearden, Lorraine and Goodman, Alissa and Vignoles, Anna},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society)},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-985X.2012.01043.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-985X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {431--457},
  Volume                   = {176},

  Abstract                 = {The paper makes use of newly linked administrative education data from England to understand better the determinants of participation in higher education (HE) among individuals from low socio-economic backgrounds. The data are unique in being able to follow the population of two cohorts of pupils in England -- those who might have entered HE between 2004--2005 and 2006--2007 -- from age 11 to age 20 years. The findings suggest that, although large differences in HE participation rates and participation rates at high status universities by socio-economic background remain, these differences are substantially reduced once prior achievement is included. Moreover, these findings hold for both state and private school pupils. This result suggests that poor achievement in secondary schools is more important in explaining lower HE participation rates among pupils from low socio-economic backgrounds than barriers arising at the point of entry to HE. These findings are consistent with the need for earlier policy intervention to raise HE participation rates among pupils from low socio-economic backgrounds.},
  Keywords                 = {Administrative data, Participation in higher education, Socio-economic inequality}
}

@Incollection{Christensen2000a,
  Title                    = {Governance and devolution in the Danish school system},
  Author                   = {Christensen, J{\o}rgen Gr{\o}nnegaard},
  Booktitle                = {The Governance of Schooling: Comparative Studies of Devolved Management},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Margaret A. Arnot and Charles D. Raab},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Pages                    = {198{--}216},
  Publisher                = {Routledge Falmer}
}

@Article{Christensen2000,
  Title                    = {The Dynamics of Decentralization and Recentralization},
  Author                   = {Christensen, J{\o}rgen Gr{\o}nnegaard},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {389--408},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {Decentralization of authority from central government to sub-national governments is an important part of modern public sector reforms and has been the primary contribution to public sector reform in Denmark and the other Nordic countries. On the assumption that political and administrative actors are authority maximizers, the paper analyses how national and sub-national actors react to these decentralization goals, and the extent to which they are implemented. The analysis points to the importance of both institutional and power variables. It concludes that dynamic change can take place in a public sector which is characterized by strong corporatist and multi-level institutions, such as in Denmark.}
}

@Article{ChristensenPallesen2001,
  Title                    = {Institutions, distributional concerns, and public sector reform},
  Author                   = {Christensen, J{\o}rgen Gr{\o}nnegaard and Pallesen, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1011055422871},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {179--202},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {As in other Western countries, a wave of reform has swept the Danish public sector. The record of these reforms is mixed and paradoxical; an ambiguous delegation of executive authority and radical privatization have been successfully implemented, while other measures, especially contracting out and user democracy or the introduction of greater choice, turn out to have failed. The paper argues that this experience offers two general lessons. First, short-term costs and benefits are decisive to those who enact and implement public sector reform. Second, institutional factors specific to each type of reorganization have a major impact on the political distribution of costs and benefits.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1011055422871}
}

@Article{ChristensenPallesen2001a,
  author       = {Christensen, J{\o}rgen Gr{\o}nnegaard and Pallesen, Thomas},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Policy},
  title        = {The Political Benefits of Corporatization and Privatization},
  doi          = {10.2307/4007723},
  issn         = {0143-814X},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {283--309},
  volume       = {21},
  abstract     = {In recent years Denmark has seen a huge corporatization and privatization program. As it is an unlikely reformer, the policy shift makes the country an interesting test case for the analysis of public sector changes. The paper argues that the Danish corporatization and privatization program fits into a general pattern. The program has been successfully implemented because it has allowed the governing coalition to reap important short-term political benefits without compromising a long-term quest for political control. However, these radical changes that together constitute a virtual wave of reforms have been initiated because politicians belonging to the governing coalition have come to the knowledge of new theoretic and empirical insights that open their eyes to short-term political benefits formerly unacknowledged.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4007723},
  month        = sep,
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Incollection{ChristensenLaegreid2006,
  Title                    = {Agencification and Regulatory Reforms},
  Author                   = {Christensen, Tom and L{\ae}greid, Per},
  Booktitle                = {Autonomy and Regulation: Coping With Agencies in the Modern State},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Cheltenham, UK},
  Publisher                = {Edward Elgar},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{ChristensenEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Transforming Administrative Policy},
  Author                   = {Christensen, Tom and L\aegreid Per and Wise, Lois R.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {153--178},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Administrative policies and practices may evolve and change slowly and incrementally or they may be transformed intentionally. Intentional efforts to change administrative policy by transforming the structure, processes, or personnel of public sector organizations define an active administrative policy. Ideally, an active administrative policy takes as given that the organizational form to be used is open to choice, that administrative goals are clear, that a tight coupling exists between ends and means, that different organizational forms have different effects, and that there are criteria that may be used to assess those effects. This article focuses on the fulfilment of these preconditions in the three national contexts - Norway, Sweden and the United States of America - in order to determine the relevance of a transformative perspective for understanding the process of administrative change. We examine what impact constraints like polity features, historical-institutional traditions and external pressure, particularly through popular international administrative doctrines like New Public Management ideas and financial crises, have on the possibilities to enhance an active national administrative policy.}
}

@Article{ChristiansenPetersen2001,
  Title                    = {The Dynamics of Social Solidarity: The Danish Welfare State, 1900--2000},
  Author                   = {Niels Finn Christiansen and Klaus Petersen},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of History},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/034687501750303846},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {177 --196},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/034687501750303846}
}

@Article{Christiansen1998,
  Title                    = {A Prescription Rejected: Market Solutions to Problems of Public Sector Governance},
  Author                   = {Christiansen, Peter Munk},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {273--295},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {The New Public Management includes the idea of incorporating market mechanisms in public sector governance. In the Danish case, market reforms have scarcely been used; private sector supplies of public services have not increased during the last decade. The lack of success of market reform in Denmark is explained by the strong institutions of traditional public sector governance operating at the micro-level. Formal and informal hierarchy and formal and informal corporatism hold a strong grip on public sector governance. The very decentralized structure of the Danish public sector decreases the importance of central government in terms of reform strategies. Strong interests and institutional constraints keep reforms in the Danish public sector within a hierarchical mode of governance.}
}

@Article{Christiansen2002,
  Title                    = {Organization and financing of the Danish health care system},
  Author                   = {Christiansen, Terkel},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0168-8510(01)00201-9},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {107--118},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {The present paper aims at giving a short overview of the organization and financing of the Danish health care system as of 1997{\textendash}1998 when the SWOT panel evaluated the system. The overview follows the triangular model of a health care system. The Danish system is characterized by being decentralized and single-funded. The hospital sector is public, and hospitals are financed and run by the counties (with only a very small private hospital sector alongside). General practitioners are private entrepreneurs but work under contract for the counties. Hospitals are financed by global budgets, while general practitioners are paid by a mixed remuneration system of capitation fees and fee-for-service. During the past 20 years, the government has repeatedly imposed budget ceilings on the counties which has limited growth in the health care sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0168-8510(01)00201-9}
}

@Article{ChristoffersenPaldam2003,
  Title                    = {Markets and Municipalities: A Study of the Behavior of the Danish Municipalities},
  Author                   = {Christoffersen, Henrik and Paldam, Martin},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1020888230704},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {79--102},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {The complex pattern ofMarket Orientation of the 275 Danishmunicipalities is analyzed. An MO-variableis constructed from a poll covering 12tasks, where municipalities are free toproduce the service or purchase it on themarket. Six potential explanations of theMO-pattern are operationalized. Four ofthose work: (1) MO is a modernization, (2)spreading by diffusion. (3) MO increases ifthe municipality is under economicpressure. (4) MO stays low if the fractionof the population that depends upon thepublic sector is large. Whilestakeholder/pressure group politics thusworks, explanations based onideology/partisanship fail. In theintegrated Copenhagen metropolitan areamost explanations fail.}
}

@Unpublished{ChristoffersenPaldam2004,
  Title                    = {Privatization in {Denmark}, 1980--2002},
  Author                   = {Christoffersen, Henrik and Paldam, Martin},
  Date                     = {2004-02},
  HowPublished             = {Ifo Institute - Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich},
  Location                 = {Munich, Germany},
  Note                     = {CESIfo Working Paper No. 1127},
  Url                      = {http://cdi.mecon.gov.ar/biblio/doc/ifo/wp/1127.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Denmark is one of the most developed welfare states, but also a rather capitalistic state with little public ownership outside the traditional fields of the public sector and the natural monopolies of the network industries. The low level of public ownership corresponds to peoples' attitude in polls. Nevertheless, 12 privatizations of state companies have been made along with everybody else. No statistics on privatization have been previously published in Denmark. Most of the 12 privatizations are small, and the telephone company provides 76 percent of the total revenue. In the municipal sector, however, most privatization activity appears to be outsourcing.}
}

@Article{ChubbMoe1988,
  Title                    = {Politics, Markets, and the Organization of Schools},
  Author                   = {Chubb, John E. and Moe, Terry M.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1065--1087},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {We offer a comparative analsys of public and private schools, presenting data from a new national survey - the Adminstrator and Teacher Survey - that expands on the pathbreaking High School and Beyond survey. We find that public and private schools are distinctively different in environment and organization. Most importantly, private schools are more likely to possess the characteristics widely believed to produce effectiveness. We argue throughout that the differences across the sectors are anchored in the logic of politics and markets. This argument derives from our belief that environmental context has pervasive consequences for the organization and operation of all schools and specifically that the key differences between public and private environments --- and thus between public and private schools --- derive from their characteristic methods of social control: the public schools are subordinates in a hierarchic system of democratic politics, whereas private schools are largely autonomous actors ``controlled'' by the market.}
}

@Unpublished{ChungEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {The Determinants of Teacher Supply: Time Series Evidence for the UK, 1962-2001},
  Author                   = {Chung, Tsung-Ping and Dolton, Peter and Tremayne, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2004},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the determinants of aggregate teacher supply in the UK using time series data. Teacher supply is measured by: the wastage rate, i.e. the rate of teachers leaving the teaching market; the change in the pool of inactive teachers; and the proportion of graduates entering initial teacher training programmes. We model the proportion of graduates enrolling for initial teacher training programmes by 4 major faculty groupings: Social Science; Arts; Pure Science; and Applied Science. The results show unemployment and relative wages to be important determinants of teacher supply. Another aspect found to be important for prospective teachers is the security of a teaching position on graduating from their training programmes.}
}

@Article{Cichowski1998,
  Title                    = {Integrating the environment: the {Europe}an Court and the construction of supranational policy},
  Author                   = {Cichowski, Rachel A.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017698343884},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {387--405},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The European Court of Justice operates to expand the integration project by serving as an arena for transnational political action carried out by national and supranational policy actors. This article examines this dynamic through the evolution of environmental protection policy in the European Union. The data presented in this analysis pertain to Article 177 of the Treaty of Rome. The Article 177 procedure reveals the Court's role in constructing European environmental law, and also the integral role that national judges and private litigants (individuals and interest groups) play in deepening integration. Furthermore, this procedure reveals a Court which often acts in opposition to national government preferences. The general framework proposed by this analysis is appropriate for examining the case law in subsequent policy areas.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017698343884}
}

@WWW{Cirin2014,
  author       = {Cirin, Rob},
  title        = {Do academies make use of their autonomy?},
  date         = {2014-07},
  url          = {https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/401455/RR366_-_research_report_academy_autonomy.pdf},
  organization = {Department for Education},
  urldate      = {2016-05-12},
}

@Article{Citrin1979,
  Title                    = {Do People Want Something for Nothing: Public Opinion on Taxes and Government Spending},
  Author                   = {Citrin, Jack},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Journaltitle             = {National Tax Journal},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {113--129},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{CitrinEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {What if Everyone Voted? Simulating the Impact of Increased Turnout in Senate Elections},
  Author                   = {Citrin, Jack and Schickler, Eric and Sides, John},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--90},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {The conventional wisdom among journalists and politicians is that higher turnout would benefit Democrats, although extant scholarly research suggests otherwise. We adopt a new approach to assessing the partisan impact of higher turnout. We use state-level exit polls and Census data to estimate the partisan preferences of nonvoters in Senate elections and then simulate the outcome of these elections under universal turnout. While nonvoters are generally more Democratic than voters, the dearth of close races means that very few election outcomes would have changed had everyone voted. Other scenarios --- full turnout among registered voters, equal turnout rates for whites and African-Americans, and equal turnout rates across income groups --- generate similar results: although Democrats fare better in each scenario, few outcomes would have changed. However, the gap between voters and nonvoters' partisan preference varies considerably across states and across years, suggesting that this "partisan differential" warrants further examination.}
}

@Article{ClaridaEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Monetary policy rules in practice: Some international evidence},
  Author                   = {Clarida, Richard and Gal{\'\i}, Jordi and Gertler, Mark},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0014-2921(98)00016-6},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1033--1067},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {This paper reports estimates of monetary policy reaction functions for two sets of countries: the G3 (Germany, Japan, and the US) and the E3 (UK, France, and Italy). We find that since 1979 each of the G3 central banks has pursued an implicit form of inflation targeting, which may account for the broad success of monetary policy in those countries over this time period. The evidence also suggests that these central banks have been forward looking: they respond to anticipated inflation as opposed to lagged inflation. As for the E3, even prior to the emergence of the `hard ERM', the E3 central banks were heavily influenced by German monetary policy. Further, using the Bundesbank's policy rule as a benchmark, we find that at the time of the EMS collapse, interest rates in each of the E3 countries were much higher than domestic macroeconomic conditions warranted. Taken all together, the results lend support to the view that some form of inflation targeting may be superior to fixing exchange rates, as a means to gain a nominal anchor for monetary policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0014-2921(98)00016-6},
  Keywords                 = {Monetary policy, Interest rate rules, Exchange rates}
}

@Article{ClaridaEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Monetary Policy Rules and Macroeconomic Stability: Evidence and Some Theory},
  Author                   = {Clarida, Richard and Gal{\'\i}, Jordi and Gertler, Mark},
  Date                     = {2000-02-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355300554692},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {147--180},
  Volume                   = {115},

  Abstract                 = {We estimate a forward-looking monetary policy reaction function for the postwar United States economy, before and after Volcker's appointment as Fed Chairman in 1979. Our results point to substantial differences in the estimated rule across periods. In particular, interest rate policy in the Volcker-Greenspan period appears to have been much more sensitive to changes in expected inflation than in the pre-Volcker period. We then compare some of the implications of the estimated rules for the equilibrium properties of inflation and output, using a simple macroeconomic model, and show that the Volcker-Greenspan rule is stabilizing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355300554692}
}

@Article{ClaridaEtAl1999,
  author       = {Clarida, Richard and Gal{\'i}, Jordi and Gertler, Mark},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  title        = {The Science of Monetary Policy: A New Keynesian Perspective},
  issn         = {0022-0515},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1661-1707},
  url          = {http://www.uio.no/studier/emner/sv/oekonomi/ECON4325/v14/pensumliste/cgg2000.pdf},
  volume       = {37},
}

@Article{Clark2000,
  Title                    = {Public service reform: A comparative west {Europe}an perspective},
  Author                   = {Clark, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Pages                    = {25--44},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {This article compares recent public service reforms in Britain, France and Germany in terms of reform origins, the trade-off between managerial and administrative values in the overall reform orientation and the balance within managerial reform between public choice and business management strands. An explanation is advanced of variations in national reform profiles which draws on elements of both political economy and historical institutionalist approaches. Particular importance is attributed to the composition of French and German administrative reform policy communities, and to the resilience of collectivist ideals of public service within the respective memberships, as compared with Britain.}
}

@Article{Clark2009,
  Title                    = {The Performance and Competitive Effects of School Autonomy},
  Author                   = {Damon Clark},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/605604},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {745--783},
  Volume                   = {117},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies a recent British reform that allowed public high schools to opt out of local authority control and become autonomous schools funded directly by the central government. Schools seeking autonomy had only to propose and win a majority vote among current parents. Almost one in three high schools voted on autonomy between 1988 and 1997, and using a version of the regression discontinuity design, I find large achievement gains at schools in which the vote barely won compared to schools in which it barely lost. Despite other reforms that ensured that the British education system was, by international standards, highly competitive, a comparison of schools in the geographic neighborhoods of narrow vote winners and narrow vote losers suggests that these gains did not spill over.}
}

@Article{ClarkLipset1991,
  Title                    = {Are social classes dying?},
  Author                   = {Clark, Terry Nichols and Lipset, Seymour Martin},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {International Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/026858091006004002},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {397--410},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/oau92hl},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-03},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Publisher                = {Sage Publications}
}

@Article{ClarkLauderdale2012,
  Title                    = {The Genealogy of Law},
  Author                   = {Clark, Tom S. and Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mps019},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {329--350},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Many theories of judicial politics have at their core the concepts of legal significance, doctrinal development and evolution, and the dynamics of precedent. Despite rigorous theoretical conceptualization, these concepts remain empirically elusive. We propose the use of a genealogical model (or ``family tree'') to describe the Court's construction of precedent over time. We describe statistical assumptions that allow us to estimate this kind of structure using an original data set of citation counts between Supreme Court majority opinions. The genealogical model of doctrinal development provides a parsimonious description of the dependencies between opinions, while generating measures of legal significance and other related quantities. We employ these measures to evaluate the robustness of a recent finding concerning the relationship between ideological homogeneity within majority coalitions and the legal impact of Court decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps019}
}

@Article{Clark1998,
  Title                    = {Agents and Structures: Two Views of Preferences, Two Views of Institutions},
  Author                   = {Clark, William Roberts},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {245{--}270},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Two analytically distinct approaches to the study of domestic politics have been referred to as the "new institutionalism." The fundamental difference between the two brands of institutionalism can be seen in the way they handle the relationship between "agents" and "structures." "Structure-based" approaches to institutions give ontological primacy to structures and view agents as being constituted by them. "Agency-centered" approaches view human agents as ontologically primitive and view institutions as structures that are created by goal-maximizing individuals. The two approaches are compared, with special attention given to the way they treat the preferences that actors hold. I argue that contrary to arguments made by many structure-based theorists, the agency-centered approach is capable of contributing to discussions regarding the sources of actor preferences. A limited-information model of the strategic interaction between workers and capitalists is used to demonstrate ways in which the agency-centered approach can begin to make preferences endogenous.}
}

@Article{Clark2002,
  Title                    = {Partisan and Electoral Motivations and the Choice of Monetary Institutions Under Fully Mobile Capital},
  Author                   = {Clark, William Roberts},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081802760403757},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {725{--}749},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {According to the time-inconsistency literature in monetary economics, even a benevolent social planner has an incentive to announce, and then renege on, a commitment to a low-inflation policy, because an inflationary surprise can result in an increase in national income. Market actors, however, should see through this plan and form inflationary expectations that will make surprise unlikely. As a result, inflation, but not income, should be higher under a discretionary regime than under a regime where credible commitments are possible. As the editors of this volume point out, central bank independence and fixed exchange rates have both been put forward as solutions to the benevolent social planner's problem. If central bank independence and xed exchange rates are effective institutional fixes for the time-inconsistency problem in monetary policy, it is easy to see why they would be adopted.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403757}
}

@Article{ClarkEtAl2002,
  author       = {Clark, William Roberts and Golder, Matt and Golder, Sona Nadenichek},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {European Union Politics},
  title        = {Fiscal Policy and the Democratic Process in the {Europe}an Union},
  doi          = {10.1177/1465116502003002004},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {205--230},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {The construction of a monetary union with a single currency in Europe raises serious concerns for those who understand the democratic process as one in which social groups compete on different ideological programs. This is because it increasingly constrains national governments of different partisan hues to follow similar fiscal and monetary policies. Recent empirical studies indicate that these concerns might be somewhat misplaced since there is evidence that partisan convergence on macroeconomic policy predates these institutional developments. One problem with these studies, though, is that they fail to include the electoral system as a constraint on partisan behavior. Since electoral systems generate centripetal and centrifugal tendencies, we should only expect to find strong evidence for partisan differences where electoral rules encourage dispersion. We test this argument using data on fiscal policy from European Union countries between 1981 and 1992. We find that there is still no systematic evidence for partisan differences. Given this, it is hard to see how EMU can add to the democratic deficit in the European Union.},
  annotation   = {Partisanship.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116502003002004},
}

@Book{ClarkEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Principles of Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Clark, William Roberts and Golder, Matthew R. and Golder, Sona N.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {978-1608716791},
  Publisher                = {CQ Press}
}

@Article{ClarkHallerberg2000,
  author       = {Clark, William Roberts and Hallerberg, Mark},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Mobile Capital, Domestic Institutions, and Electorally Induced Monetary and Fiscal Policy},
  doi          = {10.2307/2586015},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {323--346},
  url          = {http://notecrom.com/content/files/376/file.pdf},
  urldate      = {2016-08-18},
  volume       = {94},
  abstract     = {The literature on global integration and national policy autonomy often ignores a central result from open economy macroeconomics: Capital mobility constrains monetary policy when the exchange rate is fixed and fiscal policy when the exchange rate is flexible. Similarly, examinations of the electoral determinants of monetary and fiscal policy typically ignore international pressures altogether. We develop a formal model to analyze the interaction between fiscal and monetary policymakers under various exchange rate regimes and the degrees of central bank independence. We test the model using data from OECD countries. We find evidence that preelectoral monetary expansions occur only when the exchange rate is flexible and central bank independence is low; preelectoral fiscal expansions occur when the exchange rate is fixed. We then explore the implications of our model for arguments that emphasize the partisan sources of macroeconomic policy and for the conduct of fiscal policy after economic and monetary union in Europe.},
  month        = jul,
}

@Article{ClarkeEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Valence Politics and Electoral Choice in {Britain}, 2010},
  Author                   = {Clarke, Harold and Sanders, David and Stewart, Marianne and Whiteley, Paul},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion \& Parties},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/17457289.2011.562614},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {237--253},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents the results of analyses of forces shaping electoral choice in the 2010 British general election. The analyses are based primarily on data gathered in the Campaign Internet Panel Survey (CIPS) that was conducted as part of the 2010 British Election Study (BES). Tests of rival models of electoral choice reveal that, as in earlier British elections, a valence politics model provides a strong explanation of voting decisions. However, as in those earlier contests, a model based on the spatial modelling tradition also contributes to understanding how voters made up their minds in 2010. The paper concludes by reprising major findings and discussing why the Conservatives failed to secure a majority in a context seemingly ideally suited for them to do so.}
}

@Article{ClarkeStewart1994,
  Title                    = {Prospections, Retrospections, and Rationality},
  Author                   = {Harold Clarke and Marianne C. Stewart},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Pages                    = {104--23},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Article{ClarkeMcCutcheon2009,
  Title                    = {The dynamics of party identification reconsidered},
  Author                   = {Clarke, Harold D and McCutcheon, Allan L},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/poq/nfp051},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {704--728},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses mixed Markov latent class models and data from multiwave national panel surveys to investigate the stability of individual-level party identification in three Anglo-American democracies--the United States, Britain, and Canada. Analyses reveal that partisan attachments exhibit substantial dynamism at the latent variable level in the American, British, and Canadian electorates. Large-scale partisan dynamics are not a recent development; rather, they are present in all of the national panel surveys conducted since the 1950s. In all three countries, a generalized "mover-stayer" model outperforms rival models including a partisan stability model and a "black-white" nonattitudes model that specifies random partisan dynamics. The superiority of generalized mover-stayer models of individual-level party identification comports well with American and British studies that document nonstationary, long memory in macropartisanship. The theoretical perspective provided by party identification updating models is consistent with the mix of durable and flexible partisans found in the United States and elsewhere.}
}

@Misc{BES2010,
  Title                    = {British Election Study 2005-2010 Panel Data},
  Author                   = {Clarke, Harold D. and Sanders, David and Stewart, Marianne C. and Whiteley, Paul},
  Date                     = {2010},
  HowPublished             = {University of Essex},
  Url                      = {http://bes2009-10.org/panel-data0510.php},
  Urldate                  = {2015-06-18}
}

@Article{ClarkeEtAl1999,
  author       = {Harold D. Clarke and Marianne C. Stewart and Paul Whiteley},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {British Elections \& Parties Review},
  title        = {New Labour's new partisans: The dynamics of party identification in Britain since 1992},
  doi          = {10.1080/13689889908413022},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {87--104},
  volume       = {9},
}

@Article{ClarkeWhitten2013,
  author       = {Harold D. Clarke and Guy D. Whitten},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Hard choices in hard times: Valence voting in {Germany} (2009)},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.005},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  number       = {0},
  pages        = {-},
  abstract     = {Recent studies of voting behavior in Anglo-American elections have demonstrated the clear superiority of the valence model over its rivals for explaining how people cast their ballots. In this paper we test the portability of the valence model in a particularly challenging setting the 2009 German Parliamentary elections. Although there are reasons to think that a spatial model might outperform the valence model, we find that the valence model outperforms it with results similar to previous findings in other political settings.},
}

@Article{Clarke2005,
  Title                    = {The Phanton Menace: Omitted Variable Bias in Econometric Research},
  Author                   = {Clarke, Kevin A},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/07388940500339183},
  Pages                    = {341--352},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Quantitative political science is awash in control variables. The justification for these bloated specifications is usually the fear of omitted variable bias. A key underlying assumption is that the danger posed by omitted variable bias can be ameliorated by the inclusion of relevant control variables. Unfortunately, as this article demonstrates, there is nothing in the mathematics of regression analysis that supports this conclusion. The inclusion of additional control variables may increase or decrease the bias, and we cannot know for sure which is the case in any particular situation. A brief discussion of alternative strategies for achieving experimental control follows the main result.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07388940500339183}
}

@Article{ClarkePrimo2007,
  Title                    = {Modernizing Political Science: A Model-Based Approach},
  Author                   = {Clarke, Kevin A. and Primo, David M.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592707072192},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {741--753},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {Although the use of models has come to dominate much of the scientific study of politics, the discipline's understanding of the role or function that models play in the scientific enterprise has not kept pace. We argue that models should be assessed for their usefulness for a particular purpose, not solely for the accuracy of their predictions. We provide a typology of the uses to which models may be put, and show how these uses are obscured by the field's emphasis on model testing. Our approach highlights the centrality of models in scientific reasoning, avoids the logical inconsistencies of current practice, and offers political scientists a new way of thinking about the relationship between the natural world and the models with which we are so familiar.}
}

@Book{Claude1971,
  author     = {Claude, Inis L},
  date       = {1971},
  title      = {Power and International Relations},
  location   = {New York, NY},
  publisher  = {Random House},
  annotation = {Chapters 1 and 2 on file.},
}

@Article{ClaytonPontusson1998,
  Title                    = {Welfare-State Retrenchment Revisited: Entitlement Cuts, Public Sector Restructuring, and Inegalitarian Trends in Advanced Capitalist Societies},
  Author                   = {Clayton, Richard and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {67--98},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years it has become commonplace for comparativists to emphasize the resilience of welfare states in advanced capitalist societies and the failure of neoliberal efforts to dismantle the welfare state. Challenging some tenets of the resilience thesis, this article seeks to broaden the discussion of welfare-state retrenchment. The authors argue that a sharp deceleration of social spending has occurred in most oecd countries since 1980, that welfare states have failed to offset the rise of market-generated inequality and insecurity, and that welfare programs have become less universalistic. They stress the distributive and political consequences of market-oriented reforms of the public sector.}
}

@Article{ClemensCook1999,
  Title                    = {Politics and Institutionalism: Explaining Durability and Change},
  Author                   = {Clemens, Elisabeth S and Cook, James M},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.25.1.441},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {441--466},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {From the complex literatures on institutionalisms in political science and sociology, various components of institutional change are identified: mutability, contradiction, multiplicity, containment and diffusion, learning and innovation, and mediation. This exercise results in a number of clear prescriptions for the analysis of politics and institutional change: disaggregate institutions into schemas and resources; decompose institutional durability into processes of reproduction, disruption, and response to disruption; and, above all, appreciate the multiplicity and heterogeneity of the institutions that make up the social world. Recent empirical work on identities, interests, alternatives, and political innovation illustrates how political scientists and sociologists have begun to document the consequences of institutional contradiction and multiplicity and to trace the workings of institutional containment, diffusion, and mediation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.25.1.441}
}

@Article{ClemensEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Counting Chickens when they Hatch: Timing and the Effects of Aid on Growth*},
  Author                   = {Clemens, Michael A. and Radelet, Steven and Bhavnani, Rikhil R. and Bazzi, Samuel},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {The Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2011.02482.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {561},
  Pages                    = {590--617},
  Volume                   = {122},

  Abstract                 = {Recent research yields widely divergent estimates of the cross-country relationship between foreign aid receipts and economic growth. We re-analyse data from the three most influential published aidgrowth studies, strictly conserving their regression specifications, with sensible assumptions about the timing of aid effects and without questionable instruments. All three research designs show that increases in aid have been followed on average by increases in investment and growth. The most plausible explanation is that aid causes some degree of growth in recipient countries, although the magnitude of this relationship is modest, varies greatly across recipients and diminishes at high levels of aid.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Click1998,
  Title                    = {Seigniorage in a Cross-Section of Countries},
  Author                   = {Click, Reid W},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Money, Credit and Banking},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {154{--}171},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {Empirical investigation of the average level of seigniorage in a cross-section of (up to) ninety countries for the period 1971-1990 suggests that optimum tax theory explains up to 40 percent of the cross-country variation in seigniorage, since seigniorage is higher where its deadweight losses are probably lower and where deadweight losses from conventional taxation are probably higher, but that average government spending is not a determinant of seigniorage. Practical concerns about financing transitory government spending explain some of the remaining variation in seigniorage, and central bank independence and political instability are useful as well. In contrast, 90 percent of the cross-country variation in conventional taxation appears to be determined by the level of government spending and deadweight losses, and additional variables do not add to the results.}
}

@Article{CliffordHeath1984,
  Title                    = {Selection Does Make a Difference},
  Author                   = {Clifford, Peter and Heath, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {85--97},
  Volume                   = {10}
}

@Article{Clift2002,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy and Globalization: The Cases of {France} and the UK},
  Author                   = {Clift, Ben},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1477-7053.00111},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {466--500},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00111}
}

@Article{CliftTomlinson2007,
  Title                    = {Credible Keynesianism? New Labour Macroeconomic Policy and the Political Economy of Coarse Tuning},
  Author                   = {Ben Clift and Jim Tomlinson},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123407000038},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {1},
  Month                    = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--69},
  Volume                   = {37}
}

@Article{CliftonEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Privatizing public enterprises in the {Europe}an Union 1960--2002: ideological, pragmatic, inevitable?},
  Author                   = {Clifton, Judith and Comin, Francisco and Diaz Fuentes, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760600808857},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {736{--}756},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Privatization, recognized as one of the most important economic policy reforms from the 1970s, has attracted significant attention from scholars, and the literature on the topic is now vast. Yet there is little agreement on the reasons why governments privatized. Three dominant paradigms explaining European Union (EU) privatization put forward distinct motivations. The 'British paradigm' assumed that market-friendly ideology played a significant role in a path towards a global programme inspired by the UK experience. The 'multiple logics' approach observed that the UK was an anomaly, not a leader, and that EU privatization was so diverse that there were few, if any, common logics. The 'European paradigm' emphasized the importance of Europe in the context of a changing world and placed EU privatization in the context of economic and political integration. This article tests all three paradigms using comparative data on EU privatization by country and sector. Pragmatic concerns connected to European integration requirements, particularly in sectors such as telecommunications, transport and utilities, were of the utmost importance in motivating governments to privatize from the 1990s. Europe is thus a powerful explanatory factor when considering ongoing EU privatization.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600808857}
}

@Article{CliftonEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {The political economy of telecoms and electricity internationalization in the single market},
  Author                   = {Clifton, Judith and D{\'\i}az-Fuentes, Daniel and Revuelta, Julio},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501763.2010.499229},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {988--1006},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {As a consequence of liberalization policies in the European Union (EU), a number of formerly inward-looking incumbents in telecommunications and electricity transformed themselves into some of the world's leading multinationals. The relationship between liberalization and incumbent internationalization, however, is contested. Three political economy arguments on this relationship are tested. The first claims that incumbents most exposed to domestic liberalization would internationalize most. The second asserts that incumbents operating where liberalization was restricted could exploit monopolistic rents to finance internationalization. The third argument claims that a diversity of paths will be adopted by countries and incumbents vis-a-vis liberalization and internationalization. Using correlation and cluster analysis of EU telecoms and electricity incumbent multinationals, evidence is found in favour of the third hypothesis. Internationalization as a response to liberalization took diverse forms in terms of timing and extent and this is best explained using a country, sector and firm logic.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2010.499229}
}

@Article{Coase1960,
  Title                    = {The Problem of Social Cost},
  Author                   = {Coase, R.H},
  Date                     = {1960},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  Pages                    = {1--44},
  Volume                   = {3}
}

@Article{CoateMorris1995,
  Title                    = {On the Form of Transfers to Special Interests},
  Author                   = {Coate, Stephen and Morris, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1210{--}1235},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {An important question in political economy concerns the form of transfers to special interests. The Chicago view is that political competition leads politicians to make such transfers efficiently. The Virginia position is that lack of information on the part of voters leads politicians to favor inefficient `sneaky' methods of redistribution. This paper analyzes the form of transfers in a model of political competition in which politicians have incentives to make transfers to special interests. It shows that when voters have imperfect information about both the effects of policy and the predispositions of politicians, inefficient methods of redistribution may be employed.}
}

@Book{Coates1972,
  Title                    = {Teachers' Unions and Interest Group Politics: A Study of the Behavior of Organized Teachers in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Coates, R. David},
  Date                     = {1972},
  ISBN                     = {0521087392},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Cochrane2011,
  Title                    = {How did Paul Krugman get it so wrong?},
  Author                   = {Cochrane, John H.},
  Date                     = {2011-06},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Affairs},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {36--40},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.chicagobooth.edu/john.cochrane/research/papers/ecaf_2077.pdf},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {This article is a response to Paul Krugman's New York Times Magazine article, `How Did Economists Get It So Wrong?'. Krugman's attack on modern economics --- and many adhominem attacks on modern economists --- display a deep and highly politicised ignorance of what economics and finance is really all about, and a striking emptiness of useful ideas.}
}

@Article{Coen2007,
  author       = {Coen, David},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Empirical and theoretical studies in EU lobbying},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501760701243731},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {333--345},
  volume       = {14},
  abstract     = {Abstract The volume offers an analysis of large N empirical studies of interest groups in Europe. It calls for a shift from exploratory or descriptive interest studies to more confirmatory theory testing. Recognizing the continued European economic integration, globalization and the changing role of the state, we observed significant adaptations in interest mobilization and strategic behaviour. The various papers assess the logic of collective and direct action, the logic of access and influence, the logic of venue shopping and alliance building. Specifically, the volume notes the emergence of lite pluralism in EU institutions, the pump priming of political action by EU institutions, and the growing political sophistication of private and public interests in a complex multi-level venue environment.},
}

@Book{Cohen2001,
  author    = {Cohen, G. A.},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {If You're an Egalitarian, How Come You're so Rich?},
  isbn      = {9780674006935},
  location  = {Cambridge, MA},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
}

@Book{Cohen2008,
  Title                    = {Rescuing Justice and Equality},
  Author                   = {Cohen, G.A.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9780674030763},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{CohenEtAl1972,
  author       = {Cohen, Michael D. and March, James G. and Olsen, Johan P.},
  date         = {1972},
  journaltitle = {Administrative Science Quarterly},
  title        = {A Garbage Can Model of Organizational Choice},
  issn         = {0001-8392},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1-25},
  url          = {http://fbaum.unc.edu/teaching/articles/Cohen_March_Olsen_1972.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {Organized anarchies are organizations characterized by problematic preferences, unclear technology, and fluid participation. Recent studies of universities, a familiar form of organized anarchy, suggest that such organizations can be viewed for some purposes as collections of choices looking for problems, issues and feelings looking for decision situations in which they might be aired, solutions looking for issues to which they might be an answer, and decision makers looking for work. These ideas are translated into an explicit computer simulation model of a garbage can decision process. The general implications of such a model are described in terms of five major measures on the process. Possible applications of the model to more narrow predictions are illustrated by an examination of the model's predictions with respect to the effect of adversity on university decision making.},
  publisher    = {[Sage Publications, Inc., Johnson Graduate School of Management, Cornell University]},
}

@Article{Cohen-ZadaJustman2003,
  Title                    = {The political economy of school choice: linking theory and evidence},
  Author                   = {Cohen-Zada, Danny and Justman, Moshe},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Urban Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0094-1190(03)00072-X},
  ISSN                     = {0094-1190},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {277--308},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {We derive an improved methodology for linking theoretical parameters of a political economy model of school choice to empirical values estimated by regressing local private enrollment shares on mean income, the median-to-mean ratio, religious and ethnic composition, and other variables. This leads us to reject the commonly maintained assumption that a coalition of `ends against the middle' determines local school funding, and to conclude instead that the median-income voter is decisive. It also allows us to estimate the perceived relative efficiency advantage of private schooling, which we find to be about 30\% at the margin.},
  Keywords                 = {Education demand, Education finance, Private education, Public education, Director's Law, Vouchers},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.28}
}

@Article{Cole1993,
  Title                    = {The presidential party and the fifth republic},
  Author                   = {Cole, Alistair},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402389308424960},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {49--66},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {Until 1986 the prevailing interpretation of the French Fifth Republic was one of encroaching presidential domination; notwithstanding some welcome revisionism occasioned by `cohabitation', presidentialism continues to permeate analysis of contemporary French politics. This article attempts a comparative assessment of the presidential party as it has functioned under the first four presidents of the French Fifth Republic: de Gaulle, Pompidou, Giscard d'Estaing and Mitterrand. It is contended that each presidential party has shared certain attributes, resulting from systemic influences in France's semi-presidential system; while retaining distinct characteristics derived from its identity as a particular type of party, and from the experience of a varying political context. The opportunities and constraints faced by successful presidential parties outweigh in importance their dissimilarites, inherited from their experience of different models of party organisation and ideology. No presidential party that has fallen from grace has managed to survive unscathed, nor to recover its position of former influence.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389308424960}
}

@Article{Cole2001,
  Title                    = {The New Governance of French Education?},
  Author                   = {Cole, Alistair},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9299.00276},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {707--724},
  Volume                   = {79},

  Abstract                 = {This article contributes to ongoing debates in comparative public administration through exploring the governance paradigm in the unfavourable empirical terrain of French education. After identifying potentially relevant features of governance, we investigate changing patterns of policy-making in French education at macro, meso and micro levels. Extrapolating research findings from extensive interviews and participant observation at ministerial meetings, we conclude the existence of a French-style governance that operates within distinctive ideational and institutional environments and interest structures. The article emphasizes the importance of historical and institutional traditions in framing the available pathways of governance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9299.00276}
}

@Article{Coleman1987,
  Title                    = {Families and Schools},
  Author                   = {Coleman, James S},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Researcher},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {32--38},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {Families at all economic levels are becoming increasingly ill-equipped to provide the setting that schools are designed to complement and augment in preparing the next generation. This paper describes the sources of this deficiency and indicates just what elements have come to be missing from home and community. These are conceptualized generally as social capital which is now in short supply for children and youth. A general approach to increasing the social capital available to the next generation is indicated.}
}

@Article{Coleman1992,
  Title                    = {Some Points on Choice in Education},
  Author                   = {Coleman, James S},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {260{--}262},
  Volume                   = {65}
}

@Article{Coleman1998,
  Title                    = {From protected development to market liberalism: paradigm change in agriculture},
  Author                   = {Coleman, William D.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501769880000061},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {632--651},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {In the post-war period, most Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) states followed a developmental policy paradigm in the agricultural sector. Using protection against international competition, regulation of prices and markets, and various structural measures, governments sought to promote a more productive, efficient agriculture, all the while sparing farmers from income instability. None the less, drawing on a comparison of France, Germany and the United States, the article demonstrates that the role of the state under the developmental paradigm varied depending on the ideas guiding policy-makers. These varying state roles become evident in a comparison of agricultural structural policies between 1995 and 1985. The differences among states in the institutionalization of the developmental paradigm, in turn, leave distinctive policy repertoires in place that differ in the obstacles they place in the way of a paradigm shift toward market liberalism. With fewer such obstacles, the US is shown to have moved to a reduced state role after 1985. In contrast, the two European states have participated in the elaboration of a new differentiated policy paradigm that seeks to balance market liberalism with a commitment to state support for social cohesion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769880000061},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{CollierLevitsky1997,
  author       = {Collier,David and Levitsky,Steven},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research},
  doi          = {10.1353/wp.1997.0009},
  issn         = {1086-3338},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {430--451},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {The recent trend toward democratization in countries across the globe has challenged scholars to pursue two potentially contradictory goals. On the one hand, they seek to increase analytic differentiation in order to capture the diverse forms of democracy that have emerged. On the other hand, they are concerned with conceptual validity. Specifically, they seek to avoid the problem of conceptual stretching that arises when the concept of democracy is applied to cases for which, by relevant scholarly standards, it is not appropriate. This article argues that the pursuit of these two goals has led to a proliferation of conceptual innovations, including numerous subtypes of democracy -- that is to say, democracy ``with adjectives.'' The article explores the strengths and weaknesses of alternative strategies of conceptual innovation that have emerged: descending and climbing Sartori's ladder of generality, generating ``diminished'' subtypes of democracy, ``precising'' the definition of democracy by adding defining attributes, and shifting the overarching concept with which democracy is associated. The goal of the analysis is to make more comprehensible the complex structure of these strategies, as well as to explore trade-offs among the strategies. Even when scholars proceed intuitively, rather than self-consciously, they tend to operate within this structure. Yet it is far more desirable for them to do so selfconsciously, with a full awareness of these trade-offs.},
  month        = {4},
}

@WWW{Collier2015,
  author       = {Collier, Paul},
  title        = {Good And Bad Nationalism},
  date         = {2015-03-10},
  url          = {https://www.socialeurope.eu/nationalism},
  organization = {Social Europe},
  urldate      = {2020-01-24},
}

@Unpublished{HouseofCommonsInformationOffice2008,
  Title                    = {Parliamentary Stages of a Government Bill},
  Author                   = {House of Commons Information Office},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Note                     = {Factsheet L1},

  Abstract                 = {At the beginning of each Session of Parliament the Government announces in the Queen{\textquoteright}s Speech the legislation it hopes to introduce during that Session. This Factsheet describes the process by which such legislation is passed. Other methods of passing bills, including those presented by Private Members, are described in Factsheets L2, L4 and L5.}
}

@Incollection{Congleton2003a,
  Title                    = {The Median Voter Model},
  Author                   = {Congleton, Roger D.},
  Booktitle                = {The Encyclopedia of Public Choice},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Charles K. Rowley and Friedrich Schneider},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/978-0-306-47828-4_142},
  Pages                    = {707--712},
  Publisher                = {Springer US},
  Url                      = {http://rdc1.net/forthcoming/medianvt.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Most analytical work in public choice is based upon relatively simple models of majority decision making. These models are widely used even though the researchers know that real political settings are more complex than the models seem to imply. The use of such simple models can be defended for a variety of reasons: First, simple models allow knowledge to be transmitted more economically from one person to another than possible with more complex models. Second, simple models provide us with engines of analysis that allow a variety of hypotheses about more complex phenomena to be developed, many of which would be impossible (or uninteresting) without the frame of reference provided by models. Third, it is possible that simple models are all that is necessary to understand the main features of the world. The world may be less complex that it appears; in which case simple models that extract the essential from the observed will serve us well.},
  ISSN                     = {978-0-306-47828-4},
  Keywords                 = {Economics/Management Science}
}

@Book{Congleton2003,
  Title                    = {Improving Democracy Through Constitutional Reform: Some Swedish Lessons},
  Author                   = {Congleton, Roger D.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {1402074328},
  Location                 = {Dordrecht, The Netherlands},
  Publisher                = {Kluwer}
}

@Article{Congleton2006,
  Title                    = {The story of Katrina: New Orleans and the political economy of catastrophe},
  Author                   = {Congleton, Roger D.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-7729-9},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--30},
  Volume                   = {127},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the public policies that lead to ``Katrina,'' paying particular attention to political decisions that created unusual risks in the New Orleans area. Most of the deaths from hurricane Katrina were concentrated in one place, New Orleans, and those losses arose in large part from its location in combination with its three century long effort to ``manage'' the risks associated with that location. Crisis management is inherently more error prone than ordinary policy making, because surprise implies the existence of significant information problems and urgency implies that time does not exist to completely address those problems (Congleton, 2005). In New Orleans the unavoidable mistakes of crisis management were compounded by policy choices made well before Katrina made landfall, as well as federalism, partisan politics, corruption, and incompetence.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-7729-9}
}

@Unpublished{ConleyMcCabe2008,
  Title                    = {Bribery or Just Desserts?: Evidence on the Influence of Congressional Voting Patterns on PAC Contributions from Exogenous Variation in the Sex Mix of Legislator Offspring},
  Author                   = {Conley, Dalton and McCabe, Brian J},
  Date                     = {2008},

  Abstract                 = {Evidence on the relationship between political contributions and legislators' voting behavior is marred by concerns about endogeneity in the estimation process. Using a legislator's offspring sex mix as an exogenous variable, we employ a two-stage least squares estimation procedure to predict the effect of voting behavior on political contributions. Following previous research, we find that a legislator's proportion daughters has a significant effect on voting behavior for women's issues, as measured by score in the ``Congressional Record on Choice'' issued by NARAL Pro-Choice America. In the second stage, we make a unique contribution by demonstrating a significant impact of exogenous voting behavior on PAC contributions, lending credibility to the hypothesis that Political Action Committees respond to legislators' voting patterns by ``rewarding'' political candidates that vote in line with the positions of the PAC, rather than affecting or ``bribing'' those same votes -- at least in this high profile policy domain.}
}

@Article{ConoverEtAl1986,
  Title                    = {Judging Inflation and Unemployment: The Origins of Retrospective Evaluations},
  Author                   = {Conover, Pamela Johnston and Feldman, Stanley and Knight, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {565--588},
  Volume                   = {48}
}

@Booklet{ConservativeParty2010,
  Title                    = {An Invitation to Join the Government of {Britain}: The Conservative Manifesto 2010},
  Author                   = {{Conservative Party}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Location                 = {London, UK},

  ISBN                     = {9781905116058},
  Month                    = apr
}

@Booklet{EuropeanConvention2003,
  Title                    = {Draft EU Constitution},
  Author                   = {European Convention},
  Date                     = {2003},
  HowPublished             = {Booklet},
  Note                     = {With Foreword from John Kerr.}
}

@InCollection{Converse1964,
  author    = {Converse, Philip},
  booktitle = {Ideology and Discontent},
  date      = {1964},
  title     = {The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics},
  doi       = {10.1080/08913810608443650},
  editor    = {Apter, David},
  location  = {New York, NY},
  publisher = {Free Press},
  urldate   = {2020-09-09},
}

@Article{CooleyOhanian1997,
  Title                    = {Postwar British Economic Growth and the Legacy of Keynes},
  Author                   = {Cooley, Thomas F. and Ohanian, Lee E.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/262079},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {439--472},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {The policies used by Britain to finance World War II represented a dramatic departure from the policies used to finance earlier wars and were very different from the policies used by the united states during the war. Following Keynes's recommendations, Britain taxed capital income at a much higher rate than the United States during the war and for much of the postwar period. We analyze quantitatively the policies designed by Keneys using an endogenous growth model and the ncoclassical growth model. We also evaluate the implications of tax-smoothing policies. We find that the welfare costs of Keynes's policies were very high relative to a tax-smoothing policy and argue that Britain's poor macroeconomic performance in the early postwar period is a consequence of the high tax rates levied on capital income.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/262079}
}

@Unpublished{CooperLeGrand2007,
  Title                    = {Choice of Provider and Equity: Making the 'Lefty' Case for Choice and Competition in Public Services},
  Author                   = {Cooper, Zachary and Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {Historically, reforms that increase both user choice of provider and provider competition have been touted by the right as a vehicle to improve efficiency and assailed by the left as a catalyst for producing inequality in access. However, over the last ten years, the rhetoric and policy surrounding choice and competition have begun to change as left-leaning governments have enacted choice reforms which they believed would have the potential to increase not only efficiency, but also equity. We argue that reforms that introduce more choice of provider, tied to increased competition and reimbursement schemes where money follows users{\textquoteright} choices, stand to increase equity in access in comparison to traditionally collectivist health systems. In this piece, we make the {\textquoteleft}lefty{\textquoteright} argument for choice and competition and articulate how increased user choice of provider and provider competition should resonate with traditional left-leaning values, rather than raising fears of inequity, threats to collectivism and abandonment of the welfare state. In comparison to traditionally collectivist public services, schemes with greater choice of provider and provider competition have the potential to be more equitable, more efficient and more true to the original aims of public services and the welfare state.}
}

@Article{Copelovitch2010,
  Title                    = {Master or Servant? Common Agency and the Political Economy of IMF Lending},
  Author                   = {Copelovitch, Mark S.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2009.00577.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {49--77},
  Url                      = {http://www.cerium.ca/IMG/pdf/copelovitch_2010.pdf},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {What explains the substantial variation in the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) lending policies over time and across cases? Some scholars argue that the IMF is the servant of the United States and other powerful member-states, while others contend that the Fund's professional staff acts independently in pursuit of its own bureaucratic interests. I argue that neither of these perspectives, on its own, fully and accurately explains IMF lending behavior. Rather, I propose a ``common agency'' theory of IMF policymaking, in which the Fund's largest shareholders --- the G5 countries that exercise de facto control over the Executive Board (EB) --- act collectively as its political principal. Using this framework, I argue that preference heterogeneity among G5 governments is a key determinant of variation in IMF loan size and conditionality. Under certain conditions, preference heterogeneity leads to either conflict or ``logrolling'' within the EB among the Fund's largest shareholders, while in others it creates scope for the IMF staff to exploit ``agency slack'' and increase its autonomy. Statistical analysis of an original data set of 197 nonconcessional IMF loans to 47 countries from 1984 to 2003 yields strong support for this framework and its empirical predictions. In clarifying the politics of IMF lending, the article sheds light on the merits of recent policy proposals to reform the Fund and its decision-making rules. More broadly, it furthers our understanding of delegation, agency, and the dynamics of policymaking within international organizations.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Online{Corn2012,
  Title                    = {SECRET VIDEO: Romney Tells Millionaire Donors What He REALLY Thinks of Obama Voters},
  Author                   = {David Corn},
  Date                     = {2012-09-17},
  Url                      = {http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/09/secret-video-romney-private-fundraiser},
  Urldate                  = {2014-12-18},

  Journaltitle             = {Mother Jones}
}

@Article{CorneliusRosenblum2005,
  author       = {Cornelius, Wayne A. and Rosenblum, Marc R.},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {Immigration and Politics},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.8.082103.104854},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {99-119},
  url          = {http://escholarship.org/uc/item/24t4f706.pdf},
  urldate      = {2015-09-03},
  volume       = {8},
  abstract     = {With nearly one in ten residents of advanced industrialized states now an immigrant, international migration has become a fundamental driver of social, economic, and political change. We review alternative models of migratory behavior (which emphasize structural factors largely beyond states' control) as well as models of immigration policy making that seek to explain the gaps between stated policy and actual outcomes. Some scholars attempt to explain the limited efficacy of control policies by focusing on domestic interest groups, political institutions, and the interaction among them; others approach the issue from an international or "intermestic" perspective. Despite the modest effects of control measures on unauthorized flows of economic migrants and asylum seekers, governments continue to determine the proportion of migrants who enjoy legal status, the specific membership rights associated with different legal (and undocumented) migrant classes, and how policies are implemented. These choices have important implications for how the costs and benefits of migration are distributed among different groups of migrants, native-born workers, employers, consumers, and taxpayers.},
}

@Article{CorneoGruner2002,
  Title                    = {Individual preferences for political redistribution},
  Author                   = {Corneo, Giacomo and Gr{\"u}ner, Hans Peter},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00172-9},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {83--107},
  Volume                   = {83},

  Abstract                 = {What drives people's support of governmental reduction of income inequality? We employ data from a large international survey in order to evaluate the explanatory power of three competing forces, referred to as the `homo oeconomicus effect', the `public values effect', and the `social rivalry effect'. The empirical analysis reveals that at the aggregate level all three effects play a significant role in shaping individual preferences for political redistribution. Attitudes of citizens in formerly socialist countries turn out to differ from those of western citizens in a systematic way.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00172-9},
  Keywords                 = {Governmental redistribution, Political attitudes},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{CostaKahn2003,
  author       = {Costa, Dora L and Kahn, Matthew E},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Civic Engagement and Community Heterogeneity: An Economist's Perspective},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {103--111},
  volume       = {1},
  annotation   = {Social capital},
}

@Article{CostaEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Introduction: Diffuse control mechanisms in the {Europe}an Union: towards a new democracy?},
  Author                   = {Costa, Olivier and Jabko, Nicolas and Lequesne, Christian and Magnette, Paul},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Pages                    = {666--676},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {One of the most important developments of western democracies in recent years is the demand for more democratic control and accountability. This new demand can be observed in the constant increase of mechanisms of control over political bodies and institutions, and also the diversification of these mechanisms. At the EU level, these changes are so clear that many policy-makers and scholars feel that it is bringing about a renewal of democracy. Since this article goes along with normative judgement, it is necessary to investigate these transformations with the following questions: Has the EU developed a new model of democracy that could be called ``diffuse democracy' and is better suited to its particular structure? Is it merely an extension of the notion of ''legal community'? The case studies assembled in this special issue seek to grasp the reality of accountability mechanisms in the EU and to assess whether they can be considered as elements of a new democratic paradigm.}
}

@Online{BBC2012,
  Title                    = {Strike call from NASUWT teachers' union},
  Author                   = {Sean Coughlan},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-17644678},
  Month                    = apr,

  Abstract                 = {A teachers' union conference has voted for an escalating campaign of industrial action over "ideologically driven attacks" on state education.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-17644678},
  HowPublished             = {BBC News Online}
}

@Article{CourantLoeb1997,
  Title                    = {Centralization of School Finance in Michigan},
  Author                   = {Courant, Paul N and Loeb, Susanna},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/(SICI)1520-6688(199724)16:1<114::AID-PAM6>3.0.CO;2-I},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {114--136},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {School finance reform in Michigan involved centralization (at the state level) of spending decisions about schools, a large tax shift (mostly from property to sales), and a small tax cut. The changes came about after two decades of failed attempts to reduce property taxes in the state, and were the immediate result of an unlikely piece of legislation that abolished all funding for public schools. Unlike most centralized systems, foundation grants in Michigan differ by district. Distributionally, the reforms favor residents of small, rural districts (whose spending was increased sharply). Residents of poorer urban areas, including Detroit, lost net income as a result of the reforms, as did residents of some of the richest suburbs in the state. Michigan permits a number of districts to supplement their foundation grants by limited amounts, a strategy that we argue may be a promising way of combining the efficiency benefits of local control with the equity benefits of foundation grant systems.}
}

@Incollection{Cowell2000,
  Title                    = {Measurement of Inequality},
  Author                   = {Cowell, F.A.},
  Booktitle                = {Handbook of Income Distribution},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Atkinson, Anthony B. and Bourguignon, Fran\c{c}ois},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S1574-0056(00)80005-6},
  Pages                    = {87--166},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis of inequality is placed in the context of recent developments in economics and statistics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {10.1016/S1574-0056(00)80005-6},
  ISSN                     = {1574-0056},
  Keywords                 = {Inequality, social welfare, income distribution, C13, D63},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{Cowen2010,
  author       = {Cowen, Tyler},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {New York Times},
  title        = {Why Politics Is Stuck in the Middle},
  doi          = {10/02},
  note         = {February 6th},
  abstract     = {Economists approach political competition with a simple but potent hypothesis called the ``median voter theorem.'' Anthony Downs, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, proposed the idea in his 1957 book, ``An Economic Theory of Democracy.'' Essentially, the idea is this: Any politician who strays too far from voters at the philosophical center will soon be out of office.},
}

@Online{Cowen2012,
  Title                    = {Affluence and Influence},
  Author                   = {Tyler Cowen},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2012/07/affluence-and-influence.html},
  Month                    = jul,
  Note                     = {Published on marginalrevolution.com},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2012/07/affluence-and-influence.html}
}

@Article{CowenSutter1998,
  Title                    = {Why only Nixon could go to {China}},
  Author                   = {Cowen, Tyler and Sutter, Daniel},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1004907414530},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {605--615},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Abstract                 = {Right-wing politicians sometimes can implement policies that left-wing politicians cannot, and vice versa. Contemporary wisdom has it that `only Nixon could have gone to China'. We develop a model to explain this phenomenon. A policy issue could depend on information, on which every one could potentially agree on policy, or on values, on which agreement is impossible. Politicians, who value both reelection and policy outcomes, realize the nature of the issue, whereas voters do not. Only a right-wing president can credibly signal the desirability of a left-wing course of action. The Nixon paradox can hold then if citizens vote retrospectively on the issue.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1004907414530}
}

@Article{Cox1990,
  Title                    = {Centripetal and Centrifugal Incentives in Electoral Systems},
  Author                   = {Cox, Gary W},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {903{--}935},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates how electoral laws affect the position-taking incentives of parties and candidates. It seeks to extend the finding presented in the classical "median voter theorem" to a wide class of electoral systems{--}or to show the limits of such extension. The factors examined are the district magnitude, the electoral formula, the number of votes each voter is allowed to cast, whether voters can cumulate their votes, and whether voters can "partially abstain." I suggest a crude division of electoral systems into those producing predominantly centripetal incentives and those producing predominantly centrifugal incentives. Among the factors found to produce centripetal incentives, at least in noncumulative systems, are the following: increases in the number of votes per voter; outlawry of "partial abstention"; and decreases in the district magnitude. In systems allowing the cumulation of votes, matters are a bit different.}
}

@Article{Cox1994,
  Title                    = {The Development of Collective Responsibility in the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {Cox, Gary W},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary History},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1750-0206.1994.tb00212.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {32--47},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1994.tb00212.x}
}

@Article{Cox1999,
  Title                    = {The Empirical Content of Rational Choice Theory: A Reply to Green and Shapiro},
  Author                   = {Cox, Gary W.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951692899011002001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {147--169},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Green and Shapiro have argued that rational choice theory has produced virtually no new propositions about politics that have been carefully tested and not found wanting; and that an empirically successful rational choice theory would be no more universal than the middle-level theories that they advocate. In this essay I argue four main points. First, Pathologies of Rational Choice Analysis was much better designed to illustrate methodological failings than to sustain a global claim that rational choice theory has made no empirical contributions. Second, there is empirically confirmed content specific to rational choice theory, enough to make it the vital and exciting research program that it is. Third, there is a sense in which rational choice is more universal than its predecessors. Fourth, to provide a full evaluation of the scientific value of any theory one needs to consider both theoretical and empirical success.}
}

@Article{CoxWitko2008,
  Title                    = {School Choice and the Creation of Social Capital Reexamined},
  Author                   = {Cox, James H and Witko, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00304.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {142--155},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars have argued that by spurring parental involvement in school activities, school choice creates social capital. While government policies may be able to create social capital, we doubt that school choice is such a policy and argue that participation in school activities is largely determined by individual-level attributes and the school context, rather than choice per se. To assess this claim we use the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study data. Unlike most school choice studies, this data set has a large, representative national sample. More importantly, the panel structure of the data allows us to examine the same parents both before and after the school choice decision has been made, permitting a true dynamic analysis. The results demonstrate that actively choosing a child's school does not make parents more likely to participate in school activities. Some institutional attributes of schools do appear to increase parental involvement in school activities, however.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00304.x}
}

@Article{Cox2004,
  Title                    = {Empire by Denial? Debating US Power},
  Author                   = {Cox, Michael},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Security Dialogue},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0967010604044981},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {228--236},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604044981}
}

@Article{Cox2001,
  Title                    = {The Social Construction of an Imperative: Why Welfare Reform Happened in {Denmark} and the {Netherlands} but Not in {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Cox, Robert Henry},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {463--498},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {This article seeks to explain why Denmark and the Netherlands made dramatic progress reforming their welfare systems in the 1990s and why Germany had a relatively slow start. Some possible explanations found to be incomplete are institutional differences in welfare programs, the uniqueness of circumstances (for example, German unification), and the balance of political power in governing institutions. An important part of the puzzle is an increasing perception of the need to reform that was more widespread in Denmark and the Netherlands. The social construction of an imperative to reform in these countries generated a political consensus that was elusive in Germany but that may be developing under Gerhard Schr{\"o}der's government.}
}

@Article{CoxAlm2008,
  author       = {Cox, W. Michael and Alm, Richard},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {New York Times},
  title        = {You Are What You Spend},
  doi          = {10/opinion},
  note         = {February 10th},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/10/opinion/10cox.html},
  month        = feb,
  timestamp    = {2011.09.22},
}

@Article{Crane1985,
  Title                    = {Hospital cost control in {Norway}: a decade's experience with prospective payment},
  Author                   = {Thomas S. Crane},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Health Reports},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {406--417},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {Under Norway's prospective payment system, which was in existence from 1972 to 1980, hospital costs increased 15.8 percent annually, compared with 15.3 percent in the United States. In 1980 the Norwegian national government started paying for all institutional services according to a population-based, morbidity-adjusted formula. Norway's prospective payment system provides important insights into problems of controlling hospital costs despite significant differences, including ownership of medical facilities and payment and spending as a percent of GNP. Yet striking similarities exist. Annual real growth in health expenditures from 1972 to 1980 in Norway was 2.2 percent, compared with 2.4 percent in the United States. In both countries, public demands for cost control were accompanied by demands for more services. And problems of geographic dispersion of new technology and distribution of resources were similar. Norway's experience in the 1970s demonstrates that prospective payment is no panacea. The annual budget process created disincentives to hospitals to control costs. But Norway's changes in 1980 to a population-based methodology suggest a useful approach to achieve a more equitable distribution of resources. This method of payment provides incentives to control variations in both admissions and cost per case. In contrast, the Medicare approach based on Diagnostic Related Groups (DRGs) is limited, and it does not affect variations in admissions and capital costs. Population-based methodologies can be used in adjusting DRG rates to control both problems. In addition, the DRG system only applies to Medicare payments; the Norwegian experience demonstrates that this system may result in significant shifting of costs onto other payors.}
}

@Article{CranmerEtAl2016,
  author       = {Cranmer,Skyler J. and Rice,Douglas R. and Siverson,Randolph M.},
  title        = {What To Do About Atheoretic Lags},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {FirstView},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.36},
  abstract     = {We examine a problem that is confronted frequently by political science researchers seeking to model longitudinal data: what to do when one suspects a lag between the realization of a regressor and its effect on the outcome variable, but one has no theoretical reason to suspect a particular lag length. We examine the theoretical challenges posed by atheoretic lags, review existing methods for atheoretic lag analysis -- most notably distributed lag specifications -- and their shortcomings, and present an alternative approach for atheoretic lag analysis based on Bayesian model averaging (BMA). We demonstrate the use and utility of our approach with two examples: the litigant signal model in American politics and modernization theory in political economy. Our examples show the increasing difficulty of analyzing models with atheoretic lags as the set of possible specifications increases, and demonstrate the effectiveness of BMA for the modal type of specification in time-series cross-sectional applications.},
  numpages     = {25},
}

@Book{Crawley2007,
  Title                    = {The R Book},
  Author                   = {Crawley, Michael J.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-470-51024-7},
  Location                 = {Chichester, UK},
  Publisher                = {John Wiley \& Sons}
}

@Unpublished{CreedyMoslehi2007,
  Title                    = {The Optimal Composition of Governement Expenditure},
  Author                   = {Creedy, John and Moslehi, Solmaz},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {University of Melbourne, Department of Economics Research Paper number 1008.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the optimal ratio of transfer payments to expenditure on public goods, for a given income tax rate. The transfer payment is then determined by the government{\textquoteright}s budget constraint. The optimal ratio of transfers to public good expenditure per person is expressed as a function of the ratio of the median to the mean wage, and of the tax rate. Reductions in the skewness of the wage rate distribution are associated with reductions in transfer payments relative to public goods expenditure, at a decreasing rate. Furthermore, increases in the tax rate, from relatively low levels, are associated with increases in the relative importance of transfer payments. But beyond a certain level, further tax rate increases are associated with a lower ratio of transfers to public goods.}
}

@Unpublished{CreedyMoslehi2007a,
  Title                    = {Modelling The Composition of Government Expenditure in Democracies},
  Author                   = {Creedy, John and Moslehi, Solmaz},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {University of Melbourne, Department of Economics Research Paper number 1007.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers whether the ratio of transfer payments to expenditure on public goods in democracies can be explained as the outcome of majority voting. A simple model is constructed in which individuals vote for government expenditure on a public good, for a given income tax rate. The transfer payment is then determined by the government{\textquoteright}s budget constraint. The equilibrium ratio of transfers to public good expenditure per person is expressed as a quadratic function both of the ratio of the median to the mean wage, and of the tax rate. Data for 29 democratic countries are used to estimate a cross-sectional regression. The empirical results confirm that reductions in the skewness of the wage rate distribution are associated with reductions in transfer payments relative to public goods expenditure, at a decreasing rate. Furthermore, increases in the tax rate, from relatively low levels, are associated with increases in the relative importance of transfer payments. But beyond a certain level, further tax rate increases are associated with a lower ratio of transfers to public goods.}
}

@Article{CreedyMoslehi2008,
  Title                    = {Modelling the composition of government expenditure in democracies},
  Author                   = {Creedy, John and Moslehi, Solmaz},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2008.07.006},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {42--55},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers majority voting over the ratio of transfer payments to per capita expenditure on public goods. A model is constructed in which individuals vote for government expenditure on a public good, for a given income tax rate. Labour supply is endogenous. The equilibrium ratio of transfers to public good expenditure is a function of the ratio of median to mean wages and the tax rate. Cross-sectional regressions con?rmed that reductions in the skewness of the wage rate distribution are associated with reductions in transfer payments relative to public goods expenditure, at a decreasing rate. Increases in the tax rate initially increase the importance of transfer payments but eventually tax rate increases lead to lower transfers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2008.07.006}
}

@Article{Crepaz1990,
  Title                    = {The impact of party polarization and postmaterialism on voter turnout},
  Author                   = {Crepaz, Markus M.L.},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1990.tb00228.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {183--205},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Previous research on voter turnout has concluded that institutional factors such as compulsory voting, registration laws and the degree of disproportionality of the electoral system have a determining impact on the number of people who cast their ballots. This article goes beyond such an institutional explanation. It is hypothesized that a diverse political landscape which offers a great menu of political choices to electors is more likely to have a higher voter turnout than a political system in which the differences between the parties are small. The greater the range of political expression available the more people are stimulated to vote. This study found that countries with a high party polarization have significantly higher turnout rates than countries with a rather narrow political spectrum. In addition, countries in which a `postmaterialist party' is present in the national parliament also display significantly higher voter turnout rates than countries which lack such a party. In order to explain the determinants of voter turnout, not only institutional variables but also intrinsically political variables such as the number of parties, the type of parties and party polarization have to be introduced. To solve the puzzle of varying voter turnout rates, `politics' has to be brought back in.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1990.tb00228.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Article{Crepaz2001,
  Title                    = {Veto Players, Globalization and the Redistributive Capacity of the State: A Panel Study of 15 OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Crepaz, Markus M.L},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0143814X01001015},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {1{--}22},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {Globalization is said to restrict severely the state{\textquoteright}s capacity to fulfill its welfare function in advanced industrial societies. This paper tests empirically the redistributive capacity of the state operationalized as the difference in percent of households who live below 50\% of the median income in their respective country before taxes and transfers and after taxes and transfers, based on the latest Luxembourg Income Study data. Besides globalization, specific sets of domestic political institutions predictably and systematically affect the redistributive capacity of the state:what is termed {\textquoteleft}collective veto points{\textquoteright} buoy redistribution by the state, while {\textquoteleft}competitive veto points{\textquoteright} have the opposite effect. Partisan coloration is introduced as a control variable which, surprisingly, does not affect this critical function of the welfare state. The research design is a cross-sectionally dominant panel design (N=15, t=2). This study finds evidence that globalization and collective veto points both positively affect the redistributive capacity of the state while the converse is true for competitive veto points.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0143814X01001015}
}

@Article{Crepaz2002,
  Title                    = {Global, Constitutional, and Partisan Determinants of Redistribution in Fifteen OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Crepaz, Markus M.L},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {169{--}188},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {Two different ways of diffusing political power, collective and competitive veto points, have systematically and predictably different effects on the capacity of the state to redistribute incomes. While collective veto points buoy the welfare state, competitive veto points inhibit it. Not all veto points have restricting effects. There is also a positive relationship between the number of governing parties in coalitions and the redistributive capacity of the state. These institutional effects are maintained even when the forces of globalization are added. In contrast to what many globalists argue, globalization does not reduce the capacity of the state to redistribute incomes.}
}

@Article{CrepazLijphart1995,
  author       = {Crepaz, Markus M.L and Lijphart, Arend},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Linking and Integrating Corporatism and Consensus Democracy: Theory, Concepts and Evidence},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {281--288},
  volume       = {25},
  annotation   = {Response to Keman and Pennings (1995).},
}

@Book{CreweKing1995,
  Title                    = {{SDP}: The Birth, Life, and Death of the Social Democratic Party},
  Author                   = {Crewe, Ivor and King, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1995},
  ISBN                     = {9780198280507},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{CribbGewirtz2007,
  Title                    = {Unpacking Autonomy and Control in Education: some conceptual and normative groundwork for a comparative analysis},
  Author                   = {Cribb, Alan and Gewirtz, Sharon},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2304/eerj.2007.6.3.203},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {203--213},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {To make meaningful comparisons of the consequences of new modes of regulation in education for local autonomy in different national settings we need to a) be clear about what is meant by local autonomy and state control, b) be clear about why the balance between local autonomy and state control matters and c) produce good quality empirical data and analysis. The purpose of this article is to make a contribution to the first two of these tasks which are relatively neglected in the education research literature. The authors begin by unpacking some conceptual complexities involved in debating issues of autonomy and control, distinguishing between three dimensions of autonomy-control: loci and modes of autonomy, domains of autonomy-control and loci and modes of control. They then go on to illustrate some of the normative complexities surrounding issues of autonomy-control, using the case of individual teacher autonomy to explore arguments about the value of autonomy and control. Finally, the authors discuss the implications of these complexities for the task of policy analysis. In doing so, they seek to: 'trouble' the presumption that autonomy is necessarily good; challenge the notion that control and autonomy are discrete entities in some simple zero-sum relationship to one another, drawing attention to the ways in which control can be seen as 'productive' as well as 'destructive' of autonomy; and sketch out the multi-dimensional nature of cross-national comparative evaluation of regulation in education.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2007.6.3.203}
}

@Booklet{CribbEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Living Standards, Poverty and Inequality in the UK: 2013},
  Author                   = {Cribb, Jonathan and Hood, Andrew and Joyce, Robert and Phillips, David},
  Date                     = {2013-06},
  Doi                      = {10.1920/re.ifs.2013.0081},
  HowPublished             = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  Location                 = {London, UK}
}

@Book{Cristiano1996,
  Title                    = {The Rule Of The Many: Fundamental Issues In Democratic Theory},
  Author                   = {Cristiano, Thomas},
  Date                     = {1996},
  ISBN                     = {978-0813314556},
  Publisher                = {Westview Press}
}

@Unpublished{DeLaCroixDeopke2006,
  Title                    = {To Segregate or to Integrate: Education Politics and Democracy},
  Author                   = {de la Croix, David and Doepke, Matthias},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {The governments of nearly all countries are major providers of primary and secondary education to its citizens. In some countries, however, public schools coexist with private schools, while in others the government is the sole provider of education. In this study, we ask why different societies make different choices regarding the mix of private and public schooling. We develop a theory which integrates private education and fertility decisions with voting on public schooling expenditures. In a given political environment, high income inequality leads to more private education, as rich people opt out of the public system. Comparing across political systems, we find that concentration of political power can lead to multiple equilibria in the determination of public education spending.}
}

@Book{CroninEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times},
  Author                   = {Cronin, James E. and Ross, George W. and Shoch, James},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0822350798},
  Publisher                = {Duke University Press}
}

@Article{Crouch2010,
  Title                    = {The financial crisis a new chance for labour movements? Not yet},
  Author                   = {Colin Crouch},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Volume                   = {8}
}

@Book{Crouch2011,
  Title                    = {The Strange Non-Death of Neoliberalism},
  Author                   = {Crouch, Colin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0745652214},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Polity Press}
}

@Article{Crowe2003,
  Title                    = {A common {Europe}an foreign policy after {Iraq}?},
  Author                   = {Crowe, Brian},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2346.00321},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2346},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {533--546},
  Volume                   = {79},

  Abstract                 = {Taking as read the wide range of other instruments that the EU has for international influence (enlargement, aid, trade, association and other arrangements, etc.), the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), under pressure from the Kosovo conflict, has been shaped by two important decisions in 1999: the creation of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) to give the EU a military capability when NATO as a whole is not engaged, and the appointment as the new High Representative for the CFSP of a high-profile international statesman rather than a senior civil servant. A major European effort will still be needed if Europe is to be effective militarily, whether in the EU/ESDP or NATO framework. The management of the CFSP has been held back by the doctrine of the equality of all member states regardless of their actual contribution. This in turn leads to a disconnect between theory (policy run by committee in Brussels) and practice (policy run by the High Representative working with particular member states and other actors, notably the US). It has been difficult for Javier Solana to develop the authority to do this, not in competition with the Commission as so widely and mistakenly believed, as with member states themselves, and particularly successive rotating presidencies. It is important that misdiagnosis does not lead to politically correct solutions that end up with the cure worse than the disease. Ways need to be found to assure to the High Representative the authority to work with third countries and with the member states making the real contribution, while retaining the support of all. Then, with its own military capability, the EU can have a CFSP that is the highest common factor rather than the lowest common denominator, with member states ready to attach enough priority to the need for common policies to give Europeans a strong influence in the big foreign policy issues of the day.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00321},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Crump2003,
  Title                    = {Rejoinder: Alex Schwartz's critique of 'The end of public housing as we know it'},
  Author                   = {Crump, Jeff R},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2427.00440},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {193{--}195},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {In this article I argue that the US public housing policy, as codified by the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998 (QHWRA), is helping to reconfigure the racial and class structure of many inner cities. By promoting the demolition of public housing projects and replacement with mixed-income housing developments, public housing policy is producing a gentrified inner-city landscape designed to attract middle and upper-class people back to the inner city. The goals of public housing policy are also broadly consonant with those of welfare reform wherein the 'workfare' system helps to bolster and produce the emergence of contingent low-wage urban labor markets. In a similar manner, I argue that public housing demonstration programs, such as the 'Welfare-to-Work' initiative, encourage public housing residents to join the lowwage labor market. Although the rhetoric surrounding the demolition of public housing emphasizes the economic opportunities made available by residential mobility, I argue that former public housing residents are simply being relocated into private housing within urban ghettos. Such a spatial fix to the problems of unemployment and poverty will not solve the problems of inner-city poverty. Will it take another round of urban riots before we seriously address the legacy of racism and discrimination that has shaped the US city? Cet article demontre que la politique du logement public americaine, telle que la reglemente la Loi de 1998, Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act, contribue a remodeler la structure par races et classes de nombreux quartiers desherites des centres-villes. En favorisant la demolition d'ensembles de logements sociaux et leur remplacement par des complexes urbanises a loyers varies, la politique publique genere un embourgeoisement des centres-villes destinea y ramener les classes moyennes et superieures. Les objectifs de la politique du logement rejoignent largement ceux de la reforme sociale ou le systeme de 'l'allocation conditionnelle' facilite et nourrit la creation de marches contingents du travail a bas salaires. De meme, les programmes experimentaux de logements publics, telle l'initiative Welfare-to-Work (De l'aide sociale au travail) poussent les habitants des logements sociaux a rejoindre le marchede la main d'oeuvre a bas salaires. Bien que les discours autour de la demolition des logements sociaux mettent en avant les ouvertures economiques creees par la mobilite residentielle, leurs anciens habitants sont simplement en train d'etre deplaces vers des logements prives situes dans des ghettos urbains. Ce genre de solution spatiale aux problemes du chomage et de la pauvrete ne viendra pas a bout du denuement des quartiers desherites du centre. Faudra-t-il une autre serie d'emeutes urbaines pour que l'on aborde serieusement l'heritage de racisme et de discrimination qui a faconne les villes americaines?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00440}
}

@Article{Crump2003a,
  Title                    = {The end of public housing as we know it: public housing policy, labor regulation and the US city},
  Author                   = {Crump, Jeff R},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2427.00438},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {179{--}187},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {In this article I argue that the US public housing policy, as codified by the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998 (QHWRA), is helping to reconfigure the racial and class structure of many inner cities. By promoting the demolition of public housing projects and replacement with mixed-income housing developments, public housing policy is producing a gentrified inner-city landscape designed to attract middle and upper-class people back to the inner city. The goals of public housing policy are also broadly consonant with those of welfare reform wherein the 'workfare' system helps to bolster and produce the emergence of contingent low-wage urban labor markets. In a similar manner, I argue that public housing demonstration programs, such as the 'Welfare-to-Work' initiative, encourage public housing residents to join the lowwage labor market. Although the rhetoric surrounding the demolition of public housing emphasizes the economic opportunities made available by residential mobility, I argue that former public housing residents are simply being relocated into private housing within urban ghettos. Such a spatial fix to the problems of unemployment and poverty will not solve the problems of inner-city poverty. Will it take another round of urban riots before we seriously address the legacy of racism and discrimination that has shaped the US city? Cet article demontre que la politique du logement public americaine, telle que la reglemente la Loi de 1998, Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act, contribue a remodeler la structure par races et classes de nombreux quartiers desherites des centres-villes. En favorisant la demolition d'ensembles de logements sociaux et leur remplacement par des complexes urbanises a loyers varies, la politique publique genere un embourgeoisement des centres-villes destinea y ramener les classes moyennes et superieures. Les objectifs de la politique du logement rejoignent largement ceux de la reforme sociale ou le systeme de 'l'allocation conditionnelle' facilite et nourrit la creation de marches contingents du travail a bas salaires. De meme, les programmes experimentaux de logements publics, telle l'initiative Welfare-to-Work (De l'aide sociale au travail) poussent les habitants des logements sociaux a rejoindre le marchede la main d'oeuvre a bas salaires. Bien que les discours autour de la demolition des logements sociaux mettent en avant les ouvertures economiques creees par la mobilite residentielle, leurs anciens habitants sont simplement en train d'etre deplaces vers des logements prives situes dans des ghettos urbains. Ce genre de solution spatiale aux problemes du chomage et de la pauvrete ne viendra pas a bout du denuement des quartiers desherites du centre. Faudra-t-il une autre serie d'emeutes urbaines pour que l'on aborde serieusement l'heritage de racisme et de discrimination qui a faconne les villes americaines?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00438}
}

@Book{Cukierman1992,
  Title                    = {Central bank strategy, credibility, and independence : theory and evidence},
  Author                   = {Cukierman, Alex},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-262-03198-1},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{Cukierman2008,
  author       = {Cukierman, Alex},
  title        = {Central bank independence and monetary policymaking institutions --- Past, present and future},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {722--736},
  note         = {Does central bank independence still matter?},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2008.07.007},
  url          = {http://www.tau.ac.il/~alexcuk/pdf/Published\%20Version-POLECO1087.pdf},
  abstract     = {This is an extensive survey of worldwide developments in the area of monetary policymaking institutions during the second half of the twentieth century and beyond. In addition the last section discusses current open issues and future challenges. Section 2 reviews the changes that have occurred in the area of central bank independence (CBI) during the last twenty years, discusses reasons for those developments and provides an overview of accumulated empirical evidence on the relation between \{CBI\} and the performance of the economy. Section 3 discusses lessons from stabilization of inflation, reviews the evidence and implications of asymmetric central bank objectives and considers the issue of \{CBI\} within the broader context of choosing a nominal anchor. Section 4 reviews the impact of independence on economic performance in the presence of labor unions. Section 5 considers future challenges facing modern central banks. The discussion presumes that \{CBI\} and price stability are here to stay and focuses on issues relating to the conduct of monetary policy by independent central banks in an era of price stability, like the risks associated with flexible inflation targeting and the impact of central bank capital and finances on its independence.},
}

@Article{CukiermanTommasi1998,
  Title                    = {When Does It Take a Nixon to Go to {China}?},
  Author                   = {Cukierman, Alex and Tommasi, Mariano},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {180{--}197},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {Substantial policy changes (like market-oriented reforms by populist parties and steps towards peace by ``hawks'') are sometimes implemented by ``unlikely'' parties. To account for such episodes this paper develops a framework in which incumbent politicians have better information about the state of the world than voters. The incumbent is unable to credibly transmit all this information since voters are also imperfectly informed about his ideology. This paper identifies conditions under which an incumbent party's electoral prospects increase the more atypical the policy it proposes. Popular support for a policy, or its ``credibility,'' depends on the policy maker-policy pair.}
}

@Article{CullenEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {The impact of school choice on student outcomes: an analysis of the Chicago Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Cullen, Julie Berry and Jacob, Brian A. and Levitt, Steven D.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.05.001},
  Number                   = {5-6},
  Pages                    = {729--760},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {We explore the impact of school choice on student outcomes in the context of open enrollment within the Chicago Public Schools (CPS). Roughly half of the students opt out of their assigned high school to attend a different CPS school, and these students are much more likely than those who remain in their assigned schools to graduate. To determine the source of this apparent benefit, we compare outcomes across (i) similar students with differential access to schooling options and (ii) travelers and non-travelers within the same school. The results suggest that, other than for students who select career academies, the observed cross-sectional benefits are likely spurious.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.05.001}
}

@Article{CullenEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {The Effect of School Choice on Participants: Evidence from Randomized Lotteries},
  Author                   = {Cullen, Julie Berry and Jacob, Brian A. and Levitt, Steven D.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0262.2006.00702.x},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1191--1230},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {School choice has become an increasingly prominent strategy for enhancing academic achievement. To evaluate the impact on participants, we exploit randomized lotteries that determine high school admission in the Chicago Public Schools. Compared to those students who lose lotteries, students who win attend high schools that are better in a number of dimensions, including peer achievement and attainment levels. Nonetheless, we find little evidence that winning a lottery provides any systematic benefit across a wide variety of traditional academic measures. Lottery winners do, however, experience improvements on a subset of nontraditional outcome measures, such as self-reported disciplinary incidents and arrest rates.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0262.2006.00702.x}
}

@Article{CullenLevitt1999,
  Title                    = {Crime, Urban Flight, and the Consequences for Cities},
  Author                   = {Cullen, Julie Berry and Levitt, Steven D.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465399558030},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {159--169},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the link between rising city crime rates and urban flight. Each additional reported crime is associated with a roughly one-person decline in city population. Almost all of the crime-related population decline is attributable to increased out-migration rather than a decrease in new arrivals. Households that leave the city because of crime are much more likely to remain within the Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA) than those that leave the city for other reasons. Migration decisions of highly educated households and those with children are particularly responsive to changes in crime. Causality appears to run from rising crime rates to city depopulation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003465399558030}
}

@Article{CullisEtAl1991,
  Title                    = {Public Choice Perspectives on the Poll Tax},
  Author                   = {Cullis, J. G and Jones, P. R and Morrissey, O},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {406},
  Pages                    = {600{--}614},
  Volume                   = {101}
}

@Article{Culpepper2007,
  Title                    = {Small States and Skill Specificity: {Austria}, {Switzerland}, and Interemployer Cleavages in Coordinated Capitalism},
  Author                   = {Culpepper, Pepper D},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006295927},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {611--637},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {The varieties of capitalism literature has put skill systems at the center of comparative politics. Yet its claims about skill specificity are driven by two large coordinated economies, Germany and Japan. This article examines political change of skills in two small coordinated economies. Switzerland has expanded its general skills orientation, whereas Austria retains a highly specific skills system. The cause of this divergence is the different interests of small and large employers: Small employers are more cost sensitive than are large employers, which leads them to oppose the introduction of more general education. The study also shows that the primary measure of skill specificity used in quantitative work{--}vocational training share{--}is unreliable. It fails to distinguish between secondary and tertiary vocational training, which have opposite effects on skill specificity. The article develops and justifies an alternative measure{--}tertiary vocational training{--}that better predicts the skills clusters observed in advanced capitalism.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006295927}
}

@Article{Culpepper2008,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Common Knowledge: Ideas and Institutional Change in Wage Bargaining},
  Author                   = {Culpepper, Pepper D.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818308080016},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}33},
  Volume                   = {62}
}

@Book{Culpepper2011,
  Title                    = {Quiet Politics and Business Power},
  Author                   = {Culpepper, Pepper D.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-521-11859-0},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{CulpepperRegan2014,
  Title                    = {Why don't governments need trade unions anymore? The death of social pacts in {Ireland} and {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Culpepper, Pepper D. and Regan, Aidan},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwt028},

  Abstract                 = {During the 1990s, a prominent strategy of economic adjustment to the challenges of competitiveness and budgetary retrenchment among the non-corporatist countries of Europe was the negotiation of social pacts. Since the onset of the great recession and the Eurozone crisis, social pacts have been conspicuous by their absence. Why have unions not been invited into government buildings to negotiate paths of economic adjustment in the countries hardest hit by the crisis? Drawing on empirical experiences from Ireland and Italytwo cases on which much of the social pact literature concentratedthis article attributes the exclusion of unions to their declining legitimacy. Unions in the new European periphery have lost the capacity either to threaten governments with the stick of protest or to seduce policymakers with the carrot of problem-solving. They are now seen as a narrow interest group like any other.}
}

@Article{Currie1991,
  Title                    = {Employment Determination in a Unionized Public-Sector Labor Market: The Case of Ontario's School Teachers},
  Author                   = {Currie, Janet},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45--66},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {A standard efficient-contracts model of employment determination in a unionized labor market is contrasted with a naive model of labor supply and demand that allows for the possibility of monopsony in the market for public school teachers. The standard model is consistent with the data and suggests that employment contracts are strongly efficient, but a more surprising result is that the simple supply/demand model is not rejected by the data either. Estimates of the latter suggest that the demand for teachers is inelastic and that the supply curve is slightly upward sloping, rather than perfectly elastic, at the union wage.}
}

@Article{CurrieGahvari2008,
  Title                    = {Transfers in Cash and In Kind: Theory Meets the Data},
  Author                   = {Currie, Janet and Gahvari, Firouz},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jel.46.2.333},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {333--383},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {We review theoretical explanations for in-kind transfers in light of the limited empirical evidence. After reviewing the traditional paternalistic arguments, we consider explanations based on imperfect information and self-targeting. We then discuss the large literature on in-kind programs as a way of improving the efficiency of the tax system and a range of other possible explanations including the ``Samaritan's Dilemma'', pecuniary effects, credit constraints, asymmetric information amongst agents, and political economy considerations. Our reading of the evidence suggests that paternalism and interdependent preferences are leading overall explanations for the existence of in-kind transfer programs, but that some of the other arguments may apply to specific cases. Political economy considerations must also be part of the story.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.46.2.333}
}

@Article{Curtice2010,
  Title                    = {{So What Went Wrong with the Electoral System? The 2010 Election Result and the Debate About Electoral Reform}},
  Author                   = {Curtice, John},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsq018},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {623--638},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {Single-member plurality is often thought to facilitate a two-party system of alternating single-party majority government. However, no party secured an overall majority in the 2010 UK election, which was followed by the formation of the first peacetime coalition government since the 1930s. This article assesses whether this outcome was a one-off occurrence or was symptomatic of longer term changes in voting patterns in the UK that have reduced the likelihood of singe party majorities. To do so it charts trends in the level of third party support and representation, the incidence of marginal seats, and bias in the treatment of the two largest parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsq018}
}

@Article{Curtin2000,
  Title                    = {Citizens' Fundamental Right of Access to EU Information: An Evolving Digital Passepartout?},
  Author                   = {Curtin, Deirdre M},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Common Market Law Review},
  Pages                    = {7--41},
  Volume                   = {37}
}

@Techreport{CurtisEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {The Academies programme: Progress, problems and possibilities},
  Author                   = {Curtis, Andrew and Exley, Sonia and Sasia, Amanda and Tough, Sarah and Whitty, Geoff},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Institution              = {The Sutton Trust},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Month                    = dec,
  Url                      = {http://www.suttontrust.com/researcharchive/academies-programme-progress-problems-possibilities/},

  Abstract                 = {One of the most prominent and controversial aspects of the New Labour government's education policy is undoubtedly the Academies programme. Despite criticisms of the programme, it continues to be a major plank of government education policy. Indeed, the programme's expansion has recently been accelerated, but there have also been significant changes to the policy. There are 130 Academies open with a total of 314 scheduled to be open by September 2010. The government's ultimate target is 400 Academies. This report draws on a range of relevant literature about Academies to: evaluate the performance of Academies against the original objectives of the initiative; examine some of the significant changes that have occurred to the programme; develop a typology of different models of Academies; look at possible alternatives to Academies; and consider the future direction of the programme and related developments.}
}

@Article{Cusack1997,
  Title                    = {Partisan politics and public finance: Changes in public spending in the industrialized democracies, 1955-1989},
  Author                   = {Cusack, Thomas R.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1004995814758},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {375--395},
  Volume                   = {91},

  Abstract                 = {This paper evaluates the role that partisan politics plays in altering public spending levels. The analysis covers over three decades of data on the developments of the public sectors in 16 OECD countries. The results of the analysis lend firm support to the partisan politics model. Of special note is the distinction between the electorate' and the government' ideological preferences and the dominant role that the former plays. The results also suggest, contrary to conventional wisdom, that partisan political influences have not been eliminated with the tightening of linkages to the international economy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1004995814758}
}

@Article{Cusack1999,
  author       = {Cusack, Thomas R},
  title        = {Partisan Politics and Fiscal Policy},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {32},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {464--486},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414099032004003},
  abstract     = {Does the partisan character of governing parties play a role in the formation of fiscal policy? The conventional view is that the left tends toward excessive deficits, whereas the right practices a more prudent fiscal policy; however, strong arguments have been advanced that whatever room existed previously for partisanship in fiscal policy making has been sharply reduced by developments in recent decades. These issues are examined with a series of models that have been estimated using data from 14 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries for the period from 1961 through 1991. The evidence suggests that the relationship between partisanship and fiscal policy is contingent on macroeconomic conditions. The evidence also suggests that these differences have been reduced over recent decades.},
}

@Article{Cusack1999a,
  author       = {Cusack, Thomas R.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Shaping of Popular Satisfaction with Government and Regime Performance in {Germany}},
  doi          = {10.2307/194242},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {641--672},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {The article focuses on citizens' satisfaction with the German democratic political system. The empirical analysis reported supports the argument that the performance of the economy and the government affect popular satisfaction with the regime. In the East, satisfaction with the regime remains very low and dissatisfaction has spread into West Germany. In the West, the sources of this dissatisfaction are both economic developments and government performance; citizens modify their views on the system as a consequence of the government's and the economy's successes and failures. The dynamic is similar in the East. Economic strains, and the perception that the federal government is not making sufficient efforts to equalize living standards, have kept the Eastern population from committing themselves to the new unified political system.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/194242},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
  timestamp    = {2012.06.01},
}

@Article{CusackBeramendi2006,
  Title                    = {Taxing work},
  Author                   = {Cusack, Thomas R. and Beramendi, Pablo},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Pages                    = {43--73},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the development of tax regimes across OECD countries in the latter part of the twentieth century. It gives particular emphasis to taxes on labour income. Taxes on labour income represent a major drain on private households. They have become the mainstay of many of these countries' public sector finances. Taxes on labour income rather than on capital appear to be the preferred instrument of finance for those economic and political interests that advocate and support a strong (and thereby expensive) welfare state. There is little `free lunch' to be had in these welfare states; if anything, `socialism in one class' seems to be the rule. Coordinated market economies tend to impose higher tax rates on labour because they have higher levels of wage coordination, their governments are more likely to be oriented to the left and their executives are relatively weak in relation to their legislatures.}
}

@Article{CusackEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Risks at Work: the Demand and Supply Sides of Government Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Thomas R. Cusack and Torben Iversen and Philipp Rehm},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/oxrep/grj022},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {365--389},
  Volume                   = {22}
}

@Other{CusackEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Specific Interests and the Origins of Electoral Institutions},
  Abstract                 = {A recent wave of studies explores the effects of electoral institutions on economic interests. This paper instead examines the effects of economic interests on electoral institutions. We argue that electoral rules are a function of the nature and geographical dispersion of economic interests. Where class is the only economic division, the right always prefers majoritarian institutions (consistent with the distributive effects these institutions are known to have). Where interests are defined by activity-specific investments, and where these investments are geographically dispersed, (at least some) right parties will ally with the left to produce PR. They do so to protect their specific investments. We explore the argument with historical data and case studies.},
  Author                   = {Cusack, Thomas R. and Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2004}
}

@Article{CusackEtAl1989,
  Title                    = {Political-economic aspects of public employment},
  Author                   = {Cusack, Thomas R. and Notermans, T.O.N. and Rein, Martin},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00204.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {471--500},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {An examination of public employment and expenditure data for 17 OECD countries for the period 1963-1983 reveals decelerating growth in public employment after 1970, whereas expenditure growth rates have been accelerating. Two contrary tendencies in public sector employment since the early 1970s are apparent: a general decline in goods and market services, and a significant increase in communal and social services. Comparative empirical analysis, using a pooled cross section-time series technique, confirms the important contribution of increasing wealth to public employment growth. Similarly, a strong societal position for organised labour and increasing unemployment rates contribute to public employment growth, thereby suggesting the presence of a discretionary stabilization policy. Contrary to expectations, however, increased trade dependence exerts a negative impact. With regard to the relationship between expenditure and employment, a general increase in the employment creation efficiency of spending can be discerned. Empirical estimates again suggest that the importance of labour in political-economic decision-making has intensified the employment creation effect of public spending.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00204.x}
}

@Article{Cutler2002,
  author       = {Cutler, David M.},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  title        = {Equality, Efficiency, and Market Fundamentals: The Dynamics of International Medical-Care Reform},
  doi          = {10.1257/002205102760273814},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {881--906},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {Public opinion surveys uniformly show low support for medical-care systems in developed countries. The longstanding conflict between equal access to care and efficient service provision partly explains this dissatisfaction. But the trade-off is particularly acute in medical care, as new technologies developed over time have increased the cost of care and made the equity commitment even more expensive. Countries first dealt with rising costs by maintaining equal access and restricting total spending. Efficiency suffered, however. As a result, many countries are considering a move away from spending controls and toward incentive-based medical-care reform.},
}

@Article{CutlerGlaeser1997,
  Title                    = {Are Ghettos Good or Bad?},
  Author                   = {Cutler, David M and Glaeser, Edward L},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {827{--}872},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {Spatial separation of racial and ethnic groups may theoretically have positive or negative effects on the economic performance of those groups. We examine the effects of segregation on outcomes for blacks in schooling, employment, and single parenthood. We find that blacks in more segregated areas have significantly worse outcomes than blacks in less segregated areas. We control for the endogeneity of location choice using instruments based on political factors, topographical features, and residence before adulthood. A one standard deviation decrease in segregation would eliminate one-third of the black-white differences in most of our outcomes.}
}

@Article{Cutler2002a,
  author       = {Cutler,Fred},
  title        = {Local Economies, Local Policy Impacts and Federal Electoral Behaviour in {Canada}},
  journaltitle = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {35},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {347--382},
  issn         = {1744-9324},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000842390277827X},
  abstract     = {The fortunes of local, regional and provincial economies have often been linked to geographical variation in electoral outcomes, and nowhere more so than in Canada. This article examines economic localism in Canadian voting behaviour by estimating a model of voters' decisions in the 1993 and 1997 federal elections. Individual-specific determinants of the vote measured in the Canadian Election Study are supplemented by measures of voters' local economies and of the local impacts of policy changes. Voters punish the federal government for bad times in their locale and for policy changes that hurt the local economy. This effect is independent of what voters think about their own finances and about the provincial and national economies. The electoral impact of the local economy does not depend on whether government is acknowledged as a potent economic actor, or on the voter's level of political information. However, the relevance of the local economy for national-level electoral behaviour can be ``primed'' by campaign events, just like any other criterion of voting choice. The response to local economic conditions is part of a broader explanation for geographic patterns of electoral support in Canada.},
  numpages     = {36},
}

@Article{CuttanceEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Accountability in {Australia}n Education},
  Author                   = {Cuttance, Peter and Harman, Grant and Macpherson, Reynold J. S and Pritchard, Alan and Smart, Don},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {138--161},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past two decades, Australia s State Education Departments and the public school systems for which they are responsible have largely succeeded-seemingly to a greater degree than their counterparts in US and UK- in insulating themselves from harsher forms of centralised educational accountability such as state testing and school performance comparisons. A central goal of this paper will be to try to explain the politics of this phenomenon which seem inextricably tied to the peculiarities of Australian federalism and to the remarkable historical dominance of education bureaucrats (and Ministers) controlling strongly centralised State education departments. The explanations for the inability of the four States analysed in the ensuing case studies to implement or sustain proposed major state-wide school accountability processes is found in: powerful teachers unions; changes of government following elections; and, perhaps predominantly, fear by entrenched senior State education bureaucrats (and Ministers) that accountability processes and outcomes might produce unwanted scrutiny (from Federal Government, the public or others), loss of control and embarrassment to themselves.}
}

@Article{CuttsShyrane2006,
  Title                    = {Did Local Activism Really Matter? Liberal Democrat Campaigning and the 2001~{B}ritish General Election},
  Author                   = {Cutts, David and Shryane, Nick},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {427--444},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The importance of campaigning at British general elections seems to vary across the country's three main political parties, although it is of particular salience for the Liberal Democrats. Existing research suggests that the Liberal Democrats use the combination of local success and grass-roots activism as a stepping stone to achieve the prize aim of parliamentary representation. It could be argued that local factors are likely to account for more of the spatial variation in votes for the Liberal Democrats than is the case for the main parties. Using Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) to model the parties' relative vote shares, we find that intensive campaigning, not only what is spent but also the role of the local MP as a representative, particularly where there were first-time incumbents, was a significant influence on the Liberal Democrat vote in 2001 when compared against the Conservatives and Labour.}
}

@Article{DOrazioEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Separating the Wheat from the Chaff: Applications of Automated Document Classification Using Support Vector Machines},
  Author                   = {D'Orazio, Vito and Landis, Steven T. and Palmer, Glenn and Schrodt, Philip},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpt030},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {224--242},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Due in large part to the proliferation of digitized text, much of it available for little or no cost from the Internet, political science research has experienced a substantial increase in the number of data sets and large-n research initiatives. As the ability to collect detailed information on events of interest expands, so does the need to efficiently sort through the volumes of available information. Automated document classification presents a particularly attractive methodology for accomplishing this task. It is efficient, widely applicable to a variety of data collection efforts, and considerably flexible in tailoring its application for specific research needs. This article offers a holistic review of the application of automated document classification for data collection in political science research by discussing the process in its entirety. We argue that the application of a two-stage support vector machine (SVM) classification process offers advantages over other well-known alternatives, due to the nature of SVMs being a discriminative classifier and having the ability to effectively address two primary attributes of textual data: high dimensionality and extreme sparseness. Evidence for this claim is presented through a discussion of the efficiency gains derived from using automated document classification on the Militarized Interstate Dispute 4 (MID4) data collection project.}
}

@Article{DSouzaMegginson1999,
  Title                    = {The Financial and Operating Performance of Privatized Firms during the 1990{s}},
  Author                   = {D'Souza, Juliet and Megginson, William L.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0022-1082.00150},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1397--1438},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This study compares the pre- and postprivatization financial and operating performance of 85 companies from 28 industrialized countries that were privatized through public share offerings for the period from 1990 through 1996. We document significant increases in profitability, output, operating efficiency, and dividend payments and significant decreases in leverage ratios for our full sample of firms after privatization, and for most subsamples examined. Capital expenditures increase significantly in absolute terms, but not relative to sales. Employment declines, but insignificantly. Combined with results from two previous, directly comparable studies, these findings strongly suggest that privatization yields significant performance improvements.}
}

@Article{DopkePierdzioch2006,
  Title                    = {Politics and the stock market: Evidence from {Germany}},
  Author                   = {D{\"o}pke, J{\"o}rg and Pierdzioch, Christian},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2005.11.004},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {925--943},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze the interaction of stock market movements and politics in Germany. Evidence from popularity functions and VAR-based evidence suggests that stock market returns have affected the popularity of German governments. We only find weak evidence that the political process has had an impact on the stock market. In contrast to empirical evidence for the U.S., we do not find that German stock market returns tend to be higher during left-wing than during right-wing governments. Also in contrast to results for the U.S., we find no evidence for an election cycle in German stock market returns.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2005.11.004},
  Keywords                 = {Political business cycle, Stock market, Germany}
}

@Misc{DoringManow2012,
  Title                    = {Parliament and government composition database (ParlGov)},
  Author                   = {D{\"o}ring, Holger and Manow, Philip},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = oct,
  Note                     = {An infrastructure for empirical information on parties, elections and governments in modern democracies. Version 12/10.},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{DurMateo2010,
  Title                    = {Bargaining Power and Negotiation Tactics: The Negotiations on the EU's Financial Perspective, 2007--13},
  Author                   = {D{\"u}r, Andreas and Mateo, Gemma},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02064.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {557--578},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {We argue that in intergovernmental negotiations in the European Union, large Member States, countries with a good alternative to negotiated agreement and governments facing domestic constraints are more likely to resort to a hard bargaining strategy than less powerful Member States. We test this prediction with data from a survey with high-level officials from all EU Member States for the case of the negotiations concerning the EU Financial Perspective 2007--13. The evidence provides support for our argument and casts doubt on studies that suggest either that there are no differences in bargaining strategies across EU member countries or that the main differences exist between old and new EU Member States.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02064.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Dahl1956,
  Title                    = {A Preface to Democratic Theory},
  Author                   = {Dahl, Robert A.},
  Date                     = {1956},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Dahl1957,
  author       = {Dahl, Robert A.},
  date         = {1957},
  journaltitle = {Behavioral Science},
  title        = {The concept of power},
  doi          = {10.1002/bs.3830020303},
  issn         = {1099-1743},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {201--215},
  url          = {http://fbaum.unc.edu/teaching/articles/Dahl_Power_1957.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {What is `power'? Most people have an intuitive notion of what it means. But scientists have not yet formulated a statement of the concept of power that is rigorous enough to be of use in the systematic study of this important social phenomenon. Power is here defined in terms of a relation between people, and is expressed in simple symbolic notation. From this definition is developed a statement of power comparability, or the relative degree of power held by two or more persons. With these concepts it is possible for example, to rank members of the United States Senate according to their `power' over legislation on foreign policy and on tax and fiscal policy.},
}

@Book{Dahl1961,
  Title                    = {Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an {America}n City},
  Author                   = {Dahl, Robert A.},
  Date                     = {1961},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Book{Dahl1971,
  Title                    = {Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition},
  Author                   = {Dahl, Robert A.},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Book{Dahl1989,
  Title                    = {Democracy and Its Critics},
  Author                   = {Dahl, Robert A.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Article{DahlbergEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Ethnic Diversity and Preferences for Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Dahlberg, Matz and Edmark, Karin and Hel{\'e}ne Lundqvist},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {41--76},
  Volume                   = {120}
}

@Article{DahlbergGustavsson2008,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Crime: Separating the Effects of Permanent and Transitory Income},
  Author                   = {Dahlberg, Matz and Gustavsson, Magnus},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0084.2007.00492.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {129{--}153},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {Earlier studies on income inequality and crime have typically used total income or total earnings. However, it is quite likely that it is the changes in permanent rather than in transitory income that affects crime rates. The purpose of this paper is therefore to disentangle the two effects by, first, estimating region-specific inequality in permanent and transitory income and, second, estimating crime equations with the two separate income components as explanatory variables. The results indicate that it is important to separate the two effects; while an increase in the inequality in permanent income yields a positive and significant effect on total crimes and three different property crimes, an increase in the inequality in transitory income has no significant effect. Using a traditional, aggregate, measure of income yields insignificant effects on crime.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.2007.00492.x}
}

@Article{DahlbergJohansson2002,
  Title                    = {On the Vote-Purchasing Behavior of Incumbent Governments},
  Author                   = {Dahlberg, Matz and Johansson, Eva},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055402004215},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {27--40},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we investigate whether there are any tactical motives behind the distribution of grants from central to lower-level governments. We use a temporary grant program that is uniquely suitable for testing theories of vote-purchasing behavior of incumbent governments. The temporary grant program differs from traditional intergovernmental grants in several aspects, most importantly in the sovereign decision-making power given to the incumbent central government. We find support for the hypothesis that the incumbent government used the grant program under study to win votes. In particular, we find strong support for the Lindbeck{\textendash}Weibull/Dixit-Londregan model, in which parties distribute transfers to regions where there are many swing voters. This result is statistically as well as economically significant. We do not, however, find any support for the model that predicts that the incumbent government transfers money to its own supporters.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055402004215}
}

@Article{Dale1999,
  author       = {Roger Dale},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Education Policy},
  title        = {Specifying globalization effects on national policy: a focus on the mechanisms},
  doi          = {10.1080/026809399286468},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1-17},
  volume       = {14},
  abstract     = {This paper attempts to clarify the concept of globalization and to specify how globalization affects national education systems. It argues that though globalization represents a qualitative change in the nature of national- supranational relations, this does not necessarily imply greater homogeneity of policy or practice in education. The paper's particular focus is the mechanisms through which the external effects on national education systems are carried and delivered. It argues that it is especially important to specify those effects, since they have an independent influence on the ``messages'' they carry. The main part of the paper is devoted to an elaboration and systematic comparison of eight mechanisms of external effects and the organizations associated with them: borrowing, learning, teaching, harmonization, dissemination, standardization, installing interdependence and imposition.},
}

@Article{DalgaardEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {On The Empirics of Foreign Aid and Growth},
  Author                   = {Dalgaard, Carl-Johan and Hansen, Henrik and Tarp, Finn},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {The Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2004.00219.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {496},
  Pages                    = {F191--F216},
  Url                      = {http://www.cer.ethz.ch/resec/teaching/seminar_aussenwirtschaft_wt_04_05/daalgard_hansen_tarp_EJ.pdf},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {The present paper re-examines the effectiveness of foreign aid theoretically and empirically. Using a standard OLG model we show that aid inflows will in general affect long-run productivity. The size and direction of the impact may depend on policies, deep structural characteristics and the size of the inflow. The empirical analysis investigates these possibilities. Overall we find that aid has been effective in spurring growth, but the magnitude of the effect depends on climate-related circumstances. Finally, we argue that the Collier-Dollar allocation rule should be seriously reconsidered by donor agencies if aid effectiveness is related to climate.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Dallinger2010,
  Title                    = {Public support for redistribution: what explains cross-national differences?},
  Author                   = {Dallinger, Ursula},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928710374373},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {333--349},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Rising levels of income inequality in almost all industrialized countries as a consequence of globalization and de-industrialization might lead one to assume that voters will demand more redistribution and exert influence on their governments to set up redistributive programmes. However, this is not always the case. Citizens do not react directly to actual levels of inequality, as research on the attitudes towards inequality and redistribution has shown. In this article the complex relation between cross-national variation of inequality and public support for redistribution is analysed. The article draws on explanations from both a political economy perspective as well as drawing on comparative welfare regime research. While the former conceives cross-national variations in support for redistribution as the aggregate effect of a demand of rational actors reacting to country context, the latter focuses on the impact of institutions and culture superimposing itself over self-interest. The empirical analysis tests the explanations of both the political economy and welfare regimes approach. Since the article focuses on the impact of context variables on individual attitudes, a multilevel analysis is adopted. Data are taken from the 1999 `International Social Survey Program' and are complemented by macro-economic variables. Based on the results, a model of contingent support for redistribution is put forward, where culturally influenced definitions are embedded in economic processes.}
}

@Article{Daly1997,
  Title                    = {Welfare States Under Pressure: Cash Benefits in {Europe}an Welfare States Over the Last Ten Years},
  Author                   = {Daly, Mary},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879700700204},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {129--146},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {This article devotes itself to an examination of the substance of reform in European welfare states over the course of the last 10 years. Its objective is mainly empirical, to compare how cash transfers in the 15 member states of the European Union as well as Norway have fared over the decade. While the article is not theory-focused, consideration of some of the wider implications of the change process which is underway is a priority. It is especially important to examine not only how the pro cedures and principles governing benefits have altered but whether and how change is sys tematically patterned across welfare states. We shall observe that pensions, unemployment benefits, parental leave and payments for the care of ill, elderly and incapacitated people have been the main focus of policy activity. As a story of both cut-backs and expansion sug gests, simplistic notions of convergence or di vergence are not adequate to capture what is happening. The last part of the article consid ers how we might make our analytical frame works equal to the richness of the reform process which is under way.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879700700204}
}

@Other{DalyClavero2002,
  Title                    = {Contemporary Family Policy in {Ireland} and {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Daly, Mary and Clavero, Sarah},
  Date                     = {2002}
}

@Article{Damgaard1994,
  Title                    = {Termination of Danish Government Coalitions: Theoretical and Empirical Aspects},
  Author                   = {Erik Damgaard},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1994.tb00144.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {193--211},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {"Termination of government coalitions" is an ambiguous notion. While the concepts of "termination" and "coalition" do not present insurmountable problems. the concept of "governments" is indeed very tricky. Empirical findings on termination of governments are highly dependent upon the definition of government, as shown by a Danish case study of 1945-93. A government is defined on the basis of party composition. It is found that Danish majority coalitions terminate because they lose the first upcoming election. whereas minority coalitions terminate for party strategic reasons. notably decisions made by the pivotal Radical Liberal Party.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1994.tb00144.x}
}

@Unpublished{DarbyMelitz2007,
  Title                    = {Labour Market Adjustment, Social Spending and the Automatic Stabilizers in the OECD},
  Author                   = {Darby, Julia and M{\a\'e}litz, Jacques},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {CEPR Working Paper no. DP6230.},

  Abstract                 = {The macroeconomic literature on automatic stabilization tends to focus on taxes and dismiss the relevance of government expenditure, aside from unemployment compensation. Our results go sharply contrary to this view. We engage in an empirical analysis of 20 OECD countries from 1980-2001 and find that age- and health-related social expenditure as well as incapacity benefits all react to the cycle in a stabilizing manner. While possibly new in the macro literature, this conforms to many results in studies of labour and health. Moreover, when the focus is on the ratio of the net surplus to output, automatic stabilization comes essentially from the spending side. Taxes contribute nothing at all.}
}

@Unpublished{Darcillon2011,
  Title                    = {Political Partisanship and Financial Reforms in Advanced Countries},
  Author                   = {Darcillon, Thibault},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = oct,
  Url                      = {ftp://mse.univ-paris1.fr/pub/mse/CES2011/11063.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Applying regressions on a sample of 18 OECD countries from 1970 to 2009 using new indicators, we find that right-wing governments liberalize more the financial sector than left-wing governments. We show that if a left-wing gov- ernment accepts to liberalize the financial sector, an increase of social security expenditures can facilitate the adoption of a new legislation in the financial sector. To estimate the impact of the government partisan affiliation on the corporate governance legislation, we use a probit model and a conditional Cox model in gap time in 16 OECD over the 1970-2009 period. Statistically, we find that right-wing governments enhance more pro-shareholder policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {ftp://mse.univ-paris1.fr/pub/mse/CES2011/11063.pdf},
  Timestamp                = {2012.03.13}
}

@Article{DasguptaMaskin2005,
  Title                    = {Uncertainty and Hyperbolic Discounting},
  Author                   = {Dasgupta, Partha and Maskin, Eric},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/0002828054825637},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1290--1299},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {We propose an evolutionary explanation for the pattern of inter-temporal preference reversals often ascribed to "hyperbolic discounting." We take the view that preferences manifested, for example, in urges, cravings, and inclinations are the outcome of evolutionary forces, and so will induce animals or humans to make survival-maximizing choices in "typical" decision problems. We show that if the typical problem involves payoffs whose realization times are uncertain, then optimal preferences give rise to relatively patient behavior when the time horizon is long but induce a switch to impatience when the horizon grows short. Such reversals do not entail dynamic inconsistency in typical decision problems; behavior there is optimal. However, if a decision-maker is confronted with a choice for which the realization-time uncertainty falls outside the evolutionary norm, her preferences may well prompt her to behave inconsistently. We argue that, if such a choice problem recurs, her evolutionarily endowed ability to learn will lead her to make self-commitments against these urges.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0002828054825637}
}

@Article{Daugbjerg2001,
  Title                    = {Policy feedback and paradigm shift in EU agricultural policy: the effects of the MacSharry reform on future reform},
  Author                   = {Daugbjerg, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176032000085388},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {421--437},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses whether feedback effects of incremental policy adjustments over time may lead to a shift in policy paradigm. It is argued that unforeseen and underestimated consequences of adjustments may change the perceived distributional effects and thus change stakeholders' policy interests. Further, adjustments may change the policy context so that the distance to policies involving a paradigm shift is reduced. Focusing on EU agricultural policy, it is analysed why the bond scheme, which would involve a gradual paradigm shift, was given limited attention in the MacSharry reform of 1992. It is shown that the bond scheme was rejected because farm interests were closely linked to the then CAP. The MacSharry reform has produced feedback effects which have diminished support of the CAP and motivated the EU to introduce new policy measures. These have moved the CAP closer to the bond scheme, and thus paradigm shift.},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Daugbjerg2009,
  Title                    = {Sequencing in public policy: the evolution of the CAP over a decade},
  Author                   = {Daugbjerg, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760802662698},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {395--411},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This article sets out to bring the concept of reactive sequencing into policy studies and demonstrate its value in the analysis of policy reform. Reactive sequencing is based on the notion that early events in a sequence set in motion a chain of causally linked reactions and counter-reactions which trigger subsequent development. Since responses to earlier events may come in the form of counter-reactions, reactive sequences do not necessarily induce further movements in the same direction but remain open to a change of direction. Therefore, the approach is well suited to analyse substantial policy change over time. The analysis of agricultural reform in the European Union from 1992 to 2003 demonstrates that this approach to sequencing is useful. The MacSharry reform of 1992 set in motion a sequence of reactive reform events which resulted in the Fischler reform of 2003. Each reform event opened new opportunities for further reform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760802662698},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{DaugbjergSwinbank2007,
  Title                    = {The Politics of {CAP} Reform: Trade Negotiations, Institutional Settings and Blame Avoidance},
  Author                   = {Daugbjerg, Carsten and Swinbank, Alan},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00700.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--22},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Abstract In this article we argue that the conclusion of the GATT Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and the subsequent role of the WTO has changed the international context of CAP policy-making. However, comparing the three latest CAP reforms, we demonstrate that pressures on the CAP arising from international trade negotiations cannot alone account for the way in which the EU responds in terms of CAP reform. The institutional setting within which the reform package was determined also played a crucial role. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the CoAM seems to be a more conducive setting than the European Council for undertaking substantial reform of the CAP. We suggest that the choice of institutional setting is influenced by the desire of farm ministers and of heads of state or government to avoid blame for unpopular decisions. When CAP reform is an integral part of a broader package, farm ministers pass the final decision to the European Council and when CAP reform is defined as a separate issue the European Council avoids involvement.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00700.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{David1985,
  Title                    = {Clio and the Economics of QWERTY},
  Author                   = {David, Paul A},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1805621},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {332--337},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1805621}
}

@Article{David1991,
  Title                    = {Explaining Third World Alignment},
  Author                   = {David, Steven R},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {233{--}256},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Many argue that balance of power theory is as applicable to the Third World as it is to other states. Without substantial modification, however, balance of power theory cannot explain Third World alignments, because it ignores key characteristics of Third World states that determine alignment. The author develops a theory, "omnibalancing," that is relevant to the Third World and that repairs these defects. Rather than balance of power's emphasis on states seeking to resist threats from other states, omnibalancing explains Third World alignments as a consequence of leaders seeking to counter internal and external threats to their rule. The superiority of omnibalancing over balance of power in making Third World alignments understandable is related to the Third World in general and to the alignment decisions of two key Third World states in particular. The author concludes by discussing why an understanding of the Third World, including Third World alignment, is central to the study of international relations.}
}

@Unpublished{DavidoffLeigh2006,
  Title                    = {Estimating the Relationship Between House Prices and School Quality},
  Author                   = {Davidoff, Ian and Leigh, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the relationship between housing prices and the quality of public schools in Australia. To disentangle the effects of schools and other neighbourhood characteristics on the value of residential properties, we compare sale prices of homes on either side of high school attendance boundaries in the Australian Capital Territory. We find that a 5 percent increase in test scores (approximately one standard deviation) is associated with a 3.5 percent increase in house prices. Our result is in line with private school tuition costs, and accords with prior research from Britain and the United States. Estimating the effect of school quality on house prices provides a possible measure of the extent to which Australian parents value better educational outcomes.}
}

@Article{Davidson1999,
  Title                    = {Alternative Models of Social Housing: Tenure Patterns and Cost-renting in {New Zealand} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Davidson, Alexander},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039982722},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {453{--}472},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This paper addresses three issues. First, the experiences in two relatively small, developed countries of establishing a social housing policy are discussed. Second, the movement from dualistic to unitary policies in both cases, and the early reversion to dualism in one of the cases, presents an interesting opportunity to compare the effectiveness of these alternatives. Third, economic pressures and the rise of neoliberalism from the 1980s have resulted in major changes in both countries, so the changes and their implications for housing costs and access can be briefly discussed and compared. The gist of the argument is that a partial solution to the problems of public housing is rent-averaging through cost-pooling within a tenure-neutral housing policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039982722}
}

@Article{DavidssonEmmenegger2012,
  Title                    = {Defending the organisation, not the members: Unions and the reform of job security legislation in Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Davidsson, Johan Bo and Emmenegger, Patrick},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02073.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},

  Abstract                 = {European labour markets are often described as rigid with comparatively high levels of job protection that do not allow for the flexible adjustment of employment to economic fluctuations. This interpretation overlooks important sources of flexibility, however. Research has shown that recent labour market policy reforms have allowed for the creation of two-tier labour markets consisting of insiders in standard employment relationships and outsiders in non-standard employment. This outcome has typically been explained by pointing to the representational interests of unions or social-democratic parties. It has been argued that rather than protecting all labour market participants, unions and social-democratic parties focus on the interests of their members and their core constituency, respectively, most of whom are in standard employment relationships. In contrast, it is argued here that unions' institutional power resources are the crucial variable explaining this outcome. In difficult economic times, when unions are asked to make concessions, they will assent to labour market reforms, but only to those that do not fundamentally threaten to undermine their organisational interests. In the context of job security legislation, this means that unions defend the protection of permanent contracts while they compromise on the regulation of temporary employment. This `second best solution' allows them to protect their organisational interests, both by retaining their institutional role in the administration of dismissals and by living up to their institutional role as one of the organisations responsible for the direction of labour market policy reform. Using fsQCA this article shows that unions' institutional power resources are more apt to explain the observed two-tier reform pattern than the unions' or the social-democratic parties' representational interests.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02073.x},
  Keywords                 = {labour market reform, job protection legislation, unions, power},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.26}
}

@Misc{Davies2010,
  author       = {Davies, Howard},
  title        = {The Naked ECB},
  date         = {2010},
  howpublished = {Project Syndicate},
  note         = {Accessed: 2011/11/09},
  month        = jun,
  url          = {http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/davies7/English},
}

@Article{Davies2002,
  Title                    = {Possibilities and Limits for Democratisation in Education},
  Author                   = {Davies, Lynn},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {251--266},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This paper aims to consolidate the major themes which emerge from the contributions to this special issue on democracy and education. It traces links between democracy in education and wider social formations, and charts possible directions for the processes of democratisation. It asks whether such moves are just a 'democratic face' to mask economic neo-liberalism, or represent real shifts towards social justice and equality. The paper looks first at the connections between democratisation of schooling and three dimensions of the social structure in a country: the political system and governance; wealth and poverty; and gender relations. It draws the obvious conclusion at this point that education is necessary but not sufficient to achieve radical change in these areas. Secondly, the paper synthesises nine of the emergent processes and avenues for democratisation in education: definitions of democracy; legislation and policy for democracy; decentralisation of education; teacher education; teacher unions and networks; governing bodies and parental participation; student associations and networks; partnerships with outside agencies; and research. The conclusion raises another set of questions about strategy within education, with so much clearly depending on the history of democracy (or its absence) in a country, and on what sorts of definitions, networks and allegiances are possible. Internationalisation and 'cosmopolitan democracy' will certainly become increasingly important in establishing the values involved, and comparative education has a significant role to play here.}
}

@Article{Davis2002,
  author       = {Davis, Karen},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Health Policy},
  title        = {The Danish health system through an {America}n lens},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0168-8510(01)00202-0},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {119--132},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {The organization and financing of the Danish health care system was evaluated within the framework of a SWOT analysis (analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) by a panel of five members with a background in health economics. The evaluation was based on reading an extensive amount of selected documents and literature on the Danish health care system and a 1-week visit to health care authorities, providers and key persons. The present paper includes the main findings by one of the panel members. Primary care is much more accessible in Denmark than the USA. A mixed capitation-fee-for-service method of paying generalist physicians in Denmark ensures that everyone has a primary care physician and generalist physicians are responsive to providing services quickly, typically same-day appointments. An organized off-hours service ensures accessible care 24 h a day, 7 days a week. Denmark has the highest public satisfaction with health care, reflecting the value placed on accessibility of primary care. Inpatient hospital care consumes a disproportionate share of Danish health expenditures. Global hospital budgets provide little incentive for hospital or surgical productivity. Long waits for hospitalization, especially surgical procedures and cancellation of scheduled surgery, are a source of patient dissatisfaction. Women's health, patient health risk counseling and coordination of preventive and primary care are major weaknesses of the Danish health system. Patients have a choice of primary care physician within a given geographic area and may go to a hospital of their choice. However, patient surveys and feedback are underdeveloped and very little effort has been made to make services responsive to patients{\textquoteright} preferences. While innovations in electronic prescribing are noteworthy, further development of health information technology is needed.},
}

@Article{DavisEtAl1966,
  author       = {Davis, Otto A. and Dempster, M. A. H. and Aaron Wildavsky},
  date         = {1966},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {A Theory of the Budgetary Process},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {529--547},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/1952969},
  volume       = {60},
}

@Article{DayKlein1992,
  Title                    = {Constitutional and Distributional Conflict in British Medical Politics: the Case of General Practice, 1911-1991},
  Author                   = {Day, Patricia and Klein, Rudolf},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb00703.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {462--478},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the theoretical confusion in explanations of health policies. It does so by distinguishing between the politics of constitutional conflict and the politics of distributional conflict, and analysing their development over time. The first type is epitomized by the collisions between the state and the medical profession in 1911, 1945 and 1989 on the issue of general practice. The second is characterized by a corporatist-style, institutionalized relationship between the state and the profession between and subsequent to these events. Conclusions are drawn about the limitations of corporatist and other theories and about the methodology of policy analysis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb00703.x}
}

@Article{DaysalEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {Saving Lives at Birth: The Impact of Home Births on Infant Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Daysal, N. Meltem and Trandafir, Mircea and van Ewijk, Reyn},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Journal: Applied Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/app.20120359},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {28--50},
  Url                      = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/app.20120359},
  Volume                   = {7}
}

@Article{DeBoefKeele2008,
  Title                    = {Taking Time Seriously},
  Author                   = {De Boef, Suzanna and Keele, Luke},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00307.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {184--200},
  Url                      = {http://www-personal.umich.edu/~franzese/DeBoefKeele.2008.TakingTimeSeriously.pdf},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Dramatic world change has stimulated interest in research questions about the dynamics of politics. We have seen increases in the number of time series data sets and the length of typical time series. But three shortcomings are prevalent in published time series analysis. First, analysts often estimate models without testing restrictions implied by their specification. Second, researchers link the theoretical concept of equilibrium with cointegration and error correction models. Third, analysts often do a poor job of interpreting results. The consequences include weak connections between theory and tests, biased estimates, and incorrect inferences. We outline techniques for estimating linear dynamic regressions with stationary data and weakly exogenous regressors. We recommend analysts (1) start with general dynamic models and test restrictions before adopting a particular specification and (2) use the wide array of information available from dynamic specifications. We illustrate this strategy with data on Congressional approval and tax rates across OECD countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00307.x}
}

@Article{DeBoefKellstedt2004,
  Title                    = {The political (and economic) origins of consumer confidence},
  Author                   = {{De Boef}, Suzanna and Kellstedt, Paul M.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {633--649},
  Volume                   = {48}
}

@Article{deFigueiredo2002,
  Title                    = {Electoral Competition, Political Uncertainty, and Policy Insulation},
  Author                   = {{de Figueiredo}, Rui J.P.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {321{--}333},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {Why are government bureaus not necessarily organized to implement policy effectively? One view holds that a main culprit is political uncertainty. Elected officials know that they will not hold office forever, so they use "insulating" structures that constrain bureaucratic discretion, making bureaus less subject to sabotage but also less effective. I revise this theory by modeling how public officials choose administrative structures. I show that in systems with few veto points, groups will be most likely to act cooperatively on policy when political uncertainty is greatest. In contrast, in systems with many veto points, only electorally weak groups will insulate policies from future interference, therefore shifting focus from uncertainty to electoral strength. Because the conditions that lead to policy insulation are rare, electoral competition should not be thought of as a primary cause of bureaucratic inefficiency.}
}

@Article{deFigueiredo2003,
  Title                    = {Budget institutions and political insulation: why states adopt the item veto},
  Author                   = {{de Figueiredo}, Rui J.P.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(02)00167-6},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {2677{--}2701},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {Forty-three of the fifty states of the United States have granted item veto authority to their governors as part of state constitutions. In this paper, I test explanations of why and when a legislature would cede institutional power. Using data from 1865 to 1994, I show that these measures are most likely proposed by fiscal conservatives who fear the loss of power in the future; in order to protect their interests for those periods when they will be in the minority, they implement institutions such as the item veto which will limit future, liberal legislatures. The results therefore shed light on two important substantive areas. First, by showing how the choice of budgetary institutions is endogenous to the political process, it clarifies that political factors must be considered in addition to social efficiency to understand the adoption of budget institutions. Second, it provides evidence in support of theories that have posited that electorally weak groups will heavily [`]insulate' policies in periods in which they momentarily hold power (e.g. [Moe, 1989 and de Figueiredo, 2002]).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(02)00167-6}
}

@Article{DeGrauwe2013,
  author       = {Paul {De Grauwe}},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {The Political Economy of the Euro},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-060911-085923},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {153--170},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {The Eurozone's present state of crisis originated from decisions made at its creation. The decision to create a monetary union was motivated by political objectives and completely disregarded the economics of a monetary union. Political leaders did not understand the necessary economic conditions for a successful monetary union and did not recognize the inherent fragility of the monetary union they established. They showed the same disturbing lack of understanding of the economics of the sovereign debt crisis in 2010. They misdiagnosed the problem, and their response included disastrous decisions that intensified the crisis. This review explains these errors and concludes with recommendations for saving the euro.},
}

@Article{DeHaanEijffinger2000,
  Title                    = {The Democratic Accountability of the {Europe}an Central Bank: A Comment on Two Fairy-tales},
  Author                   = {De Haan, Jakob and Eijffinger, Sylvester C.W.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00227},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {393--407},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {The European Central Bank (ECB) is widely considered to be (legally) independent. Buiter (1999) critizes the ECB for its lack of democratic accountability, which he does not define in a very precise way. Issing (1999) replies to some of the points raised by Buiter and argues that the ECB is both accountable and transparent. We first outline the concept of democratic accountability of central banks, before we comment on some of the disagreements between Buiter and Issing. Furthermore, we compare the legal accountability of the ECB with those of some other central banks (Bank of Canada, Bank of Japan, Bank of England and the Federal Reserve System).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00227},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.12.05}
}

@Article{DeLaORodden2008,
  Title                    = {Does Religion Distract the Poor?},
  Author                   = {De La O, Ana L. and Rodden, Jonathan A.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414007313114},
  Number                   = {4-5},
  Pages                    = {437--476},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {This article asks whether religion undermines the negative relationship between income and left voting that is assumed in standard political economy models of democracy. Analysis of cross-country survey data reveals that this correlation disappears among religious individuals in countries that use proportional representation. This is the case in large part because there is a moral values dimension that has a correlation with income that is equal in magnitude but has the opposite sign as the economic dimension, and the votes of the religious are better explained by their positions on moral than economic issues, especially in countries with multiparty systems. The authors conclude by discussing implications for theories of redistribution.}
}

@Article{DeNeve2014,
  Title                    = {Ideological change and the economics of voting behavior in the US, 1920--2008},
  Author                   = {De Neve, Jan-Emmanuel},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {0},
  Pages                    = {27--38},
  Url                      = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/deneve/DeNeve_ElectStud_2013.pdf},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This paper tests the proposition that voters advance a more liberal agenda in prosperous times and turn more conservative in dire economic times. A reference-dependent utility model suggests that, with income growth, the relative demand for public goods increases and the median voter is more likely to vote Democrat. With slowing income growth, the median voter derives increased marginal utility from personal income--making taxation more painful--and is more likely to vote Republican. Ordinary and instrumented analyses of a new time series for the US median voter are encouraging of this income growth model. This work links voting behavior to economic business cycles and shows that ideological change is endogenous to income growth rates.},
  Keywords                 = {Ideology, Voting behavior, Economic business cycles, Median voter data}
}

@Book{deTocqueville1835,
  Title                    = {Democracy in America},
  Author                   = {{de Tocqueville}, Alexis},
  Date                     = {1835},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/815},
  Volume                   = {1}
}

@Book{deTocqueville1840,
  Title                    = {Democracy in America},
  Author                   = {{de Tocqueville}, Alexis},
  Date                     = {1840},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/816},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Book{deTocqueville2003,
  Title                    = {Democracy in America: And Two Essays on America},
  Author                   = {{de Tocqueville}, Alexis},
  Date                     = {2003}
}

@Article{deVreese2005,
  Title                    = {News framing: Theory and typology},
  Author                   = {{de Vreese}, Claes H.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Information Design Journal + Document Design},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {51--62},
  Url                      = {http://www.jcmcr.com/upload/Studies_file/1233468300.pdf},
  Volume                   = {13}
}

@Article{DeVreeseBoomgaarden2006,
  Title                    = {Media Effects on Public Opinion about the Enlargement of the European Union},
  Author                   = {Claes H. {De Vreese} and Hajo G. Boomgaarden},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00629.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {419--436},
  Volume                   = {44}
}

@Article{deVreeseEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {(In)direct Framing Effects: The Effects of News Media Framing on Public Support for Turkish Membership in the European Union},
  Author                   = {{de Vreese}, Claes H. and Boomgaarden, Hajo G. and Semetko, Holli A.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Communication Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0093650210384934},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {179-205},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {News framing can exert a strong influence on public opinion. Following a media content analysis, this article investigates the effects of news framing on support for membership of Turkey in the European Union. A first experimental study (n = 304) showed a significant difference in the level of support for Turkish membership between respondents who were exposed to a positively valenced news frame and respondents who had received a negative frame. The results of a second survey-embedded experimental study (n = 1,632) corroborated the first study, and tested the hypothesis that frames affect the importance of certain considerations and that the valence of the news frames also directly affects opinion. Negative news frames yielded stronger effects than positive news frames, and high political sophisticates were more affected by positive framing. The study demonstrates that (change in) public approval of Turkish EU membership is contingent on the elites' and the media's coverage of the issue in interaction with individual characteristics.}
}

@Article{DeVreeseKandyla2009,
  Title                    = {News Framing and Public Support for a Common Foreign and Security Policy},
  Author                   = {De Vreese, Claes H. and Kandyla, Anna},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.01812.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {453--481},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {A common EU foreign and security policy (CFSP) can be framed by elites and media as a risk or as an opportunity. This article examines the effects of framing in terms of `risk' and `opportunity' on public support. Moreover, we examine first whether the effect of framing CFSP as a `risk for the nation-state' has more impact than `risk for the EU' framing, and second whether fear of globalization moderates the effect of news framing at the individual level. Drawing on a survey-embedded experiment (n=2,081) we found that participants in the `risk' frame condition showed significantly lower levels of support compared to participants in the `opportunity' condition. Those in the `risk for the nation-state' condition were significantly less supportive of CFSP than those in the `risk for the EU' condition. The framing effect was moderated by fear of globalization so that individuals more afraid of globalization exposed to the `risk' frame condition were significantly more susceptible to `risk' framing than individuals with low fear of globalization. The results provide insights into the effects of valenced news frames and support for specific EU policies.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Incollection{DeWinterEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {{Belgium}: On Government Agreements, Evangelists, Followers and Heretics},
  Author                   = {De Winter, Lieven and Arco Timmermans and Patrick Dumont},
  Booktitle                = {Coalition Governments in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Wolfgang M{\"u}ller and Kaare Str\om},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Pages                    = {300--355},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{DeWispelaereStirton2004,
  Title                    = {The Many Faces of Universal Basic Income},
  Author                   = {De Wispelaere, Jurgen and Stirton, Lindsay},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2004.00611.x},
  Pages                    = {266--274},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2004.00611.x}
}

@Article{Dean2015,
  Title                    = {Power over Profits: The Political Economy of Workers and Wages},
  Author                   = {Dean, Adam},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329215584788},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {333-360},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Contemporary political economy debates tend to assume that an increase in productivity automatically leads to an equal increase in workers' wages. This assumption shapes the way that many scholars think about economic globalization, as well as domestic policy reforms. This assumption is particularly widespread in the field of international political economy, where it is implicitly incorporated through the use of neoclassical economic models. Rather than explore the distributional struggle between capital and labor, these models use the assumption of full employment to predict that policies that increases worker productivity automatically leads to an equal increase in workers' wages. In contrast, this article argues that the degree to which wages increase along with productivity depends on the domestic institutions that protect workers' rights to act collectively. This article tests the relationship between worker productivity and wages by analyzing data from twenty-eight manufacturing industries, in 117 countries, from 1986 to 2002. The results demonstrate that the degree to which an increase in worker productivity leads to an increase in wages depends on a country's level of protection for labor rights.}
}

@Article{DebusEtAl2014,
  author       = {Debus,Marc and Stegmaier,Mary and Tosun,Jale},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Economic Voting under Coalition Governments: Evidence from {Germany}},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2013.16},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  issue        = {01},
  pages        = {49--67},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {This article analyzes the impact of economic voting in federal elections for the German parliament. It combines theories of coalition politics and cabinet decision making --- like prime ministerial government, collective cabinet decision making and ministerial discretion --- with theoretical approaches on voting behavior to test which cabinet actor voters reward for improved economic conditions. The empirical results, which are based on data from German national election studies from 1987--2009, show that the party of the chancellor (and, thus, the strongest coalition party) benefits most from a positive evaluation of economic policy outcomes. There is, however, no consistent empirical evidence that the coalition parties collectively benefit from perceived positive economic performance. Therefore the findings demonstrate that economic voting occurs in German parliamentary elections, but is targeted specifically toward the chancellor's party.},
  month        = apr,
}

@Article{DeerMeulemeester2004,
  Title                    = {The political economy of educational reform in {France} and {Britain}: 1980-2000},
  Author                   = {Deer, Cecile and de Meulemeester, Jean-Luc},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Compare},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33--51},
  Volume                   = {34}
}

@Article{Delaney1988,
  Title                    = {Teachers' Collective Bargaining Outcomes and Tradeoffs},
  Author                   = {Delaney, John Thomas},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {363{--}377},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This study uses data from Illinois and Iowa public school districts to examine the factors that influence the wage and nonwage bargaining outcomes negotiated by teachers' unions. Tradeoffs between wage and nonwage outcomes and among nonwage contract provisions are also examined. The results provide some evidence that tradeoffs exist between wage and nonwage outcomes. The findings also reveal differences in outcome and tradeoff patterns across the states for issues unrelated to union security.}
}

@Incollection{DeLeon1999,
  Title                    = {The Stages Approach to the Policy Process: What Has it Done? Where is it Going?},
  Author                   = {DeLeon, Peter},
  Booktitle                = {Theories of the Policy Process},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Publisher                = {Westview Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{DelheyNewton2005,
  Title                    = {Predicting Cross-National Levels of Social Trust: Global Pattern or Nordic Exceptionalism?},
  Author                   = {Delhey, Jan and Newton, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {2005-09},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jci022},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {311--327},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This analysis of variations in the level of generalized social trust (defined here as the belief that others will not deliberately or knowingly do us harm, if they can avoid it, and will look after our interests, if this is possible) in 60 nations of the world shows that trust is an integral part of a tight syndrome of social, political and economic conditions. High trust countries are characterized by ethnic homogeneity, Protestant religious traditions, good government, wealth (gross domestic product per capita), and income equality. This combination is most marked in the high trust Nordic countries but the same general pattern is found in the remaining 55 countries, albeit in a weaker form. Rural societies have comparatively low levels of generalized trust but large-scale urban societies do not.Cause and effect relations are impossible to specify exactly but ethnic homogeneity and Protestant traditions seem to have a direct impact on trust, and an indirect one through their consequences for good government, wealth and income equality. The importance of ethnic homogeneity also suggests that the difference between particularized and generalized trust may be one of degree rather than kind.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jci022},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{DellaVignaKaplan2007,
  Title                    = {The Fox News Effect: Media Bias and Voting},
  Author                   = {DellaVigna, Stefano and Kaplan, Ethan},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/qjec.122.3.1187},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {1187--1234},
  Volume                   = {122},

  Abstract                 = {Does media bias affect voting? We analyze the entry of Fox News in cable markets and its impact on voting. Between October 1996 and November 2000, the conservative Fox News Channel was introduced in the cable programming of 20 percent of U. S. towns. Fox News availability in 2000 appears to be largely idiosyncratic, conditional on a set of controls. Using a data set of voting data for 9,256 towns, we investigate if Republicans gained vote share in towns where Fox News entered the cable market by the year 2000. We find a significant effect of the introduction of Fox News on the vote share in Presidential elections between 1996 and 2000. Republicans gained 0.4 to 0.7 percentage points in the towns that broadcast Fox News. Fox News also affected voter turnout and the Republican vote share in the Senate. Our estimates imply that Fox News convinced 3 to 28 percent of its viewers to vote Republican, depending on the audience measure. The Fox News effect could be a temporary learning effect for rational voters, or a permanent effect for nonrational voters subject to persuasion.}
}

@Article{Dellepiane-Avellaneda2015,
  Title                    = {The Political Power of Economic Ideas: The Case of `Expansionary Fiscal Contractions'},
  Author                   = {Dellepiane-Avellaneda, Sebastian},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Politics \& International Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-856X.12038},
  ISSN                     = {1467-856X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {391--418},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the rise and influence of a powerful economic idea: expansionary fiscal contractions. The counterintuitive policy belief that severe fiscal adjustments can be expansionary was originally advanced by economists Francesco Giavazzi and Marco Pagano in the early 1990s. Over the years, this idea became dominant in certain epistemic communities, mainly through the literature on lessons from successful consolidations. In the event, the relationship between budget reduction and economic growth turned out to be one of the most contested issues in the aftermath of the financial crash of 2008. This article is divided into three main sections. The first section documents the social diffusion of this singular economic idea, from academia to policy networks. The second reports the battle of ideas over fiscal consolidation during the Great Recession. The third section assesses the influence of the idea of expansionary contractions on actual policy choices by examining the politics of austerity in Ireland, Spain and the UK in the period 2008--2012.}
}

@Article{Dellepiane-AvellanedaHardiman2015,
  author       = {Dellepiane-Avellaneda,Sebastian and Hardiman,Niamh},
  title        = {Fiscal politics in time: pathways to fiscal consolidation in Ireland, Greece, Britain, and Spain, 1980--2012},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  date         = {2015-05},
  volume       = {7},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {189--219},
  issn         = {1755-7747},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1755773914000186},
  abstract     = {The comparative study of debt and fiscal consolidation has acquired a new focus in the wake of the global financial crisis. This paper re-evaluates the literature on fiscal consolidation that flourished during the 1980s and 1990s. The conventional approach to explanation is based on segmenting episodes of fiscal change into discrete observations. We argue that this misses the dynamic features of government strategy, especially in the choices made between expenditure-based and revenue-based fiscal consolidation strategies. We propose a focus on pathways rather than episodes of adjustment, to capture what Pierson terms `politics in time'. A case-study approach facilitates analysis of complex causality that includes the structures of interest intermediation, the role of ideas in shaping the set of feasible policy choices, and the situation of national economies in the international political economy. We support our argument with qualitative data based on two case studies, Ireland and Greece, and with additional paired comparisons of Ireland with Britain, and Greece with Spain. Our conclusions suggest that the conventional literature, by excluding key political variables from consideration, may distort our understanding and result in misleading policy prescription.},
}

@Book{DelliCarpiniKeeter1996,
  author    = {Delli Carpini, Michael and Keeter, Scott},
  title     = {What {America}ns Know About Politics and Why It Matters},
  date      = {1996},
  publisher = {Yale University Press},
  location  = {New Haven, CT},
}

@Article{DelliCarpiniKeeter1993,
  Title                    = {Measuring Political Knowledge: Putting First Things First},
  Author                   = {{Delli Carpini}, Michael X. and Keeter, Scott},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1179--1206},
  Url                      = {http://www.uvm.edu/~dguber/POLS234/articles/carpini.pdf},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {Research in political behavior has increasingly turned to the cognitions underlying attitudes. The simplest of these cognitions are political facts--the bits of information about politics that citizens hold. While other key concepts in political science--partisanship, trust, tolerance--have widely used (if still controversial) measures that facilitate comparisons across time and among studies, the discipline has no generally accepted measure of the public's level of political information. This paper describes the development and testing of survey-based measures of political knowledge, with special attention to the existing items on the National Election Study surveys. In so doing, it illustrates the use of a variety of techniques for item analysis and scale construction. We also present a recommended five-item knowledge index.},
  Publisher                = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]}
}

@Article{DembiermontEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {How much does the private sector really borrow --- a new database for total credit to the private non-financial sector},
  Author                   = {Dembiermont, Christian and Drehmann, Mathias and Muksakunratana, Siriporn},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {BIS Quarterly Review},
  Month                    = mar,
  Pages                    = {65--81},
  Url                      = {http://www.bis.org/publ/qtrpdf/r_qt1303h.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Despite their importance, data capturing total credit to the private non-financial sector are scarce. This article introduces a new BIS database that provides this information for 40 economies with, on average, more than 45 years of quarterly data, reaching back to the 1940s and 1950s in some cases. It explains the key concepts underlying the compilation of the new series, including a description of the high-level statistical criteria applied, the characteristics of the underlying series used and the statistical techniques employed. For illustration purposes, some facets of the historical evolution of total credit are explored, revealing interesting similarities and differences across countries.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{DemekasEtAl1988,
  Title                    = {The Effects of the Common Agricultural Policy of the {Europe}an Community: A Survey of the Literature},
  Author                   = {Demekas, Dimitrios G. and Bartholdy, Kasper and Gupta, Sanjeev and Lipschitz, Leslie and Mayer, Thomas},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1988.tb00334.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {113--145},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1988.tb00334.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{DemertzisEtAl2004,
  author       = {Maria Demertzis and Andrew Hughes Hallett and Nicola Viegi},
  title        = {An independent central bank faced with elected governments},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {20},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {907--922},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.12.004},
  abstract     = {The literature argues that the benefits of an independent central bank accrue at no cost to the real side. In this paper, we argue that the lack of correlation between monetary autonomy and output variability is due to the proactive role of fiscal policy when faced with rigid monetary objectives. Few of the attempts to measure these correlations actually allow for a changing fiscal role. Yet, when an independent authority handles monetary policy, fiscal and wage/social protection policies remain instruments in the hands of elected governments. We find that, so long as the two authorities pursue their goals independently of each other, a conflict arises that becomes stronger as preferences diverge. We also find that the establishment of a conservative central bank encourages more divergent preferences among the public (as reflected in the government that is elected). The election of more interventionist governments then makes it harder for either authority to reach its own preferred objectives, unless cooperation is possible.},
  keywords     = {Central bank independence},
}

@Article{DenHartogMonroe2008,
  author       = {Den Hartog, Chris and Monroe, Nathan W},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  title        = {The Value of Majority Status: The Effect of Jeffords's Switch on Asset Prices of Republican and Democratic Firms},
  doi          = {10.3162/036298008783743291},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {63{--}84},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {Using the change in party control of the Senate that resulted from Jim Jeffords's 2001 change in party affiliation, we compare competing partisan and partyless legislative theories. We offer a reconceptualization of agenda control that provides a new and promising basis for studying parties and policymaking in the Senate. Also, we present a novel methodology --- an "event study" --- to test partisan and partyless hypotheses. Our results show that, when Jeffords switched, the stock prices of Republican-supported energy firms dropped and prices for Democrat-supported firms rose, supporting the hypothesis that the majority party influences Senate decisions.},
  annotation   = {Partisanship},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298008783743291},
}

@Article{DenessenEtAl2005,
  author       = {Denessen, Eddie and Driessena, Geert and Sleegers, Peter},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Education Policy},
  title        = {Segregation by choice? A study of group-specific reasons for school choice},
  doi          = {10.1080/02680930500108981},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {347-368},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {In this paper, patterns of group-specific reasons for school choice and their implications for segregation within the Dutch educational system are examined. The data from more than 10,000 parents are considered in analyses of variance. Parental reasons for school choice are found to relate to religion, social milieu and ethnicity, on the one hand, and the schools denomination, social milieu and ethnic composition, on the other hand. The results show general quality of education to be a leading reason for school choice while group-specific reasons for school choice also exist with Muslim migrant parents, in particular, showing a strong preference for an Islamic education for their children. The results thus suggest a risk of self-segregation among Muslim migrant parents.},
}

@Article{DenhamGarnett1999,
  Title                    = {Influence without responsibility? Think-tanks in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Denham, Andrew and Garnett, Mark},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {46--57},
  Volume                   = {52}
}

@Online{DepartmentforEducation2012,
  Title                    = {Schools, Pupils and their Characteristics: {January} 2012},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/schools-pupils-and-their-characteristics-january-2012},
  Month                    = jun,
  Urldate                  = {2013-05-25}
}

@Online{DfE2010,
  Title                    = {Weeks after Academies Act passed, 142~{s}chools to convert to academy status},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://www.education.gov.uk/news/news/academy-status},
  Note                     = {Published: 2010/09/01},
  Urldate                  = {2010-09-08},

  HowPublished             = {Press release}
}

@Online{DfE2010a,
  Title                    = {Written Ministerial Statement relating to new Free School proposals},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://www.education.gov.uk/news/news/wms-freeschoolsproposals},
  Note                     = {Published: 2010/09/06},
  Urldate                  = {2010-09-08},

  HowPublished             = {Press release}
}

@Online{DfE2012,
  Title                    = {Finance FAQs (as part of advice on `Steps to becoming an academy')},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.education.gov.uk/schools/leadership/typesofschools/academies/secondary/faqs/a00204912/finance-faqs},
  Month                    = apr,
  Urldate                  = {2013-05-25}
}

@Online{DfE2012a,
  Title                    = {Schools, Pupils and their Characteristics: {January} 2012},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/schools-pupils-and-their-characteristics-january-2012},
  Month                    = jun,
  Urldate                  = {2013-05-25}
}

@Online{DfE2013,
  Title                    = {Schools, Pupils and their Characteristics: {January} 2013},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/schools-pupils-and-their-characteristics-january-2013},
  Month                    = jun,
  Urldate                  = {2013-07-25}
}

@Book{DfES2001,
  Title                    = {Education and Training Statistics for the {United Kingdom} 2001},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education \& Skills}},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {0112711243},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Her Majesty's Stationery Office},

  Abstract                 = {This annual Statistical Volume provides an integrated overview of statistics on education and training in the UK.}
}

@Book{DfES2007,
  Title                    = {400~{A}cademies: Prospectus for Sponsors and Local Authorities},
  Author                   = {{Department for Education \& Skills}},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {1-84478-682-X},
  Publisher                = {Department for Education and Skills},
  Url                      = {http://publications.teachernet.gov.uk/eOrderingDownload/Academies\%20Prospectus\%202007.pdf}
}

@Booklet{GovernmentOfIreland2008,
  Title                    = {Finance Accounts: Audited Financial Statements of the Exchequer for the Financial Year 1{s}t {January} to 31{s}t {December} 2007},
  Author                   = {{Department of Finance}},
  Date                     = {2008},
  HowPublished             = {The Stationery Office},
  Location                 = {Dublin, Ireland},
  Url                      = {http://finance.gov.ie/documents/publications/other/finacct2007eng.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://finance.gov.ie/documents/publications/other/finacct2007eng.pdf},
  ISBN                     = {978-1-4064-2204-7}
}

@Online{DerbyTelegraph2009,
  Author                   = {{Derby Telegraph}},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Url                      = {http://www.thisisderbyshire.co.uk/CHRIS-WILLIAMSON/story-11622281-detail/story.html},
  Month                    = jan,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05},

  Journaltitle             = {Derby Telegraph}
}

@Online{DerbyTelegraph2011,
  Title                    = {Academy, trust or cooperative: How schools in city have joined rush for change},
  Author                   = {{Derby Telegraph}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.thisisderbyshire.co.uk/Academy-trust-cooperative-schools-city-joined/story-14091012-detail/story.html},
  Month                    = dec,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Online{DerbyTelegraph2012,
  Title                    = {Gove launches scathing attack on standards at Derby schools},
  Author                   = {{Derby Telegraph}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.thisisderbyshire.co.uk/Gove-launches-scathing-attack-standards-Derby/story-17166740-detail/story.html},
  Month                    = oct,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Online{DerbyTelegraph2013,
  Title                    = {Ofsted swoops on schools after Derby is accused of failing children},
  Author                   = {{Derby Telegraph}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.thisisderbyshire.co.uk/Ofsted-swoops-schools-Derby-accused-failing/story-17879881-detail/story.html},
  Month                    = jan,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Book{Derthick2011,
  Title                    = {Up in Smoke: From Legislation to Litigation in Tobacco Politics},
  Author                   = {Derthick, Martha A.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-1452202235},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Publisher                = {CQ Press}
}

@Article{Dessler1989,
  Title                    = {What's at Stake in the Agent-Structure Debate?},
  Author                   = {Dessler, David},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {441{--}473},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Recent developments in the philosophy of science, particularly those falling under the rubric of "scientific realism," have earned growing recognition among theorists of international relations but have failed to generate substantive programs of research. Consequently, the empirical relevance of much philosophical discourse, such as that centering on the agent-structure problem in social theory, remains unestablished. This article attempts to bridge the gap between the philosophy and practice of science by outlining a model of international structure based on the principles of scientific realism and by considering its implications for a structural research program in international relations theory. Appealing to Imre Lakatos's methodology of theory choice, the article presents an ontological case for adopting a "transformational" model of structure over the "positional" model developed in the work of Kenneth Waltz. The article demonstrates that the positional approach offers no conceptual or explanatory hold on those features of the international structure that are the intended products of state action. In conclusion, the article argues that the stakes in the agent-structure debate include the capacity to generate integrative structural theory and the ability to theorize the possibilities for peaceful change in the international system.}
}

@Book{Devlin1968,
  Title                    = {The Enforcement of Morals},
  Author                   = {Devlin, Patrick},
  Date                     = {1968},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{DewanDowding2005,
  Title                    = {The Corrective Effect of Ministerial Resignations on Government Popularity},
  Author                   = {Dewan, Torun and Dowding, Keith},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00109.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {46{--}56},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Using data from the United Kingdom, we estimate the effects of ministerial resignation on government popularity. We test a counterfactual argument that resignations should have a corrective effect, that is, there is an increase in popularity following a resignation when taking into account the negative effect on popularity of the resignation issue. We get empirical estimates by using the age of ministers involved in resignation issues as an instrument. Our IV estimates provide empirical support for the corrective effect.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00109.x}
}

@Article{DewanMyatt2007,
  Title                    = {Leading the Party: Coordination, Direction, and Communication},
  Author                   = {Dewan, Torun and Myatt, David P},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055407070451},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {827--845},
  Volume                   = {101},

  Abstract                 = {Party activists face a coordination problem: a critical mass --- a barrier to coordination --- must advocate a single policy alternative if the party is to succeed. The need for direction is the degree to which the merits of the alternatives respond to the underlying fundamentals of the party's environment. An individual's ability to assess the fundamentals is his sense of direction. These three factors --- the barriers to coordination, the need for direction, and an individual's sense of direction --- combine to form an index of both the desirability and the feasibility of leadership. We offer insights into Michels' Iron Law: a sovereign party conference gives way to leadership by an individual or oligarchy if and only if the leadership index is sufficiently high. Leadership enhances the clarity of intraparty communication, but weakens the response of policy choices to the party's environment. Our model can also be applied to the coordination problems faced by instrumental voters in plurality-rule elections, and so relates to the psychological effect of Duverger's Law.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055407070451}
}

@Article{DewanMyatt2008,
  Title                    = {The Qualities of Leadership: Direction, Communication, and Obfuscation},
  Author                   = {Dewan, Torun and Myatt, David P},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055408080234},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {351--368},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {What is leadership? What is good leadership? What is successful leadership? Answers emerge from our study of a formal model in which followers face a coordination problem: they wish to choose the best action while conforming as closely as possible to the actions of others. Although they would like to do the right thing and do it together, followers are unsure about the relative merits of their options. They learn about their environment and the likely moves of others by listening to leaders. These leaders bridge differences of opinion and become coordinating focal points. A leader's influence increases with her judgement (her sense of direction) and her ability to convey ideas (her clarity of communication). A leader with perfect clarity enjoys greater influence than one with a perfect sense of direction. When followers choose how much attention to pay to leaders, they listen only to the most coherent communicators. However, power-hungry leaders who need an audience sometimes obfuscate their messages, but less so when their followers place more emphasis on conformity than on doing the right thing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055408080234}
}

@Article{DewanShepsle2008,
  Title                    = {Recent Economic Perspectives on Political Economy, Part I},
  Author                   = {Dewan, Torun and Shepsle, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123408000185},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {363--382},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years some of the best theoretical work on the political economy of political institutions and processes has begun surfacing outside the political science mainstream in high quality economics journals. This two-part article surveys these contributions from a recent five-year period. In Part I, the focus is on elections, voting and information aggregation, followed by treatments of parties, candidates and coalitions. In Part II, papers on economic performance and redistribution, constitutional design, and incentives, institutions, and the quality of political elites are discussed. Part II concludes with a discussion of the methodological bases common to economics and political science, the way economists have used political science research, and some new themes and arbitrage opportunities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000185}
}

@Article{DewanShepsle2008a,
  Title                    = {Recent Economic Perspectives on Political Economy, Part II},
  Author                   = {Dewan, Torun and Shepsle, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123408000276},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {543--564},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years some of the best theoretical work on the political economy of political institutions and processes has begun surfacing outside the political science mainstream in high quality economics journals. This two-part article surveys these contributions from a recent five-year period. In Part I, the focus was on elections, voting and information aggregation, followed by treatments of parties, candidates and coalitions. In Part II, papers on economic performance and redistribution, constitutional design, and incentives, institutions and the quality of political elites are discussed. Part II concludes with a discussion of the methodological bases common to economics and political science, the way economists have used political science research, and some new themes and arbitrage opportunities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000276}
}

@Article{DewanSpirling2011,
  author       = {Dewan, Torun and Spirling, Arthur},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Strategic Opposition and Government Cohesion in Westminster Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055411000050},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {337--358},
  volume       = {105},
  abstract     = {Cohesive government-versus-opposition voting is a robust empirical regularity in Westminster democracies. Using new data from the modern Scottish Parliament, we show that this pattern cannot be explained by similarity of preferences within or between the government and opposition ranks. We look at differences in the way that parties operate in Westminster and Holyrood, and use roll call records to show that the observed behavior is unlikely to be determined by preferences on any underlying issue dimension. Using a simple variant of the agenda-setting model{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{\i}}in which members of parliament can commit to their voting strategies{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{\i}}we show that the procedural rules for reaching collective decisions in Westminster systems can explain this phenomenon: in the equilibrium, on some bills, members of the opposition vote against the government irrespective of the proposal. Such strategic opposition can reinforce government cohesiveness and have a moderating effect on policy outcomes. We introduce new data from the House of Lords, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Ireland Assembly to distinguish our claims from competing accounts of the data.},
  month        = may,
  numpages     = {22},
}

@Article{DewenterMalatesta2001,
  author       = {Dewenter, Kathryn L. and Malatesta, Paul H.},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {State-Owned and Privately Owned Firms: An Empirical Analysis of Profitability, Leverage, and Labor Intensity},
  doi          = {10.2307/2677913},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {320{--}334},
  volume       = {91},
}

@Article{DezhbakhshEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {A New Approach for Testing Budgetary Incrementalism},
  Author                   = {Dezhbakhsh, Hashem and Tohamy, Soumaya M and Aranson, Peter H},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2508.t01-3-00014},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {532--558},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {We present evidence suggesting that the widely used regression method for testing budgetary incrementalism ( Davis, Dempster, and Wildavsky, 1966a , 1966b , 1971 ) is not suited for U.S. budgetary data that appear to be nonstationary. The method, moreover, cannot detect a nonincremental period following (or preceding) an incremental period. We offer an alternative method that is valid even in nonstationary cases. Our method exploits both the crosssectional and time-series characteristics of the budgetary data to identify statistically the occurrence of incremental decisions (counts) and to estimate incremental cycles for various agencies. More important, the method lends itself to explanatory hypotheses testing. We formulate a set of hypotheses about how various political and economic factors may affect incremental budgeting. We test these hypotheses using the estimated counts in a Poisson regression context. Our results suggest that the Democrats' control over the political process, a switch in the party controlling the White House or Congress, and presidential election year promises (and political vulnerabilities) all cause departures from incremental budgeting. The public pressure resulting from a persistently large deficit has a similar effect. This work may contribute to our understanding of legislative choice.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.t01-3-00014}
}

@Article{DiTellaFranceschelli2011,
  Title                    = {Government Advertising and Media Coverage of Corruption Scandals},
  Author                   = {Di Tella, Rafael and Franceschelli, Ignacio},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Journal: Applied Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/app.3.4.119},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {119-51},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/ot5zee6},
  Volume                   = {3}
}

@Article{DiTellaMacCulloch2005,
  Title                    = {Partisan Social Happiness},
  Author                   = {Di Tella, Raphael and MacCulloch, Robert},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-937X.2005.00336.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {367--393},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {We use a new approach to study questions in political economy that relies on data on the subjective well-being of a large sample of people living in the OECD over the period 1975-1992. Controlling for the personal characteristics of the respondents, year and country fixed effects and country-specific time trends, we find that the data describe social happiness functions for left-wing and right-wing individuals where inflation and unemployment enter negatively. We use these functions to test the root assumption of partisan business cycle models. The evidence is consistent with the hypothesis that left-wing individuals care more about unemployment relative to inflation than right-wingers. Interestingly, we find that individuals declare themselves to be happier when the party they support is in power, even after controlling for macroeconomic variables. The effect of politics is large. Finally, we find that these partisan differences cannot be traced back to income differences. That is, it is misleading to assume, as it is done in the previous literature, that the poor (rich) behave similarly to the left (right). For example, inflation and unemployment do not have differential effects across rich and poor and the happiness levels of these two groups are unaffected by the identity of the party in power. Our findings are hard to explain using median voter models but are to be expected in a partisan world.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-937X.2005.00336.x}
}

@Article{DiTellaMacCulloch2005b,
  Title                    = {The consequences of labor market flexibility: Panel evidence based on survey data},
  Author                   = {Di Tella, Rafael and MacCulloch, Robert},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2003.11.002},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1225--1259},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {We introduce a new data set on hiring and firing restrictions for 21 OECD countries for the period 1984-1990. The data are based on surveys of business people in the countries covered, so the indices we use are subjective in nature. Controlling for country and time fixed effects, and using dynamic panel data techniques, we find evidence that increasing the flexibility of the labor market increases both the employment rate and the rate of participation in the labor force. A conservative estimate suggests that if France were to make its labor markets as flexible as those in the US, its employment rate would increase 1.6 percentage points, or 14\% of the employment gap between the two countries. The estimated effects are larger in the female than in the male labor market, although both groups seem to have similar long-run coefficients. There is also some evidence that more flexibility leads to lower unemployment rates and to lower rates of long-term unemployment. We also find evidence consistent with the hypothesis that inflexible labor markets produce ``jobless recoveries'' and introduce more unemployment persistence.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2003.11.002}
}

@Article{DiTellaMacCulloch2002,
  author       = {{Di Tella}, Rafael and MacCulloch, Robert J.},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  title        = {The Determination of Unemployment Benefits},
  issn         = {0734-306X},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {404--434},
  url          = {http://www.people.hbs.edu/rditella/papers/JoLEUnBenefits.pdf},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {While much empirical research exists on labor market consequences of unemployment benefits, there is remarkably little evidence on the forces determining benefits. We present a simple model where workers desire insurance against unemployment risk and benefits increase the unemployment rate. We then conduct one of the first empirical analyses of the determinants of the parameters of the benefit system. Using data for developed countries for 197189, controlling for year and country fixed effects and the government's political color, we find evidence that the level of benefits falls when the unemployment rate is high. This is consistent with Wright's tax effect.},
  copyright    = {Copyright 2002 The University of Chicago},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Society of Labor Economists and the NORC at the University of Chicago},
}

@Unpublished{Dickson2009,
  Title                    = {Leadership, Followership, and Beliefs About the World: An Experiment},
  Author                   = {Dickson, Eric S},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Note                     = {Unpublished working paper, Wilf Family Department of Politics, NYU},

  Abstract                 = {One key function of political leadership is to facilitate coordinated action by `followers.' The need to fulfill this function can a?ect leaders' strategic incentives to depict the political world in one way as opposed to another when choosing political communications. This paper describes a laboratory experiment that was conducted to explore the e?ects of a leader's communications on followers' beliefs about the world. Interactions take place within a simple game-theoretic framework, in which a leader communicates with followers who are ex ante uncertain about the state of the world. In this framework, followers' preferences over coordination outcomes are aligned in some states, but not in others. As a result, leaders sometimes have incentives to misrepresent the state of the world in order to make coordination more likely. The key experimental ?nding is that leaders' communications strongly in?uence followers' beliefs about the world even under conditions when Bayesian-rational followers would not ?nd these communications to be credible; followers appear not fully to account for leaders' strategic incentives to misrepresent the world in forming their posterior beliefs. This result suggests one mechanism through which members of different political groups may come to have different beliefs about the world.}
}

@Article{Diebolt2004,
  author       = {Diebolt, Claude},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Compare},
  title        = {Towards a comparative economics of education},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {3--13},
  volume       = {34},
  annotation   = {Editorial},
}

@Article{Dieleman1994,
  Title                    = {Social Rented Housing: Valuable Asset or Unsustainable Burden},
  Author                   = {Dieleman, Frans M},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00420989420080421},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {447{--}463},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {The Netherlands has maintained a high degree of intervention in the housing market through the 1980s. It also has a very large social rented sector which comprises 40 per cent of the total housing stock. The housing market regulation and the construction of large quantities of non-profit housing have created a stable level of production of new dwellings and an affordable housing stock. The large social rented sector offers shelter to a large population of low-income households; but it also accommodates many median and high-income groups, thereby avoiding extreme forms of housing segregation. Housing subsidies are a heavy burden on the national budget. A process of financial disengagement of the national government and the housing associations has been started. This will increase the independence of the non-profit housing sector from the political process, but will also lead to higher financial risks for the associations and more instability in this sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989420080421}
}

@Article{DiermeierStevenson2000,
  Title                    = {Cabinet Terminations and Critical Events},
  Author                   = {Diermeier, Daniel and Stevenson, Randolph T},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {627{--}640},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {We present an empirical assessment of Lupia and Strom's noncooperative bargaining model of cabinet terminations. We construct a stochastic version of the model and derive several testable implications. As the next mandatory election approaches: (1) the probability of an early election increases; (2) a cabinet's risks of being replaced without an intermediate election may be flat or even decrease; and (3) the overall chance that a cabinet falls (for whatever reason) increases. Using nonparametric duration analysis on a 15-country data set, we find qualified support for the Lupia and Strom model. We conclude that the strategic approach is more promising than the nonstrategic alternative, but a more fully dynamic strategic model will be required to account for the dynamics of cabinet stability.}
}

@Unpublished{DietrichWright2012,
  Title                    = {Foreign Aid and Democratic Consolidation in {Africa}},
  Author                   = {Dietrich, Simone and Wright, Joseph},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = apr,
  Url                      = {http://visionsinmethodology.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Dietrich_VIM2012.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past two decades, donors increasingly link foreign aid to democracy objectives in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet systematic research on this topic typically focuses on how aid influences democratic transitions. This chapter investigates whether and how foreign aid affects the process of democratic consolidation in Sub-Saharan Africa by examining two potential mechanisms: (1) the use of aid as leverage to buy political reform and (2) investment in the opposition. We test these mechanisms using three dependent variables that capture different aspects of democratic consolidation. Using survival analysis for the period from 1991 to 2008, we find that democracy and governance aid has a positive effect on democratic consolidation. Economic aid, on the other hand, has little effect on democratic consolidation.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{DietzEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {The Struggle to Govern the Commons},
  Author                   = {Dietz, Thomas and Ostrom, Elinor and Stern, Paul C.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1126/science.1091015},
  Number                   = {5652},
  Pages                    = {1907--1912},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/c7huyo5},
  Volume                   = {302},

  Abstract                 = {Human institutions -- ways of organizing activities -- affect the resilience of the environment. Locally evolved institutional arrangements governed by stable communities and buffered from outside forces have sustained resources successfully for centuries, although they often fail when rapid change occurs. Ideal conditions for governance are increasingly rare. Critical problems, such as transboundary pollution, tropical deforestation, and climate change, are at larger scales and involve nonlocal influences. Promising strategies for addressing these problems include dialogue among interested parties, officials, and scientists; complex, redundant, and layered institutions; a mix of institutional types; and designs that facilitate experimentation, learning, and change.}
}

@Article{Dilliplane2013,
  Title                    = {Activation, Conversion, or Reinforcement? The Impact of Partisan News Exposure on Vote Choice},
  Author                   = {Dilliplane, Susanna},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12046},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},

  Abstract                 = {This study uses multiwave panel data from the 2008 presidential election to investigate the impact of partisan news exposure on changes in vote preferences over time. Overcoming key limitations of prior research, the analysis distinguishes among the potential effects originally delineated by Lazarsfeld and colleagues (1948): (1) activation --- motivating partisans who initially say they are undecided or planning to defect to shift their vote back to their own party's candidate; (2) conversion --- motivating partisans to shift their vote to the opposing party's candidate; and (3) reinforcement --- strengthening partisans' preference for their initial vote choice. The results reveal only modest evidence that partisan news reinforces existing vote preferences. Surprisingly, partisan news plays a more robust role motivating changes in vote choice: news slanted toward citizens own partisanship increased the odds of activation and decreased the odds of conversion, while news slanted away from citizens own partisanship proved a strong counterforce working in the opposite direction.}
}

@Manual{Dimmery2013,
  Title                    = {rdd: Regression Discontinuity Estimation},
  Author                   = {Drew Dimmery},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Note                     = {R package version 0.54},
  Url                      = {http://CRAN.R-project.org/package=rdd}
}

@Book{Dinan2005,
  Title                    = {Ever Closer Union: An Introduction to {Europe}an Integration},
  Author                   = {Dinan, Desmond},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Edition                  = {3rd},
  ISBN                     = {9780333961711},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan},

  Abstract                 = {Ever Closer Union is a uniquely comprehensive and genuinely interdisciplinary introduction to the history and political development of the European Union, its institutions and key policies and the main challenges it faces in the twenty-first century. Fully revised and updated throughout, to take account of enlargement and the development of the new EU Constitution the book retains the exceptionally accessible and lively style which previous editions so successful and popular.}
}

@Article{DinesenSonderskov2012,
  Title                    = {Trust in a Time of Increasing Diversity: On the Relationship between Ethnic Heterogeneity and Social Trust in {Denmark} from 1979 until Today},
  Author                   = {Dinesen, Peter Thisted and S{\/o}nderskov, Kim Mannemar},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00289.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Pages                    = {no--no},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the impact of ethnic diversity in Danish municipalities on citizens' social trust over the last three decades. During this period, Danish society has grown increasingly ethnically diverse, and this begs the question whether this has influenced trust in others negatively. Existing evidence from the Anglo-Saxon countries would suggest that this is the case, whereas evidence from the European continent mainly suggests that no link exists between ethnic diversity and social trust. The empirical analysis uses individual-level data on social trust from several surveys in Denmark in the period from 1979 to 2009 coupled with diversity at the municipality level. Individual-level measures of trust over time enable estimation of the impact of changes in ethnic diversity within municipalities on social trust and, it is argued, thereby a more precise estimate of the effect of ethnic diversity on trust. The results suggest that social trust is negatively affected by ethnic diversity. The article concludes by discussing this result and suggest avenues for further research.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00289.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.06.08}
}

@Article{DionBirchfield2010,
  Title                    = {Economic Development, Income Inequality, and Preferences for Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Dion, Michelle L. and Birchfield, Vicki},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00589.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {315--334},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Adopting a cross-regional and global perspective, this article critically evaluates one of the core assertions of political economy approaches to welfare --- that support for redistribution is inversely related to income. We hypothesize that economic self-interest gives way to more uniform support for redistribution in the interest of ensuring that basic or relative needs are met in less developed and highly unequal societies. To test this hypothesis, we analyze individual-level surveys combined with country-level indicators for more than 50 countries between 1984 and 2004. Our analysis shows that individual-level income does not systematically explain support for redistribution in countries with low levels of economic development or high levels of income inequality. These findings challenge the universality of the assumption of economic self-interest in shaping preferences for redistribution that has been so pervasive in the literature.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00589.x}
}

@Article{DiPrete2007,
  Title                    = {What Has Sociology to Contribute to the Study of Inequality Trends? A Historical and Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {DiPrete, Thomas A.},
  Date                     = {2007-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0002764206295009},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {603--618},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {Most of the empirical and theoretical research on the rising inequality trend in American labor markets has occurred within labor economics despite long-standing sociological interest in the structure of inequality and despite strong evidence that the trend was produced by institutional as well as technological forces. Several reasons for this imbalance are discussed. The fact of differing inequality trends in the United States and Europe offers an additional perspective on the potential explanations for the American trends. This comparative perspective highlights the role of institutions in producing inequality trends and suggests strategies for potentially productive sociological research on these issues.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764206295009},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{DisneyGosling1998,
  Title                    = {Does It Pay to Work in the Public Sector?},
  Author                   = {Disney, Richard and Gosling, Amanda},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.1998.tb00291.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-5890},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {347--374},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Abstract This paper uses microeconomic data from the British Household Panel and General Household Surveys to describe how the distribution of pay differs between the public and private sectors in 1983 and in the early 1990s. Separate analyses by gender and education group reveal that it is women and those with intermediate-level qualifications who do best in the public sector. The large differences between the shapes of the conditional (that is, holding age and education constant) distributions of wages in the public and private sectors are demonstrated using quantile regressions estimated separately for each education group. The paper also exploits the longitudinal structure of the data used to assess how much of these differences can be explained by the unobserved characteristics of individuals.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.1998.tb00291.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{DixitLondregan1998,
  Title                    = {Ideology, Tactics, and Efficiency in Redistributive Politics},
  Author                   = {Dixit, Avinash and Londregan, John},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {497{--}529},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {We model the electoral politics of redistribution when voters and parties care about inequality in addition to their private concerns for consumption and votes, respectively. Ideological concerns about income redistribution lead each party to adopt a general proportional income tax, adjusted to appeal to the ideological leanings of high ``clout'' groups, with disproportionately many ``swing'' voters, which the parties also ply with pork-barrel projects. Our results relate to ``Director's Law,'' which says that redistributive politics favors middle classes at the expense of both rich and poor.}
}

@Article{DixitLondregan2000,
  Title                    = {Political Power and the Credibility of Government Debt},
  Author                   = {Dixit, Avinash and Londregan, John},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1006/jeth.2000.2684},
  ISSN                     = {0022-0531},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {80--105},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {If political power and motives to invest in government bonds are positively correlated across voting groups, then a self-selection equilibrium can arise where the government's promise to repay its debt is credible. We illustrate this using a formal model where the alternative use of wealth is to acquire human capital.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jeth.2000.2684}
}

@Article{DixonEtAl2014,
  author       = {R. Dixon and W. Griffiths and G.C. Lim},
  title        = {Lay people's models of the economy: A study based on surveys of consumer sentiments},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Psychology},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {0},
  pages        = {13--20},
  issn         = {0167-4870},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.joep.2014.06.001},
  abstract     = {The purpose of this paper is to use a large data set comprising individuals' responses to survey questions about future economic conditions, unemployment and prices to explore lay people's models of the economy and specifically their understanding of the relationship between unemployment and economic activity and also between unemployment and prices. The data is taken from the questionnaires used to form monthly indexes of consumer sentiments in Australia. We ask if the implied bivariate relationships are rational in the sense used by Muth (1961) and if they are consistent with the good-begets-good heuristic proposed by Leiser and Aroch (2009). We also ask if they are consistent with the actual operation of economic --- and especially monetary --- policy in Australia. We find that the data does provide some support for these hypotheses and for recent work in behavioural macroeconomics utilising the good-begets-good heuristic.},
}

@Article{DjankovEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {The Curse of Aid},
  Author                   = {Djankov, Simeon and Montalvo, Jose G. and Reynal-Querol, Marta},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10887-008-9032-8},
  ISSN                     = {1381-4338},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {169--194},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Foreign aid provides a windfall of resources to recipient countries and may result in the same rent seeking behavior as documented in the curse of natural resources literature. In this paper we discuss this effect and document its magnitude. Using panel data for 108 recipient countries in the period 19601999, we find that foreign aid has a negative impact on institutions. In particular, if the foreign aid over GDP that a country receives over a period of 5 years reaches the 75th percentile in the sample, then a 10-point index of democracy is reduced between 0.5 and almost one point, a large effect. For comparison, we also measure the effect of oil rents on political institutions. We find that aid is a bigger curse than oil.},
  Booktitle                = {Journal of Economic Growth},
  Keywords                 = {Effectiveness of aid, Democracy},
  Publisher                = {Springer US}
}

@Article{Dohler1995,
  Title                    = {The State as Architect of Political Order: Policy Dynamics in German Health Care},
  Author                   = {Dohler, Marian},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.1995.tb00216.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {380{--}404},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The focus of this article is on the state as an actor that can create, rearrange or even destroy established structures of interest representation. Through small, often almost overlooked, and sometimes even failed interventions, governmental policies create a legacy that can serve as a springboard for further political action. This policy dynamic is triggered by "architectural" activities of the state, aiming at the structure of the interest group system. This kind of policy bears the potential not only to manipulate the structure, but also the preferences and strategies of interest groups so as to overcome their veto-power. The case of German health care reform policies since the late 1970s is used to illustrate how suck a kind of governmental "design" has exerted a decisive impact on the structure of the policy field, culminating in an unexpected legislative success for the federal government.1},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1995.tb00216.x}
}

@Article{Doling1990,
  Title                    = {Housing Finance in {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Doling, John},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00420989020080931},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {951{--}969},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989020080931}
}

@Article{DoltonRobson1996,
  Title                    = {Trade Union Concentration and the Determination of Wages: The Case of Teachers in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Dolton, Peter and Robson, Martin},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {539--555},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {Multi-unionism is a common feature of the industrial relations scene, yet to date there has been relatively little economic analysis of its effects, in particular on the outcome of wage negotiations. In this paper, we examine the impact of multi-unionism - specifically, the degree of union membership concentration - on the determination of the relative pay of a particular occupational group, namely that of schoolteachers in England and Wales. We measure teacher trade union concentration using the Herfindahl index of concentration, and find that, after controlling for other possible influences, changes in the value of this index have a positive impact on schoolteachers' relative pay. In addition, we find union membership concentration to be a better indicator of 'union pushfulness' effects in wage determination than the traditional measure, union density. These findings are potentially of wider significance for the analysis of wage determination in multi-union environments.}
}

@Article{DomVerhoeven2006,
  Title                    = {Partnership and conflict between parents and schools: how are schools reacting to the new participation law in Flanders ({Belgium})?},
  Author                   = {Dom, Leen and Verhoeven, Jef},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930600866132},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {567--597},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the relationship between parents and schools. Over the last 30 years the importance attached to parents' views on education has increased significantly throughout the Western world. Policy-makers encourage parental participation and involvement through the creation of councils in which parents have a say. In Flanders in Belgium in 2004 a new participation law was passed. We study the impact of this law on the micropolitical relations between parents, school heads and teachers. We conducted in-depth interviews with teachers, parents, school heads and members of the organizing body in four primary schools and observed parents' gatherings. Starting from the partnership-conflict opposition, we focus on the functioning of the parents' associations and the way parents' associations, school heads and teachers are dealing with this new law. We found that the parent-school relationship differs greatly from school to school. While the socio-economic middle class predominates in the four parents' associations, the results show that parental empowerment is enhanced only in those schools with mainly socio-economically weak families.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930600866132}
}

@Article{Domanico1990,
  author       = {Domanico, Raymond},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Negro Education},
  title        = {Undoing the Failure of Large School Systems: Policy Options for School Autonomy},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {19--27},
  volume       = {63},
  annotation   = {Surveys some of the choice/voucher/charter school empirical literatue. Critiques bureaucratically-driven systems of education. Notes power of teacher unions. Notes that the larger school districts have tend to have concentrations of black students - implying worse performance for them. The East Harlem public school choice programme is discussed briefly.},
}

@Article{DomkeEtAl1983,
  Title                    = {The Illusion of Choice: Defense and Welfare in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 1948-1978},
  Author                   = {Domke, William K and Eichenberg, Richard C and Kelleher, Catherine M},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1956009},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {19--35},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {Research on the tendency of governments to trade off welfare spending for defense has generated diverse and often contradictory findings. This study attempts to clarify the issue of trade-offs by examining expenditure patterns since 1948 for the four major NATO allies: United States, United Kingdom, Federal Republic of Germany, and France. When viewed from the perspective of long-term trends in shares of outlays, trade-offs are evident. When short-term changes in expenditure, which are more germane to the potential for one spending category to benefit at the expense of the other are studied, no pattern of trade-off can be detected. A three-equation model is estimated to control for the variety of possible determining factors of public resource allocation. In none of the four nations does a pattern of trade-off emerge, except in periods of wartime or postwar reconstruction. These findings are consistent with the ability of governments to finance new spending through either increased taxes or larger budget ...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956009}
}

@Book{Donahue1989,
  Title                    = {The Privatization Decision: Public Ends, Private Means},
  Author                   = {Donahue, John D},
  Date                     = {1989},
  ISBN                     = {0465063586},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Publisher                = {Basic Books}
}

@Article{Dorey2006,
  author       = {Dorey, Peter},
  date         = {2006-10},
  journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  title        = {1949, 1969, 1999: The Labour Party and House of Lords Reform},
  doi          = {10.1093/pa/gsl031},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {599--620},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {Throughout its one hundred year history, the Labour Party has never been able to agree on how the House of Lords should be reformed. On those occasions when Labour parliamentarians have sought to devise a package of reforms, most notably in 1949, 1969 and since 1999, they have discovered that each potential measure to change the composition or power of the House of Lords raises other potential problems. For example, a more democratic or representative membership would imbue the Second Chamber with more legitimacy, and thus increase the likelihood of challenges to a Labour government in the House of Commons, whilst replacing hereditary peers with appointees raises concerns about enhancing prime ministerial patronage. Such have been the range of possible options for reform of the House of Lords, and the concomitant range of opinions in the Labour Party, that no agreement has ever been reached, and hence previous proposals for Lords reform have invariably been abandoned. It is in this context that the Blair Governments stalling over `stage two' of House of Lords reform should be understood.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsl031},
}

@Article{Dorey2008,
  Title                    = {Stumbling Through `Stage Two': New Labour and House of Lords Reform},
  Author                   = {Dorey, Peter},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {British Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200077},
  ISSN                     = {1746-918X},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {22--44},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {After more than 10 years in Office, New Labour has still not completed `stage two' of House of Lords reform, and in spite of the March 2007 vote by MPs in favour of an 80 or 100\% elected Second Chamber, there remains considerable disagreement within the Labour Party, at all levels, over precisely how the composition of the Upper House should be determined, now that most of the hereditary peers have been removed. Although many Labour MPs support a (more) democratic Upper House, they remain unable to agree on whether all, or only some, members of the Upper House should be elected, and by what method. There are also many Labour parliamentarians, who fear that an elected Second Chamber would acquire sufficient democratic legitimacy to challenge the House of Commons (and the government therein) on a much more regular and damaging basis. Now that most of the hereditary peers have been removed, these Labour MPs reason, the House of Lords is more politically representative than it has ever been, and should thus be left intact. Meanwhile, Labour MPs who want to abolish the House of Lords also fear that democratisation will enhance the legitimacy of the Second Chamber, and so often find themselves reluctantly endorsing a non-elected Second Chamber as the lesser of two evils. These intra-party divisions, clearly discernible in the votes held on proposals for reform in 2003 and 2007, coupled with the Labour leadership's determination to defend the primacy of the House of Commons, and the tacit acceptance of the Westminster Model, have ensured that after more than 10 years in Office, `stage two' of House of Lords reform is still far from complete.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200077},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd}
}

@Article{Dorn2012,
  Title                    = {Lehman --- lemon: Too Connected To Fail as a policy construct},
  Author                   = {Dorn, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Law and Financial Markets Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Volume                   = {6}
}

@Article{Dorn1998,
  Title                    = {The Political Legacy of School Accountability Systems},
  Author                   = {Dorn, Sherman},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Policy Analysis Archives},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not depend on what happens on Capitol Hill. Rather, the existence of tests depends largely on the political culture of published test results. Most critics of high-stakes testing do not talk about that culture, however. They typically focus on the practice legacy of testing, the ways in which testing creates perverse incentives against good teaching. More important may be the political legacy, or how testing defines legitimate discussion about school politics. The consequence of statistical accountability systems will be the narrowing of purpose for schools, impatience with reform, and the continuing erosion of political support for publicly funded schools. Dissent from the high-stakes accountability regime that has developed around standardized testing, including proposals for professionalism and performance assessment, commonly fails to consider these political legacies. Alternatives to standardized testing which do not also connect schooling with the public at large will not be politically viable.}
}

@Article{Dowding1995,
  Title                    = {Model or Metaphor? A Critical Review of the Policy Network Approach},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {--158},
  Volume                   = {43}
}

@Article{Dowding2001,
  Title                    = {There Must Be End to Confusion: Policy Networks, Intellectual Fatigue, and the Need for Political Science Methods Courses in British Universities},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00304},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--105},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {``Keith Dowding's critique of the network approach might yet turn out to be a watershed finally marking the intellectual fatigue of policy community and network analysis in Britain.'' (Richardson 1999, pp. 198--9)}
}

@Article{Dowding2006,
  Title                    = {Three-Dimensional Power: A Discussion of Steven Lukes' Power: A Radical View},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1478-9299.2006.000100.x},
  ISSN                     = {1478-9302},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {136--145},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {Lukes' third dimension of power exists where people are subject to domination and acquiesce in that domination. The intentional stance allows us to predict and explain others' behaviour in ways that those agents may not recognise. It denies agents' privileged access to their own reasons for actions. Using the intentional stance we can understand how agents may acquiesce in their own domination. We can also make distinctions between those who dominate knowingly and those who dominate without realising they do so. It allows us to distinguish morally such cases and to understand the power structure without falling into the Foucaultian trap of seeing all social relationships in the same relativistic light and where all --- dominant and dominated alike --- are subject to the same power relations and moral responsibility.}
}

@Article{DowdingJames2004,
  author       = {Dowding, Keith and James, Olive},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Analysing Bureau-Shaping Models: Comments on Marsh, Smith and Richards},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123403250390},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {183--189},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {In a recent article in this Journal Marsh, Smith and Richards (MSR) note the massive recent changes in the organization of British government and the attention the bureau-shaping model has received both at a theoretical level and as an explanation of changes. They suggest that the model has breathed new life into debates about the behaviour of officials and is important in the context of the ‘Next Steps’ agency reform. They state two aims of their article: ‘First, it is a critical contribution to the literature on the bureau-shaping model’, and secondly it examines ‘the model's utility as an explanation of the changes that have occurred in British central government in the past decade’. They also use their arguments as part of an assault upon rational choice and empirical political science more generally in favour of interpretative sociology. However, in this Note, we respond to their work on the bureau-shaping model and rational choice.},
  month        = jan,
}

@Article{DowdingJohn2008,
  Title                    = {The Three Exit, Three Voice and Loyalty Framework: A Test with Survey Data on Local Services},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith and John, Peter},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00688.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {288--311},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {The article presents a modified Hirschman framework with three types of exit: moving location; moving from the public to a private sector provider; and moving between public sector providers; and three types of voice: private voice (complaining about private goods); voting; and collective action. Seven hypotheses are generated from this framework. The article then presents evidence from the first round of an online survey examining citizen satisfaction with public services and the relationship between exit and voice opportunities. We find dissatisfied people are more likely to complain privately, vote and engage in other forms of collective participation; but only a weak relationship exists between dissatisfaction and geographical exit. We find some evidence that the exit-voice trade-off might exist as more alert consumers are more likely to move from the public to the private sector and those `locked in' are more likely to complain than those who have outside options. Overall the results tend to corroborate the hypotheses drawn from the modified Hirschman framework.}
}

@Article{DowdingJohn2009,
  Title                    = {The Value of Choice in Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith and John, Peter},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2008.01732.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219--233},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/q2o5uz5},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {Conceptualizing and measuring choice is problematic both in theory and in practice. Measuring by counting the alternatives seems counter-intuitive as a smaller set of better or more diverse alternatives seems to provide more choice than one that is simply larger. However, concentrating upon better alternatives leads to choice being defined by welfare or utility which is also counter-intuitive. The implications of this paradox are considered in relation to examples drawn from the choice agenda in British social policy. Empirical difficulties in measuring the welfare gains through implementing greater choice at a time of other central-led policy initiatives such as targets are discussed, and the extant evidence discussed. Criteria for judging whether or not choice has been welfare-enhancing are suggested. It is argued that `soft choice' where service providers provide information and explain different options is preferable to `hard' choice of simplistic targets to increase choice by ticking target boxes.}
}

@Article{DowdingEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Exit, voice and loyalty: Analytic and empirical developments},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith and John, Peter and Mergoupis, Thanos and {van Vugt}, Mark},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00522},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {469--495},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {This paper seeks to reconstruct and revitalize the famous Hirschman framework by providing a comprehensive review of the current use of `exit, voice and loyalty'. We begin by critically examining Hirchman's original account, and then look at the way his argument has been extended in different fields both conceptually and empirically. We suggest that while advances have been made, the results so far are somewhat disappointing given the perceptiveness of the original insight. We believe this is because his apparently simple schema is more complex than it first appears, and different aspects of exit, of voice, and of empirical foundations of loyalty need to be analytically distinguished in order to produce testable empirical hypotheses about their relationships.}
}

@Article{DowdingKang1998,
  Title                    = {Ministerial Resignations 1945-97},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith and Kang, Won-Taek},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9299.00109},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {411{--}429},
  Volume                   = {76},

  Abstract                 = {This article reports on data collected on ministerial resignations and non-resignations 1945-1997. It analyses the reasons why ministers resign and patterns that emerge in terms of the types of issues that are more likely to lead to resignation, and variances between different Prime Ministers, parties and over time. It provides the first fully quantified analysis of ministerial resignations in Britain in the post-war period to enhance the impressionistic analyses which have been offered before.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9299.00109}
}

@Incollection{DowdingKing1995a,
  Title                    = {Introduction},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith and King, Desmond},
  Booktitle                = {Preferences, Institutions, and Rational Choice},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Editor                   = {Keith Dowding and Desmond King},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {1--19},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Dowding1991,
  Title                    = {Rational Choice and Political Power},
  Author                   = {Dowding, Keith M.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  ISBN                     = {978-1852783358},
  Publisher                = {Edward Elgar}
}

@Book{Downs1957,
  Title                    = {An Economic Theory of Democracy},
  Author                   = {Downs, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1957},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Publisher                = {Harper \& Row}
}

@Article{Downs1957a,
  Title                    = {An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy},
  Author                   = {Downs, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1957},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1827369},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {135{--}150},
  Volume                   = {65}
}

@Article{Downs1972,
  Title                    = {Up and Down with Ecology: The `Issue Attention Cycle'},
  Author                   = {Downs, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1972},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Interest},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {38--50},
  Volume                   = {28}
}

@Article{Dowrick1989,
  Title                    = {Union-Oligopoly Bargaining},
  Author                   = {Dowrick, Steve},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {398},
  Pages                    = {1123{--}1142},
  Volume                   = {99}
}

@Article{Doyle2012,
  Title                    = {Pressures to Privatize? The IMF, Globalization, and Partisanship in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Doyle, David},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912911411100},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {572--585},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {Despite pervasive downward pressure on government policy from exogenous forces, the author argues that partisanship still exerts an effect on privatization in Latin America. When a country is indebted to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and a government of the right is in power, scholars can expect increased levels of privatization. However, when a country is indebted to the IMF and a government of the left is in power, electoral incentives will prompt these governments to ignore IMF pressure and reduce levels of privatization. The author tests this argument on a data set of eighteen Latin American countries, between the years 1984 and 1998.}
}

@Book{Doyle2002,
  Title                    = {Media Ownership: The Economics and Politics of Convergence and Concentration in the UK and European Media},
  Author                   = {Doyle, Gillian},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {9780761966814},
  Publisher                = {Sage Publications},
  Url                      = {https://books.google.com/books?id=p8iNIUlAPDMC},

  Lccn                     = {2002512108}
}

@Article{Doyle1986,
  Title                    = {Liberalism and World Politics},
  Author                   = {Doyle,Michael W.},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055400185041},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {4},
  Month                    = {12},
  Pages                    = {1151--1169},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/p7zkddm},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Building on a growing literature in international political science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individual liberty exercise ``restraint'' and "peaceful intentions" in their foreign policy. I look at three distinct theoretical traditions of liberalism, attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter, a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republican whose glory is an imperialism we often practice; and Kant, a liberal republican whose theory of internationalism best accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictions of liberal pacifism and liberal imperialism, I find, with Kant and other democratic republicans, that liberalism does leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs. Liberal states are different. They are indeed peaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberal states have created a separate peace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discovered liberal reasons for aggression, as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant's internationalism are not arbitrary. They are rooted in differing conceptions of the citizen and the state.}
}

@Article{Doyle2005,
  Title                    = {Three Pillars of the Liberal Peace},
  Author                   = {Doyle, Michael W.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055405051798},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {3},
  Month                    = {8},
  Pages                    = {463--466},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {Sebastian Rosato (2003) finds the logic of the ``democratic peace'' flawed in his ``The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory,'' and he cites my work and other studies as examples of the flawed logic. Some of the logic he describes is flawed, and it may characterize some of the literature in the wide field of "democratic peace," but it is not the logic underlying the core of liberal peace theory. Indeed, the persuasive core of the logic underlying the theory of liberal democratic peace is missing from Rosato's account. Republican representation, an ideological commitment to fundamental human rights, and transnational interdependence are the three pillars of the explanation. The logic underlying the peace among liberal states rests on a simple and straightforward proposition that connects those three causal mechanisms as they operate together and only together, and not separately as Sebastian Rosato claims.}
}

@Online{Doyle-Price2011,
  Author                   = {Doyle-Price, Jackie},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.theyworkforyou.com/debates/?id=2011-02-02a.850.7#g859.4},
  Note                     = {HC Deb, 2 February 2011, c859},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Online{Doyle-Price2011a,
  Author                   = {Doyle-Price, Jackie},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.theyworkforyou.com/wrans/?id=2011-05-18b.55915.h#g55915.q0},
  Note                     = {HC Deb, 18 May 2011, c246W},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Dragojlovic2015,
  Title                    = {Listening to Outsiders: The Impact of Messenger Nationality on Transnational Persuasion in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Dragojlovic, Nick},
  Date                     = {2015-03},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/isqu.12179},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {73--85},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {Does nationality disadvantage foreign actors when they attempt to persuade the American public? Using data from an online survey experiment administered to a sample of US citizens, we find that the nationality of British and French advocates only reduces persuasiveness among American Republicans with low levels of political awareness. Among American Democrats, credible French or British advocates can be more persuasive than a comparable American source. Overall, foreign messengers from friendly countries are not disadvantaged by nationality, as nationality has low political salience and other domestic characteristics (such as partisanship) dominate subjects' heuristic processing. When a foreign advocate's nationality does play a role, however, it is likely to lead to polarization in domestic audience attitudes.}
}

@Article{Draper2000,
  Title                    = {Public-Sector Workers: A New Vanguard?},
  Author                   = {Draper, Alan},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {WorkingUSA},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {8--26},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {A larger and larger proportion of all union members in advanced industrialized countries now work in the public sector. These union members are different from their private-sector counterparts. They are more likely to be female, highly educated, white-collar, and sheltered from direct market forces, and to work in bureaucratic settings. This article considers what consequences this shift in the composition of union membership will have upon national union movements.}
}

@Incollection{Drazen2000a,
  Title                    = {The Political Business Cycle After 25 Years},
  Author                   = {Drazen, Allan},
  Booktitle                = {NBER Macroeconomics Annual},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Ben S. Bernanke and Kenneth Rogoff},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Pages                    = {75--138},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11055.pdf},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11055.pdf},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.18}
}

@Book{Drazen2000,
  Title                    = {Political economy in macroeconomics},
  Author                   = {Drazen, Allan},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-691-09257-7},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Originally, economics was called political economy, and those studying it readily accepted that economic decisions are made in a political world. But economics eventually separated itself from politics to pursue rigorous methods of analyzing individual behavior and markets. Recently, an increasing number of economists have turned their attention to the old question of how politics shape economic outcomes. To date, however, this growing literature has lacked a cogent organization and a unified approach. Here, in the first full-length examination of how political forces affect economic policy decisions, Allan Drazen provides a systematic treatment, organizing the increasingly influential "new political economy" as a more established field at the highly productive intersection of economics and political science. Although he provides an extraordinarily helpful guide to the recent explosion of papers on political economy in macroeconomics, Drazen moves far beyond survey, giving definition and structure to the field. He proposes that conflict or heterogeneity of interests should be the field's essential organizing principle, because political questions arise only when people disagree over which economic policies should be enacted or how economic costs and benefits should be distributed. Further, he illustrates how heterogeneity of interests is crucial in every part of political economy. Drazen's approach allows innovative treatment--using rigorous economic models--of public goods and finance, economic growth, the open economy, economic transition, political business cycles, and all of the traditional topics of macroeconomics. This major text will have an enormous impact on students and professionals in political science as well as economics, redefining how decision makers on several continents think about the full range of macroeconomic issues and informing the approaches of the next generation of economists.}
}

@Article{DreherGaston2007,
  Title                    = {Has Globalisation Really had no Effect on Unions?},
  Author                   = {Dreher, Axel and Gaston, Noel},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Kyklos},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6435.2007.00367.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--186},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {For a number of OECD countries, the deterioration of labour market outcomes for less-skilled workers since the early 1980s has coincided with a steady decline in union membership. Globalisation is commonly believed to have contributed to both developments. However, recent studies fail to find support for the presumption that globalisation adversely affects unions. Revisiting this issue by using a novel globalisation index we find that globalisation has indeed contributed to deunionisation. In delving further into the issue, we find that it is social integration, rather than economic or political integration, that has been the main contributor to the decline in union membership.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6435.2007.00367.x}
}

@Article{DreherEtAl2008,
  Author                   = {Dreher, Axel and Nunnenkamp, Peter and Thiele, Rainer},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-008-9286-x},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {139--164},
  Volume                   = {136},

  Abstract                 = {Using panel data for 143 countries over the period 1973--2002, this paper empirically analyzes the influence of US aid on voting patterns in the UN General Assembly. We use disaggregated aid data to account for the fact that various forms of aid may differ in their ability to induce political support by recipients. We obtain strong evidence that US aid buys voting compliance in the Assembly. More specifically, our results suggest that general budget support and grants are the major aid categories by which recipients have been induced to vote in line with the United States. When replicating the analysis for other G7 donors, no comparable patterns emerge.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-008-9286-x},
  Booktitle                = {Public Choice},
  Keywords                 = {Bilateral Aid, UN General Assembly, Voting, F33},
  Publisher                = {Springer US},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{DreherEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Global horse trading: IMF loans for votes in the United Nations Security Council},
  Author                   = {Dreher, Axel and Sturm, Jan-Egbert and Vreeland, James Raymond},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2009.03.002},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {742--757},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate whether temporary members of the United Nations Security Council receive favorable treatment from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) using panel data for 197 countries over the period from 1951 to 2004. Our results indicate a robust positive relationship between temporary Security Council membership and participation in IMF programs, even after accounting for economic, political, and country-specific factors. There is also evidence that Security Council membership reduces the number of conditions included in IMF programs. IMF loans seem to be a mechanism by which the major shareholders of the Fund can win favor with voting members of the Security Council.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2009.03.002},
  Keywords                 = {IMF, United Nations Security Council, Voting, Aid}
}

@Article{DreherEtAl2009a,
  Title                    = {Development aid and international politics: Does membership on the UN Security Council influence World Bank decisions?},
  Author                   = {Dreher, Axel and Sturm, Jan-Egbert and Vreeland, James Raymond},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jdeveco.2008.02.003},
  ISSN                     = {0304-3878},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--18},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate whether elected members of the UN Security Council receive favorable treatment from the World Bank, using panel data for 157 countries over the period 1970-2004. Our results indicate a robust positive relationship between temporary UN Security Council membership and the number of World Bank projects a country receives, even after accounting for economic and political factors, as well as regional, country and year effects. The size of World Bank loans, however, is not affected by UN Security Council membership.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2008.02.003},
  Keywords                 = {World Bank, UN Security Council, Voting, Aid}
}

@Article{Drezner2000,
  Title                    = {Bottom Feeders},
  Author                   = {Drezner, Daniel W.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Foreign Policy},
  Month                    = nov,
  Pages                    = {64--70},
  Volume                   = {121},

  Abstract                 = {The current debates over economic globalization have produced a seemingly simple and intuitive conclusion: Unfettered globalization triggers an unavoidable "race to the bottom" in labor and environmental standards around the world. The reduction of restrictions on trade and cross-border investment frees corporations to scour the globe for the country or region where they can earn the highest return. National policies such as strict labor laws or rigorous environmental protections lower profits by raising the costs of production. The inevitable result: a Darwinian struggle for capital where all other values-including workers' rights and the environment-are sacrificed upon the altar of global commerce.The image of a race to the bottom will likely endure in global policy debates well into the next century.}
}

@Article{Driffill1988,
  Title                    = {Macroeconomic policy games with incomplete information : A survey},
  Author                   = {Driffill, John},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(88)90200-0},
  Number                   = {2-3},
  Pages                    = {533--541},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-2921(88)90200-0}
}

@Article{DriscollKraay1998,
  Title                    = {Consistent Covariance Matrix Estimation with Spatially Dependent Panel Data},
  Author                   = {Driscoll, John C. and Kraay, Aart C.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465398557825},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {549--560},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{Dronkers1995,
  Title                    = {The Existence of Parental Choice in the {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Dronkers, Jaap},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904895009003001},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {227--243},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Parental choice of a private or public school for children has existed in the Netherlands since the start of this century. All school sectors (public, Protestant, Catholic) are subjected to strong control of equal examinations, salary, capital investments, and so forth by the national government. In the start of this century, parental choice of a school was mostly dominated by religious ties, but in the second half of this century, the Dutch society became more or less irreligious. At least nine mechanisms can explain the existence of religious schools in a less religious society: (a) community of churches, (b) educational administration, (c) student intake, (d) financial differences, (e) deliberate educational choice, (f) educational conservatism, (g) religious values, (h) political protection, and (i) refusal of certain pupils.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904895009003001}
}

@Incollection{Dronkers2010,
  Title                    = {Features of educational systems as factors in the creation of unequal educational outcomes},
  Author                   = {Dronkers, Jaap},
  Booktitle                = {Quality and Inequality of Education},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Pages                    = {299--327},
  Publisher                = {Springer Netherlands},

  Abstract                 = {This chapter provides a review of the most important processes that influence inequality in and around education, describing current research in this area to the best of my ability. Cross-national comparisons play an important role in those parts of this chapter, which discusses system effects. This review is based on my own interpretation of the ``state of the art'' in empirical research on education and inequality. The aim of this chapter is to give perspective to the importance of meso-and macro-features of educational systems in the creation of unequal educational outcomes.}
}

@Article{DronkersAvram2010,
  Title                    = {A cross-national analysis of the relations of school choice and effectiveness differences between private-dependent and public schools},
  Author                   = {Dronkers, Jaap and Avram, Silvia},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Research and Evaluation},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13803611.2010.484977},
  ISSN                     = {1380-3611},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {151--175},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {We apply propensity score matching to the estimation of differential school effectiveness between the publicly funded private sector and the public sector in a sample of 26 countries. This technique allows us to distinguish between school choice and school effectiveness processes and thus to account for selectivity issues involved in the comparison of the 2 sectors. Concerning school choice, we found 2 patterns: a choice of upwardly mobile parents for private schools and a preference for segregation by (lower) middle-class parents. As regards school effectiveness, our results indicate that, after controlling for selectivity, a substantial advantage in reading achievement remains among students in publicly funded private schools in 10 out of the 26 countries.},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{DronkersAvram2015,
  author       = {Jaap Dronkers and Silvia Avram},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Education},
  title        = {What can international comparisons teach us about school choice and non-governmental schools in Europe?},
  doi          = {10.1080/03050068.2014.935583},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {118--132},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {All European states have a primary obligation to establish and maintain governmental schools everywhere, but as the result of political struggle and constitutional guarantees, they have also allowed and often financed non-state schools based on special pedagogical, religious or philosophical ideas. Depending on the level of state grants for non-state schools, states have more or less the right to supervise these non-governmental schools and seek to guarantee that the quality of organisation and teachers are not lower than those in governmental schools. Using comparable cross-national data for all member states of the European Union, we first describe four existing basic arrangements of non-governmental and governmental schools: integrated educational systems of public and non-state schools, denomination supportive educational systems, limited-support non-governmental schools and educational systems with segregated public and non-state schools. Using the same cross-national data for all member states of the European Union, we then explore three other topics: parental background and the choice of non-governmental schools, non-governmental schools and their cognitive outcomes, and non-governmental schools and their non-cognitive outcomes. There are important differences between non-governmental-independent (without state grants) and non-governmental-dependent schools (with state grants); that school choice of non-governmental-dependent schools is more related to socially mobile parents, whereas schools choice of non-governmental-independent schools is more related the reproduction of social classes; that in a majority of European countries, non-governmental-dependent schools are more effective cognitively than governmental schools, but that non-governmental-independent schools are more effective cognitively only in a few countries and more ineffective in a larger number of countries. Also non-governmental-dependent schools are not more effective non-cognitively than governmental schools.},
}

@Article{DronkersRobert2008,
  Title                    = {Differences in Scholastic Achievement of Public, Private Government-Dependent, and Private Independent Schools: A Cross-National Analysis},
  Author                   = {Dronkers, Jaap and Robert, Peter},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904807307065},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {541{--}577},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {The gross differences in scholastic achievement among public, private government-dependent, and private independent schools in 22 countries are analyzed with Programme for International Student Assessment 2000 data. In a multilevel approach, the authors estimate these sector effects, controlling for sociological characteristics of students and parents, school composition, teaching and learning conditions of schools, and students' and principals' perception of the climate of their schools. The main explanation of their gross differences in scholastic achievement is the better social composition of private schools, both government dependent and independent. But pupils at private government-dependent schools have a higher net educational achievement than do comparable pupils at public schools with the same social composition. The explanation of these remaining net differences in scholastic achievement seems to be their better school climate. These net differences in scholastic achievement between public and private school sectors are equal across nations, despite historical differences of educational systems.}
}

@Article{DronkersRobert2008a,
  author       = {Dronkers, Jaap and Robert, Peter},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of School Choice},
  title        = {School Choice in the Light of the Effectiveness Differences of Various Types of Public and Private Schools in 19 OECD Countries},
  doi          = {10.1080/15582150802371499},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {260--301},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {The paper approaches the issue of school choice in an indirect manner by investigating the effectiveness of public, private government-dependent and private independent schools in 19 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development countries selected from the PISA 2000 survey for this purpose. In a multilevel approach we estimate these sector effects, controlling for sociological characteristics of students and parents, school composition, teaching and learning conditions of schools and students', and principals' perception of the climate of their schools. The main explanation of the gross differences in mathematical achievement is the better social composition of private schools, both government-dependent and independent, which is a clear consequence of school choice. But our analysis also reveals that private independent schools are less effective than public schools with the same students, parents, and social composition, while private dependent schools are more effective than comparable public schools. The explanation of these remaining net differences in mathematical achievement seems to be the better school climate of private dependent schools. The comparison concludes that these net differences in mathematical achievement between public and private school sectors are equal across nations, despite the historical and legal variations in their educational systems and school choice approaches.},
}

@Article{Druckman2001,
  Title                    = {On the Limits of Framing Effects: Who Can Frame?},
  Author                   = {Druckman, James N.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0022-3816.00100},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1041--1066},
  Url                      = {http://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/teaching/PLSC541_Fall06/JoP_Druckman_2001.pdf},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {Public opinion often depends on which frames elites choose to use. For example, citizens' opinions about a Ku Klux Klan rally may depend on whether elites frame it as a free speech issue or a public safety issue. An important concern is that elites face few constraints to using frames to influence and manipulate citizens' opinions. Indeed, virtually no work has investigated the limits of framing effects. In this article, I explore these limits by focusing on one particular constraint --- the credibility of the frame's source. I present two laboratory experiments that suggest that elites face a clear and systematic constraint to using frames to influence and manipulate public opinion.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers, Inc.}
}

@Article{Druckman2005,
  author       = {Druckman, James N.},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  title        = {Media Matter: How Newspapers and Television News Cover Campaigns and Influence Voters},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584600500311394},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {463--481},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {How do different media cover politics and affect voters? Are newspapers a boon and television a bane to democratic functioning? While these questions have long been the subject of debate, a variety of methodological hurdles have hampered prior attempts to document media differences and their effects. In this article, I discuss these challenges and offer an approach for overcoming them to the greatest extent possible. I then combine comprehensive media content analyses with an election day exit poll to assess campaign coverage and its effect on voters. I find that television news and newspapers differ substantially in the quantity of coverage but do not drastically differ in terms of content. More important, I find that newspapers, and not television news, play a significant, although potentially limited, role in informing the electorate.},
}

@Article{DruckmanEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {A Source of Bias in Public Opinion Stability},
  Author                   = {Druckman, James N. and Fein, Jordan and Leeper, Thomas J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000123},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {430--454},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {A long acknowledged but seldom addressed problem with political communication experiments concerns the use of captive participants. Study participants rarely have the opportunity to choose information themselves, instead receiving whatever information the experimenter provides. We relax this assumption in the context of an over-time framing experiment focused on opinions about health care policy. Our results dramatically deviate from extant understandings of over-time communication effects. Allowing individuals to choose information themselves --- a common situation on many political issues --- leads to the preeminence of early frames and the rejection of later frames. Instead of opinion decay, we find dogmatic adherence to opinions formed in response to the first frame to which participants were exposed (i.e., staunch opinion stability). The effects match those that occur when early frames are repeated multiple times. The results suggest that opinion stability may often reflect biased information seeking. Moreover, the findings have implications for a range of topics including the micro--macro disconnect in studies of public opinion, political polarization, normative evaluations of public opinion, the role of inequality considerations in the debate about health care, and, perhaps most importantly, the design of experimental studies of public opinion.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{DruckmanEtAl2010,
  author       = {Druckman, James N. and Hennessy, Cari Lynn and {St. Charles}, Kristi and Weber, Jonathan},
  title        = {Competing Rhetoric Over Time: Frames Versus Cues},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {72},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {136--148},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381609990521},
  url          = {http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~jnd260/pub/Druckman%20Hennessy%20St%20Charles%20Weber%20JOP%202009.pdf},
  urldate      = {2016-03-08},
  abstract     = {Citizens' preferences form the foundation of democratic governance. When they form their preferences, they typically do so in the presence of various types of competing arguments that reach them at different times. Surprisingly, public opinion research offers little guidance on how competition and time affect preference formation. We fill this gap by exploring the relative influence of two prominent types of competing arguments, frames and cues, over time. We find that only frames have initial direct effects, although cues exert initial indirect effects on opinion formation. Over time, the relative impact of frames and cues depends on individual differences in processing style. Our results have important implications for opinion formation, political communication, and democratic responsiveness.},
}

@Article{DruckmanParkin2005,
  Title                    = {The Impact of Media Bias: How Editorial Slant Affects Voters},
  Author                   = {Druckman, James N. and Parkin, Michael},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00349.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1030--1049},
  Volume                   = {67},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate how editorial slant --- defined as the quantity and tone of a newspaper's candidate coverage as influenced by its editorial position --- shapes candidate evaluations and vote choice. We avoid various methodological pitfalls by focusing on a single Senate campaign in a single market with two competing, editorially distinct newspapers. Combining comprehensive content analyses of the papers with an Election Day exit poll, we assess the slant of campaign coverage and its effects on voters. We find compelling evidence that editorial slant influences voters' decisions. Our results raise serious questions about the media's place in democratic processes.}
}

@Article{DruckmanEtAl2013,
  author       = {Druckman, James N. and Peterson, Erik and Slothuus, Rune},
  date         = {2013-02},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {How Elite Partisan Polarization Affects Public Opinion Formation},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055412000500},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {1},
  pages        = {57--79},
  volume       = {107},
  abstract     = {Competition is a defining element of democracy. One of the most noteworthy events over the last quarter-century in U.S. politics is the change in the nature of elite party competition: The parties have become increasingly polarized. Scholars and pundits actively debate how these elite patterns influence polarization among the public (e.g., have citizens also become more ideologically polarized?). Yet, few have addressed what we see as perhaps more fundamental questions: Has elite polarization altered the way citizens arrive at their policy opinions in the first place and, if so, in what ways? We address these questions with a theory and two survey experiments (on the issues of drilling and immigration). We find stark evidence that polarized environments fundamentally change how citizens make decisions. Specifically, polarization intensifies the impact of party endorsements on opinions, decreases the impact of substantive information and, perhaps ironically, stimulates greater confidence in thoseless substantively groundedopinions. We discuss the implications for public opinion formation and the nature of democratic competition.},
}

@Article{Drukker2003,
  Title                    = {Testing for serial correlation in linear panel-data models},
  Author                   = {Drukker, David M.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Stata Journal},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {168--177},
  Url                      = {http://www.stata-journal.com/sjpdf.html?articlenum=st0039},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Because serial correlation in linear panel-data models biases the standard errors and causes the results to be less efficient, researchers need to identify serial correlation in the idiosyncratic error term in a panel\endashdata model. A new test for serial correlation in random- or fixed-effects one-way models derived by Wooldridge (2002) is attractive because it can be applied under general conditions and is easy to implement. This paper presents simulation evidence that the new Wooldridge test has good size and power properties in reasonably sized samples.},
  Location                 = {College Station, TX},
  Publisher                = {Stata Press}
}

@Unpublished{DuchRehm2009,
  Title                    = {Democratic Inequality and the Calculus of Economic Voting},
  Author                   = {Duch, Raymond and Rehm, Philipp},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Note                     = {Working paper}
}

@Article{DuchEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Heterogeneity in perceptions of national economic conditions},
  Author                   = {Duch, Raymond M. and Palmer, Harvey D. and Anderson, Christopher J.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {635--652},
  Url                      = {http://www.rda-relogique.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/ajps_2000.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-07-06},
  Volume                   = {44}
}

@Article{DuchStevenson2005,
  author       = {Duch, Raymond M. and Stevenson, Randy},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {Context and the Economic Vote: A Multilevel Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpi028},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {387--409},
  volume       = {13},
  abstract     = {Voters use observed economic performance to infer the competence of incumbent politicians. These economic perceptions enter the voter's utility calculations modified by a weight that is minimized when the variance in exogenous shocks to the economy is very large relative to the variance in economic outcomes associated with the competence of politicians. Cross-national variations in the political and economic context systematically increase or undermine the voter's ability to ascertain the competency of incumbents. We test one hypothesis: As policy-making responsibility is shared more equally among parties, economic evaluations will be more important in the vote decision. We employ two multilevel modeling procedures for estimating the contextual variations in micro-level economic voting effects: a conventional pooled approach and a two-stage procedure. We compare the multivariate results of a pooled method with our two-stage estimation procedure and conclude that they are similar. Our empirical efforts use data from 163 national surveys from 18 countries over a 22-year period.},
}

@Article{DuchStevenson2006,
  author       = {Duch, Raymond M. and Stevenson, Randy},
  title        = {Assessing the magnitude of the economic vote over time and across nations},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {528--547},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.06.016},
  abstract     = {By analyzing a wealth of survey data (163 national surveys) from 19 countries over two decades and by applying a methodology designed to make this evidence comparable, we offer for the first time a comprehensive map of the extent of economic voting across countries, over time, and for different parties. All told, we estimate voter preference functions for over 900 political parties. In this essay we analyze these data with the goal of establishing the extent to which there in fact is an economic vote in developed democracies. We find that the economic vote varies significantly across national contexts and over time. We also establish that the economy is a significant determinant of vote choice. We situate the median impact of economic evaluations on the vote probabilities of incumbent \{PM\} parties at approximately 5\%.},
  keywords     = {Economic vote},
}

@Book{DuchStevenson2008,
  Title                    = {The Economic Vote: How Political and Economic Institutions Condition Election Results},
  Author                   = {Duch, Raymond M. and Stevenson, Randolph T.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9780521707404},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {This book proposes a selection model for explaining cross-national variation in economic voting: Rational voters condition their economic vote on whether incumbents are responsible for economic outcomes because this is the optimal way to identify and elect competent economic managers under conditions of uncertainty. This model explores how political and economic institutions alter the quality of the signal that the previous economy provides about the competence of candidates. The rational economic voter is also attentive to strategic cues regarding the responsibility of parties for economic outcomes and their electoral competitiveness. Theoretical propositions are derived linking variation in economic and political institutions to variability in economic voting. The authors demonstrate that there is economic voting, and that it varies significantly across political contexts, and then test explanations for this variation derived from their theory. The data consist of 165 election studies conducted in 19 different countries over a 20-year time period.}
}

@Book{Duff1986,
  Title                    = {Trials and Punishments},
  Author                   = {Duff, R.A.},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Misc{Duisenberg2002,
  Title                    = {Some remarks on the euro in a US context},
  Author                   = {Duisenberg, Willem},
  Date                     = {2002},
  HowPublished             = {Speech by Dr. Willem F. Duisenberg, President of the European Central Bank, at a breakfast meeting of the Council on Foreign Relations, New York, 19 April 2002.},
  Month                    = apr,
  Url                      = {http://www.ecb.int/press/key/date/2002/html/sp020419.en.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.ecb.int/press/key/date/2002/html/sp020419.en.html},
  Timestamp                = {2011.12.05}
}

@Incollection{DumezJeunemaitre1994,
  Title                    = {Privatization in {France}: 1983--1993},
  Author                   = {Dumez, Herv{\a\'e} and Jeunema{\^\i}tre, Alain},
  Booktitle                = {Privatization in Western Europe: Pressures, Problems and Paradoxes},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Editor                   = {Vincent Wright},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {83--104},
  Publisher                = {Pinter Publishers}
}

@Incollection{DumontDeWinter2000,
  Title                    = {{Luxembourg}: Stable Coalitions in a Pivotal Party System},
  Author                   = {Dumont, Patrick and De Winter, Lieven},
  Booktitle                = {Coalition Governments in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Wolfgang M{\"u}ller and Kaare Str\om},
  Chapter                  = {11},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {399--432},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{DuncombeEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Empirical evaluation of bureaucratic models of inefficiency},
  Author                   = {Duncombe, William and Miner, Jerry and Ruggiero, John},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1017910714756},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--18},
  Volume                   = {93},

  Abstract                 = {Two separate but related strands of literature exist regarding the efficiency of public sector service provision --- the theoretical base developed in the bureaucratic models of supply and the methodological base developed in the operations research and economic literatures. Most analyses focus exclusively on either the measurement or causes of inefficiency. This paper seeks to empirically test bureaucratic models of supply by drawing on the measurement literature. In anticipation of the results, it is found that there does exist empirical evidence supporting some of the implications of these models.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1017910714756}
}

@Article{vanDunkDickman2002,
  Title                    = {School Choice Accountability: An Examination of Informed Consumers in Different Choice Programs},
  Author                   = {van Dunk, Emily and Dickman, Anneliese},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Affairs Review},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {844--856},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {One important consequence of school choice policies is the shift away from governmental accountability and toward parent accountability. Parents are empowered to gather information about schools and select schools that meet their needs. Schools that fulfill parents{\textquoteright} needs succeed; others fail. Using data on several types of choice programs in a large urban school district, the authors examine the amount of information parents have and whether they select schools based on the factors they believe are important. The evidence suggests that many parents neither possess adequate information nor send consistent signals, and there are systemic differences across types of choice programs.}
}

@Article{Dunleavy1985,
  Title                    = {Bureaucrats, Budgets and the Growth of the State: Reconstructing an Instrumental Model},
  Author                   = {Dunleavy,Patrick},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S000712340000421X},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {299--328},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article forms part of a longer-term project dealing with the impact of public choice theories in political science. The focus here is on economic models of bureaucracy, which despite their increasing theoretical significance and influence on practical politics have heretofore been little analysed, except by their exponents. I have argued elsewhere that amongst existing public choice accounts there are two seminal works, Antony Downs's pluralist treatment in Inside Bureaucracy and William Niskanen's new right thesis in Bureaucracy and Representative Government. The central innovation of economic approaches is their stress on rational officials' attachment to budget maximization strategies. In Downs's case this is a finite maximand limited by bureaucrats' conservatism and other motivations. But in Niskanen's case budget maximization is an open-ended process, constrained only by external limits on agencies' abilities to push up their budgets. None the less, despite their disparate approaches and conclusions, both these books share four failings common to almost all other public choice work in the field:(1) They operate with vague and ill-defined definitions of bureaucrats' utility functions.(2) They assume that all bureaucracies are hierarchical line agencies.}
}

@Article{Dunleavy1986,
  Title                    = {Explaining the Privatization Boom: Public Choice Versus Radical Approaches},
  Author                   = {Dunleavy, Patrick},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1986.tb00601.x},
  Pages                    = {13--34},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {Public choice theories of bureaucracy, especially the budget maximization thesis, have been influential in stimulating the drive towards privatization in Britain and the USA. But these accounts are strangely silent about why changes in state agency practices have come about under `new right' governments. They apparently attribute the scope of change entirely to `virtuous' political direction overcoming previously inherent features of bureaucratic behaviour and democratic politics. By contrast, a radical reconstruction of instrumental models of bureaucracy explains the privatization boom in terms of the primacy of bureau-shaping motivations in the welfare functions of policy-level bureaucrats. Privatization is seen as a development of earlier strategies (such as the separation of control and line agencies, the creation of `dual state' structures, and automation) by which the class interests of senior bureaucrats have been advanced at the expense of rank and file state workers and service recipients. An examination of divergences in the internal and social costs of public agency functions explains why legislators and policy-level bureaucrats (especially in control agencies) push ahead with the `inappropriate' privatization of public service delivery systems where overall social welfare is reduced.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1986.tb00601.x}
}

@Article{Dunleavy1995,
  author       = {Dunleavy, Patrick},
  title        = {Policy Disasters: Explaining the UK's Record},
  journaltitle = {Public Policy and Administration},
  date         = {1995},
  volume       = {10},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {52--70},
  doi          = {10.1177/095207679501000205},
}

@Book{DunleavyOLeary1987,
  Title                    = {Theories of the State: The Politics of Liberal Democracy},
  Author                   = {Dunleavy, Patrick and O'Leary, Brendan},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {MacMillan}
}

@Book{Dunn2005,
  Title                    = {Setting the People Free: The Story of Democracy},
  Author                   = {Dunn, John},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {1-84354-211-0},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Atlantic Books}
}

@Article{Dunning2004,
  author       = {Dunning, Thad},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Conditioning the Effects of Aid: Cold War Politics, Donor Credibility, and Democracy in {Africa}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818304582073},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {409--423},
  volume       = {58},
  abstract     = {The effect of foreign aid on regime type in recipient countries remains widely debated. In this research note, I argue that a recent focus on ``moral hazard'' has distracted attention from another mechanism linking foreign aid to domestic political institutions. During the Cold War, donors' geopolitical objectives diminished the credibility of threats to condition aid on the adoption of democratic reforms. The demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, on the other hand, enhanced the effectiveness of Western aid conditionality. I reanalyze an important recent study and demonstrate that the small positive effect of foreign aid on democracy in sub-Saharan African countries between 1975 and 1997 is limited to the post-Cold War period. This new empirical evidence underscores the importance of geopolitical context in conditioning the causal impact of development assistance, and the evidence confirms that the end of the Cold War marked a watershed in the politics of foreign aid in Africa.},
}

@Article{DuplantisEtAl1995,
  author       = {Duplantis, Malcolm M. and Chandler, Timothy D. and Geske, Terry G.},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  title        = {The growth and impact of teachers' unions in states without collective bargaining legislation},
  doi          = {10.1016/0272-7757(95)90396-P},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {167--178},
  volume       = {14},
  abstract     = {This paper examines teachers' union activity in large school districts in the eleven states without collective bargaining legislation. A supply and demand model of municipal labor markets was used to specify reduced form wage, employment, and expenditure equations. These equations were then estimated using ordinary least squares regression analysis to determine the impact of teachers' collective bargaining. The presence of a collective bargaining agreement had a statistically significant effect on wages and district expenditures. Average teachers' sa;ary in districts with collective bargaining agreement was 9.5\% higher than average salary in districts without collective bargaining agreements. Similarly, average school district expenditure was 15.6\% higher in districts with collective bargaining agreements.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0272-7757(95)90396-P},
}

@Article{DupriezDumay2006,
  Title                    = {Inequalities in school systems: effect of school structure or of society structure?},
  Author                   = {Dupriez, Vincent and Dumay, Xavier},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03050060600628074},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {243--260},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {In this study the authors start from the observed fact that equality of opportunities of educational achievement is higher in integrated school systems than in differentiated school systems. In other words, in integrated school systems, a pupil's school achievement depends less than elsewhere on the social and cultural resources of his or her family. However, before concluding that school structure has a significant influence on inequalities at school, it is important to distinguish between the influence of the socio-economic context underlying each school system, and the specific influence of the structure or organisation of the school system itself. The fact is that not only do the most egalitarian countries with regard to schooling have in common an integrated structure, but also these schools are set within the context of countries which are more egalitarian in other ways, particularly with regard to income distribution. To distinguish between the influence of this social environment and that of school structure, the authors offer three analyses based on a comparative analysis of international databases measuring educational achievement. The results of these three analyses lend credence to the hypothesis that the structure of the school system has a specific effect on the extent of inequalities.}
}

@Booklet{Durant1942,
  Title                    = {The Beveridge Report and the Public},
  Author                   = {Durant, Henry},
  Date                     = {1942},
  HowPublished             = {Pamphlet},
  Note                     = {Published by the British Institute of Public Opinion.}
}

@Article{DurantLegge2001,
  Title                    = {Politics, Public Opinion, and Privatization: A Test of Competing Theories in {Great Britain}},
  Author                   = {Durant, Robert F. and Legge, Jr., Jerome S.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Organization Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1011573012613},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--95},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Reforms known collectively as the ``new public management'' (NPM) are sweeping governments worldwide. For a movement espousing customer-based service orientations, there is a curious paucity of research on citizens' attitudes toward these reforms. We know little about how citizens feel about them, how they arrive at their conclusions, and how durable their attitudes are likely to be. Using citizen attitudes culled from the 1987--1992 British General Election Panel Survey, we apply multiple regression analysis to begin exploring these issues in one critical area of NPM reform: privatization of state-owned enterprises. We find that the overall predictive power of the five theoretical perspectives culled from public opinion research and operationalized in our model is quite respectable, but that evaluations are too complex for any single explanation of public opinion formation to capture. We also find that British attitudes toward privatization were most associated with cue-taking from leaders and parties, ideological moorings associated with individualism, and income. From these findings we offer a set of hypotheses suitable for testing in future research --- most especially, a ``disparate impact'' hypothesis --- that have important implications for practice and theory-building regarding public opinion and market-based administrative reforms worldwide.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1011573012613}
}

@Article{DurantLegge2002,
  Title                    = {Politics, Public Opinion, and Privatization in {France}: Assessing the Calculus of Consent for Market Reforms},
  Author                   = {Durant, Robert F. and Legge, Jr., Jerome S.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1540-6210.00181},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {307--323},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the normative, political, and instrumental importance of privatizing state-owned enterprises worldwide, practitioners and researchers know little empirically about how different types of citizens feel about these efforts, how they arrive at these judgments, and how enduring these attitudes are likely to be. Using citizen attitudes toward privatization culled from the 1995 French National Election Study, this article offers practitioners and researchers an analytical framework for assessing these attitudes, for anticipating and dealing strategically with the perceived consequences of denationalization efforts, and for refining their understanding of the calculus of consent for market reforms in future survey research.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6210.00181}
}

@Article{DurantEtAl1998,
  author       = {Durant, Robert F. and Legge, Jr., Jerome S. and Moussios, Antony},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {People, Profits, and Service Delivery: Lessons from the Privatization of British Telecom},
  doi          = {10.2307/2991749},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {117--140},
  volume       = {42},
  abstract     = {Theory: Gradual denationalization of state-owned-enterprises (SOEs) is premised on the theory that increasing levels of market exposure, regulation, and public reporting will improve both the market and social values that democracies cherish. Similar theories inform market-based approaches to public service delivery more generally. Hypotheses: As market exposure increases, rates of productivity, capitalization, and profitability will increase significantly. As price controls grow broader and more stringent, rates of capitalization and productivity will increase, but profitability rates will be significantly lower. As market exposure increases, and whenever performance measures are publicly reported, service quality will increase. As price controls become broader and more stringent, service quality will decrease significantly. Methods: We use ARIMA time-series analysis to assess the impact between 1982 and 1993 of three policy initiatives central to the gradual privatizing of British Telecom (BT): changes in the extent of BT's private ownership, in the breadth and stringency of price controls applied to it, and in the reporting of service quality measures to the public. Results: Neither the claims of privatization proponents regarding market values nor of opponents regarding social values appear totally justified. The gradual exposure of service delivery to market discipline risks the ascendancy of market over social values. This can be attenuated, however, if the latter are explicitly linked to performance measures that are routinely reported to the public. ARIMA analysis affords a way to avoid the "apples and oranges" comparisons of public versus private service delivery mechanisms.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2991749},
  month        = jan,
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Book{Durkheim1933,
  Title                    = {The Division of Labour in Society},
  Author                   = {Durkheim, {\'E}mile},
  Date                     = {1933},
  Location                 = {Glencoe, IL},
  Publisher                = {Free Press},
  Translator               = {Unknown},

  Origdate                 = {1893}
}

@Article{Durr1992,
  Title                    = {An Essay on Cointegration and Error Correction Models},
  Author                   = {Durr, Robert H.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/4.1.185},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {185--228},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.185}
}

@Article{Durr1992a,
  Title                    = {Of Forests and Trees},
  Author                   = {Durr, Robert H.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/4.1.255},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {255--258},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.255}
}

@Article{Durr1993,
  Title                    = {What Moves Policy Sentiment?},
  Author                   = {Durr, Robert H.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {158{--}170},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {In spite of the fact that political eras in the United States are widely (and often ambiguously) defined in terms of a general policy sentiment or mood, political scientists have done little in the way of rigorous analysis regarding this subject. I argue that shifts in domestic policy sentiment along a liberal-conservative continuum may be understood in part as responses to changing economic expectations. Specifically, expectations of a strong economy result in greater support for liberal domestic policies, whereas anticipation of declining economic conditions pushes the national policy mood to the right. Using quarterly data for the period 1968-88, I present a multiple-time-series error correction model that lends considerable support to the hypothesis.}
}

@Unpublished{DustmannPreston2004,
  Title                    = {Is Immigration Good or Bad for the Economy? Analysis of Attitudinal Responses},
  Author                   = {Christian Dustmann and Ian Preston},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration, University College London Discussion Paper Series CDP No 06/04},
  Url                      = {http://www.econ.ucl.ac.uk/cream/pages/CDP/CDP_06_04.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we study attitudinal responses of host country residents towards further immigration that are triggered by economic considerations. We develop an economic model motivating the empirical work that takes a broader view on these issues than previous papers. We provide empirical analysis that is based on data more specific and better suited to pick up the many channels of economic interest through which benefits and costs of immigration may be felt. Results support previous literature in establishing strong associations between individual characteristics and a wide range of responses to questions relating to perceived impact of immigrants on economic outcomes. Our analysis points to the importance of a wider view on channels of economic interest and the way these affect assessment of immigration.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.econ.ucl.ac.uk/cream/pages/CDP/CDP_06_04.pdf}
}

@Book{Duverger1955,
  Title                    = {The Political Role of Women},
  Author                   = {Duverger, Maurice},
  Date                     = {1955},
  Location                 = {Paris, France},
  Publisher                = {UNESCO}
}

@Article{Dworkin1999,
  Title                    = {Devlin Was Right: Law and the Enforcement of Morality},
  Author                   = {Dworkin, Gerald},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {William and Mary Law Review},
  Pages                    = {927--946},
  Url                      = {http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/wmlr40&g_sent=1&id=939},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-25},
  Volume                   = {40}
}

@Incollection{Dworkin2003,
  Title                    = {The Majoritarian Premise and Constitutionalism},
  Author                   = {Dworkin, Ronald},
  Booktitle                = {Philosophy and Democracy: An Anthology},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Christiano, Thomas},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Dworkin1966,
  author       = {Ronald Dworkin},
  date         = {1966},
  journaltitle = {Yale Law Journal},
  title        = {Lord Devlin and the Enforcement of Morals},
  issn         = {0044-0094},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {986--1005},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/794893},
  volume       = {75},
  publisher    = {The Yale Law Journal Company, Inc.},
}

@Article{Dworkin1981,
  author       = {Dworkin, Ronald},
  date         = {1981},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  title        = {What is Equality? Part 1: Equality of Welfare},
  issn         = {0048-3915},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {185--246},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2264894},
  volume       = {10},
}

@Article{Dworkin1981a,
  author       = {Dworkin, Ronald},
  date         = {1981},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  title        = {What is Equality? Part 2: Equality of Resources},
  issn         = {0048-3915},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {283--345},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265047},
  volume       = {10},
}

@Book{Dworkin1986,
  Title                    = {Law's Empire},
  Author                   = {Dworkin, Ronald},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Book{Dye1984,
  Title                    = {Understanding Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Thomas Dye},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Publisher                = {Prentice Hall}
}

@Article{Dyson2001,
  Title                    = {The German Model Revisited: From Schmidt to Schr{\"o}der},
  Author                   = {Dyson, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/772713250},
  Pages                    = {135--154},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the main changes in the German model from the government of the previous Social Democratic Chancellor Helmut Schmidt to that of Gerhard Schr{\"o}der. It stresses the tensions and conflicts between its two faces - ordo-liberalism and 'managed' capitalism - and its potential to shift its centre of gravity without sacrificing its underlying nature. The key element of accommodation rests on a monetarist co-ordination of collective bargaining, an element that has been put in question by EMU. The Schr{\"o}der government epitomizes an approach of modernisation by stealth that is well adapted to the contours of the German model. The conclusion points to the attempts to give a technocratic basis of legitimacy to the German model (most recently by the methodology of benchmarking) and seeks to offer a preliminary sketch of a theory of anchoring to explain how well consolidated is the German model. In addition to identifying slipping and weakening anchors, the conclusion emphasises the importance of two key anchors: the consistency of the German model with corporate strategy and with a chancellorship leadership adapted to the consensus principle which remains important in the operation of the political system. In the process the article offers reflections on the leadership role and style of Chancellor Schr{\"o}der.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/772713250}
}

@Article{DysonPreston2006,
  Title                    = {Individual Characteristics of Political Leaders and the Use of Analogy in Foreign Policy Decision Making},
  Author                   = {Dyson, Stephen Benedict and Preston, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Psychology},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2006.00006.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9221},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {265--288},
  Volume                   = {27}
}

@Article{EastawayMartin1999,
  Title                    = {General Trends in Financing Social Housing in {Spain}},
  Author                   = {Eastaway, Montserrat P and Martin, Ignacio S},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0042098993411},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {699{--}714},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {The affordability of houses has become one of the main problems for Spanish families in recent decades. The government has been actively involved in designing policies to solve this problem. Theoretically, the characteristics of the housing stock and population always determine the type of public intervention. In the Spanish case, there are some features that give rise to a particular approach which is slightly different from that of the rest of Europe. The following elements, among other things, have been taken into account when designing housing policies in Spain: the cultural importance of home-ownership, the evolution of prices, the distinct condition of large cities such as Barcelona and Madrid, the high proportion of mortgage burdens in relation to family income and the role played by the several levels of government. In present Spanish housing policy, it is possible to identify at least two main trends. Both the 1992--95 scheme and the 1996--99 scheme seek to provide financial support, basically to the demand side, in order to promote ownership and reactivate the building sector as a way to expand the whole economy. The housing market in Spain is strongly influenced by government intervention: a varied set of instruments has been applied in housing policy for the period 1996-99. The government also formulated a plan of action that followed the trends established by the former programme (Plan de Vivienda 1992--95). The aim of this paper is to examine in detail the objectives of the scheme and the instruments implemented to achieve them. In addition, we will analyse the involvement of the banks and the savings bank system and their role in the funding of the scheme. We will conclude with an evaluation of the extent to which the objectives of the first scheme have been met. We will also make some predictions and mention the special details concerning the second scheme.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0042098993411}
}

@Article{EastawayVaro2002,
  Title                    = {The Tenure Imbalance in {Spain}: The Need for Social Housing Policy},
  Author                   = {Eastaway, Montserrat P and Varo, Ignacio S},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00420980120102975},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {283{--}295},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Spain is usually chosen as an example of an unbalanced picture among tenures. The owner-occupied sector has been growing since the 1950s while the rental sector has become smaller. Surprisingly, other European countries are at present following the same pattern, but mostly we also see an important function for social housing. Taking into account that public housing, built by public developers, is almost negligible and that government housing policy programmes basically stimulate ownership, the `social housing' concept lacks an adequate definition in Spanish housing policy. In this sense, the encouragement of the rental sector through public policy should provide an alternative for low-income families. Despite different cultural housing backgrounds, the emergence of a reliable rental sector in Spain appears to be the most promising strategy for solving current housing problems. The aim of the paper is twofold. On the one hand, it analyses the evolution of the rental sector through recent decades, stressing how different central government regulations have affected the tenure structure in Spain. On the other, it considers the rental sector as a potential instrument for authorities to meet the housing needs of low-income families. Housing policy still plays a crucial role in offering the opportunity for certain groups to access a suitable house. What can be called the `European shift' to the market can cause irreparable damage to those families that have benefited from former, direct or indirect, public means.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420980120102975}
}

@Article{Easterly2003,
  Title                    = {Can Foreign Aid Buy Growth?},
  Author                   = {Easterly, William},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3216821},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {23--48},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3216821}
}

@Book{Easterly2006,
  Title                    = {The white man's burden: How the West's efforts to aid the rest have done so much ill and so little good},
  Author                   = {Easterly, William},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{EasterlyEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Social Cohesion, Institutions, and Growth},
  Author                   = {Easterly, William and Ritzen, Jozef and Woolcock, Michael},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics and Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2006.00165.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {103--120},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {We present evidence that measures of social cohesion, such as income inequality and ethnic fractionalization, endogenously determine institutional quality, which in turn causally determines growth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.2006.00165.x}
}

@Article{Eatwell2000,
  Title                    = {The rebirth of the 'extreme right' in Western {Europe}?},
  Author                   = {Eatwell, Roger},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/53.3.407},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {407--425},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/53.3.407}
}

@Article{Ebbinghaus2002,
  Title                    = {Trade unions' changing role: membership erosion, organisational reform, and social partnership in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Ebbinghaus, Bernhard},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {465--483},
  Volume                   = {33}
}

@Article{Ebbinghaus2003,
  Title                    = {Ever larger unions: organisational restructuring and its impact on union confederations},
  Author                   = {Ebbinghaus, Bernhard},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {446--460},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {Unions have responded to current membership decline and other organisational problems by restructuring via mergers, increasing union concentration within and across union confederations. A particular noted feature are amalgamations to form 'super-unions'. These conglomerate unions threaten to undermine the role played by confederations in respect of political voice, bargaining coordination, and service provision. Despite these mergers, union pluralism still prevails in many European countries with separate peak associations organised along employment/occupational status or political and religious lines. After comparing the recent merger waves and increased union concentration in western European countries, the consequences for union movements are discussed.}
}

@Article{Ebbinghaus2004,
  Title                    = {The changing union and bargaining landscape: union concentration and collective bargaining trends},
  Author                   = {Ebbinghaus, Bernhard},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {574--587},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Unions in Western Europe have tended to merge in larger organisations, straddling across traditional bargaining demarcations. Despite the trend towards union concentration, cross-national differences remain in the degree of fragmentation and the balance across private and public sectors. In the past years, wage moderation was common to nearly all bargaining systems, partly as a result of coordinated incomes policies or pattern-setting wage settlements. Tripartite concertation has proven more difficult because of increased dissatisfaction with modest pay increases and insufficient employment effects.}
}

@Article{EbbinghausHassel2000,
  Title                    = {Striking deals: concertation in the reform of continental {Europe}an welfare states},
  Author                   = {Ebbinghaus, Bernhard and Hassel, Anke},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017600343269},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {44--62},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The reform of the welfare state entails changes in interdependent policy fields stretching from social policies to employment and wage policies. These linked policy fields are often governed by varying sets of corporate actors and involve different decision-making procedures. Adaptation in one policy field is often unco-ordinated with other policies, and can work at cross-purposes, produce negative externalities, or fail owing to the lack of supporting conditions. The article has two objectives. First, it argues that the renewed emergence of tripartite concertation is due to the need to co-ordinate policies across policy fields. Second, it evaluates the institutional factors which have facilitated concertation in some cases, but not in others. Using a similar country design, the article compares four continental European countries with similar reform pressures but different reform trajectories: France, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017600343269}
}

@Article{EbbinghausVisser1999,
  Title                    = {When Institutions Matter:Union Growth and Decline in Western {Europe}, 1950-1995},
  Author                   = {Ebbinghaus, Bernhard and Visser, Jelle},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {135--158},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {During the early post-war period, Western trade-union movements grew in membership and achieved an institutionalized role in industrial relations and politics. However, during the last decades, many trade unions have seen their membership decline as they came increasingly under pressure due to social, economic, and political changes. This article reviews the main structural, cyclical, and institutional factors explaining union growth and decline. Concentrating on Western Europe, the empirical analysis compares cross-national union density data for 13 countries over the first period (1950-1975) and for 16 countries over the second.'crisis' period (1975-1995). The quantitative correlation and regression analysis indicates that structural and cyclical factors fail to explain the level and changes in unionization across Western Europe, while institutional variables fare better. In a second, qualitative comparative analysis, the authors stress the need to explain crossnational differences in the level or trend of unionization by a set of institutional arrangements: the access of unions to representation in the workplace; the availability of a selective incentive in the form of a union-administered unemployment scheme; recognition of employers through nationwide and sectoral corporatist institutions; and closed-shop arrangements for forced membership. Such institutional configurations support membership recruitment and membership retention, and define the conditions for the strategic choice of trade unions in responding to structural social-economic, political, and cultural changes.}
}

@Article{EberleinKerwer2004,
  Title                    = {New Governance in the {Europe}an Union: A Theoretical Perspective},
  Author                   = {Eberlein, Burkard and Kerwer, Dieter},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0021-9886.2004.00479.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {121--142},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {New modes of governance based on voluntary performance standards, rather than compulsory regulation, have gained salience in the European Union (EU). Can these new modes of governance offer a credible solution to the current challenges faced by EU policy-making? In this article, we assess the potential of new governance in the light of the theory of democratic experimentalism. This theoretical perspective suggests, first, that co-ordination by voluntary performance standards can lead to more effective rules and more opportunities for political participation; second, that the scope of this mode of governance in the EU is not confined to cases which are explicitly flagged as new governance; and third, that one of the main problems is how a voluntary mode of governance can coexist with compulsory regulation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0021-9886.2004.00479.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Unpublished{EbertsEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Teachers Unions: Outcomes and Reform Initiatives},
  Author                   = {Eberts, Randall W and Hollenbeck, Kevin and Stone, Joe A},
  Date                     = {2002},

  Abstract                 = {In our contribution to this volume, we review the evidence on the effects of teachers' unions on public schools. Much of this evidence will be discomforting to critics of teachers{\textquoteright} unions; other evidence discomforting to teachers{\textquoteright} unions. In the end, though, we seek to identify concrete issues about the interaction of schools and teachers' unions that may help focus efforts at improving schools. Next, we survey key trends in the "standards and accountability" movement, along with evidence on their effectiveness; review the evidence on "pay for performance" or "incentive pay" plans; evaluate the evidence on the relative effectiveness of public versus private- and charter-school alternatives, as well as voucher and plans designed to encourage alternatives; discuss the relationship between these issues and the recent federal education reform act; and consider the NEA's move toward a "New Unionism." We conclude with a summary of key findings and a discussion of future directions for reform.}
}

@Article{EbertsStone1987,
  Title                    = {Teacher Unions and the Productivity of Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Eberts, Randall W and Stone, Joe A},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {354--363},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Do teacher unions affect the productivity of public schools? The authors examine this question using individual student data from the Sustaining Effects Survey sponsored by the U.S. Department of Education. Holding resources constant and using achievement gains on standardized tests as the measure of output, they find that union districts are seven percent more productive for average students. For the minority of students who are significantly above or below average, however, nonunion districts are more productive by about the same margin, apparently because teacher unions reduce the use of specialized instructional techniques. This result is consistent with the view that unions tend to standardize the workplace. Across all students, the average union productivity advantage is three percent.}
}

@Book{Eckstein1959,
  Title                    = {The English Health Service: Its Origins, Structure, and Achievements},
  Author                   = {Eckstein, Harry},
  Date                     = {1959},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Book{Edsall2012,
  Title                    = {The Age of Austerity: How Scarcity will Remake {America}n Politics},
  Author                   = {Thomas Byrne Edsall},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Doubleday}
}

@Article{Edwards1999,
  Title                    = {Parental Involvement in Raising the Achievement of Primary School Pupils: why bother?},
  Author                   = {Edwards, A and Warin, J},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Pages                    = {325--341},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Reasons for investing in parental involvement activities aimed at improving the performance of primary school children in either numeracy or literacy are analysed. Data are then discussed in relation firstly to sociocultural understandings of how teachers support children's learning and secondly to conceptions of identity and self-esteem apparently held by participating teachers. We suggest that primary schools are currently being obliged to use parents as assistants in the delivery of an over-loaded curriculum in ways which do not draw on understandings of what parents do have to offer.}
}

@Article{EgebergTrondal2009,
  Title                    = {Political Leadership and Bureaucratic Autonomy: Effects of Agencification},
  Author                   = {Egeberg, Morten and Trondal, Jarle},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2009.01458.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0491},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {673--688},
  Url                      = {http://www.sv.uio.no/isv/forskning/publikasjoner/tidsskrifter/Egeberg.pdf},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Previous studies have shown that agencification tends to reduce political control within a government portfolio. However, doubts have been raised as regards to the robustness of these findings. In this article we document that agency officials pay significantly less attention to signals from executive politicians than their counterparts within ministerial (cabinet-level) departments. This finding holds when we control for variation in tasks, the political salience of issue areas, and officials' rank. Simultaneously we observe that the three control variables all have an independent effect on officials' attentiveness to a steer from above. In addition we find that the more organizational capacity available within the respective ministerial departments, the more agency personnel tend to assign weight to signals from the political leadership. We apply large-N questionnaire data at three points in time, spanning two decades and shifting administrative doctrines.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Unpublished{EggersEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {On the Validity of the Regression Discontinuity Design for Estimating Electoral Effects: New Evidence from Over 40,000~{C}lose Races},
  Author                   = {Eggers, Andrew and Folke, Olle and Fowler, Anthony and Hainmueller, Jens and Hall, Andrew B.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {Society for Political Methodology Working Paper 1385},
  Url                      = {http://polmeth.wustl.edu/media/Paper/EggersetalRDD.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Many papers use regression discontinuity (RD) designs that exploit ``close" election outcomes in order to identify the effects of election results on various political and economic outcomes of interest. Several recent papers critique the use of RD designs based on close elections because of the potential for imbalance near the threshold that distinguishes winners from losers. In particular, for U.S.\ House elections during the post-war period, lagged variables such as incumbency status and previous vote share are significantly correlated with victory even in very close elections. This type of sorting naturally raises doubts about the key RD assumption that the assignment of treatment around the threshold is quasi-random. In this paper, we examine whether similar sorting occurs in other electoral settings, including the U.S. House in other time periods, statewide, state legislative, and mayoral races in the U.S., and national and/or local elections in a variety of other countries, including the U.K., Canada, Germany, France, Australia, India, and Brazil. No other case exhibits sorting. Evidently, the U.S.\ House during the post-war period is an anomaly.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Unpublished{Eggers2005,
  Title                    = {Political Economy in Political Science: A Discussion Paper},
  Author                   = {Eggers, Andrew C.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Unpublished note. Accessed: 2010/11/21.},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~aeggers/whatispoliecdiscussionpaper.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {The term `political economy' is widely used in political science (it appears 33 times in the 2005--2006 Harvard Government department course catalog), but what does it mean? And what can political science contribute to the interdisciplinary field of political economy? This paper offers some thoughts on these questions. Economics has been and remains the source of the most influential ideas in political economy, and political scientists should take advantage of opportunities to learn from those ideas. At the same time, political science has comparative strengths that seem to be more highly valued than in the past.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~aeggers/whatispoliecdiscussionpaper.pdf}
}

@Article{EhrlichEtAl1994,
  author       = {Ehrlich, Isaac and Gallais-Hamonno, Georges and Liu, Zhiqiang and Lutter, Randall},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Productivity Growth and Firm Ownership: An Analytical and Empirical Investigation},
  doi          = {10.2307/2138655},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1006{--}1038},
  volume       = {102},
  abstract     = {We focus on the effect of state versus private ownership on the rates of firm-specific productivity growth and cost decline by developing a model of endogenous, firm-specific productivity growth and testing its implications against panel data on 23 international airlines of varying levels of state ownership over the period 1973-83. Our model and empirical results show that state ownership can lower the long-run annual rate of productivity growth or cost decline, but not necessarily their levels in the short run. Observed level differences in productive efficiency across private and state-owned firms may thus be a function of the age distribution of the firms being compared. These results appear to be independent of whether the firms operate under apparently more or less competitive or regulated markets and whether they differ in production scales. The analysis offers new insights concerning the recent trend toward privatizing state-owned enterprises that has been observed in many countries.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307\%5C\%252F2138655},
}

@Article{Ehrlich2007,
  author       = {Ehrlich, Sean D.},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Access to Protection: Domestic Institutions and Trade Policy in Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818307070191},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {571--605},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {Previous institutional explanations of trade policy have focused on the role of proportional representation on the promotion of free trade. This explanation generates numerous unsolved anomalies and provides limited guidance in explaining the difference between proportional representation countries and between majoritarian countries as well as within-country variation in trade policy. This article introduces a more general institutional theory that argues that the number of access points provided by institutions is the crucial institutional feature, as increasing the number of access points makes lobbying less costly, which benefits protectionists. From this, I hypothesize that the number of parties in government, the number of electoral districts, the nature of the vote, and other such institutions affect the level of protection and that, once these factors are controlled for, proportional representation has no impact on trade policy. I test this theory on tariff data in the post-World War II developed democracies and find broad support for these hypotheses.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Article{Ehrlich2009,
  Title                    = {How Common is the Common External Tariff?},
  Author                   = {Ehrlich, Sean D.},
  Date                     = {2009-03-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116508099763},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {115--141},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the role of national-level politics and economics on the setting of supranational trade policy within the European Union (EU). It argues that, though EU member states must have a uniform tariff schedule, significant variation remains in the average, trade-weighted tariff because each country has a different bundle of imports into each country. Thus, some countries import more high-tariff goods than others. This article argues that a significant part of this variation is intentional, because countries know which goods they import. Therefore, countries that prefer protection push for tariffs on products they import whereas countries that prefer free trade push for liberalization on products they import, with these preferences being driven by the amount of institutional access provided to interest groups and the economic conditions in the member states. This argument is tested with regression analyses of a panel of average tariff rates in the EU member states and the tariff schedule agreed to by the EU at the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116508099763}
}

@Book{Eichengreen1996,
  Title                    = {Golden Fetters: The Gold Standard and the Great Depression, 1919-1939},
  Author                   = {Barry Eichengreen},
  Date                     = {1996},
  ISBN                     = {978-0195101133},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Eichengreen2007,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Economy Since 1945: Coordinated Capitalism and Beyond},
  Author                   = {Eichengreen, Barry},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780691138480},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Book{Eichengreen2008,
  Title                    = {Globalizing Capital: A History of the International Monetary System},
  Author                   = {Barry Eichengreen},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  ISBN                     = {978-1-4008-2881-4},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Eidlin2011,
  Title                    = {The Method of Problems versus the Method of Topics},
  Author                   = {Eidlin, Fred},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096511001260},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {758--761},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Confused students researching papers not knowing where they are going. Articles, lectures, and books on exciting topics that turn out to be boring. Such familiar phenomena are symptoms of a widespread, largely unconscious methodological habit of focusing on topics rather than problems. This habit rests on views about knowledge that are deeply ingrained in commonsense knowledge and in the methodology of mainstream social science. Such views saturate the understanding of scientific inquiry assumed by most methods textbooks. This article criticizes the method of topics and contrasts it with the method of problems. The word `topic' suggests that there is some surface to cover, but not why covering it might be interesting. Interesting research is problem-driven. It begins with a sense that something is amiss with existing knowledge and requires explanation. Problem-driven research begins, not with collection of data or facts, or with clarification of concepts, but with identification of inconsistencies or gaps in existing knowledge. It seeks to solve problems through free invention and severe criticism of hypotheses.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096511001260},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.11.16}
}

@Book{EinaudiEtAl1955,
  Title                    = {Nationalization in {France} and {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Einaudi, Mario and By{\a\'e}, Maurice and Rossi, Ernesto},
  Date                     = {1955},
  Location                 = {Ithaca, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press}
}

@Article{Elgie2003,
  Title                    = {Governance traditions and narratives of public sector reform in contemporary {France}},
  Author                   = {Elgie, Robert},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {141--162},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the basic traditions of governance in contemporary France and the narratives of public sector reform associated with them. It should be stressed right from the outset that this article does not aim to describe the set of public sector reforms that have been implemented in France in the last ten years or so. Instead, the aim is to demonstrate the similarities and differences between the narratives of the left and the right with regard to these reforms and to show how these narratives help to explain the types of reform that have been enacted. The basic argument is that there is a certain commonality to both the left and the right with regard to their narratives of public sector reform. At the same time, though, there are differences of emphasis both within each tradition and between the two main traditions themselves. Except where indicated, all translations are the author ' s own.}
}

@Article{Elieson2000,
  Title                    = {Gunnar Myrdal: A Theorist of Modernity},
  Author                   = {Eli{\ae}son, Sven},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Sociologica},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/000169930004300406},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {331--341},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Gunnar Myrdal's contribution to social science could be encapsulated in the following key words: secularization, intellectual migration and trans-Atlantic reciprocity, objectivity and value-intrusion (-bias), the role of philanthropy, Protestant reform creed, social engineering, and national styles of research. Myrdal's central role in the history of social thought is his part in facilitating the diffusion of Weberian value-orientation, despite differences in nuances between Myrdal and his neo-Kantian predecessors. His oeuvre is multi-disciplinary and he could himself be characterized in terms of a number of antinomies, such as the parochial cosmopolitan, the patriotic internationalist, the compassionate 'nihilist'. the elitist egalitarian, the social Darwinist anti-racist, the male chauvinist feminist, the ahistorical 'historicist', the conservative socialist, etc. He never hesitated to take a controversial position. Essentially he is a theorist of modernity, combining ambiguity and antinomies with anti-metaphysics (anti-natural law, instrumental means-end-analyses).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169930004300406}
}

@Article{ElinderJordahl2013,
  author       = {Elinder, M.Mikael and Jordahl, Henrik},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Political preferences and public sector outsourcing},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2013.01.003},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  number       = {0},
  pages        = {43--57},
  volume       = {30},
  abstract     = {Given the intensive and ideologically charged debate over the use of private contractors for publicly funded services, it is somewhat surprising that many social scientists have preferred to explain government outsourcing by the pursuit of economic efficiency. Starting out from different theories, we investigate political explanations of government outsourcing using a Swedish data set in which outsourcing varies between municipalities and over time, as well as between services. Our identification strategy focuses on two services with similar contracting problems and local market conditions: preschools and primary schools. We study a period in which Swedish municipalities had full discretion in the provision of preschools, while their influence on the private provision of primary education was limited by a national voucher system. The comparison of preschools with primary schools in a difference-in-differences model suggests that the political color of the ruling majority influences outsourcing, which is consistent with the Citizen Candidate model of representative democracy.},
  keywords     = {Outsourcing},
  timestamp    = {2013.06.06},
}

@Article{ElkinsEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Competing for Capital: The Diffusion of Bilateral Investment Treaties, 1960--2000},
  Author                   = {Elkins, Zachary and Guzman, Andrew T and Simmons, Beth A},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818306060279},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {811--846},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past forty-five years, bilateral investment treaties (BITs) have become the most important international legal mechanism for the encouragement and governance of foreign direct investment. The proliferation of BITs during the past two decades in particular has been phenomenal. These intergovernmental treaties typically grant extensive rights to foreign investors, including protection of contractual rights and the right to international arbitration in the event of an investment dispute. How can we explain the widespread adoption of BITs? We argue that the spread of BITs is driven by international competition among potential host countries{\textemdash}typically developing countries{\textemdash}for foreign direct investment. We propose a set of hypotheses that derive from such an explanation and develop a set of empirical tests that rely on network measures of economic competition as well as more indirect evidence of competitive pressures on the host to sign BITs. The evidence suggests that potential hosts are more likely to sign BITs when their competitors have done so. We find some evidence that coercion and learning play a role, but less support for cultural explanations based on emulation. Our main finding is that the diffusion of BITs is associated with competitive economic pressures among developing countries to capture a share of foreign investment. We are agnostic at this point about the benefits of this competition for development.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818306060279}
}

@Article{Ellermann2013,
  Title                    = {When Can Liberal States Avoid Unwanted Immigration? Self-Limited Sovereignty and Guest Worker Recruitment in Switzerland and Germany},
  Author                   = {Ellermann,Antje},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0043887113000130},
  ISSN                     = {1086-3338},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = {7},
  Pages                    = {491--538},
  Url                      = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S0043887113000130},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {Advanced democracies, it is commonly argued, are unable to prevent unwanted immigration because their sovereignty is ``self-limited'' by virtue of their normative, legal, and economic liberalism. This article challenges this claim by examining a critical test case that is at the heart of self-limited sovereignty arguments: guest worker recruitment in postwar Switzerland and West Germany. The author shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, the unintended settlement of guest workers was not a universal given but instead was far less extensive in Switzerland than in West Germany. This difference in exposure to unwanted immigration, she argues, was the result of path-dependent processes that can be traced back to the inception of each country's recruitment program. Whereas West German officials made no concerted effort to control settlement until the program's termination, Swiss policy from its beginning was marked by state-enforced worker rotation and the prevention of family unification. To account for these critical differences in policy design, the article argues that each guest worker system was fundamentally shaped by two sets of factors. First, program design varied depending on whether or not political elites could draw policy lessons from past experience with temporary worker programs. Where past recruitment had resulted in unwanted settlement, as had been the case in Switzerland, political elites sought to adopt policy provisions designed to prevent the past from repeating itself. Where past policy failure was absent, as was the case in West Germany, policymakers were less concerned with preempting settlement. Second, recruitment policy reflected the degree to which policymakers were able to operate autonomously from cross-cutting interests. Whereas the West German government could pursue recruitment relatively insulated from both business and popular pressure, Swiss policymakers had to repeatedly accommodate both sets of actors, in the process devising a recruitment system firmly premised on the principle of worker rotation.}
}

@Article{Ellermann2014,
  Title                    = {The Rule of Law and the Right to Stay: The Moral Claims of Undocumented Migrants},
  Author                   = {Ellermann, Antje},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329214543255},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {293-308},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/o83qn4u},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {What moral claims do undocumented immigrants have to membership? Joseph Carens has argued that illegal migrants with long-term residence have a claim to national membership because they already are de facto members of local communities. This article builds on the linkage between illegality, residence, and rights, but shifts the focus from the migrant to the state, and from membership-based arguments to the rule of law. I argue that the rule of law, as expressed in the principle of legal certainty, provides an alternative justification for the regularization of resident undocumented migrants. The principle of legal certainty recognizes the right of individuals to make long-term plans for their lives by requiring that state action be reasonably predictable and nonarbitrary. Thus, as an expression of legal certainty, both civil and criminal codes have statutes of limitation that place a time limit beyond which most crimes and misdemeanors can no longer be prosecuted, and individuals can move on with their lives. Not only do these statutes recognize the individual's right to be free from arbitrary state control, they also demand that the state cut its losses and accept the consequences of its failure to act in a timely manner. I contend that, in the absence of a statute of limitation on illegal entry, the deportation of settled migrants constitutes an arbitrary act of state power. The article explores a number of judicial rulings to illustrate the argument's normative logic.}
}

@Article{Elliot1998,
  Title                    = {School Finance and Opportunities to Learn: Does Money Well Spent Enhance Students' Achievement?},
  Author                   = {Elliot, Marta},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {223--245},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {The study reported here linked U.S. census data on school finance to data from the National Education Longitudinal Survey of 1988 to evaluate the process through which financial resources affect opportunities to learn in U.S. public high schools. It examined the direct effects of school expenditures on students' achievement in math and science and the indirect effects of expenditures on achievement through their provision of opportunities to learn. It also tested multiple components of opportunities to learn to determine their relative impact on students' success. The results indicate that per-pupil expenditures indirectly increase students' achievement by giving students access to educated teachers who use effective pedagogies in the classroom.}
}

@Article{ElliotBender1997,
  Title                    = {Decentralization and Pay Reform in Central Government: a Study of Three Countries},
  Author                   = {Elliot, Robert F and Bender, Keith A},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-8543.00063},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {447--475},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past decade central governments of the UK, Sweden and Australia have been engaged in significant reforms in the way they pay their employees. These reforms have generally taken the form of the decentralization of pay bargaining and the individualization of pay. This paper details the policies that have been implemented in central government in these countries and presents some preliminary results on the effects of these. While the actual implementation has varied quite substantially across the countries and the analysis of the outcomes must be regarded as preliminary, there is some evidence that the reforms have led to an increase in earnings dispersion.}
}

@Article{Ellis2003,
  Title                    = {A Deterrence Theory of Punishment},
  Author                   = {Ellis, Anthony},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {The Philosophical Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9213.00316},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9213},
  Number                   = {212},
  Pages                    = {337--351},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {I start from the presupposition that the use of force against another is justified only in self-defence or in defence of others against aggression. If so, the main work of justifying punishment must rely on its deterrent effect, since most punishments have no other significant self-defensive effect. It has often been objected to the deterrent justification of punishment that it commits us to using offenders unacceptably, and that it is unable to deliver acceptable limits on punishment. I describe a sort of deterrent theory which can avoid both of these objections.}
}

@Article{Ellis2012,
  Title                    = {Understanding Economic Biases in Representation: Income, Resources, and Policy Representation in the 110th House},
  Author                   = {Ellis, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912911427450},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {938--951},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the extent, and possible causes, of income-based biases in representation of citizens by members of the 110th Congress. The author finds that the preferences of wealthier citizens are modestly but significantly better reflected in the choices of their congressional representatives than are the preferences of poorer citizens. More importantly, the author shows that education, political sophistication, political engagement, ethnicity, and other sociodemographic factors can explain only a small part of this representation gap. Biases in representation across income lines appear to be driven by income alone, or at least not by politically relevant factors correlated with income.}
}

@Book{Elster1985,
  Title                    = {Making Sense of Marx},
  Author                   = {Elster, Jon},
  Date                     = {1985},
  ISBN                     = {9780521297059},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Elster2000,
  Title                    = {Rational Choice History: A Case of Excessive Ambition},
  Author                   = {Elster, Jon},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {685--695},
  Volume                   = {94}
}

@Article{Elvander2002,
  Title                    = {The New Swedish Regime for Collective Bargaining and Conflict Resolution: A Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Elvander, Nils},
  Date                     = {2002-07-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095968010282005},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {197--216},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {This article discusses the new system of conflict resolution and coordinated wage bargaining introduced in Sweden in 1997. First adopted by agreement between unions and employers in the manufacturing sector, it has been imitated in the public sector and formed the model for legislation in 2000. The author discusses the significance of these developments and locates the Swedish experience in a broader European comparative perspective.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968010282005}
}

@Article{EmmeneggerKlemmensen2013,
  Title                    = {What Motivates You? The Relationship between Preferences for Redistribution and Attitudes toward Immigration},
  Author                   = {Emmenegger, Patrick and Klemmensen, Robert},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041513804634280},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {227--246},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {The tension between immigration and redistribution has attracted increased attention in recent years. Many authors argue, based on economic self-interest theory, that there is a negative relationship between support for redistribution and preferred levels of immigration. Notwithstanding the role of economic self-interest, there is in fact a multitude of motivations that moderate the relationship between preferences for redistribution and attitudes toward immigration. A model of preferences for immigration shows that self-interested and strongly reciprocal individuals experience a tension between immigration and redistribution, while egalitarians do not experience this tension. Humanitarians express a general willingness to help those who are worse off, immigrants included, but this motivation does not affect their preferences for redistribution.}
}

@Book{EnelowHinich1984,
  Title                    = {The Spatial Theory of Voting: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {Enelow, James M. and Hinich, Melvin J.},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{EngleGranger1987,
  Title                    = {Co-Integration and Error Correction: Representation, Estimation, and Testing},
  Author                   = {Engle, Robert F and Granger, C. W.J},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {251{--}276},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {The relationship between co-integration and error correction models, first suggested in Granger (1981), is here extended and used to develop estimation procedures, tests, and empirical examples. If each element of a vector of time series $x\_t$ first achieves stationarity after differencing, but a linear combination $\alpha ^ x\_t$ is already stationary, the time series $x\_t$ are said to be co-integrated with co-integrating vector a. There may be several such co-integrating vectors so that a becomes a matrix. Interpreting $\alpha ^ x\_t=0$ as a long run equilibrium, co-integration implies that deviations from equilibrium are stationary, with finite variance, even though the series themselves are nonstationary and have infinite variance. The paper presents a representation theorem based on Granger (1983), which connects the moving average, autoregressive, and error correction representations for co-integrated systems. A vector autoregression in differenced variables is incompatible with these representations. Estimation of these models is discussed and a simple but asymptotically efficient two-step estimator is proposed. Testing for co-integration combines the problems of unit root tests and tests with parameters unidentified under the null. Seven statistics are formulated and analyzed. The critical values of these statistics are calculated based on a Monte Carlo simulation. Using these critical values, the power properties of the tests are examined and one test procedure is recommended for application. In a series of examples it is found that consumption and income are co-integrated, wages and prices are not, short and long interest rates are, and nominal GNP is co-integrated with M2, but not M1, M3, or aggregate liquid assets.}
}

@Article{EnglishEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Interpreting the Significance of the Lagged Interest Rate in Estimated Monetary Policy Rules},
  Author                   = {English, William B. and Nelson, William R. and Sack, Brian P.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Contributions to Macroeconomics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Url                      = {http://www.bepress.com/bejm/contributions/vol3/iss1/art5},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Many researchers have found that the lagged interest rate enters estimated monetary policy rules with overwhelming significance, suggesting that policy adjusts gradually to changes in economic conditions. However, Rudebusch (2002) argues that the lagged interest rate is not a fundamental component of the U.S. policy rule, and that its significance arises from the omission of serially correlated variables from the policy rule. This paper considers the possibility that policy rules may be characterized by both partial adjustment and serially correlated omitted variables. Our findings indicate that even if one allows for serially correlated errors, partial adjustment plays an important role in describing the behavior of the federal funds rate.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.bepress.com/bejm/contributions/vol3/iss1/art5}
}

@Unpublished{EnikolopovZhuravskaya2006,
  author     = {Enikolopov, Ruben and Zhuravskaya, Ekaterina},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Decentralization and Political Institutions},
  note       = {Forthcoming in the Journal of Public Economics.},
  abstract   = {Does fiscal decentralization lead to more efficient governance, better public goods, and higher economic growth? This paper tests Riker{\textquoteright}s theory (1964) that the results of fiscal decentralization depend on the level of countries{\textquoteright} political centralization. We analyze crosssection and panel data from up to 75 developing and transition countries for 25 years. Two of Riker{\textquoteright}s predictions about the role of political institutions in disciplining fiscally-autonomous local politicians are confirmed by the data. 1) Strength of national political parties significantly improves outcomes of fiscal decentralization such as economic growth, quality of government, and public goods provision. 2) In contrast, administrative subordination (i.e., appointing local politicians rather than electing them) does not improve the results of fiscal decentralization.},
  annotation = {Data available @ http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/\~enikolop/Decentralization\_Political\_Institutions.dta},
}

@Unpublished{EnnsEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Conditional Status Quo Bias and Top Income Shares: How U.S. Political Institutions Benet the Rich},
  Author                   = {Enns, Peter K. and J. Kelly, Nathan and Morgan, Jana and Volscho, Thomas and Witko, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = sep,

  Abstract                 = {Building on insights from political science, economics, and sociology, this paper considers a wide variety of factors that may have shaped income concentration over time. Theoretically, the focus is a model of conditional status quo bias and American inequality. The central nding is that institutional features that bias policy outcomes toward the status quo, along with more general political dynamics and policy choices, have played a central role in the path of inequality. Using time series analysis of top income shares during the post-WWII period, we identify the Senate as a key actor in the politics of income inequality. Our ndings suggest that the super-majoritarian nature of the Senate, when coupled with rising inequality, creates a situation in which inequality becomes difficult to reverse. As well, political factors appear to be at least as central to distributional outcomes as market factors such as the college wage premium and the increasing role of the nancial sector in the U.S. economy.},
  Keywords                 = {Inequality}
}

@Article{Entman1989,
  author       = {Entman,Robert M.},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {How the Media Affect What People Think: An Information Processing Approach},
  doi          = {10.2307/2131346},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {347--370},
  url          = {http://www.uky.edu/~jmaver0/Entman1989.pdf},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {The political messages of newspapers are significantly associated with the substantive political attitudes of a national sample of their readers. Diversity of news perspectives and editorial liberalism show significant relationships to readers' support of interest groups, public policies, and politicians. The relationships vary among self-identified liberals, conservatives, and moderates in accordance with the predictions of information-processing theory. The standard assertion in most recent empirical studies is that ``media affect what people think about, not what they think.'' The findings here indicate the media make a significant contribution to what people think --- to their political preferences and evaluations --- precisely by affecting what they think about.},
  month        = {5},
}

@Article{Entman1993,
  Title                    = {Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm},
  Author                   = {Entman, Robert M.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.1993.tb01304.x},
  ISSN                     = {1460-2466},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {51--58},
  Url                      = {http://sotomo-ve.geo.uzh.ch/sotomo/pps/lit/entman_93.pdf},
  Volume                   = {43}
}

@Article{Entman2007,
  Title                    = {Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power},
  Author                   = {Entman, Robert M.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00336.x},
  ISSN                     = {1460-2466},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {163--173},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/q9mmtnb},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {This article proposes integrating the insights generated by framing, priming, and agenda-setting research through a systematic effort to conceptualize and understand their larger implications for political power and democracy. The organizing concept is bias, that curiously undertheorized staple of public discourse about the media. After showing how agenda setting, framing and priming fit together as tools of power, the article connects them to explicit definitions of news slant and the related but distinct phenomenon of bias. The article suggests improved measures of slant and bias. Properly defined and measured, slant and bias provide insight into how the media influence the distribution of power: who gets what, when, and how. Content analysis should be informed by explicit theory linking patterns of framing in the media text to predictable priming and agenda-setting effects on audiences. When unmoored by such underlying theory, measures and conclusions of media bias are suspect.}
}

@Article{EpifaniGancia2009,
  Title                    = {Openness, Government Size and the Terms of Trade},
  Author                   = {Epifani, Paolo and Gancia, Gino},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-937X.2009.00546.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {629--668},
  Volume                   = {76},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the relationship between trade openness and the size of governments, both theoretically and empirically. We argue that openness can increase the size of governments through two channels: (1) a terms of trade externality, whereby trade lowers the domestic cost of taxation, and (2) the demand for insurance, whereby trade raises risk and public transfers. We provide a unified framework for studying and testing these two mechanisms. Our main theoretical prediction is that the relative strength of the two explanations depends on a key parameter, namely, the elasticity of substitution between domestic and foreign goods. Moreover, while the first mechanism is inefficient from the standpoint of world welfare, the second is instead optimal. In the empirical part of the paper, we provide new evidence on the positive association between openness and government size and we explore its determinants. Consistently with the terms of trade externality channel, we show that the correlation is contingent on a low elasticity of substitution between domestic and foreign goods. Our findings raise warnings that globalization may have led to inefficiently large governments.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-937X.2009.00546.x}
}

@Article{Epp1996,
  Title                    = {Do Bills of Rights Matter? The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms},
  Author                   = {Epp, Charles R.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Issue                    = {4},
  Pages                    = {765--779},
  Url                      = {https://kuscholarworks.ku.edu/bitstream/handle/1808/1603/okjhbt.pdf},
  Volume                   = {90}
}

@Book{Epp1998,
  Title                    = {The Rights Revolution: Lawyers, Activists, and Supreme Courts in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Epp, Charles R.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {9780226211626},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{EppleRomano1996,
  Title                    = {Public Provision of Private Goods},
  Author                   = {Epple, Dennis and Romano, Richard E.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {57{--}84},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {Government may provide a good that can, if legally permitted, be supplemented by private purchases. Policy is determined by majority rule. Under standard assumptions on preferences, a majority voting equilibrium exists. A regime of positive government provision with no restriction on private supplements is shown to be majority preferred to a regime of either only market provision or only government provision. Combined public and private expenditure on the good is higher under this dual-provision regime than under either of the alternatives. Under some preference configurations, the median-income voter is pivotal; under others, a voter with income below the median is pivotal.}
}

@Article{EppleRomano1996a,
  Title                    = {Ends against the middle: Determining public service provision when there are private alternatives},
  Author                   = {Dennis Epple and Richard E. Romano},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0047-2727(95)01540-X},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {297--325},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {Public provision of a service coexists with private market provision. The quality of public provision is determined by majority vote. Preferences are not single peaked owing to the presence of private alternatives. We identify two cases. In one, majority voting equilibrium always exists and the median-income voter is pivotal. In the other, a necessary condition for equilibrium indentifies the pivotal voter who must have income below the median. When equilibrium exists, a coalition of middle-income households who consume the public alternative will be opposed by a coalition of rich and poor households, with the rich choosing private consumption.}
}

@Article{EppleRomano1998,
  Title                    = {Competition between Private and Public Schools, Vouchers, and Peer-Group Effects},
  Author                   = {Epple, Dennis and Romano, Richard E.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33--62},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.smu.edu/Millimet/classes/eco7321/papers/epple\%20romano.pdf},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {A theoretical and computational model with tax-financed, tuition-free public schools and competitive, tuition-financed private schools is developed. Students differ by ability and income. Achievement depends on own ability and on peers' abilities. Equilibrium has a strict hierarchy of school qualities and two-dimensional student sorting with stratification by ability and income. In private schools, high-ability, low-income students receive tuition discounts, while low-ability, high-income students pay tuition premia. Tuition vouchers increase the relative size of the private sector and the extent of student sorting, and benefit high-ability students relative to low-ability students}
}

@Article{Epstein1993,
  Title                    = {Defining Accountability in Education},
  Author                   = {Epstein, Debbie},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {British Educational Research Journal},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {243--257},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {During the 1980s and 1990s we have seen major changes in the education system, many of which have appealed to the notion of 'accountability'. This paper argues that one of the reasons for the success of these appeals in common sense has been the failure of anti-racist and other radical educationists to consider issues of accountability. It is suggested that this has made it easier for the right to appropriate the language of accountability, defining it in fundamentally undemocratic ways which are inimical to education for equality and social justice. The paper deconstructs Conservative discourses of accountability. It is then argued that it is both possible and necessary for such notions to be challenged by radical educationists and that this will involve the development of left definitions of accountability. Some of the ways in which this might begin are outlined.}
}

@Article{EpsteinEtAl2006,
  author       = {Epstein, David L. and Bates, Robert and Goldstone, Jack and Kristensen, Ida and O'Halloran, Sharyn},
  title        = {Democratic Transitions},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {50},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {551--569},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00201.x},
  abstract     = {Przeworski et al. (2000) challenge the key hypothesis in modernization theory: political regimes do not transition to democracy as per capita incomes rise, they argue. Rather, democratic transitions occur randomly, but once there, countries with higher levels of GDP per capita remain democratic. We retest the modernization hypothesis using new data, new techniques, and a three-way rather than dichotomous classification of regimes. Contrary to Przeworski et al. (2000) we find that the modernization hypothesis stands up well. We also find that partial democracies emerge as among the most important and least understood regime types.},
}

@Article{Epstein2010,
  Title                    = {The Tea Party Meets The Median Voter},
  Author                   = {Epstein, Richard},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Forbes},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {September 20th},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/cxkdhzl},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/cxkdhzl}
}

@Article{Erichsen1995,
  Title                    = {Health Care Reform in {Norway}: The End of the `Profession State'?},
  Author                   = {Erichsen, Vibeke},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy \& Law},
  Doi                      = {10.1215/03616878-20-3-719},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {719--737},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {From the early nineteenth century until about 1980, a close relationship developed in Norway between the state and the medical profession. Medicine became integrated into the state at all levels of government, and the profession assumed important roles in initiating and formulating health policy. Another, and perhaps also causally related, development has been that health policyand most strikingly during postwar expansiontended to be formulated and implemented in its own policy sector, with few links to other parts of the welfare state. Important elements of the "profession state" in Norway have thus been professional integration with the state and institutional isolation from other policy sectors. Health reforms of the 1980s and 1990s brought changes in institutional relations: Other professions have replaced physicians as experts at central and local levels, and health policy making has become more politicized and integrated into welfare state policies. Thus there are clear indications that the profession state is waning.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-20-3-719}
}

@Article{EriksonGoldthorpe2002,
  Title                    = {Intergenerational Inequality: A Sociological Perspective},
  Author                   = {Erikson, Robert and Goldthorpe, John H.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/089533002760278695},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {31--44},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {When economists are concerned with the inheritance of inequality, they typically focus on the intergenerational transmission of income or wealth. In contrast, sociologists are more likely to analyze intergenerational mobility between (and immobility in) different class positions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533002760278695},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{EriksonEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Bankers or Peasants Revisted: Economic Expectations and Presidential Approval},
  Author                   = {Erikson, Robert S. and Michael B. MacKuen and James A. Stimson},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Pages                    = {295--312},
  Volume                   = {19}
}

@Book{EriksonEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {The Macro Polity},
  Author                   = {Erikson, Robert S. and Mackuen, Michael B. and Stimson, James A.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {9780521563895},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The Macro Polity provides the first comprehensive model of American politics at the system level. Focusing on the interactions between citizen evaluations and preferences, government activity and policy, and how the combined acts of citizens and governments influence one another over time, it integrates understandings of matters such as economic outcomes, presidential approval, partisanship, elections, and government policy-making into a single model. Borrowing from the perspective of macroeconomics, it treats electorates, politicians, and governments as unitary actors, making decisions in response to the behavior of other actors. The macro and longitudinal focus makes it possible to directly connect the behaviors of electorate and government. The surprise of macro-level analysis, emerging anew in every chapter, is that order and rationality dominate explanations. This book argues that the electorates and governments that emerge from these analyses respond to one another in orderly and predictable ways.}
}

@Unpublished{ErikssonWestergaard-Nielsen2007,
  Title                    = {Wage and Labor Mobility in {Denmark}, 1980-2000},
  Author                   = {Eriksson, Tor and Westergaard-Nielsen, Niels},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {This paper consists of three parts. First, we briefly describe some key features of the labor market in Denmark, some of which contribute to the Danish labor markets behaving quite differently from those in many other European countries. The next two parts exploit detailed linked employer-employee data. In the second part we document in some detail an important aspect of the functioning and flexibility of the labor markets in Denmark: the high level of worker mobility. We show that mobility is about as high, or even higher, as in the highly fluid U.S. labor market. Finally, we describe and examine the wage structure between and within firms and changes therein since 1980, especially with an eye on possible impacts of the trend towards a more decentralized wage determination. The shift towards decentralized wage bargaining has coincided with deregulation and increased product market competition. The evidence is, however, not consistent with stronger competition in product markets eroding firm-specific rents. Hence, the prime suspect is the change in wage setting institutions.}
}

@Book{Ertman1997,
  author    = {Ertman, Thomas},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {Birth of Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9780511529016},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{EsareyPierce2012,
  Title                    = {Assessing Fit Quality and Testing for Misspecification in Binary-Dependent Variable Models},
  Author                   = {Esarey, Justin and Pierce, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mps026},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {mps026},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, we present a technique and critical test statistic for assessing the fit of a binary-dependent variable model (e.g., a logit or probit). We examine how closely a model's predicted probabilities match the observed frequency of events in the data set, and whether these deviations are systematic or merely noise. Our technique allows researchers to detect problems with a model's specification that obscure substantive understanding of the underlying data-generating process, such as missing interaction terms or unmodeled nonlinearities. We also show that these problems go undetected by the fit statistics most commonly used in political science.}
}

@Article{EsareyEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Social Insurance and Income Redistribution in a Laboratory Experiment},
  Author                   = {Esarey, Justin and Salmon, Tim and Barrilleaux, Charles},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912911411096},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {685--698},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {Why do some voters support income redistribution while others do not? Public assistance programs have two entangled effects on society: they equalize wealth, but they also cushion people against random catastrophes (like natural disasters). The authors conduct a laboratory experiment to determine how individuals' responses to the environment are related to their self-expressed political ideology and their self-interest. The findings support the hypothesis that ideology is associated with a person's willingness to use redistribution to reduce income inequality that is caused by luck, but it is not related to preferences for inequality that are not related to luck.}
}

@Unpublished{EsareyWu2014,
  Title                    = {The fault in our stars: Measuring and correcting significance bias in Political Science},
  Author                   = {Esarey, Justin and Wu, Ahra},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {PolMeth Working Paper No. 1453},
  Url                      = {http://polmeth.wustl.edu/media/Paper/2014116significancebias.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Prior research finds that statistically significant results are overrepresented in scientific publications. If significant results are consistently favored in the review process, published results will systematically overstate the magnitude of their findings. Worse yet, the typical two-tailed statistical significance test with \alpha=0.05 does little to prevent the proliferation of false positives in the literature. In this paper, we systematically measure the impact of these two forms of significance bias on published research in quantitative political science. We estimate that 35\% or more of published results exaggerate their substantive significance to a meaningful degree, with an average upward bias of 9\%-20\%. Additionally, 15\%-35\% of published results are at elevated risk of being false positives. Most importantly, we evaluate a variety of new and existing methodological strategies to correct both forms of significance bias. We conclude that a smaller \alpha threshold combined with conservative Bayesian priors is an effective remedy.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{EscardibulVillarroya2009,
  author       = {Josep-Oriol Escard{\'i}bul and Anna Villarroya},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Education Policy},
  title        = {The inequalities in school choice in Spain in accordance to PISA data},
  doi          = {10.1080/02680930903131259},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {673--696},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {In Spain as in other European countries, policies on school choice have been implemented in tandem with the channelling of public resources into private education. Given the application of public money to private schooling, the primary objective of this paper is to analyse the extent to which Spanish families enjoy equality in their ability to exercise school choice. To do so, the analysis focuses on the factors that affect school choice in Spain using data from the 2003 and 2006 PISA evaluations. Specifically, the influence of personal, family, geographic, motivational and educational policy factors are all considered in the context of deciding whether to attend a public or private school. The results reveal a broad similarity across the factors driving the selection of private schools which either receive some public funding (known as `concerted') or independent, showing a greater proportion of families from better socioeconomic, educational and cultural backgrounds in these types of schools. In addition, the geographic distribution of schools has an effect on school selection. Given that concerted schools form part of the public educational offering (because of the state funding they receive), the state has the ability to take a wide range of actions to promote greater equality of choice in the case of public and concerted schools. In this respect, a series of measures are set out regarding student selection, the distribution of information and the geographic distribution of schools.},
}

@Article{Esman2002,
  Title                    = {The {America}nization of the {Europe}an Left},
  Author                   = {Esman, Milton J},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1477-7053.00105},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {359--384},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00105}
}

@Incollection{Esping-Andersen1992,
  Title                    = {The Making of a Social Democratic Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Esping-Andersen, G{\o}sta},
  Booktitle                = {Creating Social Democracy: A Century of the Social Democratic Labor Party in Sweden},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Klaus Misgeld, Karl Molin, and Klas {\AA}mark},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {University Park, PA},
  Pages                    = {35--66},
  Publisher                = {Pennsylvania State University Press}
}

@Article{Esping-Andersen1978,
  author       = {Esping-Andersen, G{\o}sta},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Social Class, Social Democracy, and the State: Party Policy and Party Decomposition in {Denmark} and {Sweden}},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {42--58},
  volume       = {11},
  abstract     = {A number of theories have argued that the rise of postindustrial society and working-class affluence produce a decline in class politics. A comparative analysis of party decomposition in Sweden and Denmark --- both countries with long-term rule by Social Democratic parties --- raises questions, however, about the validity of such theories. The most striking feature of party politics in less advanced Denmark has been the extraordinary erosion of Social Democratic support and political stability during the last decade. By contrast, politics and Social Democratic support in more advanced Sweden have been remarkably stable.},
}

@Book{Esping-Andersen1985,
  Title                    = {Politics Against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power},
  Author                   = {Esping-Andersen, G{\o}sta},
  Date                     = {1985},
  ISBN                     = {069109408X},
  Location                 = {Princeton, New Jersey},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Book{Esping-Andersen1989,
  author     = {Esping-Andersen, G{\o}sta},
  date       = {1989},
  title      = {The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism},
  isbn       = {0745607969},
  publisher  = {Polity Press},
  annotation = {Chapter 3 on file.},
}

@InCollection{Esping-AndersenKorpi1984,
  author     = {Esping-Andersen, G{\o}sta and Korpi, Walter},
  booktitle  = {Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism},
  date       = {1984},
  title      = {Social Policy as Class Politics in Post-War Capitalism: Scandinavia, {Austria}, and {Germany}},
  chapter    = {8},
  editor     = {John H. Goldthorpe},
  pages      = {179{--}208},
  publisher  = {Oxford University Press},
  annotation = {Largely descriptive of post-war policies in each of the chosen cases.},
}

@InCollection{Estevez-AbeEtAl2001,
  author    = {Estevez-Abe, Margarita and Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  booktitle = {Varieties of Capitalism: The Institutional Foundations of Camparative Advantage},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {Social Protection and the Formation of Skills: A Reinterpretation of the Welfare State},
  chapter   = {4},
  editor    = {Hall, Peter A. and Soskice, David},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  pages     = {145--183},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract  = {This paper outlines a new approach to the study of the welfare state. Contrary to the emphasis on ``decommmodification'' in the current literature, we argue that important dimensions of the welfare state {\textendash} employment protection, unemployment protection, and wage protection {\textendash} are designed to make workers more willing to invest in firm- and industry-specific skills that increase their dependence on particular employers and their vulnerability to market fluctuations. Workers will only make such risky investments when they have some insurance that their job or income is secure. Otherwise, they will invest in general, and therefore portable, skills. In turn, because the skill composition of the work force constrains the set of product market strategies that firms can pursue successfully, employers will support social protection that facilitates the set of skills they need to be competitive in particular international product markets. We show that our argument is consistent with observed clusters of social protection and skill profiles among OECD countries, and that these clusters are associated with very different distributional outcomes and patterns of gender-specific labor market segmentation.},
}

@Article{EstyMoffa2012,
  Title                    = {Why Climate Change Collective Action has Failed and What Needs to be Done Within and Without the Trade Regime},
  Author                   = {Esty, Daniel C. and Moffa, Anthony L. I.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of International Economic Law},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jiel/jgs033},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {777--791},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@WWW{Eurobarometer2013,
  Author = {{European Commission}},
  Title  = {Eurobarometer 75.3: Europe 2020, Financial and Economic Crisis, European Union Budget, and the Common Agricultural Policy, May 2011},
  Date   = {2013},
  Note   = {GESIS study number ZA5481},
  Doi    = {10.4232/1.11852}
}

@Online{Eurostat2012,
  Title                    = {EU-SILC data summaries},
  Author                   = {Eurostat},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/portal/page/portal/statistics/search_database},
  Note                     = {Accessed 21 Feb 2013}
}

@Book{Eurydice2000,
  Title                    = {Financing and Management of Resources in Compulsory Education: Trends in national policies},
  Author                   = {Eurydice},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {92-828-8540-2},
  Location                 = {Brussels, Belgium},
  Publisher                = {Eurydice}
}

@Book{Eurydice2003,
  Title                    = {The teaching profession in {Europe}: Profile, trends and concerns},
  Author                   = {Eurydice},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {2-87116-355-3},
  Location                 = {Brussels, Belgium},
  Publisher                = {Eurydice}
}

@Article{Evans2000,
  Title                    = {The Continued Significance of Class Voting},
  Author                   = {Evans, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.401},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {401--417},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Class voting is supposedly in severe decline in advanced industrial democracies. However, this conventional wisdom derives from research using problematic methods and measures and an overly simple model of political change. This chapter overviews past and current comparative research into changes in and explanations of class-based political behavior and argues for the continued significance of class voting and, by extension, class politics in contemporary democracies. I particularly emphasize the importance of using more appropriate methods and the application and testing of theories that integrate developments in this area with those in studies of voting behavior more generally. This translates into a need for the systematic testing of bottom-up/top-down interactions in the relations between social structure and political preferences and the precise specification and measurement of explanatory mechanisms that can account for the association between class position and voting.},
  Keywords                 = {method, measurement, theory}
}

@Article{EvansAndersen2006,
  Title                    = {The Political Conditioning of Economic Perceptions},
  Author                   = {Evans, Geoffrey and Andersen, Robert},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00380.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {194--207},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {Economic theories of voting argue that party popularity and vote are heavily influenced by the performance of the economy. Inferences about the direction of causality between perceptions of the economy and party support remain questionable, however. This article evaluates the microfoundations of economic theories of voting and party popularity using multiwave panel data. We model the dynamic relationships between party support and retrospective economic perceptions-both sociotropic and egocentric-through the 1992-97 British electoral cycle. Our findings indicate that sociotropic perceptions are strongly conditioned by prior opinions of the incumbent Conservative Party and once this temporal relationship is taken into account, they have little affect on incumbent party popularity. Throughout the electoral cycle, lagged political support has a substantially stronger effect on sociotropic perceptions than the latter have on concurrent party support. Moreover, egocentric perceptions appear to be neither strongly affected nor influenced by party support. The findings of these dynamic individual-level analyses indicate that conventional wisdom is likely to considerably overstate the importance of retrospective economic considerations for political preferences.}
}

@Article{EvansChzhen2013,
  Title                    = {Explaining Voters' Defection from Labour over the 2005--10 Electoral Cycle: Leadership, Economics and the Rising Importance of Immigration},
  Author                   = {Evans, Geoffrey and Chzhen, Kat},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.12009},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Pages                    = {138--157},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the significance of leadership, economic problems and immigration for defection from voting Labour over the period 2005--10. Vote switching at different points throughout the electoral cycle is estimated using discrete-time event history analysis models. Contrary to established expectations about the impact of the financial crisis and weaknesses in Gordon Brown's premiership, political leadership and economic evaluations had similar effects on defection during the early part of the electoral cycle, when Tony Blair was still in place, and the economy was still growing. In contrast, during the later period the economic crisis failed to impact on vote switching, which derived more noticeably from concerns over immigration or dislike of Brown. The emergence of immigration as a source of electoral punishment for Labour appears to derive from a particular dissatisfaction with the government's performance on an issue of rising salience; by comparison the economic crisis may well have been sufficiently global to have weakened attributions of responsibility to the government.}
}

@Article{EvansMills1998,
  Title                    = {A Latent Class Analysis of the Criterion-Related and Construct Validity of the Goldthorpe Class Schema},
  Author                   = {Evans, Geoffrey and Mills, Colin},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {87--106},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This paper assesses whether a class structure can be discerned using job characteristics as indicators of class positions derived from employment relations. A structure underlying the distribution of these characteristics is identified using latent class analysis. The relation between this structure and the Goldthorpe class schema is then modelled, allowing an assessment of the latter's criterion-related validity. Both the latent class representation of class structure and Goldthorpe schema are then used to predict a range of outcome measures - vote, earnings, work orientation, class identity, and probability of unemployment - which are expected to vary by class position and which therefore provide a basis for assessing the schema's construct validity. The analysis reveals a class structure defined in terms of groups of individuals that share similar class characteristics and provides evidence that the Goldthorpe schema displays, to a reasonable degree, both criterion-related and construct validity as a measure of this structure. The discussion elaborates on several issues raised by this analysis in particular and by the adoption of validation procedures more generally.}
}

@Article{EvansPickup2010,
  author       = {Evans,Geoffrey and Pickup,Mark},
  title        = {Reversing the Causal Arrow: The Political Conditioning of Economic Perceptions in the 2000--2004 U.S. Presidential Election Cycle},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2010-09},
  volume       = {72},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {1236--1251},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381610000654},
  abstract     = {Many economic voting models assume that individual voters' reactions to incumbents are strongly conditioned by their perceptions of the performance of the macroeconomy. However, the direction of causality between economic perceptions and political preferences is unclear: economic perceptions can be a consequence of incumbent support rather than an influence on it. We develop the latter thesis by examining the dynamic relationship between retrospective economic perceptions and several measures of political preferences --- approval, partisanship, and vote --- in the 2000--2004 U.S. presidential election cycle using the ANES 2000-2002-2004 panel study to estimate structural equation model extensions of the Anderson and Hsiao estimator for panel data. Our findings confirm that the conventional wisdom misrepresents the relationship between retrospective economic perceptions and incumbent partisanship: economic perceptions are consistently and robustly conditioned by political preferences. Individuals' economic perceptions are influenced by their political preferences rather than vice versa.},
}

@Article{EvansTilley2012,
  Title                    = {The Depoliticization of Inequality and Redistribution: Explaining the Decline of Class Voting},
  Author                   = {Evans, Geoffrey and Tilley, James},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381612000618},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = oct,
  Pages                    = {963--976},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {The collapse of the class basis of party choice in Britain since the 1980s has been assumed to result from the diminishing distinctiveness of social classes in the postindustrial world. We argue instead that class dealignment results from the impact of an ideologically restricted choice set on the electoral relevance of values concerning inequality and redistribution. As these values provide a mechanism through which class divisions translate into differences in party choice, their declining relevance produces a concomitant decline in the effect of class position. These propositions are tested using British survey data covering the period from 1983 to 2010. We show that a supply-side constriction in the choices presented to voters, rather than the weakening of class divisions, accounts for the declining political relevance of redistributive values and the class basis of party choice. The politics of class influences class voting, not vice versa.}
}

@Article{EvansTilley2012a,
  Title                    = {How parties shape class politics: Explaining the decline of the class basis of party support},
  Author                   = {Evans, Geoffrey and Tilley, James},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123411000202},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {137--161},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Why has the association between class and party declined over time? Contrary to conventional wisdom that emphasizes the fracturing of social structures and blurring of class boundaries in post-industrial society, it is argued here that class divisions in party preferences are conditioned by the changing shape of the class structure and the effect of parties' strategic ideological responses to this transformation on the choices facing voters. This thesis is tested using British survey data from 1959 to 2006. We demonstrate that increasing class heterogeneity does not account for the decline of the class-party association, which occurs primarily as a result of ideological convergence between the main parties resulting from New Labour's shift to the centre.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Univ Press}
}

@Article{Evans2012,
  author       = {Heather K. Evans},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Science Education},
  title        = {Making Politics ``Click'': The Costs and Benefits of Using Clickers in an Introductory Political Science Course},
  doi          = {10.1080/15512169.2012.641427},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {85--93},
  volume       = {8},
  abstract     = {In this article, the author addresses both the costs and benefits of implementing clickers into an introductory political science course. Comparing student responses to a mid-semester survey in both a clicker and non-clicker course, the results show that students have higher satisfaction of the course and instructor, higher exam scores, and feel more comfortable participating in class when using clickers. The author finds that the benefits of using clickers in a large introductory course greatly outweigh the costs and encourages others to try the technology.},
}

@Article{Evans1997,
  Title                    = {The Eclipse of the State? Reflections on Stateness in an Era of Globalization},
  Author                   = {Evans, Peter J},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {62--87},
  Volume                   = {50}
}

@Article{EversEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Developing child-care provision in {England} and {Germany}: problems of governance},
  Author                   = {Evers, Adalbert and Lewis, Jane and Riedel, Birgit},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928705054082},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {195--209},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Both the UK and German governments have sought to expand child-care provision. There is some evidence of convergence between the two countries in respect of changes in governance as well, but we suggest that the differences remain more striking. The paper draws on national-level data and local case-studies in both countries. We comment on the nature of the expansion of child care and, briefly, on the degree of commitment to it, before exploring the operation of the mixed economy of child care in each country and the relationship between local and central government. We seek the explanation for the differences we observe in the articulation between these two key modes of governance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928705054082}
}

@Article{Exley2012,
  Title                    = {The politics of educational policy making under New Labour: an illustration of shifts in public service governance},
  Author                   = {Exley, Sonia},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1332/030557312X640031},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {227--244},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This article draws on data from a study carried out on the evolution of specialist schools under New Labour in England in order to illustrate changes in educational governance. Shifts in policy-making power are highlighted, away from increasingly marginalised traditional corporatist partners, towards 'denocracy' (Seldon, 2004) or greater political centralisation. 'Presidentialisation' under Prime Minister Tony Blair was accompanied by fast-growing policy networks, lending legitimacy to centralised policy ideas while intensifying connections and blurring lines between state and non-state. However, while spaces and sites for policy activity became more extensive, they remained exclusive, with insiders and outsiders clearly defined.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557312X640031},
  Keywords                 = {CENTRALISATION, POLICY NETWORKS, NEW LABOUR, GOVERNANCE}
}

@Article{Exley2014,
  Title                    = {Are Quasi-markets in Education what the British Public Wants?},
  Author                   = {Exley, Sonia},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/spol.12005},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9515},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {24--43},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {In the context of inconclusive evidence on the extrinsic successes of quasi-markets, policy defences of school choice and competition in education have often discussed the intrinsic, empowering value of choice for consumers, arguing that school choice for parents is what people want. Discourses often imply that choice is desired for its own sake rather than merely as a means by which families can escape what are deemed to be poor quality schools. Support for an idealistic, abstract notion of choice is also taken to imply support for quasi-markets overall and is not considered alongside possible competing values that people may hold at the same time as they value choice. Additionally, views of parents are often examined without considering possible differences in views between parents and non-parents. Contributing to debates about how far a public desire exists for quasi-markets in education, this article draws on data from newly designed questions fielded as part of the 2010 British Social Attitudes survey. The article finds that while choice in the abstract is supported widely by both parents and non-parents (albeit slightly more so by parents), a valuing of choice among the British public appears to be more instrumental than intrinsic  potentially problematic given evidence on the extrinsic benefits of quasi-markets is mixed. Support for choice is tempered among parents and non-parents by clear opposition to vouchers, school diversity, government spending on transport costs to facilitate choice and by strong support for the idea of sending children to the nearest state school.},
  Keywords                 = {Quasi-markets, School choice, Attitudes, Education}
}

@Incollection{ExleyBall2011,
  Title                    = {Something old, something new\ldots understanding Conservative education policy},
  Author                   = {Exley, Sonia and Ball, Stephen J.},
  Booktitle                = {The Conservative Party and social policy},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Hugh Bochel},
  Location                 = {Bristol},
  Pages                    = {97--118},
  Publisher                = {Policy Press},
  Url                      = {http://firgoa.usc.es/drupal/files/ball_exley.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://firgoa.usc.es/drupal/files/ball_exley.pdf}
}

@Article{EylesEtAl2016,
  author       = {Andrew Eyles and Claudia Hupkau and Stephen Machin},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Labour Economics},
  title        = {School Reforms and Pupil Performance},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.labeco.2016.05.004},
  issn         = {0927-5371},
  pages        = {9--19},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {The relationship between school reforms, specifically those involving the introduction of new school types, and pupil performance is studied. The particular context is the introduction of academy schools in England, but related evidence on Swedish free schools and \{US\} charter schools is also presented. The empirical evidence shows a causal positive impact of the conversion of disadvantaged schools to academies on end of school pupil performance and on subsequent probability of degree completion at university. There is heterogeneity in this impact, such that more disadvantaged pupils and those attending London academies experience bigger performance improvements.},
  keywords     = {Academies},
}

@Unpublished{EylesMachin2014,
  Title                    = {The Introduction of Academy Schools to {England}'s Education},
  Author                   = {Eyles, Andrew and Machin, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the CESifo Area Conference on Economics of Education, September 12--13, 2014},

  Abstract                 = {We study what has become a high profile example of education policy that highlights the scope to improve outcomes from changing school types -- the introduction of academy schools to the English secondary school sector. Our results indicate that, in some settings, academy conversion generated a significant improvement in the quality of pupil intake and generated significant improvements in pupil performance for those who attended schools treated by academy conversion. There is evidence of heterogeneity in the estimated performance effects, as improvements only occur for schools experiencing the largest increase in their school autonomy relative to their predecessor state. Analysis of mechanisms points to changes in headteachers and management structure, and to curriculum change, as key factors underpinning the observed improvements in educational outcomes.}
}

@Unpublished{EylesEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {Academies 2: The New Batch},
  Author                   = {Eyles, Andrew and Machin, Stephen and Silva, Olmo},
  Date                     = {2015-09},
  HowPublished             = {LSE Centre for Economic Performance Discussion Paper No. 1370},
  Url                      = {http://cep.lse.ac.uk/pubs/download/dp1370.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-06-01},

  Abstract                 = {The English education system has undergone a large restructuring programme through the introduction
of academy schools. The most salient feature of these schools is that, despite remaining part of the state
sector, they operate with more autonomy than the predecessor schools they replace. Two distinct time
periods of academy school introduction have taken place, under the auspices of different governments.
The first batch was initiated in the 2002/03 school year by the Labour government of the time and was
directly aimed at turning around badly performing schools. The second batch involved a mass
academisation process following the change of government in May 2010 and the Academies Act of that
year and resulted in increased heterogeneity of new academies. This paper compares the two batches of
introduction with the aim of getting a better understanding of their similarities and differences. To do so,
we study what types of schools were more likely to change to academy status in the two programmes,
and the impact of this change on the quality of new pupil enrolments into the new types of school.
Whilst we do point out some similarities, these are the exception rather than the norm. For the most part,
our analysis reveals a number of marked dissimilarities between the two programmes in terms of both
the characteristics of schools that become academies and the subsequent changes in intakes.}
}

@Article{FussBechtel2008,
  Title                    = {Partisan politics and stock market performance: The effect of expected government partisanship on stock returns in the 2002 German federal election},
  Author                   = {F{\"u}ss, Roland and Bechtel, Michael},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-007-9250-1},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {131--150},
  Volume                   = {135},

  Abstract                 = {Rational partisan theory suggests that firms perform better under right- than left-leaning governments. In the pre-election time, investors should anticipate these effects of government partisanship. This is the first study to investigate such anticipated partisan effects in Germany. Applying conditional volatility models we analyze the impact of expected government partisanship on stock market performance in the 2002 German federal election. Our results show that small-firm stock returns were positively (negatively) linked to the probability of a right- (left-) leaning coalition winning the election. Moreover, we find that volatility increased as the electoral prospects of right-leaning parties improved, while greater electoral uncertainty had a volatility-reducing effect.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-007-9250-1},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Springer Netherlands},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.14}
}

@Article{Faas2010,
  Title                    = {The German Federal Election of 2009: Sprouting Coalitions, Drooping Social Democrats},
  Author                   = {Faas, Thorsten},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402381003794670},
  ISSN                     = {0140-2382},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {894--903},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402381003794670},
  Booktitle                = {West European Politics},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Faeth2009,
  Title                    = {Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment: A Tale of Nine Theoretical Models},
  Author                   = {Faeth, Isabel},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6419.2008.00560.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {165--196},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents a review of nine theoretical models of foreign direct investment (FDI). Discussed are early studies of determinants of FDI (1) as well as determinants of FDI based on the neoclassical trade theory (2), ownership advantages (3), aggregate variables (4), the ownership, location and internalization advantage framework (5), horizontal and vertical FDI models (6), the knowledge-capital model (7), diversified FDI and risk diversification models (8) and policy variables (9). From each of the nine theories, the relevant determinants of FDI are derived. Empirical studies indicate the importance of these determinants in the real world. The paper shows that there is not one single theory of FDI, but a variety of theoretical models attempting to explain FDI and the location decision of multinational firms. Therefore, any analysis of determinants of FDI should not be based on a single theoretical model. Instead, FDI should be explained more broadly by a combination of factors from a variety of theoretical models such as ownership advantages or agglomeration economics, market size and characteristics, cost factors, transport costs, protection, risk factors and policy variables.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6419.2008.00560.x}
}

@Article{Fails2012,
  author       = {Fails, Matthew D.},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly},
  title        = {Inequality, Institutions, and the Risks to Foreign Investment},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00725.x},
  issn         = {1468-2478},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {516--529},
  volume       = {56},
  abstract     = {Income inequality is frequently given a central role in explaining diverse political outcomes, but the specifics of how, when, and under what circumstances inequality really matters are far from clear. This paper addresses these questions by examining whether greater levels of inequality raise the risk of expropriation associated with foreign investment. The results demonstrate that inequality matters in two distinct ways. First, inequality elevates risk, although consistent with the argument developed herein, the effect is strongest when chief executives face high constraints on their decision making. Second, inequality mitigates the otherwise protective influence of political institutions on the risk of expropriation. The findings are robust across a variety of estimation strategies, including instrumental variable procedures that correct for error in the measurement of inequality. The findings provide new insights regarding the determinants of foreign investment while simultaneously resolving one part of the contested literature describing inequality's role in the political economy of development.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{FailsKrieckhaus2010,
  Title                    = {Colonialism, Property Rights and the Modern World Income Distribution},
  Author                   = {Matthew D. Fails and Jonathan Krieckhaus},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123410000141},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {487--508},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Influential studies by Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson claim that colonial legacies explain the origins of development-promoting property rights and thus account for the modern world income distribution. Specifically, they argue that European colonial powers engineered a global `reversal of fortune', bringing property rights and prosperity to relatively uninhabited colonies while imposing inefficient institutions on locales with less potential for settlement. We re-evaluate their theoretical arguments and empirical findings and come to a different conclusion. We concur that British colonialism dramatically restructured four colonies, resulting in phenomenal economic success. For the majority of the world, however, colonialism had no discernible effect on property rights. We conclude that contemporary development studies must find another explanation for the modern world income distribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123410000141}
}

@Article{Fair1978,
  author       = {Fair, Ray C.},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {The Effect of Economic Events on Votes for President},
  doi          = {10.2307/1924969},
  issn         = {0034-6535},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {159--173},
  url          = {http://cowles.econ.yale.edu/P/cp/p04b/p0463.pdf},
  volume       = {60},
}

@Article{FajnzylberEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Violent Crime},
  Author                   = {Fajnzylber, Pablo and Lederman, Daniel and Loayza, Norman},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law \& Economics},
  ISSN                     = {00222186, 15375285},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--39},
  Url                      = {http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.559.483&rep=rep1&type=pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-02-28},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the robustness and causality of the link between income inequality and violent crime across countries. First, we study the correlation between the Gini index and homicide and robbery rates within and between countries. Second, we examine the partial correlation by considering other crime determinants. Third, we control for the endogeneity of inequality by isolating its exogenous impact on these crime rates. Fourth, we control for measurement error in crime rates by modeling it as both unobserved country effects and random noise. Finally, we examine the robustness of this partial correlation to alternative measures of inequality. The panel data consist of nonoverlapping 5-year averages for 39 countries during 1965--95 for homicides and 37 countries during 1970--94 for robberies. Crime rates and inequality are positively correlated within countries and, particularly, between countries, and this correlation reflects causation from inequality to crime rates, even after controlling for other crime determinants.},
  Publisher                = {[University of Chicago Press, Booth School of Business, University of Chicago, University of Chicago Law School]}
}

@Article{Falco-GimenoJurado2011,
  Title                    = {Minority governments and budget deficits: The role of the opposition},
  Author                   = {Falc{\'o}-Gimeno, Albert and Jurado, Ignacio},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2011.03.002},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {554--565},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {When governments are in a parliamentary minority they have to negotiate with opposition parties over the annual budget. We argue that, as a consequence, the preferences of the opposition concerning fiscal outcomes should be reflected in the yearly budget balances. We present a theoretical argument in which the opposition faces a trade-off. It has a short-term interest in deficits since they can signal a weak government, but a long-term aversion to them because, if they reach office, they will have to deal with the burden of increased debt. Empirically, we find that opposition parties affect deficit outcomes depending on their probability of governing in the next term and the weakness of the incumbent government. When the opposition is mainly concentrated in one party, it is likely that it will take over the government and this will make the opposition deficit-averse in the current period. However, if the minority government is a coalition, then a concentrated opposition might see deficits as an opportunity to reach office earlier and might be willing to pass budgets with deficit.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2011.03.002}
}

@Article{Falch2001,
  Title                    = {Decentralized Public Sector Wage Determination: Wage Curve and Wage Comparison for Norwegian Teachers in the Pre WW2 Period},
  Author                   = {Falch, Torberg},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Labour},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9914.00168},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {343{--}369},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The recent trend towards decentralization of European public sector wage determination relaxes some of the central administered wage setting mechanisms developed in the post-WW2 period. This paper discusses teacher wage determination in Norway in 1905-39, a period with a highly decentralized public sector wage formation. Separate wage equations for urban and rural areas are estimated. I find that the responsiveness to unemployment of the urban wage was of the same magnitude as in the post-WW2 period private sector wage formation. In addition, the internal teacher labour market and local economic conditions influence the wage level. The rural wage mainly followed the urban wage.}
}

@Article{Falch2001a,
  Title                    = {Collective bargaining in the public sector and the role of budget determination},
  Author                   = {Falch, Torberg},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0176-2680(00)00029-X},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--99},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers collective bargaining in a public sector institutional setting. The model demonstrates how budget constraints and hierarchical structure affect the bargaining outcome. A trade union bargains over wage and employment either with an output-maximizing bureau or the bureau's sponsoring institution. The slope of the contract curve depends on the bargaining level because the budget constraints differ. Various assumptions are made about the timing of the sponsor's decision concerning the budget of the bureau. Local bargaining and budget determination between the wage and employment bargains can be optimal for the sponsor because it yields a low wage.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0176-2680(00)00029-X},
  Keywords                 = {Public sector labor market, Sequential bargaining, Contract curve, Hierarchies}
}

@Article{FalchFischer2012,
  author       = {Falch, Torberg and Fischer, Justina A.V.},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Economics Letters},
  title        = {Public sector decentralization and school performance: International evidence},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.econlet.2011.10.019},
  issn         = {0165-1765},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {276--279},
  volume       = {114},
  abstract     = {Using a panel of international student test scores 1980--2000 (PISA and TIMSS), panel fixed effects estimates suggest that government spending decentralization is conducive to student performance. The effect does not appear to be mediated through levels of educational spending.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal decentralization, Student achievement, Federalism, PISA,TIMSS, Education, School quality},
  month        = mar,
}

@Article{FalchRattso1997,
  Title                    = {Political economic determinants of school spending in federal states: Theory and time-series evidence},
  Author                   = {Falch, Torberg and Ratts{\o}, J{\o}rn},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0176-2680(97)00006-2},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {299--314},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {To develop the understanding of public sector growth, this paper addresses the determinants of one important component of public spending, public education. Disaggregation of school expenditure allows for an analysis of how different decisions at the national and the local government level contribute to increased spending. A bargaining model between the central government and a teacher union is combined with a demand model of educational services at the local government level. Political characteristics are assumed to influence the central government bargaining strength over teacher wages and working hours. The model is implemented using a database for economic, political and school factors in Norway during 1880--1990. Political strength, measured as stable government and low party fragmentation of parliament, is shown to be important to hold down teacher employment. Socialist orientation of the government tends to drive up both teacher wages and employment. The inelastic response of local governments to centrally determined cost factors imply that they are not able to hold back spending growth following higher costs.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0176-2680(97)00006-2}
}

@Unpublished{FalchStrom2005,
  Title                    = {Wage bargaining and political strength in the public sector},
  Author                   = {Falch, Torberg and Str{\o}m, Bjarne},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Month                    = dec,
  Note                     = {CESifo Working Paper Series No. 1629},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyses the link between political strength and public sector wages using a unique matched individual-employer data set for Norwegian local governments during the period 1990-1998. The results indicate that political strength, measured in several ways, has a positive effect on wages, while administrative strength, measured by the tenure of the chief executive, has a negative effect. The positive effect of political strength is consistent with a model in which the budgetary process is a multistage game and employment is determined in an interaction with interest groups prior to the wage bargain.}
}

@Article{FalchStrom2006,
  Title                    = {Local flexibility in wage setting: evidence from the Norwegian local public sector},
  Author                   = {Falch, Torberg and Str{\o}m, Bjarne},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Empirical Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s00181-005-0024-7},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {113--142},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {The public sectors in the Scandinavian countries have been prominent examples of centralized wage-setting systems. In Norway, more room for local flexibility was implemented by a wage frame system introduced in 1990 in which the national wage scale system merely works like a minimum wage system. We analyze the effect of this reform using a unique database where we can track employees and their local government over time and explore the consequences of controlling for fixed individual effects and fixed employer effects. We find that the wage dispersion increased across local governments after 1990, and that wages to some extent became more responsive to local government income, monopsony power and other local government characteristics after the reform. However, the numerical effects of the reform are estimated to be quite small.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00181-005-0024-7}
}

@Article{FalchStrom2007,
  Title                    = {Wage bargaining and monopsony},
  Author                   = {Falch, Torberg and Str{\o}m, Bjarne},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics Letters},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.econlet.2006.06.030},
  ISSN                     = {0165-1765},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {202--207},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {This paper integrates models of monopsony and wage bargaining. A novel result is that for a range of the relative bargaining power of the firm and the union, the wage and employment is constant and equal to the `competitive' solution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econlet.2006.06.030},
  Keywords                 = {Monopsony, Unions, Wage bargaining}
}

@Online{Falcone2011,
  Title                    = {Rick Perry On Ben Bernanke: It Would Be `Almost Treasonous' To Print More Money Between Now And The Elections},
  Author                   = {Michael Falcone},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2011/08/rick-perry-on-ben-bernanke-it-would-be-almost-treasonous-to-print-more-money-between-now-and-the-ele/},
  Month                    = aug,
  Note                     = {Published by ABC News},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2011/08/rick-perry-on-ben-bernanke-it-would-be-almost-treasonous-to-print-more-money-between-now-and-the-ele/},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.18}
}

@Article{Falkner1996,
  Title                    = {The Maastricht Protocol On Social Policy: Theory and Practice},
  Author                   = {Falkner, Gerda},
  Date                     = {1996-02-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879600600101},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--16},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {This article undertakes a first stock-taking of the practice under the Maastricht Social Policy Agreement between the E U member states except the UK. It provides an overview of the rules and experience to date concerning the legal nature, its policy innovations, its corpor atist potentials, and the UK opt-out. The trends can be summarized as normalization, concerning the Agreement's legal character, and as trend continuation, concerning policy competences and majority voting. However, two surprising developments may already be observed: evolving patterns of 'Euro-corporatism'; and significant effects from and on the UK. This country's opt-out, on the one hand, and the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference, on the other, have so far been considerable factors determining the application of the new powers. Therefore, the policy innovations of the Social Agreement might have much more of an impact in the longer run.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879600600101}
}

@Article{Falkner2000,
  Title                    = {The Council or the social partners? EC social policy between diplomacy and collective bargaining},
  Author                   = {Falkner, Gerda},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760010014911},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {705--724},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Contemporary EC social policy-making is characterized by the coexistence and entanglement of governmental negotiations in the Council of Ministers and collective bargaining between the major economic EU-interest group federations. This contribution outlines the issues so far negotiated under this postMaastricht social policy regime and analyses the general as well as the specific framework conditions for each collective bargaining process. The concluding section outlines relevant factors for the probability of any social partner agreement. First, the employer federation UNICE is only willing to negotiate with its labour counterpart in the 'shadow of law'. Second, pre-existing national traditions of collective bargaining can be 'uploaded'. Third, general considerations concerning the development of an industrial relations culture at the EU level have so far been as important as material interests, within the collective negotiations between ETUC, UNICE and CEEP.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760010014911},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Falkner2002,
  Title                    = {EU treaty reform as a three-level process},
  Author                   = {Falkner, Gerda},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Pages                    = {1--11},
  Volume                   = {9}
}

@Unpublished{Farber2005,
  author   = {Farber, Henry S},
  title    = {Union Membership in the {United States}: The Divergence between the Public and Private Sectors},
  date     = {2005},
  note     = {Working Paper no. 503, Industrial Relations Section, Princeton University},
  month    = sep,
  abstract = {I document the dramatic divergence between the fortunes of unions in the public and private sectors in the United States since the 1970s. While the union membership rate in the private sector fell from 25 percent in 1975 to 8.2 percent in 2004, the rate in the public sector increased from the same level in 1975 to over 35 percent in 2004. I propose reasons for this divergence, focusing on differences in four factors: 1) employment dynamics, 2) the nature of products produced, 3) the role that unions can play, and 4) incentives faced by employers. I examine the effect of legislation governing collective bargaining in the state and local government sectors on union density and wages of union and nonunion workers. Exploiting within-state variation in laws by type of worker, I find that union density is significantly higher where unions are allowed to negotiate union security provisions (e.g., agency shop) and where employers have a legal duty to bargain with labor unions. I find there is a small positive effect on earnings of legislation allowing union security union security provisions and a surprising negative effect on earnings of a legal duty to bargain. On balance, unions in the public sector have grown relative to unions in the private sector for important structural reasons. Lack of market competition for the products of the public sector and lack of fiscal discipline through the political process makes the value of unions to public sector workers relatively high. Public policy governing labor relations in the public sector, working in conjunction with these structural factors, has provided an environment in which unions can thrive.},
}

@Article{FarrellMorris2003,
  Title                    = {The `Neo-Bureaucratic' State: Professionals, Managers and Professional Managers in Schools, General Practices and Social Work},
  Author                   = {Farrell, Catherine and Morris, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1350508403010001380},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {129--156},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {The major shifts in public policy during the past two decades have led to equally momentous changes in policy provision and its supporting structures. This has been characterized as `post-bureaucracy' or `beyond bureaucracy'. This article argues that while new governance forms have emerged, they do not fit the post-bureaucratic model in that while they may have reduced hierarchy, paradoxically, the changes have increased bureaucratic tendencies. The new governance structures also have implications for public-sector workers, and specifically for managers and professionals. The article explores the impact of the new governance of these groups of public-sector professionals, teachers, and social workers and doctors (general practitioners).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508403010001380}
}

@Article{Farrell2012,
  Title                    = {Does the US Media Have a Liberal Bias?},
  Author                   = {Farrell, Henry},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592712001399},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {772--774},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592712001399},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@WWW{Farrell2015,
  author       = {Farrell, Henry},
  date         = {2015-02-20},
  title        = {Dark Leviathan},
  url          = {https://aeon.co/essays/why-the-hidden-internet-can-t-be-a-libertarian-paradise},
  organization = {Aeon Magazine},
  urldate      = {2022-11-20},
  abstract     = {The Silk Road might have started as a libertarian experiment, but it was doomed to end as a fiefdom run by pirate kings},
}

@Www{Farrell2015a,
  Title                    = {Ferguson's government was run like a racket},
  Author                   = {Farrell, Henry},
  Date                     = {2015-03-04},
  Url                      = {http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/03/04/fergusons-government-was-run-like-a-racket/},
  Organization             = {The Monkey Cage},
  Urldate                  = {2015-03-27}
}

@Online{FarrellQuiggin2012,
  Title                    = {Consensus, Dissensus and Economic Ideas: The Rise and fall of Keynesianism during the Economic Crisis},
  Author                   = {Henry Farrell and John Quiggin},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.henryfarrell.net/Keynes.pdf},
  Note                     = {Presented at the Council for European Studies conference, Philadelphia
Saturday, April 16, 2016},
  Urldate                  = {2015-06-09}
}

@Article{Farrell2016,
  Title                    = {Corporate funding and ideological polarization about climate change},
  Author                   = {Farrell, Justin},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1073/pnas.1509433112},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {92--97},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {Drawing on large-scale computational data and methods, this research demonstrates how polarization efforts are influenced by a patterned network of political and financial actors. These dynamics, which have been notoriously difficult to quantify, are illustrated here with a computational analysis of climate change politics in the United States. The comprehensive data include all individual and organizational actors in the climate change countermovement (164 organizations), as well as all written and verbal texts produced by this network between 1993--2013 (40,785 texts, more than 39 million words). Two main findings emerge. First, that organizations with corporate funding were more likely to have written and disseminated texts meant to polarize the climate change issue. Second, and more importantly, that corporate funding influences the actual thematic content of these polarization efforts, and the discursive prevalence of that thematic content over time. These findings provide new, and comprehensive, confirmation of dynamics long thought to be at the root of climate change politics and discourse. Beyond the specifics of climate change, this paper has important implications for understanding ideological polarization more generally, and the increasing role of private funding in determining why certain polarizing themes are created and amplified. Lastly, the paper suggests that future studies build on the novel approach taken here that integrates large-scale textual analysis with social networks.}
}

@Article{FarrellMathews1990,
  author       = {Farrell, Walter C and Mathews, Jackolyn E},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Negro Education},
  title        = {School Choice and the Educational Opportunities of {Africa}n {America}n Children},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {526--537},
  volume       = {59},
  annotation   = {Survey of literature covering perceived pros and cons of choice schemes (of different varieties). Also a brief round up of how the Milwaukee plan got through state legislative and judicial hurdles.},
}

@Article{FaustIrons1999,
  Title                    = {Money, politics and the post-war business cycle},
  Author                   = {Faust, Jon and Irons, John S},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0304-3932(98)00046-4},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {61--89},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {The political economy literature has enshrined as stylized fact the view that lower inflation and temporarily lower growth follow the election of Republican presidents and has emphasized political manipulation of monetary policy as an explanation. Support for the monetary explanation comes in econometric work that largely ignores identification issues that dominate the literature on measuring the effects of monetary policy. We generalize a standard vector autoregression framework to accommodate discrete, political party variables. We find almost no support for the view that political effects on the macroeconomy operate through monetary policy and only weak evidence that political effects are significant at all.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0304-3932(98)00046-4}
}

@Unpublished{FaustEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {An Empirical Comparison of Bundesbank and ECB Monetary Policy Rules},
  Author                   = {Faust, Jon and Rogers, John H. and Wright, Jonathan H.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Month                    = aug,
  Note                     = {Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, International Finance Discussion Papers Number 705},
  Url                      = {http://www.federalreserve.gov/Pubs/Ifdp/2001/705/ifdp705.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {We estimate a monetary policy reaction function for the Bundesbank and use it as a benchmark to assess the monetary policy of the ECB since the launch of the euro in January 1999. We find that euro interest rates are low relative to this benchmark. We consider several possible reasons for this, including the divergence between core and headline inflation, mis-measurement of the output gap, inflation having turned out to be higher than could have been foreseen by the ECB and the possibility that the ECB is focusing only on macroeconomic conditions in a subset of member countries. We argue that none of these potential explanations alone can account for the difference between recent interest rates and our estimated Bundesbank benchmark. Our results suggest that the reaction function of the ECB features a high weight on the output gap relative to the weight on inflation, compared to the Bundesbank.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.federalreserve.gov/Pubs/Ifdp/2001/705/ifdp705.pdf}
}

@Article{FayeNiehaus2012,
  Title                    = {Political Aid Cycles},
  Author                   = {Faye, Michael and Niehaus, Paul},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {The American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.102.7.3516},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {3516--3530},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {Researchers have scrutinized foreign aid's effects on poverty and growth, but anecdotal evidence suggests that donors often use aid for other ends. We test whether donors use bilateral aid to influence elections in developing countries. We find that recipient country administrations closely aligned with a donor receive more aid during election years, while those less aligned receive less. Consistent with our interpretation, this effect holds only in competitive elections, is absent in US aid flows to non-government entities, and is driven by bilateral alignment rather than incumbent characteristics.}
}

@Unpublished{FazzariEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Public Attitudes About Macroeconomic Policy in the U.S.},
  Author                   = {Fazzari, Steven M. and Feldman, Stanley and Kam, Cindy D. and Smith, Steven S.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, April 11-14, 2013.},
  Url                      = {http://taps.wustl.edu/files/taps/imce/fazzarifeldmanpaper.pdf}
}

@Article{Fearon1995,
  Title                    = {Rationalist Explanations for War},
  Author                   = {Fearon, James D},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {379{--}414},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Realist and other scholars commonly hold that rationally led states can and sometimes do fight when no peaceful bargains exist that both would prefer to war. Against this view, I show that under very broad conditions there will exist negotiated settlements that genuinely rational states would mutually prefer to a risky and costly fight. Popular rationalist and realist explanations for war fail either to address or to explain adequately what would prevent leaders from locating a less costly bargain. Essentially just two mechanisms can resolve this puzzle on strictly rationalist terms. The first turns on the fact that states have both private information about capabilities and resolve and the incentive to misrepresent it. The second turns on the fact that in specific strategic contexts states may be unable credibly to commit to uphold a mutually preferable bargain. Historical examples suggest that both mechanisms are empirically plausible.}
}

@Article{Fearon1997,
  Title                    = {Signaling Foreign Policy Interests: Tying Hands versus Sinking Costs},
  Author                   = {Fearon, James D},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002797041001004},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {68--90},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {The author distinguishes between two types of costly signals that state leaders might employ in trying to credibly communicate their foreign policy interests to other states, whether in the realm of grand strategy or crisis diplomacy. Leaders might either (a) tie hands by creating audience costs that they will suffer ex post if they do not follow through on their threat or commitment (i.e., costs arising from the actions of domestic political audiences) or (b) sink costs by taking actions such as mobilizing troops that are financially costly ex ante. Analysis of a game model depicting the essentials of each case yields two principal results. First, in the games' equilibria, leaders never bluff with either type of signal; they do not incur or create costs and then fail to respond if challenged. Second, leaders do better on average by tying hands, despite the fact that the ability to do so creates a greater ex ante risk of war than does the use of sunk-cost signals. These results and the logic behind them may help explain some empirical features of international signaling, such as many crises' appearance as competitions in creating domestic political audience costs. They also generate empirical puzzles, such as why the seemingly plausible logic of inference that undermines bluffing in the model does not operate in all empirical cases.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002797041001004}
}

@Article{Featherstone2011,
  Title                    = {The Greek Sovereign Debt Crisis and EMU: A Failing State in a Skewed Regime},
  Author                   = {Featherstone, Kevin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02139.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Note                     = {The JCMS Annual Lecture},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {193--217},
  Url                      = {http://www.uni-leipzig.de/~sozio/mitarbeiter/m70/content/dokumente/584/featherstone_2010_euro.pdf},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {The Greek sovereign debt crisis of 2010 exposed the weaknesses of governance of both the `euro area' and of Greece. Successive governments in Athens had failed to overcome endemic problems of low competitiveness, trade and investment imbalances, and fiscal mismanagement placing the economy in a vulnerable international position. Once the market crisis erupted, the European Union's Council of Ministers and the European Central Bank failed to provide a timely and effective response. The implications are threefold: the constraints on domestic reform proved immutable to EU stimuli; the `euro' is more vulnerable to crisis than previously acknowledged; and the early discussion on `euro' governance reform suggests that its underlying philosophy has not shifted significantly towards more effective `economic governance'. This article explores the antecedents and management of the crisis and assesses the outcome. At the EU level, a paradox was evident in the denial of agency and resources that might limit the obligation of states to rescue an errant peer. Domestically, within Greece, the unprecedented external monitoring and policing of its economy --- though matched by some initial successes --- raises in the longer term sensitive issues of legitimacy and governability, with uncertain prospects for avoiding further crises.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.uni-leipzig.de/~sozio/mitarbeiter/m70/content/dokumente/584/featherstone_2010_euro.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02139.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.19}
}

@Unpublished{FeddersenEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Moral Bias in Large Elections: Theory and Experimental Evidence},
  Author                   = {Feddersen, Timothy and Gailmard, Sean and Sandroni, Alvaro},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Presented at the Nuffield Political Economy and Public Policy Seminar, 2007/05/25.},

  Abstract                 = {We provide support for the claim that large elections may exhibit a moral bias, i.e., controlling for the distribution of preferences within the electorate, alternatives understood by voters to be morally superior are more likely to win in large elections than in small ones. Using laboratory experiments we show that ethical expressive voters (voters who receive a payoff from taking an action they believe to be ethical) will have a disproportionate impact on election outcomes for two reasons. First, the choice of how to vote in a large election confronts voters with an essentially hypothetical choice ? when ethical expressive types face hypothetical choice situations they are more likely to choose outcomes on the basis of ethical considerations than on the basis of narrow self-interest. Second, as pivot probabilities decline the set of people who participate will increasingly consist of ethical expressives.}
}

@Article{FeigenbaumHenig1994,
  Title                    = {The Political Underpinnings of Privatization: A Typology},
  Author                   = {Feigenbaum, Harvey B. and Henig, Jeffrey R.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {185{--}208},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {In shifting responsibilities from government to market, privatization has the potential to alter the institutional framework through which citizens normally conceive and pursue their individual and shared interests. But the literature has presented it as a relatively apolitical adaptation to changing conditions. Rather than a choice among means to achieve broadly shared goals, privatization often takes the form of a strategy to realign institutions so as to privilege the goals of some groups over the competing aspirations of other groups. Drawing primarily on the experience of Western, industrialized nations, a political typology is developed that distinguishes between privatizations undertaken for different reasons{--}whether pragmatic, tactical, or systemic.}
}

@Article{Feinberg1965,
  Title                    = {The Expressive Function of Punishment},
  Author                   = {Feinberg, Joel},
  Date                     = {1965},
  Journaltitle             = {The Monist},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {397-423},
  Url                      = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/27901603},
  Volume                   = {49}
}

@Book{Feinberg1988a,
  Title                    = {The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law: Volume 2: Offense to Others},
  Author                   = {Feinberg, Joel},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Feinberg1988c,
  Title                    = {The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law: Volume 4: Harmless Wrongdoing},
  Author                   = {Feinberg, Joel},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Feldman2014,
  Title                    = {Obama Takes On the {Cuba} Lobby},
  Author                   = {Feldman, Noah},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {BloombergView},
  Month                    = dec,
  Url                      = {http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2014-12-17/obama-takes-on-the-cuba-lobby},
  Urldate                  = {2014-12-18}
}

@Article{FeldmanZaller1992,
  Title                    = {The Political Culture of Ambivalence: Ideological Responses to the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Feldman, Stanley and Zaller, John R.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {268--307},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the principles that people draw upon to justify their support for social welfare policy in the United States. The data for this study were produced by open-ended questions asked of a representative sample of the U.S. public. The results show that most people readily use values and principles central to the political culture when discussing their policy preferences. The wide diffusion of diverse values--individualism, humanitarianism, and opposition to big government--leads to significant ambivalence in people's discussions of their issue positions. The implications of these patterns of belief for popular support of the welfare state are discussed.}
}

@Article{Feldmann2006,
  Title                    = {Government Size and Unemployment: Evidence from Industrial Countries},
  Author                   = {Feldmann, Horst},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-005-9003-y},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {443{--}459},
  Volume                   = {127},

  Abstract                 = {Using data from 19 industrial countries for the period 1985 to 2002, this paper analyzes how the size of the government sector affects unemployment. Controlling for the impact of the business cycle as well as for the impact of all major labor market institutions and unobserved country effects, we find that a large government sector is likely to increase unemployment. It appears to have a particularly detrimental effect on women and the low skilled and to substantially increase long-term unemployment. It seems that dominant stateowned enterprises, a large share of public investment in total investment as well as high top marginal income tax rates and low income threshold levels at which they apply are particularly detrimental.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-005-9003-y}
}

@Misc{Feldstein2011,
  author       = {Feldstein, Martin},
  date         = {2011},
  howpublished = {`The A-List', The Financial Times},
  note         = {Published June 28th; accessed 2011/10/28},
  organization = {Financial Times},
  url          = {http://blogs.ft.com/the-a-list/2011/06/28/sarkozy-challenge-undermines-ecbs-independence},
  month        = jun,
}

@Article{FellerEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Red State/Blue State Divisions in the 2012 Presidential Election},
  Author                   = {Feller, Avi and Gelman, Andrew and Shor, Boris},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {The Forum},
  Doi                      = {10.1515/forum-2013-0014},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {127--131},
  Url                      = {http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/research/published/feller_gelman_shor_2012.pdf},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {The so-called ``red/blue paradox'' is that rich individuals are more likely to vote Republican but rich states are more likely to support the Democrats. Previous research argued that this seeming paradox could be explained by comparing rich and poor voters within each state the difference in the Republican vote share between rich and poor voters was much larger in low-income, conservative, middle-American states like Mississippi than in high-income, liberal, coastal states like Connecticut. We use exit poll and other survey data to assess whether this was still the case for the 2012 Presidential election. Based on this preliminary analysis, we find that, while the red/blue paradox is still strong, the explanation offered by Gelman et al. no longer appears to hold. We explore several empirical patterns from this election and suggest possible avenues for resolving the questions posed by the new data.}
}

@Article{Feltenius2007,
  Title                    = {Relations Between Central and Local Government in {Sweden} During the 1990{s}: Mixed Patterns of Centralization and Decentralization},
  Author                   = {Feltenius, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Regional \& Federal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13597560701691821},
  ISSN                     = {1359-7566},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {457--474},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, mixed patterns of centralization and decentralization in Sweden from the 1990s and onwards are investigated. Centralization measures are examined through the case of central government's steering of local government's provision of welfare, while decentralization measures are examined through the case of the experiment with setting up regions. In addition, the current discussion on future developments of central?local government relations in Sweden is explored. It is argued, in this article, that centralization measures in Sweden during the period investigated can be explained mainly by the importance played by the principle of equality in welfare provision and that decentralization can be explained by the discussions on the `Europe of the Regions'. This explanation is in accordance with the literature in the field that stresses the importance of both Europeanization and specific values within a country's political culture to understand current developments in central?local government relations in Western Europe.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560701691821},
  Booktitle                = {Regional \& Federal Studies},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{FenwickBailey1999,
  Title                    = {Local government reorganisation in the UK Decentralisation or corporatism?},
  Author                   = {Fenwick, John and Bailey, Mark},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Public Sector Management},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {249--},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {A number of internal and external pressures in UK local government have led to the examination of different options for internal organisation and management. A particular pressure has recently been the reorganization of local government towards the creation of new unitary local councils. The review of non-metropolitan local government from 1992 to 1996, and the creation of unitary authorities in a number of areas from 1995 to 1998, forced local authorities to examine their own organisation. This article considers the impact of local government reorganization on the structures and management of the organizations concerned. The discussion concentrates upon pressures towards centralization and decentralization. The extent to which structural reorganization has led local government to "decentralize" is considered in a number of senses: the expansion of the parish and community council level, changes to internal management, and area-based initiatives. Drawing directly from current research, the authors examine competing trends towards decentralization and centralization and, specifically, identify a renewed focus upon corporate management as a whole. The importance of this new corporatism is then assessed.}
}

@Incollection{FerejohnEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Comparative Judicial Politics},
  Author                   = {Ferejohn, John and Rosenbluth, Frances and Shipan, Charles},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Chapter                  = {30},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {727--751},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nufmtj8}
}

@Article{Fernandez-AlbertosKuo2016,
  author       = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Albertos, Jos{\'e} and Kuo, Alexander},
  title        = {Income Perception, Information, and Progressive Taxation: Evidence from a Survey Experiment},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  date         = {2016},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.73},
  abstract     = {Are individuals accurately informed about their place in the income distribution? Despite the importance of accurate information about one's placement in the income distribution for many models of redistribution, this assumption remains untested. We present survey data and an embedded experiment where we inform some individuals their true place in the income distribution. We then assess the impact of such information on tax progressivity preferences. We find that individuals have considerable error regarding their self-placement in the income distribution. Revealing to individuals their true placement affects progressivity preferences for individuals who learn they are poor, and for individuals whose prior is that they are poor. These results have implications for information assumptions of redistribution models of comparative political economy and contribute to our understanding of tax preferences, an understudied dimension of redistribution preferences.},
}

@Article{Fernandez-AlbertosKuo2016a,
  Title                    = {Economic Hardship and Policy Preferences in the Eurozone Periphery: Evidence From Spain},
  Author                   = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Albertos,Jos{\'e} and Kuo,Alexander},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414016633224},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {874--906},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {What is the impact of economic suffering on support for euro membership and austerity policies in the Eurozone periphery? This article uses original public opinion and firm surveys conducted in Spain in the midst of the great recession to describe the structure of preferences toward the euro as a common currency and austerity policies, focusing on the specific impact of crisis exposure. We find that in spite of the depth and the duration of the economic crisis, support for Spain's membership in the Eurozone is strong. However, while economic suffering divides the electorate on support for the euro and austerity, it does not do so for firms. Surprisingly, individuals who have suffered due to the crisis in terms of higher income loss are more skeptical of tax and spend programs but are more critical of the euro. Moreover, individuals who are skeptical of the euro and austerity are demographically distinct groups of people. One implication of our joint individual and firm-level findings is that a coalition to seriously challenge the status quo policy coalition remains difficult.}
}

@Article{Fernandez-AlbertosEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Economic Crisis, Globalization, and Partisan Bias: Evidence from {Spain}},
  Author                   = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Albertos, Jos{\'a} and Kuo, Alexander and Balcells, Laia},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/isqu.12081},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},

  Abstract                 = {Who do citizens blame for the recent European economic crisis? In this paper, we test theories about blame attribution with respect to the economic crisis. We argue that blame for the crisis is partially conditioned by partisan bias and framings of the crisis as being related to globalization. We test the argument with new survey data and a survey experiment from Spain. In the experiment, respondents receive different framings of the economic crisis which are endorsed by different political parties and non-partisan organizations. We obtain the following findings: (i) blame for who is responsible for the economic crisis is greatly affected by partisanship; (ii) making globalization as a cause of the crisis salient exonerates the government of blame, but only for co-partisans of the government; and (iii) citizens are willing to blame other globalization-related factors for the crisis, in particular, European governments and blame the domestic government less. The results expand our understanding of public opinion dynamics during major economic recessions and also suggest conditions under which ``scapegoating'' globalization can occur.}
}

@Article{FernandezRogerson1995,
  Title                    = {On the Political Economy of Education Subsidies},
  Author                   = {Fernandez, Raquel and Rogerson, Richard},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {249{--}262},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {Standard models of public education provision predict an implicit transfer of resources from higher-income individuals toward lower-income individuals. Many studies have documented that public higher education involves a transfer in the reverse direction. We show that this pattern of redistribution is an equilibrium outcome in a model in which education is only partially publicly provided and individuals vote over the extent to which it is subsidized. We characterize economies in which poorer individuals are effectively excluded from obtaining an education and their tax payments help offset the cost of education obtained by others. We show that increased inequality in the income distribution makes this outcome more likely and that the efficiency implications of this exclusion depend on the wealth of the economy.}
}

@Article{FernandezRogerson1996,
  Title                    = {Income Distribution, Communities, and the Quality of Public Education},
  Author                   = {Fernandez, Raquel and Rogerson, Richard},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {135--164},
  Volume                   = {111},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops a multicommunity model and analyzes policies that affect spending on public education and its distribution across communities. We find that policies that on net increase the fraction of the (relatively) wealthiest residents in the poorest community are welfare enhancing; policies that decrease this fraction can make all worse off. Appropriately financed policies to (i) redistribute income toward the poorest, (ii) increase spending on education in the poorest community, and (iii) make the poorest community more attractive to relatively wealthier individuals, produce chain reactions in which the quality of education increases and tax rates fall in all communities.}
}

@Article{FernandezRogerson1997,
  Title                    = {Education Finance Reform: A Dynamic Perspective},
  Author                   = {Fernandez, Raquel and Rogerson, Richard},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/(SICI)1520-6688(199724)16:1<67::AID-PAM4>3.0.CO;2-G},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {67--84},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {We use a dynamic Tiebout model to analyze the consequences of moving from a pure local system of education finance to a pure state system of finance in which each student receives the same resources. While much of the education finance literature focuses on the static or immediate effects of such a change, our analysis also examines the dynamic effects. Numerical simulations for a calibrated version of our model indicate that these dynamic effects are very important. Comparing steady states, we find that aggregate welfare increases on the order of 10 percent following the switch to a state system. The key to this welfare gain is that a local system yields inefficiently low investment in human capital of children from low-income families.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1520-6688(199724)16:1\%3C67::AID-PAM4\%3E3.0.CO;2-G}
}

@Article{FernandezRogerson1998,
  Title                    = {Public Education and Income Distribution: A Dynamic Quantitative Evaluation of Education-Finance Reform},
  Author                   = {Fernandez, Raquel and Rogerson, Richard},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {813--833},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {Many states are implementing school-finance reforms which will have complex effects on income distribution, intergenerational income mobility, and welfare. This paper analyzes the static and dynamic effects of such reforms by constructing a dynamic general equilibrium model of public-education provision and calibrating it using U.S. data. We examine the consequences of a reform of a locally financed system to a state-financed system which equalizes expenditures per student across districts. We find that this policy increases both average income and the share of income spent on education. Steady-state welfare increases by 3.2 percent of steady-state income.}
}

@Article{FernandezSmith2006,
  Title                    = {Looking for Evidence of Public Employee Opposition to Privatization: An Empirical Study With Implications for Practice},
  Author                   = {Fernandez, Sergio and Smith, Craig R.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Public Personnel Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0734371X05281629},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {356--381},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Contemporary public administration encompasses a wide variety of service delivery options. During the past two decades, privatization has become an increasingly utilized and legitimized approach. The perception that privatization poses a threat to public employment is seemingly widespread. Indeed, public sector unions often challenge the adoption of privatization programs. There is little evidence that individual rank-and-file public employees oppose privatization, however. In this study, the authors develop a multivariate model of support for privatization. Using a large-size public opinion data set from Georgia, the authors test the model and find that an individual's employment in the public sector is a predictor of opposition to privatization. The authors then discuss the practical implications of public employee opposition to privatization. The authors conclude with a discussion of ways for reducing such opposition.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734371X05281629}
}

@Article{FernandezEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Employment, privatization, and managerial choice: Does contracting out reduce public sector employment?},
  Author                   = {Fernandez, Sergio and Smith, Craig R and Wenger, Jeffrey B},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.20227},
  Pages                    = {57--77},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the effects of governments' use of alternative service provision on public employment using panel data from a nationally representative sample of local governments. We model the effects of alternative service provision on the size of the public workforce and hypothesize that alternative provision jointly impacts both full- and part-time employment. We find evidence of an inter-relationship between these employment types. Our results from seemingly unrelated and 3SLS regressions indicate that full-time employment in the public sector declines when additional services are provided by for-profit providers, while part-time employment increases. The net employment effect in the public sector is negative when government services are moved to the for-profit sector. These combined effects result in a compositional shift toward more part-time public sector employment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.20227}
}

@Article{FerreiraGyourko2009,
  author       = {Ferreira, Fernando and Gyourko, Joseph},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Do Political Parties Matter? Evidence from U.S. Cities},
  doi          = {10.1162/qjec.2009.124.1.399},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {399--422},
  volume       = {124},
  abstract     = {Are cities as politically polarized as states and countries? ``No'' is the answer from our regression discontinuity design analysis, which shows that whether the mayor is a Democrat or a Republican does not affect the size of city government, the allocation of local public spending, or crime rates. However, there is a substantial incumbent effect for mayors. We investigate three mechanisms that could account for the striking lack of partisan impact at the local level, and find the most support for Tiebout competition among localities within metropolitan areas.},
  annotation   = {Partisanship.},
}

@Article{Ferris1983,
  Title                    = {Demands for public spending: An attitudinal approach},
  Author                   = {Ferris, JamesM.},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00118516},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {135--154},
  Volume                   = {40}
}

@Unpublished{FerrisWest2000,
  Title                    = {Education Vouchers, Dropouts, and the Peer Group Problem},
  Author                   = {Ferris, J. Stephen and West, Edwin G},
  Date                     = {2000}
}

@Article{FieldhouseCutts2009,
  Title                    = {The Effectiveness of Local Party Campaigns in 2005: Combining Evidence from Campaign Spending and Agent Survey Data},
  Author                   = {Fieldhouse, Edward and Cutts, David},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123409000726},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {367--388},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Recently there has been a renewed interest in the role of local campaigns and their effectiveness on increasing turnout and support for political parties. However, there is a long-standing debate over the best way to measure campaign effort. This article advances the current literature by using a latent variable modelling approach to utilize, for the first time, evidence frorvey of agents, official records of campaign spending and individual voter survey data to produce a combined measure of campaign effort. This measure (latent variable) is then used in a structural equation model of party performance to assess the effect of the campaign effort of the three main parties at the 2005 British general election. In terms of both the delivery and effectiveness of campaigns the parties are found to behave in a way consistent with a rational model of party behaviour, though constrained by contextual factors.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123409000726}
}

@Article{Fielding2000,
  Title                    = {Social and Economic Determinants of English Voter Choice in the 1997 General Election},
  Author                   = {Fielding, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {271--295},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {Using a theoretical framework in which voters' choices are the result of utility maximisation decisions, and in which the variation of utility functions across individuals is partly deterministic (depending on their socio-economic characteristics) and partly stochastic, we estimate constituency-level regression equations to explain how the electoral shares of each of the main parties depend on conditions in the constituency. Whilst social characteristics appear to have an impact similar to that predicted in the existing literature, economic conditions appear to have played a very different role in 1997 from inprevious elections.}
}

@Article{Fielding1992,
  Title                    = {What Did `The People' Want?: The Meaning of the 1945 General Election},
  Author                   = {Fielding, Steven},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Historical Journal},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {623--639},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Labour's victory at the general election of 1945, the first in which the party won an absolute majority in the house of commons, had fundamental implications for Britain's post-war history. Despite this, historians have failed to examine the popular political temper which made Labour's term of office possible. Instead, they have largely assumed that the Second World War radicalized the public, turning an unprecedented number into enthusiastic Labour voters. Whilst not denying that the war had a profound impact on the politics of some sections of society this article proposes a rather different perspective to that normally offered. Instead of promoting pro-Labour sentiment it seems that the conflict left many members of the public disengaged from the political process and cynical about the motives of all politicians. As a consequence, rather than have Labour hold office by itself the generally favoured outcome appears to have been the formation of a progressive coalition committed to the implementation of the Beveridge report. However, in reality, electors who did not want to see the return of a Conservative government had no choice but to vote `straight left'.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{FierkeWiener2001,
  Title                    = {Constructing institutional interests: EU and NATO enlargement},
  Author                   = {Fierke, K. M. and Wiener, Antje},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343342},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {721--742},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the parallel process of NATO and EU enlargement. The analysis is motivated by both an empirical and a theoretical concern. It asks why both organizations are enlarging, despite questions about the materially based interest in doing so. It then raises a related theoretical question about how organizations know their interests and how these interests are transformed. The relationship between three concepts - speech acts, contextual change, and institutional interests - is explored by following the behaviour of three actors: NATO, EU and the CEECs. The analysis demonstrates how, given the dramatic change of context with the end of the Cold War, the meaning of the Cold War 'promise' of the Helsinki final act was transformed into a threat. The article argues that the rationality of both enlargement decisions has to be situated in a context of a priori and changing meanings regarding the identity and norms of the 'West'.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343342},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{FiglioLucas2004,
  Title                    = {Whats in a Grade? School Report Cards and the Housing Market},
  Author                   = {Figlio, David N and Lucas, Maurice E},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {591--604},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates whether the housing market responds to the information incorporated in state-administered school grades. We study whether school grades affect families ' residential locations and house prices. Using detailed data on repeated sales of individual residential properties in the state of Florida, we find evidence that there is an independent effect of these grades on house prices and residential location, above and beyond the estimated effects of test scores and the other components of the school grades. Because these grades have a large stochastic component, however, we find that over time the estimated effects of the grades has diminished.}
}

@Article{FiglioStone2001,
  Title                    = {Can Public Policy Affect Private School Cream Skimming?},
  Author                   = {Figlio, David N and Stone, Joe A},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Urban Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1006/juec.2000.2189},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {240--266},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate how key school and community characteristics interact with the characteristics of individual students and families in determining the enrollment patterns in public and private schools. Using unique, nationally-representative, individual-level data, we find evidence that a number of factors plausibly influenced by public policy (e.g., school-district concentration, student-teacher ratios, and local violent crime rates) have powerful effects on the composition of public and private schools.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/juec.2000.2189}
}

@Article{FilerEtAl1993,
  author       = {Filer, John E. and Kenny, Lawrence W. and Morton, Rebecca B.},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Redistribution, Income, and Voting},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {63--87},
  volume       = {37},
  abstract     = {A model that reconciles the positive association between income and voting found in cross-sectional studies with the negative correlation between income and turnout over time is developed. Voting is modeled as a "group" rational activity. Voter turnout rates in the United States for the 1948, 1960, 1968, and 1980 elections are used to test the model. Voter turnout is found first to fall and then to rise as families move up the income distribution. Voter turnout also rises as real wages fall, as educational attainment increases, as elections become closer, and as poll taxes and literacy tests are removed.},
  copyright    = {Copyright 1993 Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{FilipovichSempere2006,
  Title                    = {Constitutions as self-enforcing redistributive schemes},
  Author                   = {Filipovich, Dragan and Sempere, Jaume},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10101-006-0027-7},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {103--129},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {We present a model of a fiscal constitution (i.e., a transfer scheme between income classes) that is self-enforcing against a background in which predatory activities (`revolutions') are feasible. In this environment, a constitution self-enforces by structuring society's interests in such a way that non- compliance necessarily results in a revolution which society would rather avoid.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10101-006-0027-7}
}

@Article{Finnigan2007,
  Title                    = {Charter School Autonomy: The Mismatch Between Theory and Practice},
  Author                   = {Finnigan, Kara S},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904806289189},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {503--526},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {In theory, the charter school concept is based on a trade-off or exchange: greater autonomy for increased accountability. Although charter schools have been operating for more than 10 years, little is known about charter school autonomy in practice. This mixed-methods study used survey and case study data to examine the degree of autonomy of charter schools across the country and the factors limiting school autonomy. The findings indicate that many charter schools do not have high levels of autonomy, with schools least likely to have control over budgetary decisions. In addition, school autonomy is influenced by state laws, relationships with authorizers, and partnerships with educational management organizations and community-based organizations. Finally, the levels of autonomy in some schools were dynamic, with schools experiencing less autonomy over time.}
}

@Article{Finseraas2009,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality and Demand for Redistribution: A Multilevel Analysis of {Europe}an Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {Finseraas, Henning},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2008.00211.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {94--119},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {This article employs multilevel modeling to assess the importance of income inequality on the demand for redistribution in a sample of 22 European countries. According to standard political economy models of redistribution --- notably the Meltzer-Richard model --- inequality and demand for redistribution should be positively linked. However, existing empirical research has disputed this claim. The main advantages of this article is that demand for redistribution is measured at the individual level, and that the relevant interaction between inequality and own income is considered. The main findings are that inequality is positively associated with demand for redistribution, and that the median income person is sensitive to the level of inequality. These findings are robust to the inclusion of a range of relevant control variables. The results are relevant in relation to the increase in inequalities in many European countries, and especially relevant to the current debate about the importance of directly observable differences in public preferences for social policy outcomes.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Finseraas2012,
  Title                    = {Poverty, ethnic minorities among the poor, and preferences for redistribution in {Europe}an regions},
  Author                   = {Finseraas, Henning},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928711433655},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {164--180},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {In what social contexts are rich people more likely to support government redistribution of income? Motivated by the literature on inequality aversion and the literature on the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and redistribution, the paper examines whether the relationship between own income and redistributive preferences depends on the regional level of poverty and the ethnic composition of the poor. Using data from the European Social Survey, the paper demonstrates that support for redistribution among the rich is lower when the proportion of ethnic minorities among the poor is high. Several possible mechanisms to account for this relationship are examined. The paper finds no support for explanations based on more animosity towards the poor or towards ethnic minorities and no support for explanations based on lower social trust or social capital: instead, rich people are less concerned with downward income mobility when the proportion of minorities among the poor is high.}
}

@Book{Fiorina1981,
  Title                    = {Retrospective voting in American national elections},
  Author                   = {Fiorina, Morris P.},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Article{Fiorina1995,
  Title                    = {Rational choice, empirical contributions, and the scientific enterprise},
  Author                   = {Fiorina, Morris P.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/08913819508443373},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {85--94},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Don Green and Ian Shapiro's Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory, despite the impressive amount of work that has gone into it, is undercut by a number of serious misunderstandings of the use of the rational choice approach by students of American politics. Furthermore, Green and Shapiro adopt an extremely pinched notion of an empirical contribution and an outmoded and idealized view of the scientific method. If their standards were adopted, it would be difficult to allow that anyone in political science has made an empirical contribution, or that political science is a scientific enterprise.}
}

@Article{FiorinaAbrams2008,
  Title                    = {Political Polarization in the {America}n Public},
  Author                   = {Fiorina, Morris P. and Abrams, Samuel J.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053106.153836},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {563--588},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {For more than two decades political scientists have discussed rising elite polarization in the United States, but the study of mass polarization did not receive comparable attention until fairly recently. This article surveys the literature on mass polarization. It begins with a discussion of the concept of polarization, then moves to a critical consideration of different kinds of evidence that have been used to study polarization, concluding that much of the evidence presents problems of inference that render conclusions problematic. The most direct evidence?citizens' positions on public policy issues?shows little or no indication of increased mass polarization over the past two to three decades. Party sorting --- an increased correlation between policy views and partisan identification --- clearly has occurred, although the extent has sometimes been exaggerated. Geographic polarization --- the hypothesized tendency of like-minded people to cluster together --- remains an open question. To date, there is no conclusive evidence that elite polarization has stimulated voters to polarize, on the one hand, or withdraw from politics, on the other.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053106.153836},
  Booktitle                = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Publisher                = {Annual Reviews},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Article{FiorinaNoll1978,
  Title                    = {Voters, bureaucrats and legislators : A rational choice perspective on the growth of bureaucracy},
  Author                   = {Fiorina, Morris P. and Noll, Roger G.},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0047-2727(78)90045-2},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {239--254},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {The claim that government is excessively bureaucratic can be interpreted as an assertion about inefficient factor proportions in the production of public goods. The rational choice theory of electoral competition is extended in this paper to include the election of representatives from separate districts, ombudsman activities by legislators, self-interested bureaucrats and production functions for public activities that have bureaucratic and nonbureaucratic arguments. If the demand for public goods grows exogenously through time, the model predicts increasingly inefficient factor proportions yet a growing advantage for incumbent legislators when they seek reelection.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2727(78)90045-2}
}

@Article{FiorinaPlott1978,
  Title                    = {Committee Decisions under Majority Rule: An Experimental Study},
  Author                   = {Morris P. Fiorina and Charles R. Plott},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1954111},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {575--598},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {This article reports the findings of a series of experiments on committee decision making under majority rule. The committee members had relatively fixed preferences, so that the process was one of making decisions rather than one of problem solving. The predictions of a variety of models drawn from Economics, Sociology, Political Science and Game Theory were compared to the experimental results. One predictive concept, the core of the noncooperative game without side payments (equivalent to the majority rule equilibrium) consistently performed best. Significantly, however, even when such an outcome did not exist, the experimental results did not display the degree of unpredictability that some theoretical work would suggest. An important subsidiary finding concerns the difference between experiments conducted under conditions of high stakes versus those conducted under conditions of much lower stakes. The findings in the two conditions differed considerably, thus calling into question the political applicability of numerous social psychological experiments in which subjects had little or no motivation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1954111}
}

@Article{Fiorito1982,
  Title                    = {{America}n Trade Union Growth: An Alternative Model},
  Author                   = {Fiorito, Jack},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {123--127},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {Criticizes the model of aggregate union growth in the United States presented by Elsheikh and Bain (1978). Incorporation of alternative variables to enhance the predictive power of the Ashenfelter-Pencavel (1969) model; Non-explanation of choice of definition for relative change; Ignoring of association membership in the treatment of the dependent variable.}
}

@Article{Fischer1998,
  author       = {Fischer, Stanley},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Affairs},
  title        = {In Defense of the IMF: Specialized Tools for a Specialized Task},
  doi          = {10.2307/20048970},
  issn         = {0015-7120},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {103--106},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {Martin Feldstein's criticism of the IMF's structural reforms in Southeast Asia overlooks the fact that the crisis is the result of structural problems.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048970},
  month        = jul,
  publisher    = {Council on Foreign Relations},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Article{FisherHobolt2010,
  Title                    = {Coalition government and electoral accountability},
  Author                   = {Fisher, Stephen D. and Hobolt, Sara B.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.003},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {358--369},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {Single-party governments are commonly thought to be more clearly responsible for government policy than coalition governments. One particular problem for voters evaluating coalition governments is how to assess whether all parties within a coalition should be held equally responsible for past performance. As a result, it is generally argued that voters are less likely to hold coalition governments to account for past performance. This article uses data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project to assess whether and how the composition of coalition governments affects the way in which people use their votes to hold governments to account, and which parties within coalitions are more likely to be held to account for the government's past performance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.003},
  Booktitle                = {Special Symposium: Voters and Coalition Governments},
  Keywords                 = {Accountability, Coalitions, Governments, Retrospective voting, Sanctioning}
}

@Book{FiskeLadd2000,
  Title                    = {When Schools Compete: A Cautionary Tale},
  Author                   = {Fiske, Edward B. and Ladd, Helen F.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {0815728352},
  Publisher                = {Brookings Institution Press},

  Abstract                 = {In 1989 New Zealand embarked on what is arguably the most thorough and dramatic transformation of a compulsory state education system ever undertaken by an industrialized country. Under a plan known as Tomorrow's Schools this island nation of 3.8 million people abolished its national Department of Education and turned control of its nearly 2,700 primary and secondary schools over to locally elected boards of trustees. Virtually overnight, one of the world's most tightly controlled public education systems became one of the most decentralized. Two years later, in 1991, with a new government in power, New Zealand enacted further reforms that introduced full parental choice of schools and encouraged the development of a competitive culture in the state education system. Debate rages in the United States about whether similar reforms would improve the performance of the country's troubled public school system. Judgments about the potential benefits of these ideas, as well as the general relevance of economic models to educational systems, tap into deeply held values, and discussion in the U.S. has been hampered by the lack of practical experience with them. The extended and widespread experiences of New Zealand, whose school system functions much like our own, provide U.S. policy makers with a wide range of appropriate insights and implications to consider as they gauge the merits of bold education reform. When Schools Compete is the first book to provide detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the New Zealand experiment. Combining the perceptive observations of a prominent education journalist and the analytical skills of an academic policy analyst, this book will help supportersand critics of market-based education reforms better anticipate the potential long-term consequences of applying ideas of market competition to the delivery of education.}
}

@Other{FismanMiguel2006,
  abstract   = {Corruption is believed to be a major factor impeding economic development, but the importance of legal enforcement versus cultural norms in controlling corruption is poorly understood. To disentangle these two factors, we exploit a natural experiment, the stationing of thousands of diplomats from around the world in New York City. Diplomatic immunity means there was essentially zero legal enforcement of diplomatic parking violations, allowing us to examine the role of cultural norms alone. This generates a revealed preference measure of government officials' corruption based on real-world behavior taking place in the same setting. We find strong persistence in corruption norms: diplomats from high corruption countries (based on existing survey-based indices) have significantly more parking violations, and these differences persist over time. In a second main result, officials from countries that survey evidence indicates have less favorable popular views of the United States commit significantly more parking violations, providing non-laboratory evidence on sentiment in economic decision-making. Taken together, factors other than legal enforcement appear to be important determinants of corruption.},
  annotation = {NBER Working Paper},
  author     = {Fisman, Raymond and Miguel, Edward},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Cultures of Corruption: Evidence From Diplomatic Parking Tickets},
}

@Article{FitzBeers2002,
  Title                    = {Education Management Organisations and the Privatisation of Public Education: a cross-national comparison of the {USA} and {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Fitz, John and Beers, Bryan},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03050060220140548},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {137--154},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Education Management Organisations (EMOs), for-profit and non-profit management companies engaged in take-over and operation of public education, are becoming big business in the USA and the UK. It is estimated that in the US, EMOs were projected to generate up to $123 billion dollars in revenue in 2000. In the smaller UK system it is estimated that about 5 billion of services in public education could be contracted out to private organisations per annum. This paper examines the policy frameworks that have enabled EMOs to take-over and progressively contribute to the privatisation of public education in two national settings, the USA and England and Wales. The British scene is distinctive because government policies that have sought to expand the role of the private sector, via public-private partnerships, in the provision of public sector services and its strong accountability system, have provided opportunities for EMOs to be engaged in, or take-over, schools and educational administrative services formerly provided by LEAs. In the US, in the mid-1990s, EMOs were invited to take over school districts and specific schools. However, this practice has been succeeded by a new focus on taking over the management of charter schools. A large capital market that is able to finance enterprises involved in educational services supports the development of EMOs in the US. Our research findings, however, point to halting progress by EMOs in public education in the US. There have been well-publicised failures to deliver the promised better education at a lower cost and also well-documented failure to raise student performance levels in school and school districts. The paper concludes with reflections on the extent to which EMOs have taken forward privatisation and its implications for the governance of education.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050060220140548}
}

@Article{FitzEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Local education authorities and the regulation of educational markets: four case studies},
  Author                   = {Fitz, John and Taylor, Chris and Gorard, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Research Papers in Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {125--146},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {One key finding that has emerged from our study of the impact of market reforms on the school systems in England and Wales is that there has been overall decline in the social stratification of schools. Nevertheless, between-school stratification remains high. There are regional and local variations in the pattern in which stratification has decreased in some areas and increased in others. In this paper we focus on the role of LEA admissions policies and show how these regulate the choice of school afforded to parents and suggest how geographical variation in between-school social stratification is maintained and reproduced. The four case study LEAs discussed in detail here (Cardiff, Brent, Carmarthenshire and Hertfordshire), which offer significantly different market scenarios, are part of a larger study examining the admissions arrangements and impacts on school intakes for all 161 LEAs in England and Wales. In total 23 LEAs were interviewed about their admissions arrangements, each one representing different kinds of LEAs--English to Welsh; metropolitan to county; urban to rural--with contrasting admissions policies and different levels of segregation between schools. The paper reports that post-1998 school admissions policies, put in place to overcome some of the difficulties that arose from open enrolment, including children being denied places at nearby schools, have done little to redress the advantages the grant-maintained and church-affiliated schools previously enjoyed in the recruitment stakes. Nor have they broken the mould of 'selection by mortgage' where residential segregation gives rise to schools with very different socio-economic intakes.}
}

@Article{FitzgeraldEtAl1998,
  author       = {Fitzgerald, John and Gottschalk, Peter and Moffitt, Robert},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Human Resources},
  title        = {An Analysis of Sample Attrition in Panel Data: The Michigan Panel Study of Income Dynamics},
  issn         = {0022-166X},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {251--299},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {By 1989 the Michigan Panel Study on Income Dynamics (PSID) had experienced approximately 50 percent sample loss from cumulative attrition from its initial 1968 membership. We study the effect of this attrition on the unconditional distributions of several socioeconomic variables and on the estimates of several sets of regression coefficients. We provide a statistical framework for conducting tests for attrition bias that draws a sharp distinction between selection on unobservables and on observables and that shows that weighted least squares can generate consistent parameter estimates when selection is based on observables, even when they are endogenous. Our empirical analysis shows that attrition is highly selective and is concentrated among lower socioeconomic status individuals. We also show that attrition is concentrated among those with more unstable earnings, marriage, and migration histories. Nevertheless, we find that these variables explain very little of the attrition in the sample, and that the selection that occurs is moderated by regression-to-the-mean effects from selection on transitory components that fade over time. Consequently, despite the large amount of attrition, we find no strong evidence that attrition has seriously distorted the representativeness of the PSID through 1989, and considerable evidence that its cross-sectional representativeness has remained roughly intact.},
}

@Unpublished{FivaKirkeboen2008,
  Title                    = {Does the Housing Market React to New Information on School Quality?},
  Author                   = {Fiva, John H. and Kirkeb{\o}en, Lars J.},
  Date                     = {2008},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes housing market reactions to the release of previously unpublished information on school quality. Using the sharp discontinuity in the information environment allows us to study price changes within school catchment areas, thus controlling for neighborhood unobservables. We find a substantial housing market reaction to publication of school quality indicators, suggesting that households care about school quality, and may be willing to pay for better schools. The publication effect is robust to a number of sensitivity checks, but does not seem to be permanent as prices revert to prepublication levels after two to three months. We discuss this reversion in relation to the literature on behavioral finance and the concept of limited attention.}
}

@Article{FivaNatvik2013,
  Title                    = {Do Re-Election Probabilities Influence Public Investment?},
  Author                   = {Fiva, Jon H. and Natvik, Gisle James},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-012-9946-8},
  Number                   = {1--2},
  Pages                    = {305--331},
  Volume                   = {157},

  Abstract                 = {An insight from political economy is that elected officials may use state variables to influence their successors' choices. We exploit the staggered timing of local and national elections in Norway to investigate how politicians' re-election probabilities affect their investments in physical capital. Because popularity is endogenous to politics, we use an instrumental variable approach based on regional movements in ideological sentiment. We find that higher re-election probabilities stimulate investments, particularly in purposes preferred more strongly by the incumbent parties. This aligns with a theoretical framework where policymakers consider how capital will be complemented by labor in the future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.jon.fiva.no/docs/FivaNatvik.pdf}
}

@Article{Fladmoe2012,
  Title                    = {Mass political polarization and attitudes towards education as part of the welfare state in {Norway}, {Sweden} and {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Fladmoe, Audun},
  Date                     = {2012-02-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928711425268},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45--62},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {The education systems of the Nordic countries have long been regarded as integral parts of the welfare state. The argument here is that this welfare dimension is ideologically controversial at the elite level, and that recent trends in international academic assessments may have intensified a conflict between the academic and welfare dimensions in education. Two central aspects of the welfare dimension are explored through survey evidence from Norway, Sweden and Finland: (1) the ability of schools to integrate all children, independent of social background, and (2) the extent to which schools should focus on teaching social skills as opposed to academic skills. The results generally support the argument. Mass political polarization is evident in all three countries. Sympathizers of left-wing parties express higher expectations concerning the welfare dimension in education, and are more inclined to support a focus on social skills in schools.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928711425268},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.15}
}

@Article{FleckensteinEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {The Dual Transformation of Social Protection and Human Capital: Comparing {Britain} and {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Fleckenstein, Timo and Saunders, Adam M. and Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414011407473},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1622--1650},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Britain and Germany have been experiencing significant changes in the nature of work and welfare since the 1990s. Although important differences have remained, there have been compelling indications of a dual transformation of welfare constituted not only by a far-reaching retrenchment in unemployment insurance but also by a remarkable expansion in family policy. These developments have their functional underpinnings in accelerating deindustrialization with a declining proportion of the male workforce with specific skills as well as in service sector growth and rising female labor market participation characterized by an increase in general skills. As the aggregate effect of economic fluctuations in industrial production has diminished over time, the relative incidence of work disruptions that have arisen from maternity and child-rearing has increased substantially. This dual transformation in welfare and employment patterns suggests that the process of deindustrialization has initiated significant path adjustments unanticipated in the existing comparative political economy literature.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011407473},
  Timestamp                = {2011.11.23}
}

@Article{Fligstein2010,
  Title                    = {Politics, the Reorganization of the Economy, and Income Inequality, 1980--2009},
  Author                   = {Fligstein, Neil},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365047},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {233--242},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Unpublished{FligsteinHabinek2011,
  author   = {Fligstein, Neil and Habinek, Jacob},
  date     = {2011},
  title    = {This Time It's Different: The Spread of the Worldwide Financial Crisis, 2007--2010},
  url      = {http://sociology.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/faculty/fligstein/The\ Spread\ of\ the\ Worldwide\ Financial\ Crisis2.pdf},
  abstract = {The worldwide financial crisis of 2007--2010 was set off by the collapse of the subprime mortgage market in the U.S. This crisis caused widespread banking failure in the U.S. and forced the federal government to provide a massive bailout to the financial sector. The crisis then reverberated to banks around the world, and eventually brought about a worldwide recession. This paper documents the spread of the crisis particularly across the OECD countries, the largest and most developed countries. We explore various mechanisms by which the financial crisis might have spread including the existence of similar regulatory schemes, export connectedness, and the presence of a housing bubble. We conclude that the main mechanism by which the crisis spread was the purchase of American backed mortgage securities by foreign banks. We end by considering the implications of our results for the literatures on financialization and the sociology of finance.},
  month    = jun,
}

@Article{Florio2003,
  Title                    = {Does Privatisation Matter? The Long-Term Performance of British Telecom over 40 Years},
  Author                   = {Florio, Massimo},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2003.tb00083.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-5890},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {197--234},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, we offer and discuss new evidence on the performance of British Telecom (BT) before and after privatisation. We use a unique data-set based on company accounts over 40 years (1960--99) and original additional company data on several variables. We focus particularly on output, prices, revenues, costs, employment, productivity, profits and investment. Our key findings are that operating profits (i.e. gross profits before interest and tax) were remarkably stable before and after divestiture, and that ownership change per se had little discernible impact on productivity trends, particularly between 1984 and 1991. Major changes in performance after 1991 were, however, related to variations in financial arrangements, competition and regulatory pressure. This allows us to regard the BT case history as a natural experiment on the relative importance of privatisation, liberalisation and regulation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.2003.tb00083.x},
  Keywords                 = {L32, L33, L5, M54, privatisation, regulation, public enterprises},
  Publisher                = {The Institute for Fiscal Studies}
}

@Book{Florio2004,
  Title                    = {The Great Divestiture: Evaluating the Welfare Impact of the British Privatizations, 1979--1997},
  Author                   = {Florio, Massimo},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-262-06240-4},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{FoleyEdwards1999,
  Title                    = {Is It Time to Disinvest in Social Capital?},
  Author                   = {Foley, Michael W and Edwards, Bob},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {141--173},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {In an effort at theoretical clarification, the authors reviewed 45 recent articles reporting empirical research employing the concept of {\textquoteleft}social capital{\textquoteright}. The literature is roughly equally divided between those who treat social capital as an independent variable and those who consider it as a dependent variable, and between those who operationalize the concept principally in terms of norms, values and attitudes and those who choose a more social structural operationalization, invoking social networks, organizations and linkages. Work on social capital as a mainly normative variable is dominated by political scientists and economists, while sociologists and a wide range of applied social scientists utilize more social structural understandings of the term. We find little to recommend in the use of {\textquoteleft}social capital{\textquoteright} to represent the norms, values and attitudes of the civic culture argument. We present empirical, methodological and theoretical arguments for the irrelevance of {\textquoteleft}generalized social trust{\textquoteright}, in particular, as a significant factor in the health of democracies or economic development. Social structural interpretations of social capital, on the other hand, have demonstrated considerable capacity to draw attention to, and illuminate, the many ways in which social resources are made available to individuals and groups for individual or group benefit, which we take to be the prime focus and central attraction of the social capital concept. The paper concludes by elaborating a context-dependent conceptualization of social capital as access plus resources, and cautions against {\textquoteleft}over-networked{\textquoteright} conceptualizations that equate social capital with access alone.}
}

@Article{FollesdalHix2006,
  Title                    = {Why There is a Democratic Deficit in the EU: A Response to Majone and Moravcsik},
  Author                   = {Follesdal, Andreas and Hix, Simon},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00650.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {533{--}562},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Giandomenico Majone and Andrew Moravcsik have argued that the EU does not suffer a `democratic deficit'. We disagree about one key element: whether a democratic polity requires contestation for political leadership and over policy. This aspect is an essential element of even the `thinnest' theories of democracy, yet is conspicuously absent in the EU.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00650.x}
}

@Article{Fong2001,
  Title                    = {Social preferences, self-interest, and the demand for redistribution},
  Author                   = {Fong, Christina},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00141-9},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {225--246},
  Url                      = {http://darp.lse.ac.uk/papersdb/Fong_(JPubE_01).pdf},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {Preferences for redistribution may be influenced by values and beliefs about distributive justice as well as by self-interest. People may prefer more redistribution to the poor if they believe that poverty is caused by circumstances beyond individual control. Therefore, beliefs about the causes of income may affect demand for redistribution. Alternatively, the effect of these beliefs on redistributive preferences may be spurious if they are correlated with income, and self-interest is not properly controlled for. They may also measure incentive cost concerns. Using social survey data, I find that self-interest cannot explain the effect of these beliefs on redistributive preferences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://darp.lse.ac.uk/papersdb/Fong_(JPubE_01).pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00141-9},
  Keywords                 = {Equity, Fairness, Interdependent preferences, Redistribution, Distributive justice},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Article{FonsecaGalvisEtAl2016,
  author       = {Fonseca Galvis, {\'A}ngela and {Snyder Jr.}, James M. and Song, B. K.},
  title        = {Newspaper Market Structure and Behavior: Partisan Coverage of Political Scandals in the United States from 1870 to 1910},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {78},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {368--381},
  doi          = {10.1086/684597},
  abstract     = {We study the effect of competition on media bias in the context of US newspapers in the period 1870--1910. We measure bias as the intensity with which different newspapers cover scandals. Using automatic keyword-based searches, we collected data on 121 scandals and 159 newspapers. We also collected data on the partisanship, frequency of publication, and circulation of the newspapers in our sample, as well as of the newspapers circulating in the same cities or towns as those in our sample. Our results indicate that partisan newspapers cover scandals involving the opposition party's politicians more intensely and cover scandals involving their own party's politicians more lightly. More importantly, we find evidence that competition decreases the degree of media bias. The point estimates suggest that compared to a newspaper in a monopoly position, a newspaper facing two competitors will on average exhibit only 50\% as much overall bias in coverage intensity.},
}

@Book{Foot1973,
  Title                    = {Aneurin Bevan: A Biography},
  Author                   = {Foot, Michael},
  Date                     = {1973},
  ISBN                     = {0706700899},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Davis-Poynter},
  Volume                   = {2: 1945--1960}
}

@Article{Fordham1998,
  Title                    = {Partisanship, Macroeconomic Policy, and U.S. Uses of Force, 1949-1994},
  Author                   = {Fordham, Benjamin},
  Date                     = {1998-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002798042004002},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {418--439},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Have Democratic and Republican presidents used force more often than members of the other party under some circumstances during the postwar era? This article presents evidence that unemployment and inflation produce differences in the likelihood of a diversionary use of force by presidents from different parties. Because Republicans are more reluctant than Democrats to use potentially inflationary macroeconomic policies to reduce unemployment, they are more likely to use military force than Democratic presidents when unemployment is high. One the other hand, because Democrats are reluctant to employ macroeconomic policies that might control inflation at the cost of increased unemployment, they are more likely to use military force than Republicans when facing high inflation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002798042004002}
}

@Article{FordhamKleinberg2012,
  Title                    = {How Can Economic Interests Influence Support for Free Trade?},
  Author                   = {Fordham, Benjamin O. and Kleinberg, Katja B.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818312000057},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {311--328},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {Recent research on the sources of individual attitudes toward trade policy comes to very different conclusions about the role of economic self-interest. The skeptical view suggests that long-standing symbolic predispositions and sociotropic perceptions shape trade policy opinions more than one's own material well-being. We believe this conclusion is premature for two reasons. First, the practice of using one attitude to predict another raises questions about direction of causation that cannot be answered with the data at hand. This problem is most obvious when questions about the expected impact of trade are used to predict opinions about trade policy. Second, the understanding of self-interest employed in most studies of trade policy attitudes is unrealistically narrow. In reality, the close relationship between individual economic interests and the interests of the groups in which individuals are embedded creates indirect pathways through which one's position in the economy can shape individual trade policy preferences. We use the data employed by Mansfield and Mutz to support our argument that a more complete account of trade attitude formation is needed and that in such an account economic interests may yet play an important role.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{FortinEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Canadian Inequality: Recent Developments and Policy Options},
  Author                   = {Fortin, Nicole and Green, David A. and Lemieux, Thomas and Milligan, Kevin and Riddell, W. Craig},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Canadian Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.3138/cpp.38.2.121},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {121--145},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Considerable concern has recently been expressed worldwide about growing income inequality. Much of the discussion, though, has been in general terms and focused on the US experience. To understand whether and how Canada ought to respond to this development, we need to be clear on the facts. This paper documents Canadian patterns in income inequality and investigates the top 1 percent of earners the group receiving the most attention. We summarize what is known about the causes of growing income inequality, including the role of gender wage differences. Finally, we outline policy options for reducing or slowing the growth of inequality.}
}

@Article{FortinLemieux1997,
  Title                    = {Institutional Changes and Rising Wage Inequality: Is There a Linkage?},
  Author                   = {Fortin, Nicole M. and Lemieux, Thomas},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.11.2.75},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {75--96},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, the authors analyze the role of three institutional changes--the decline in the real value of the minimum wage, deunionization, and economic deregulation--on the rise in wage inequality in the United States during the 1980s. They argue that about a third of the increase in male and female wage inequality can be traced to these institutional changes. Deunionization had a significant effect on the rise in inequality for men, while the minimum wage is what matters most for women. The authors find the direct impact of economic deregulation to be comparatively small.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.11.2.75},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{Fougere2001,
  Title                    = {Transforming health sectors: new logics of organizing in the {New Zealand} health system},
  Author                   = {Geoff Fougere},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Science \& Medicine},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0277-9536(00)00242-2},
  ISSN                     = {0277-9536},
  Number                   = {8},
  Pages                    = {1233--1242},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops a relational analysis (drawing on the insights of historical institutionalism and economic sociology) of the ongoing process of radical health sector restructuring in New Zealand. The original `reforms', based on a `purchaser-provider' split, are outlined so as to emphasize their politically consequential ambiguity: was restructuring about revitalizing an essentially public health system or about creating the basis for an eventually private health system with a residual state role? The actual process of restructuring is then traced, emphasizing the responses it has evoked from differently situated actors within the health sector as this is entwined with the political system. The focus is on explaining the largely unintended consequences that have resulted, including the abandonment or significant modification of most of the originally enacted forms of organization together with the emergence of new organizational forms, initiated by providers, and largely unanticipated by the restructurers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0277-9536(00)00242-2},
  Keywords                 = {Health sector restructuring}
}

@Article{Fowler2006,
  Title                    = {Elections and Markets: The Effect of Partisanship, Policy Risk, and Electoral Margins on the Economy},
  Author                   = {Fowler, James H.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00372.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89{--}103},
  Url                      = {http://jhfowler.ucsd.edu/elections_and_markets.pdf},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {Rational partisan theory's exclusive focus on electoral uncertainty ignores the importance of policy uncertainty for the economy. I develop a theory of policy risk to account for this uncertainty. Using an innovative measure of electoral probabilities based on Iowa Electronic Markets futures data for the United States from 1988 to 2000, I test both theories. As predicted by rational partisan theory, positive changes in the probability that the Left wins the Presidency or the Congress lead to increases in nominal interest rates, implying that expectations of inflation have increased. As predicted by the policy risk theory, positive changes in the electoral probability of incumbent governments and divided governments lead to significant declines in interest rates, implying that expectations of inflation risk have decreased. And as an extension to both theories, I find that electoral margins matter for the economy-partisan and policy risk effects depend not only on which party controls the government, but how large its margin of victory is.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://jhfowler.ucsd.edu/elections_and_markets.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00372.x}
}

@Article{Fraile2013,
  Title                    = {Do information-rich contexts reduce knowledge inequalities? The contextual determinants of political knowledge in Europe},
  Author                   = {Fraile,Marta},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Politica},
  Month                    = {4},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {119--143},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This article makes a contribution to the study of the determinants of political knowledge from a comparative perspective. Along with the usual suspects explaining knowledge at the individual level (that is, individual differences in motivation, ability and exposure to political news in the media), this article analyses the extent to which socio-economic, political and communicational contexts affect what people know about politics. More importantly, the article analyses whether information-rich contexts contribute towards reducing inequalities in knowledge. The results are obtained via two-level hierarchical linear models using the 2009 European Election Studies, Voter Study and confirm that citizens' levels of political knowledge are driven by the context. They also demonstrate that information-rich environments crucially narrow knowledge inequalities between high- and low-status citizens. These findings thus suggest that socio-economic policies have the capacity to alter the balance between the information-rich and the information-poor. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]},
  ISBN                     = {00016810},
  Keywords                 = {Political Science; Studies; Education; Citizenship; Politics; Hypotheses; Public opinion}
}

@Article{FrailePardos-Prado2013,
  Title                    = {Correspondence between the Objective and Subjective Economies: The Role of Personal Economic Circumstances},
  Author                   = {Fraile, Marta and Pardos-Prado, Sergi},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.12055},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},

  Abstract                 = {The impact of sociotropic economic satisfaction on the vote has been thoroughly analysed. However, knowledge about how citizens acquire information about the economy and the degree of correspondence between objective macroeconomic changes and citizens' subjective economic perceptions is much more limited. While the effect of partisan rationalisation has recently received some attention, the role of objective personal economic conditions in assessing national economic conditions is still unclear. We suggest that macroeconomic changes have some impact on subjective economic satisfaction, especially among higher-income and socio-professional strata with higher risk aversion rates to negative macroeconomic shocks. The results are obtained via three-level hierarchical linear models using the cumulative file of the European Social Survey (2002--9) and confirm the relevance of citizens' personal economic circumstances as a filter to perceive the state of the economy.},
  Keywords                 = {economic perceptions, sociotropic perceptions, macroeconomic changes, personal economic conditions}
}

@Article{Franchino2002,
  Title                    = {Efficiency or credibility?: Testing the two logics of delegation to the {Europe}an Commission},
  Author                   = {Franchino, Fabio},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Pages                    = {677--694},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This article critically elaborates Majone's argument that there are two logics underlying the delegation of powers to the European Commission: the logic of efficiency and the logic of credibility. It analyses 601 provisions of secondary legislation and suggests a method to distinguish the two rationales. It then correlates executive powers with statutory constraints. A surprising result is that these constraints are more associated, in general, with credibility-based than with efficiency-based delegation; however, statutory constraints that facilitate control by national state actors are more likely to be associated with efficiency-based delegation. The article concludes by emphasizing that different strategies of control are related to different underlying motivations to delegate.}
}

@Article{Franchino2004,
  author       = {Franchino, Fabio},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Delegating Powers in the {Europe}an Community},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123404000055},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {269--293},
  url          = {http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/12038/1/12038.pdf},
  urldate      = {2015-12-11},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {The theory of delegation developed by Epstein and O'Halloran for the US federal system is used here to generate original hypotheses on the politics of delegation in the European Community (EC). It is argued that two institutional features of the Community, namely the decision rules of the Council of Ministers and the possibility of relying on both the Commission and the member states for policy implementation are at the core of the choices of delegation of EC legislators. Using an original dataset of 158 major EC legislative acts, it is demonstrated that the Council delegates greater policy authority to national institutions if legislation is adopted unanimously or in issue areas that require specialized and technical knowledge, while it relies to a greater extent on the Commission when acts are adopted by qualified majority voting or require general managerial skills at the supranational level. Results also show that national administrators are the main providers of policy expertise, while the informational role of the Commission appears to be secondary, though not negligible. Finally, these findings qualify propositions on the relation between veto players and bureaucratic autonomy and on that between conflict within the legislature and delegation outcomes.},
}

@Book{Franchino2007,
  Title                    = {The Powers of the Union},
  Author                   = {Franchino, Fabio},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780521866422},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The Powers of the Union develops and tests a new theory of centralization and bureaucratization in the European Union. Using original data spanning five decades and a multi-method approach, Franchino argues that most EU laws rely extensively on national administrations for policy implementation and provide for ample national discretionary authority, while limiting tightly the involvement of the European Commission. However, when Council ministers do not share the same policy objectives, some have the incentive to limit national executive discretion and to rely more on the Commission. Majority voting facilitates this outcome, but the limited policy expertise of supranational bureaucrats and their biased views impede extensive supranational delegation. Finally, the European Parliament systematically attempts to limit national discretion, especially when its views differ from ministerial opinions, and tries to increase the Commission's policy autonomy. The book contributes towards understanding political-bureaucratic relations and evaluates the implications for EU democracy and subsidiarity.}
}

@Book{Frank2005,
  Title                    = {What's the Matter with Kansas?: How Conservatives Won the Heart of {America}},
  Author                   = {Frank, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Publisher                = {Holt McDougal}
}

@Article{FranklinLadner1995,
  author       = {Franklin,Mark and Ladner,Matthew},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Undoing of Winston Churchill: Mobilization and Conversion in the 1945 Realignment of British Voters},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123400007304},
  number       = {04},
  pages        = {429--452},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {We explore the reasons for the unexpected defeat of Winston Churchill's Conservatives by Labour in the British general election of 1945. Was the outcome a result of Churchill's election campaign errors, as many have supposed, or did the coming-of-age of a new political generation make it a foregone conclusion? Much controversy in the partisanship literature centres on whether electoral realignments result primarily from conversion of existing voters or from mobilization of previously non-voting individuals. In particular, the 1930s US realignment has been the focus of considerable debate. In this article we shed new light on realignment processes by examining the 1945 British realignment that brought the Labour party to power. We find that, in this more straightforward case, the critical impetus came from new voters rather than from converts. Our findings raise questions that need to be confronted in the analysis of other realignments, such as that accompanying the American New Deal. They also shed new light on a much-interpreted episode in British electoral history.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400007304},
}

@Article{FranklinWlezien1997,
  Title                    = {The Responsive Public: Issue Salience, Policy Change, and Preferences for {Europe}an Unification},
  Author                   = {Franklin, Mark N and Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {347--63},
  Volume                   = {9}
}

@Article{Franzese1999,
  author       = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Partially Independent Central Banks, Politically Responsive Governments, and Inflation},
  doi          = {10.2307/2991831},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {681--706},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Theories of central bank independence have more exact implications regarding inflation in different political-economic environments than generally understood or empirically examined. They imply that inflation in any given country-time will be a weighted average of what it would be if the central bank completely controlled monetary policy and what it would be if the government completely controlled it, with the degree of central bank independence weighting the former. An equation embodying this theoretical expectation is estimated by constrained least-squares from a time-series cross-section of inflation rates in developed democracies since the Bretton Woods era. The results confirm that the anti-inflationary benefit of central bank independence is not constant but rather depends on every variable in the broader political-economic environment to which wholly autonomous central banks and governments would respond differently. Conversely, the inflationary impacts of all such political-economic variables depend on the degree of central bank independence.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2991831},
  month        = jul,
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Franzese2002,
  Title                    = {Electoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.112801.080924},
  Pages                    = {369--421},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/6jnoz4t},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {Policy makers in democracies have strong partisan and electoral incentives regarding the amount, nature, and timing of economic-policy activity. Given these incentives, many observers expected government control of effective economic policies to induce clear economic-outcome cycles that track the electoral calendar in timing and incumbent partisanship in character. Empirics, however, typically revealed stronger evidence of partisan than of electoral shifts in real economic performance and stronger and more persistent electoral and partisan shifts in certain fiscal, monetary, and other policies than in real outcomes. Later political-economic general-equilibrium approaches incorporated rational expectations into citizens' and policy makers' economic and political behavior to explain much of this empirical pattern, yet critical anomalies and insufficiencies remain. Moreover, until recently, both rational- and adaptive-expectations electoral-and-partisan-cycle work underemphasized crucial variation in the contexts{\textemdash}international and domestic, political and economic, institutional, structural, and strategic{\textemdash}in which elected partisan incumbents make policy. This contextual variation conditions policy-maker incentives and abilities to manipulate economic policy for electoral and partisan gain, as well as the effectiveness of such manipulation, differently across democracies, elections, and policies. Although relatively new, research into such context-conditional electoral and partisan cycles seems to offer much promise for resolving anomalies and an ideal substantive venue for theoretical and empirical advancement in the study of political economy and comparative democratic politics more generally.}
}

@Book{Franzese2002a,
  author     = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J.},
  date       = {2002},
  title      = {Macroeconomic Policies of Developed Democracies},
  isbn       = {0521004411},
  location   = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher  = {Cambridge University Press},
  annotation = {Partisanship. Tax and Transfers.},
}

@Incollection{FranzeseHall2000,
  Title                    = {Institutional Dimensions of Coordinating Wage-Bargaining and Monetary Policy},
  Author                   = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J. and Hall, Peter A.},
  Booktitle                = {Unions, Employers, and Central Banks: Macroeconomic Coordination and Institutional Change in Social Market Economies},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Torben Iversen, Jonas Pontusson, and David Soskice},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {173{--}204},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{FranzeseHays2006,
  Title                    = {Strategic Interaction among EU Governments in Active Labor Market Policy-making: Subsidiarity and Policy Coordination under the {Europe}an Employment Strategy},
  Author                   = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J. and Hays, Jude C.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116506063705},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--189},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The European Union (EU) recently committed to becoming the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world.' Active labor market (ALM) policies are a critical part of the European Employment Strategy (EES) - the plan designed to achieve this objective. ALM policies entail several possible externalities that, spilling across national boundaries, may create incentives for European governments to free ride off the efforts of their neighbors. We provide empirical evidence that the national best-response functions for ALM spending (worker-training programs in particular) are indeed downward sloping; an increase in expenditures in one country decreases equilibrium expenditures in its neighbors. Therefore, levels of ALM spending may well be too low, notwithstanding the mildly increasing coordination fostered through the EES framework. Stronger enforcement procedures may be necessary if the European Union is to achieve its EES objectives.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116506063705}
}

@Article{FranzeseHays2007,
  author       = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J. and Hays, Jude C.},
  title        = {Spatial Econometric Models of Cross-Sectional Interdependence in Political Science Panel and Time-Series-Cross-Section Data},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {15},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {140--164},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpm005},
  abstract     = {In this paper, we demonstrate the econometric consequences of different specification and estimation choices in the analysis of spatially interdependent data and show how to calculate and present spatial effect estimates substantively. We consider four common estimators--nonspatial OLS, spatial OLS, spatial 2SLS, and spatial ML. We examine analytically the respective omitted-variable and simultaneity biases of nonspatial OLS and spatial OLS in the simplest case and then evaluate the performance of all four estimators in bias, efficiency, and SE accuracy terms under more realistic conditions using Monte Carlo experiments. We provide empirical illustration, showing how to calculate and present spatial effect estimates effectively, using data on European governments' active labor market expenditures. Our main conclusions are that spatial OLS, despite its simultaneity, performs acceptably under low-to-moderate interdependence strength and reasonable sample dimensions. Spatial 2SLS or spatial ML may be advised for other conditions, but, unless interdependence is truly absent or minuscule, any of the spatial estimators unambiguously, and often dramatically, dominates on all three criteria the nonspatial OLS commonly used currently in empirical work in political science.},
}

@Article{FranzeseHays2008,
  Title                    = {Interdependence in Comparative Politics: Substance, Theory, Empirics, Substance},
  Author                   = {Franzese, Jr., Robert J. and Hays, Jude C.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414007313122},
  Number                   = {4--5},
  Pages                    = {742--780},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Interdependence is ubiquitous and often central across comparative politics. Indeed, as the authors show first, theoretically, any situation involving externalities from one unit's actions on others' implies interdependence. Positive or negative externalities induce negative or positive interdependence, which spurs competitive races or free riding, with corresponding early or late-mover advantages, and thus strategic rush to act or delay and inaction. The authors show next how to model interdependent processes empirically, how not doing so risks omitted-variable biases favoring domestic and exogenous-external accounts over interdependence, but how doing so naively risks simultaneity biases with the opposite substantive implications. They then discuss how to estimate properly specified interdependence models and, finally, how to interpret and present estimated spatio-temporally dynamic effects, response paths, and long-run steady-states, with associated standard errors. They illustrate by replicating a noteworthy earlier, nonspatial study of capital tax competition. Web appendices contain further technical details, literature survey, data, statistical software code, and spreadsheet templates for all suggested procedures.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007313122}
}

@Incollection{Franzese2007,
  Title                    = {Context Matters: The Challenges of Multicausality, Context-Conditionality, and Endogeneity for Empirical Evaluation of Positive Theory in Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Franzese, Robert J.},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Boix, Carles and Stokes, Susan},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {27--72},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{FrederickEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Time Discounting and Time Preference: A Critical Review},
  Author                   = {Frederick, Shane and Loewenstein, George and O'Donoghue, Ted},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/002205102320161311},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {351--401},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This paper discusses the discounted utility (DU) model: its historical development, underlying assumptions, and "anomalies" - the empirical regularities that are inconsistent with its theoretical predictions. We then summarize the alternate theoretical formulations that have been advanced to address these anomalies. We also review three decades of empirical research on intertemporal choice, and discuss reasons for the spectacular variation in implicit discount rates across studies. Throughout the paper, we stress the importance of distinguishing time preference, per se, from many other considerations that also influence intertemporal choices.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/002205102320161311}
}

@Article{Fredriksson2009,
  Title                    = {On the Consequences of the Marketisation of Public Education in {Sweden}: for-profit charter schools and the emergence of the `market-oriented teacher'},
  Author                   = {Fredriksson, Anders},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2304/eerj.2009.8.2.299},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {299--310},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The entrance of for-profit charter schools into the public educational system is one of the most recent manifestations of market-based reforms in public education. Previous studies raise concerns over the marketisation of education and suggest that market reforms clearly change teacher attitudes and behaviour. Taking a public administration theoretical approach, this article discusses how for-profit schools influence the behaviour of teachers. This article develops an index (the Market Orientation Index) for measuring market orientation among teachers. Analyses of differences in scores on the Market Orientation Index among a sample of Swedish teachers working in public schools and for-profit charter schools also shows that charter school teachers are more market oriented. The result indicates that for-profit school ownership led to the emergence of the `market-oriented teacher'.}
}

@Article{Freedman1984,
  Title                    = {On Bootstrapping Two-Stage Least-Squares Estimates in Stationary Linear Models},
  Author                   = {Freedman, D},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of Statistics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {827{--}842},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {For models similar to those used in econometric work, under suitable regularity conditions, the bootstrap is shown to give asymptotically valid approximations to the distribution of errors in coefficient estimates.}
}

@Article{Freeman1994,
  Title                    = {Can Liberal States Control Unwanted Migration?},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Gary P.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Pages                    = {17--30},
  Volume                   = {534},

  Abstract                 = {The commonly held view that liberal democracies cannot effectively control unwanted migration is unwarranted despite the intensification of migration pressures in recent years. To develop a more accurate position built on less sweeping generalizations, I disaggregate migration policy into four parts: managing legal immigration, controlling illegal migration, administering temporary worker programs, and processing asylum seekers and refugees. A review of the experiences of the liberal democracies with each of these migration challenges indicates that although there are numerous instances of policy failure, there is also considerable capacity to regulate migration. I argue that this capacity is certainly growing, not declining, over time, that some states possess more capacity than others, that the control capacities of particular states vary substantially across the four areas, and that these capacities fluctuate periodically in conjunction with contingent cycles of salience and effort.}
}

@Article{Freeman1995,
  Title                    = {Modes of Immigration Politics in Liberal Democratic States},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Gary P.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {International Migration Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2547729},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {881--902},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {The politics of immigration in liberal democracies exhibits strong similarities that are, contrary to the scholarly consensus, broadly expansionist and inclusive. Nevertheless, three groups of states display distinct modes of immigration politics. Divergent immigration histories mold popular attitudes toward migration and ethnic heterogeneity and affect the institutionalization of migration policy and politics. The English-speaking settler societies (the United States, Canada, and Australia) have histories of periodically open immigration, machineries of immigration planning and regulation, and densely organized webs of interest groups contesting policies. Their institutionalized politics favors expansionary policies and is relatively immune to sharp swings in direction. Many European states (France, Britain, Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Belgium) experienced mass migration only after World War II and in a form that introduced significant non-European minorities. Their immigration politics is shaped by what most see as the unfortunate consequences of those episodes and are partially institutionalized and highly volatile and conflictual. European states until recently sending countries (Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Greece) deal with migration pressures for the first time in their modern histories, under crisis conditions, and in the context of intensifying coordination of policies within the European Union. We should expect the normalization of immigration politics in both sets of European states. Although they are unlikely to appropriate the policies of the English-speaking democracies, which should remain unique in their openness to mass immigration, their approach to immigration will, nevertheless, take the liberal democratic form.}
}

@Article{FreemanEtAl1989,
  Title                    = {Vector Autoregression and the Study of Politics},
  Author                   = {Freeman, John R and Williams, John T and Lin, Tse-min},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {842{--}877},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {In many respects political scientists agree about how best to model political processes. But we disagree about how to translate our theories into structural equations; each of us seems to have our own structural equation model of the same theory. This disagreement is a serious impediment to theory building. Vector autoregression (VAR) is a means of circumventing this problem. We explain the logic of this alternative modeling strategy and examine its relative virtues. In particular, VAR and the more familiar structural equation (SEQ) approaches are compared in terms of their epistemological underpinnings, empirical power, and usefulness in policy analysis. This comparison shows that the two modeling strategies are based on different conceptions of theory and of theory building and that, for the four{--}six variable systems we usually study, the choice between VAR and SEQ models presents a trade-off between accuracy of causal inference and quantitative precision, respectively. In addition, VAR models have the disadvantage of being unable to incorporate multiplicative and nonlinear relationships as easily as SEQ models. But VAR models have the advantage of providing a more complete treatment of policy endogeneity than SEQ models. These and other contrasts in the two modeling strategies are illustrated in a reanalysis of Alt and Chrystal's (1983) permanent income model of government expenditure.}
}

@Article{FreemanMoran2000,
  Title                    = {Reforming health care in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Richard and Moran, Michael},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Pages                    = {35--58},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{Freeman1986,
  Title                    = {Unionism Comes to the Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Richard B},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {41--86},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{Freeman1988,
  Title                    = {Contraction and Expansion: The Divergence of Private Sector and Public Sector Unionism in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Richard B},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {63--88},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{Freeman2006,
  Title                    = {People Flows in Globalization},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Richard B.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/30033654},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--170},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30033654}
}

@Incollection{FreemanGibbons1995,
  Title                    = {Getting Together and Breaking Apart: The Decline of Centralized Collective Bargaining},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Richard B and Gibbons, Robert S},
  Booktitle                = {Differences and Changes in Wage Structures},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Editor                   = {Richard B. Freeman and Lawrence F. Katz},
  Chapter                  = {14},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Pages                    = {345--370},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Book{FreemanIchniowski1988,
  Title                    = {When Public Sector Workers Unionize},
  Author                   = {Freeman, Richard B and Ichniowski, Casey},
  Date                     = {1988},
  ISBN                     = {0226261662},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{FreyJegen2001,
  Title                    = {Motivation Crowding Theory},
  Author                   = {Frey, Bruno S. and Jegen, Reto},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-6419.00150},
  ISSN                     = {1467-6419},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {589--611},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The Motivation Crowding Effect suggests that external intervention via monetary incentives or punishments may undermine, and under different identifiable conditions strengthen, intrinsic motivation. As of today, the theoretical possibility of motivation crowding has been the main subject of discussion among economists. This study demonstrates that the effect is also of empirical relevance. There exist a large number of studies, offering empirical evidence in support of the existence of crowding-out and crowding-in. The study is based on circumstantial evidence, laboratory studies by both psychologists and economists, as well as field research by econometric studies. The pieces of evidence presented refer to a wide variety of areas of the economy and society and have been collected for many different countries and periods of time. Crowding effects thus are an empirically relevant phenomenon, which can, in specific cases, even dominate the traditional relative price effect.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6419.00150},
  Keywords                 = {Crowding effect, intrinsic motivation, principal-agent theory, economic psychology, experiments},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{FreyPommerehne1982,
  Title                    = {How powerful are public bureaucrats as voters?},
  Author                   = {Frey, Bruno S. and Pommerehne, Werner W.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00144851},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {253--262},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Empirical evidence is collected and discussed regarding the influence of public bureaucrats on government sector outcome in their capacity as consumer-voters. It is necessary to isolate the specific effect of working in the public sector (compared to other occupations) on voting participation and on the probability to support an increase in the public budget. For a balanced evaluation of public bureaucrats' power, other forms of their influencing the government sector outcome need to be taken into account.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00144851}
}

@Article{FreySchneider1978,
  Title                    = {A Politico-Economic Model of the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {Frey, Bruno S and Schneider, Friedrich},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {350},
  Pages                    = {243--253},
  Volume                   = {88}
}

@Article{FreySchneider1978b,
  Title                    = {An Empirical Study of Politico-Economic Interaction in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Frey, Bruno S and Schneider, Friedrich},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {174--183},
  Volume                   = {60}
}

@Article{Friberg2007,
  Title                    = {Intersectoral wage linkages: the case of {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Friberg, Kent},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Empirical Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s00181-006-0077-2},
  ISSN                     = {0377-7332},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {161--184},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this study is to investigate whether wage-setting in certain sectors of the Swedish economy affects wage-setting in other sectors. The theoretical background is the Scandinavian model of inflation, which states that wage-setting in the sectors exposed to international competition lead wage-setting in the sheltered sectors of the economy. The Johansen maximum likelihood cointegration approach is applied to quarterly data on Swedish sector wages for the period 1980:1--2002:2. Different vector error correction (VEC) models are created, based on assumptions as to which sectors are exposed to international competition and which are not. Granger causality tests are then carried out in the different restricted/unrestricted VEC models to test for sector wage leadership. The Granger causality tests provide strong evidence for the presence of intersectoral wage causality, but no evidence of a wage-leading role for the internationally exposed manufacturing sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00181-006-0077-2},
  Publisher                = {Physica Verlag, An Imprint of Springer-Verlag GmbH}
}

@Book{Frieden2006,
  Title                    = {Global Capitalism: Its Fall and Rise in the Twentieth Century},
  Author                   = {Frieden, Jeffrey A.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  ISBN                     = {9780393329810},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton}
}

@Incollection{FriedenRogowski1996,
  Title                    = {The Impact of the International Economy on National Policies: An Analytical Overview},
  Author                   = {Frieden, Jeffry A and Rogowski, Ronald},
  Booktitle                = {Internationalization and Domestic Politics},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Robert O. Keohane and Helen V. Milner},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {25--47},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Friedman2005,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Judicial Review},
  Author                   = {Friedman, Barry},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Texas Law Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {257--337},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/odh7t8g},
  Volume                   = {84}
}

@Incollection{Friedman1955,
  Title                    = {The Role of Government in Education},
  Author                   = {Friedman, Milton},
  Booktitle                = {Economics and the Public Interest},
  Date                     = {1955},
  Editor                   = {Robert A. Solo},
  Publisher                = {Rutgers University Press}
}

@Book{Friedman1957,
  author     = {Friedman, Milton},
  date       = {1957},
  title      = {A Theory of the Consumption Function},
  isbn       = {0-691-04182-2},
  location   = {Princeton, NJ},
  publisher  = {Princeton University Press},
  url        = {https://papers.nber.org/books/frie57-1},
  urldate    = {2018-11-12},
  annotation = {Adaptive expectations on page 143.},
}

@Book{Friedman1962,
  author     = {Friedman, Milton},
  date       = {1962},
  title      = {Capitalism and Freedom},
  isbn       = {0226264009},
  location   = {London},
  publisher  = {University of Chicago Press},
  annotation = {Chapter on school vouchers.},
}

@Article{Friedman1968,
  Title                    = {The Role of Monetary Policy},
  Author                   = {Friedman, Milton},
  Date                     = {1968},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}17},
  Volume                   = {58}
}

@Book{FriedrichBrzezinski1965,
  Title                    = {Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy},
  Author                   = {Friedrich, Carl J. and Brzezinski, Zbigniew K.},
  Date                     = {1965},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{Fry1994,
  Title                    = {The Path to the Privatization of Public Enterprises in {Britain}: A Public Policy Analysis},
  Author                   = {Fry, Geoffrey K},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Policy and Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095207679400900303},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {19--32},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the path to the privatization of public enterprise in Britain from the Era of Nationalization of 1945-1951, to the Era of Benign Neglect of 1951-1961, to the Era of Pseudo-Commercialism of 1961-1979. Set in a public policy context, this article argues that, though the adoption of private enterprise norms from 1961 onwards would seem to anticipate privatization, this latter policy only followed an exhaustion of a variety of attempted organizational and other solutions designed to sustain the public sector of the economy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679400900303}
}

@Article{FrydmanEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {When Does Privatization Work? The Impact of Private Ownership on Corporate Performance in The Transition Economies},
  Author                   = {Frydman, Roman and Gray, Cheryl and Hessel, Marek and Rapaczynski, Andrzej},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355399556241},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1153--1191},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {This paper compares the performance of privatized and state firms in the transition economies of Central Europe, while controlling for various forms of selection bias. It argues that privatization has different effects depending on the types of owners to whom it gives control. In particular, privatization to outsider, but not insider, owners has significant performance effects. Where privatization is effective, the effect on revenue performance is very pronounced, but there is no comparable effect on cost reduction. Overlooking the strong revenue effect of privatization to outsider owners leads to a substantial overstatement of potential employment losses from postprivatization restructuring.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355399556241}
}

@Article{FuchsWoesmann2007,
  Title                    = {What accounts for international differences in student performance?: A re-examination using PISA data},
  Author                   = {Fuchs, Thomas and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Empirical Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s00181-006-0087-0},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {433--464},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {We use the PISA student-level achievement database to estimate international education production functions. Student characteristics, family backgrounds, home inputs, resources, teachers and institutions are all significantly associated with math, science and reading achievement. Our models account for more than 85\% of the between-country performance variation, with roughly 25\% accruing to institutional variation. Student performance is higher with external exams and budget formulation, but also with school autonomy in textbook choice, hiring teachers and within-school budget allocations. Autonomy is more positively associated with performance in systems that have external exit exams. Students perform better in privately operated schools, but private funding is not decisive.}
}

@Book{Fusarelli2003,
  Title                    = {The Political Dynamics of School Choice: Negotiating Contested Terrain},
  Author                   = {Fusarelli, Lance D},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {140396047X},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Article{GorgGreenaway2004,
  Title                    = {Much Ado about Nothing? Do Domestic Firms Really Benefit from Foreign Direct Investment?},
  Author                   = {G{\"o}rg, Holger and Greenaway, David},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {World Bank Research Observer},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/wbro/lkh019},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {171--197},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Governments the world over offer significant inducements to attract investment, motivated by the expectation of spillover benefits to augment the primary benefits of a boost to national income from new investment. There are several possible sources of induced spillovers from foreign direct investment. This article evaluates the empirical evidence on productivity, wage, and export spillovers in developing, developed, and transition economies. Although theory can identify a range of possible spillover channels, robust empirical support for positive spillovers is at best mixed. The article explores the reasons and concludes with a review of policy aspects.}
}

@Article{Gabel1998,
  Title                    = {Public Support for {Europe}an Integration: An Empirical Test of Five Theories},
  Author                   = {Gabel, Matthew},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {333{--}354},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Public opinion, through its impact on mass behavior, shapes and constrains the process of European integration Why do citizens vary in their support for European integration? Previous research offers a variety of sometimes conflicting explanations, but the available evidence is insufficient to determine which explanations are valid. This article seeks to contribute to the resolution of this controversy by empirically examining five prominent theories of support for integration. Through regression analyses of Eurobarometer surveys from the period 1978-1992, the analysis shows that the partisan context of integrative reforms and the utilitarian consequences of integrative policy provide robust explanations for variation in support. In contrast, two other prominent theories-political values and cognitive mobilization-are only valid in a limited context, and in this context they exert a small substantive impact on support.}
}

@Article{GabelScheve2007,
  Title                    = {Estimating the Effect of Elite Communications on Public Opinion Using Instrumental Variables},
  Author                   = {Gabel, Matthew and Scheve, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00294.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1013--1028},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {A central question in the study of democratic polities is the extent to which elite opinion about policy shapes public opinion. Estimating the impact of elites on mass opinion is difficult because of endogeneity, omitted variables, and measurement error. This article proposes an identification strategy for estimating the causal effect of elite messages on public support for European integration employing changes in political institutions as instrumental variables. We find that more negative elite messages about European integration do indeed decrease public support for Europe. Our analysis suggests that OLS estimates are biased, underestimating the magnitude of the effect of elite messages by 50\%. We also find no evidence that this effect varies for more politically aware individuals, and our estimates are inconsistent with a mainstreaming effect in which political awareness increases support for Europe in those settings in which elites have a favorable consensus on the benefits of integration.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00294.x}
}

@Article{Gaddis1992,
  Title                    = {International Relations Theory and the End of the Cold War},
  Author                   = {Gaddis, John Lewis},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {International Security},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {5{--}58},
  Volume                   = {17}
}

@Article{GaffneyEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {PFI in the NHS --- is there an economic case?},
  Author                   = {Gaffney, Declan and Pollock, Allyson M. and Price, David and Shaoul, Jean},
  Date                     = {1999-07-10},
  Journaltitle             = {British Medical Journal},
  Number                   = {7202},
  Pages                    = {116--119},
  Volume                   = {319}
}

@Article{GaffneyEtAl1999a,
  Title                    = {The politics of the private finance initiative and the new NHS},
  Author                   = {Gaffney, Declan and Pollock, Allyson M. and Price, David and Shaoul, Jean},
  Date                     = {1999-07-24},
  Journaltitle             = {British Medical Journal},
  Number                   = {7204},
  Pages                    = {249--253},
  Volume                   = {319},

  Abstract                 = {All this raises questions about the direction of government policy on the NHS. Recent government commitments to increase clinical staffing levels and reverse the decline in bed capacity sit uneasily with a policy that seems to lead in the opposite direction. The government has consistently argued that the private finance initiative is no more than a procurement policy, with no implications for services other than increased efficiency. However, this ignores the importance of public-private partnerships to the government's overall agenda.}
}

@Article{Gaffney2003,
  Title                    = {The French Fifth Republic as an Opportunity Structure: A Neo-institutional and Cultural Approach to the Study of Leadership Politics},
  Author                   = {Gaffney, John},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0032-3217.2003.00453.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {686--705},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {The Gaullist settlement of 1958 reconfigured the political institutions of France, introducing into the republican mainstream a new form of leadership politics. Adapting the literature on political opportunity structure (POS) theory, and using the French left as a case study, can help us understand how political parties, ideology and leadership adapt to political institutions and norms. It also illuminates what the consequences are of such adaptation in the contemporary period, particularly as regards the institutionally bound roles of political 'character', protocol and discourse. The paper appraises the relevance and appropriateness of POS theory to leadership politics in France.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0032-3217.2003.00453.x}
}

@Article{GainesEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {The Logic of the Survey Experiment Reexamined},
  Author                   = {Gaines, Brian J. and Kuklinski, James H. and Quirk, Paul J.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpl008},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--20},
  Url                      = {http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.322.678&rep=rep1&type=pdf},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars of political behavior increasingly embed experimental designs in opinion surveys by randomly assigning respondents alternative versions of questionnaire items. Such experiments have major advantages: they are simple to implement and they dodge some of the difficulties of making inferences from conventional survey data. But survey experiments are no panacea. We identify problems of inference associated with typical uses of survey experiments in political science and highlight a range of difficulties, some of which have straightforward solutions within the survey-experimental approach and some of which can be dealt with only by exercising greater caution in interpreting findings and bringing to bear alternative strategies of research.}
}

@Article{Gal1998,
  Title                    = {Formulating the Matthew Principle: on the role of the middle classes in the welfare state},
  Author                   = {Gal, J},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Social Welfare},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2397.1998.tb00274.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {42--55},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The Matthew Principle, which formulates the role of the middle classes in the welfare state, is discussed in this article. The middle classes are described as primary beneficiaries of the welfare state. This status is achieved through the ability of this social group to influence the policy-formulating process by way of six different channels of influence. It is also facilitated due to the impact of middle-class clients upon the implementation stage of social policy. A case study of employment policy in Israel illustrates the workings of different aspects of the Matthew Principle.}
}

@Unpublished{GalassoNannicini2009,
  author     = {Galasso, Vincenzo and Nannicini, Tommaso},
  date       = {2009},
  title      = {Competing on Good Politicians},
  abstract   = {Is electoral competition good for political selection? To address this issue, we introduce a theoretical model in which ideological parties select candidates between party loyalists and experts, and allocate them into the electoral districts. Non-ideological voters, who care about national and local policies, strongly prefer experts. We show that parties compete on good politicians by allocating them to the most contestable districts. Empirical evidence on Italian members of parliament confirms this prediction. We find that politicians with higher ex-ante quality - as measured by years of schooling, previous market income, and local government experience - are more likely to run in a contestable district. Indeed, despite being different on average, the characteristics of politicians belonging to opposite parties converge to high-quality levels in close races. Furthermore, politicians elected in contestable districts make fewer absences in parliament; this is shown to be driven more by a selection effect than by reelection incentives.},
  annotation = {IZA Discussion Paper No. 4282},
}

@Article{Gallagher1991,
  Title                    = {Proportionality, disproportionality and electoral systems},
  Author                   = {Gallagher, Michael},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0261-3794(91)90004-C},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33--51},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Different PR methods should be seen not as being more proportional or less proportional than each other but as embodying different ideas as to what maximizing proportionality means and, by extension, what minimizing disproportionality means. Each of the main methods of PR (d'Hondt, Sainte-Lagu{\"e}, largest remainders) generates its own index of proportionality and, thus, its own way of measuring disproportionality. Applying these indices to competitive elections of the period 1979{\textendash}1989 shows a high correlation between the rankings produced by the various methods, but the ordering of countries is sufficiently different to require a choice to be made between the indices.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90004-C}
}

@Article{Gallagher1992,
  Title                    = {Comparing Proportional Representation Electoral Systems: Quotas, Thresholds, Paradoxes and Majorities},
  Author                   = {Gallagher, Michael},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {469--496},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {The relationship between electoral systems can be examined on a number of dimensions. Seat allocation methods are conveniently divided into two groups: those based on largest remainders and those based on highest averages. The single transferable vote has its own distinct characteristics. Focusing on certain elements - the quota, thresholds, paradoxes and the conditions under which a majority of seats can be won - enables comparisons to be drawn between seat allocation methods. Certain seat allocation methods conventionally seen as variants of proportional representation (PR) cannot be regarded as such. PR methods can be rank ordered according to whether, when complete proportionality is not attainable, they display electoral bias towards larger or smaller parties. However, a definitive ordering is elusive, since some methods that are generally more favourable to larger parties can in some circumstances set lower thresholds of representation than methods generally favourable to smaller parties.}
}

@Article{Gallego2010,
  Title                    = {Understanding unequal turnout: Education and voting in comparative perspective},
  Author                   = {Gallego, Aina},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2009.11.002},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {239--248},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {Well-educated citizens vote more frequently than the poorly educated in some countries, including the USA. However, in many countries, no such differences are observed. One classical explanation of the presence or absence of this inequality in voting is that the strength of left-wing forces sharpens or reduces it. An alternative explanation is that some institutional arrangements and contextual features disproportionately affect the voter participation of some individuals depending on their resources, thus shaping turnout inequality. These theories are tested using multilevel modeling with data from 28 advanced industrial democracies. Compulsory voting reduces inequalities because under this system quasi-universal turnout is achieved. In addition, the poorly educated vote more frequently when the voting procedure is easy and when there are few political parties, thus reducing turnout inequality. However, strong left-wing parties and trade unions are not associated with more equal turnout.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2009.11.002},
  Keywords                 = {Voter turnout, Elections, Political inequality, Education}
}

@Conference{Gallego-Calderon1999,
  Title                    = {Institutional design in the public sector: the role of political transation costs},
  Author                   = {Gallego-Calder{\a\'o}n, Raquel},
  Booktitle                = {ECPR Joint Sessions},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Organization             = {ECPR},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the extent to which {\textquoteleft}political transactions costs{\textquoteright} as defined by Horn (1995) may influence the decisions that politicians make when designing public sector organisational arrangements. First, an overview of the {\textquoteleft}sociological{\textquoteright} and {\textquoteleft}economic{\textquoteright} versions of the {\textquoteleft}new institutionalism{\textquoteright} shows that neither of them have integrated the political and organisational dimensions of public sector organisation. Second, Horn{\textquoteright}s model is taken as one of the first attempts at integrating these two dimensions by applying the concept of transactions costs to the political process of institutional design in the public sector. Third, this model is reformulated in the light of some characteristics of different parliamentary regimes, party systems and state territorial organisations. The role of transactions costs is then extended into the implementation stage, thus involving the relationships between political and social actors. Finally, the role of economic transactions costs is reconsidered in contrast to political ones when new public sector arrrangements affect specific policy domains.}
}

@Article{Galston2001,
  author       = {Galston, William A.},
  title        = {Political Knowledge, Political Engagement, and Civic Education},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {4},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {217--234},
  issn         = {1094-2939},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.4.1.217},
  abstract     = {After decades of neglect, civic education is back on the agenda of political science in the United States. Despite huge increases in the formal educational attainment of the US population during the past 50 years, levels of political knowledge have barely budged. Today's college graduates know no more about politics than did high school graduates in 1950. Recent research indicates that levels of political knowledge affect the acceptance of democratic principles, attitudes toward specific issues, and political participation. There is evidence that political participation is in part a positional good and is shaped by relative as well as absolute levels of educational attainment. Contrary to findings from 30 years ago, recent research suggests that traditional classroom-based civic education can significantly raise political knowledge. Service learning -- a combination of community-based civic experience and systematic classroom reflection on that experience -- is a promising innovation, but program evaluations have yielded mixed results. Longstanding fears that private schools will not shape democratic citizens are not supported by the evidence.},
}

@Book{Gambetta1996,
  Title                    = {The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection},
  Author                   = {Gambetta, Diego},
  Date                     = {1996},
  ISBN                     = {978-0674807426},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{Gamble1988,
  Title                    = {Privatization, Thatcherism, and the British State},
  Author                   = {Gamble, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law and Society},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}20},
  Volume                   = {16}
}

@Book{Gamble2009,
  Title                    = {The Spectre at the Feast: Capitalist Crisis and the Politics of Recession},
  Author                   = {Andrew Gamble},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Article{Gamble2011,
  Title                    = {A Response to David Miliband's Lecture by Andrew Gamble},
  Author                   = {Gamble, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02205.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {138--138},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02205.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{GammKousser2010,
  author       = {Gamm,Gerald and Kousser,Thad},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Broad Bills or Particularistic Policy? Historical Patterns in {America}n State Legislatures},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000305540999030X},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {151--170},
  volume       = {104},
  abstract     = {When do lawmakers craft broad policies, and when do they focus on narrow legislation tailored to a local interest? We investigate this question by exploring historical variation in the types of bills produced by American state legislatures. Drawing on a new database of 165,000 billswe demonstrate the surprising prominence of particularistic bills affecting a specific legislator's district. We then develop and test a theory linking the goals of legislators to their propensity to introduce district bills rather than broad legislation. We find that, consistent with our predictions, politicians are more likely to craft policies targeted to a particular local interest when a legislature is dominated by one party or when it pays its members relatively high salaries. These findings provide empirical support for Key's (1949) thesis that one-party politics descends into factionalism and undermines the making of broad public policy.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S000305540999030X},
}

@Book{Gamson1992,
  Title                    = {Talking Politics},
  Author                   = {Gamson, William A.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{GamsonEtAl1992,
  Title                    = {Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality},
  Author                   = {Gamson, William A. and Croteau, David and Hoynes, William and Sasson, Theodore},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Pages                    = {373--393},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nsyevmn},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Ideally, a media system suitable for a democracy ought to provide its readers with some coherent sense of the broader social forces that affect the conditions of their everyday lives. It is difficult to find anyone who would claim that media discourse in the United States even remotely approaches this ideal. The overwhelming conclusion is that the media generally operate in ways that promote apathy, cynicism, and quiescence, rather than active citizenship and participation. Furthermore, all the trends seem to be in the wrong direction--toward more and more messages, from fewer and bigger producers, saying less and less. That's the bad news. The good news is that the messages provide a many-voiced, open text that can and often is read oppositionally, at least in part. Television imagery is a site of struggle where the powers that be are often forced to compete and defend what they would prefer to have taken for granted. The underdetermined nature of media discourse allows plenty of room for challengers such as social movements to offer competing constructions of reality and to find support for them from readers whose daily lives may lead them to construct meaning in ways that go beyond media imagery.}
}

@Article{GamsonModigliani1989,
  Title                    = {Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach},
  Author                   = {Gamson, William A. and Modigliani, Andre},
  Date                     = {1989-07},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--37},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {Media discourse and public opinion are treated as two parallel systems of constructing meaning. This paper explores their relationship by analyzing the discourse on nuclear power in four general audience media: television news coverage, newsmagazine accounts, editorial cartoons, and syndicated opinion columns. The analysis traces the careers of different interpretive packages on nuclear power from 1945 to the present. This media discourse, it is argued, is an essential context for understanding the formation of public opinion on nuclear power. More specifically, it helps to account for such survey results as the decline in support for nuclear power before Three Mile Island, a rebound after a burst of media publicity has died out, the gap between general support for nuclear power and support for a plant in one's own community, and the changed relationship of age to support for nuclear power from 1950 to the present.}
}

@Article{GandelmanHernandez-Murillo2013,
  Title                    = {What do happiness and health satisfaction data tell us about relative risk aversion?},
  Author                   = {Gandelman, N{\'e}stor and Hern{\'a}ndez-Murillo, Rub{\'e}n},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Psychology},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.joep.2013.09.005},
  ISSN                     = {0167-4870},
  Number                   = {0},
  Pages                    = {301--312},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Keywords                 = {Relative risk aversion}
}

@Article{Ganghof2003,
  Title                    = {Promises and Pitfalls of Veto Player Analysis},
  Author                   = {Ganghof, S},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Swiss Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {1--25},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Veto player approaches have come to occupy a central role in comparative politics. This article critically reviews the literature, focussing especially on veto player explanations of policy outputs and outcomes. The review highlights three problems empirical veto player studies have to face: 1) identifying the relevant veto players, 2) establishing equivalence between veto players, and 3) specifying (theoretically or empirically) veto players ? policy preferences. The article concludes that empirical veto player analyses advance our understanding of political institutions and their effects, but that they should deal more systematically with the three above mentioned problems.}
}

@Article{Ganghof2010,
  Author                   = {Steffen Ganghof},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123410000128},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {679--692},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123410000128}
}

@Article{Garand2010,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality, Party Polarization, and Roll-Call Voting in the U.S. Senate},
  Author                   = {Garand, James C.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381610000563},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {1109--1128},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal (2006) demonstrate that political parties --- both in the electorate and in government --- become more ideologically polarized during periods of high income inequality, while differences between the parties wane during periods of relative equality of incomes. I suggest that the processes described by McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal at the national level are applicable to the American state electorates and their elected representatives. Using data on individual attitudes, state-level income inequality, state mass polarization, and U.S. senators' roll-call behavior, I consider the possible effects of state-level income inequality on mass attitudes and the roll-call behavior of U.S. senators since the early 1960s. I hypothesize that (1) Democratic and Republican identifiers in the mass public should be more polarized in states with high income inequality, and (2) state mass polarization and state income inequality should be translated into polarized behavior by U.S. senators representing different political parties. My findings are generally consistent with these polarization hypotheses. Specifically, Democratic and Republican identifiers stake out divergent ideological positions as a function of state income inequality, and U.S. senators from states with high levels of income inequality are more polarized than other senators, primarily in response to state income inequality and greater constituency polarization that results from high income inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381610000563},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Garcia-PenalosaWalde2000,
  Title                    = {Efficiency and equity effects of subsidies to higher education},
  Author                   = {Garc{\a\'\i}a-Pe{\\~n}alosa, Cecilia and W{\"a}lde, Klaus},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Economic Papers},
  Pages                    = {702--722},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {We compare the efficiency and equity effects of three financing systems for higher education: the traditional tax-subsidy system, where education subsidies are financed from general taxation; loan schemes; and a graduate tax. We find that efficiency and equity targets cannot be simultaneously achieved by the traditional tax-subsidy system, and that both loan schemes and a graduate tax fare better. When education outcomes are uncertain, the graduate tax is to be preferred to a pure loan scheme because of the greater insurance provided by the former and because it tends to be preferable to an income contingent loan system.}
}

@Article{Garcia-Penalosa1995,
  Title                    = {The Paradox of Education or the Good Side of Inequality},
  Author                   = {Garcia-Penalosa, C},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Economic Papers},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {265{--}285},
  Volume                   = {47}
}

@Article{GarfinkelEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {A re-examination of welfare states and inequality in rich nations: How in-kind transfers and indirect taxes change the story},
  Author                   = {Garfinkel, Irwin and Rainwater, Lee and Smeeding, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.20213},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {897--919},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Previous studies find large crossnational differences in inequality amongst rich Western nations, due in large part to differences in the generosity of welfare state transfers. The United States is the least generous nation and the one having the most aftertax and transfer inequality. But these analyses are limited to the effects of cash and nearcash transfers and direct taxes on incomes, while on average, half of welfare state transfers in rich nations are inkind benefits - health insurance, education, and other services. Counting inkind benefits at government cost and accounting for the indirect taxes used to finance transfers substantially reduces crossnational differences in inequality at the bottom of the income distribution. The findings have implications for how we think about tradeoffs across welfare state domains that all nations face and we illustrate this with reference to the current U.S. debate about health insurance. \^A\vS 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.20213}
}

@Article{GarlandBiglaiser2009,
  Title                    = {Do Electoral Rules Matter?: Political Institutions and Foreign Direct Investment in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Garland, Marshall W and Biglaiser, Glen},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008325434},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {224--251},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the growing importance of domestic institutions in the political economy literature , few studies explore the effects of disaggregated measures of political institutions , specifically electoral rules and systems , on foreign direct investment ( FDI ) . Building on institutional accounts , this articles tests the effects of electoral rules on FDI inflows for 16 Latin American countries from 1978 to 2000. Using panel data and controlling for common explanations in the FDI literature , the authors find that candidate - centered electoral systems increase political access for voters and industries supportive of FDI inflows . The results show the benefits of unpacking political institutions to explain FDI inflows , paving the way for many new research avenues .},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325434}
}

@Article{GarmanEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Fiscal Decentralization: A Political Theory with Latin {America}n Cases},
  Author                   = {Garman, Christopher and Haggard, Stephan and Willis, Eliza},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {205{--}236},
  Volume                   = {53}
}

@Article{Garrett1992,
  Title                    = {International cooperation and institutional choice: the {Europe}an Community's internal market},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818300027806},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {533--560},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {The decision of the European Community (EC) members to complete their by the end of 1992, as embodied in the 1987 Single European Act (SEA), may represent the most ambitious instance of multilateral cooperation since the construction of the post-World War II international order. The economic objective of internal market completion is the removal of a wide array of nontariff barriers to trade that elsewhere have proved politically intractable, including border controls, national standards, preferential procurement policies, and industrial subsidies. The institutional structures underpinning the internal market are more constraining on the behavior of sovereign states than has been the case for other international regimes. The SEA replaced unanimity voting (national vetoes) in the primary decision-making body of the EC, the Council of Ministers, with a system of majority voting over matters pertaining to the internal market. In addition, the internal market is buttressed by an elaborate and powerful legal system. EC law is considered to have supremacy over national laws and to have in domestic jurisdictions, regardless of whether it is explicitly incorporated through legislation.}
}

@Article{Garrett1993,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Structural Change: Swedish Social Democracy and Thatcherism in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414093025004004},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {521--547},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The 1930s and the 1980s were decades of significant political economic change in the capitalist democracies. Depression and the rise of the industrial working class created opportunities for the establishment of social democracy in the 1930s. Stagflation and the decline of the working class made possible waves of radical rightist reform. However, this article suggests that only governments that do not have to concentrate myopically on the exigencies of winning the next election have the political space to undertake structural changes, the benefits of which may only be manifest in the medium term. In turn, successful reforms are likely to entail changes in underlying social structural conditions --- such as the strengthening or weakening of organized labor movements --- that both expand the electoral constituencies of the government's partisan-preferred policies and improve their macroeconomic efficacy. These propositions are examined with respect to the construction social democracy in Sweden in the 1930s and the construction of neoliberalism in Thatcher's Britain. Although the consequences of these two instances were diametrically opposed, the conditions that created the possibility for radical reform, and the strategies pursued by the governments to precipitate structural change were very similar.}
}

@Article{Garrett1995,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Legal Integration in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {171{--}181},
  Volume                   = {49}
}

@Article{Garrett1998,
  author       = {Garrett, Geoffrey},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Global Markets and National Politics: Collision Course or Virtuous Circle?},
  doi          = {10.1162/002081898550752},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {787--824},
  url          = {http://www.wiso.uni-hamburg.de/uploads/media/10_Garrett_1998_01.pdf},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {Increasing exposure to trade, foreign direct investment, and liquid capital mobility have not prompted a pervasive policy race to the neoliberal bottom among the OECD countries. One reason is that there are strong political incentives for governments to cushion the dislocations and risk generated by openness. Moreover, countries with large and expanding public economies (when balanced with increased revenues, even from capital taxes) have not suffered from capital flight or higher interest rates. This is because the modern welfare state, comprising income transfer programs and publicly provided social services, generates economically important collective goods that are undersupplied by markets and that actors who are interested in productivity value. These range from the accumulation of human and physical capital to social stability under conditions of high market uncertainty to popular support for the market economy itself. As a result, arguments about the demise of national autonomy in the global economy are considerably overdrawn.},
  annotation   = {available at http://ideas.repec.org/a/tpr/intorg/v52y1998i4p787-824.html},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.wiso.uni-hamburg.de/uploads/media/10_Garrett_1998_01.pdf},
  bdsk-url-2   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898550752},
}

@Book{Garrett1998a,
  Title                    = {Partisan Politics in the Global Economy},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {9780521446907},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {This book discusses the future of the nation-state in a world of global markets. Unlike most studies asserting that global markets dominate national politics, this book argues that countries still possess considerable autonomy over policy choices. Furthermore, citizens' demands for government protection from market forces (economic insecurity) are rising, while countries with strong trade union movements that can restrain the wage demands of workers (corporatism) are attractive to investors. As a result, there is still a viable leftist alternative to the free market in the global economy.}
}

@Article{Garrett2000,
  Title                    = {The Causes of Globalization},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/001041400003300610},
  Number                   = {6--7},
  Pages                    = {941--991},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {The most important causes of globalization differ among the three major components of international market integration: trade, multinational production, and international finance. The information technology revolution has made it very difficult for governments to control cross-border capital movements, even if they have political incentives to do so. Governments can still restrict the multinationalization of production, but they have increasingly chosen to liberalize because of the macroeconomic benefits. Although the one-time Ricardian gains from freer trade are clear, whether trade is good for growth in the medium term is less certain. In the case of trade, the increasing interest of exporters in opening up domestic markets has had a powerful impact on the trend to liberalization. Cross-national variations in market integration still endure, but these are more the product of basic economic characteristics (such as country size and level of development) than political factors (such as regime type or the left-right balance of power).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001041400003300610}
}

@Article{GarrettEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Court of Justice, National Governments, and Legal Integration in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey and Kelemen, Daniel R and Schulz, Heiner},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {149{--}176},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {We develop a game theoretic model of the conditions under which the European Court of Justice can be expected to take `adverse judgments' against European Union member governments and when the governments are likely to abide by these decisions. The model generates three hypotheses. First, the greater the clarity of EU case law precedent, the lesser the likelihood that the Court will tailor its decisions to the anticipated reactions of member governments. Second, the greater the domestic costs of an ECJ ruling to a litigant government, the lesser the likelihood that the litigant government will abide by it (and hence the lesser the likelihood that the Court will make such a ruling). Third, the greater the activism of the ECJ and the larger the number of member governments adversely affected by it, the greater the likelihood that responses by litigant governments will move from individual noncompliance to coordinated retaliation through new legislation or treaty revisions. These hypotheses are tested against three broad lines of case law central to ECJ jurisprudence: bans on agricultural imports, application of principles of equal treatment of the sexes to occupational pensions, and state liability for violation of EU law. The empirical analysis supports our view that though influenced by legal precedent, the ECJ also takes into account the anticipated reactions of member governments.}
}

@Article{GarrettLange1989,
  author       = {Garrett, Geoffrey and Lange, Peter},
  title        = {Government Partisanship and Economic Performance: When and How does ``Who Governs'' Matter?},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {1989},
  volume       = {51},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {676--693},
  abstract     = {This article responds to Jackman's central theoretical and empirical criticisms of our research. First, the policy convergence thesis is far less persuasive than Jackman asserts and there is strong theoretical support for our original argument. Second, the empirical tests presented by Jackman are not as conclusive as he suggests. The Norwegian outlier is better remedied on Jackman's own terms by controlling for oil dependence than by exclusion from the analysis. Once this is done the data are more supportive of our thesis. Finally, we suggest that a pooled time series, cross-section design may provide better tests for our argument than those presently in debate.},
}

@Article{GarrettLange1995,
  Title                    = {Internationalization, Institutions, and Political Change},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey and Lange, Peter},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {627{--}655},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Many analysts associate internationalization of markets with wide-ranging changes in domestic politics. An ``open polity'' approach shows how extant domestic institutions mediate in this relationship between internationally induced changes in domestic actors' policy preferences, on the one hand, and national policy and institutional outcomes on the other. The nature of labor unions and formal political institutions often results in political outcomes that differ significantly from those that would ensue if outcomes simply mirrored preference changes. In addition, while existing institutions may sometimes constrain governments from pursuing policies that would improve long-term economic performance, governments will often fail to change these institutions because of short-term political considerations.}
}

@Article{GarrettMitchell2001,
  Title                    = {Globalization, government spending and taxation in the OECD},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey and Mitchell, Deborah},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00573},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--177},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {This article assesses the impact of globalization on welfare state effort in the OECD countries. Globalization is defined in terms of total trade, imports from low wage economies, foreign direct investment, and financial market integration. Welfare effort is analyzed in terms both of public spending (and separately on social service provision and income transfer programs) and taxation (effective rates of capital taxation and the ratio of capital to labor and consumption taxes). Year-to-year increases in total trade and international financial openness in the past three decades have been associated with less government spending. In contrast, integration into global markets has not been associated either with reductions in capital tax rates, or with shifts in the burden of taxation from capital to consumption and labor income. Moreover, countries with greater inflows and outflows of foreign direct investment tend to tax capital more heavily.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00573}
}

@Article{GarrettTsebelis1996,
  Title                    = {An Institutional Critique of Intergovernmentalism},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey and Tsebelis, George},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {269{--}299},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {Most intergovernmentalist analyses of European integration focus on treaty bargaining among European Union member governments. Recent articles also have examined everyday decision making through power index analysis, an approach that asserts that a government's ability to influence policy is a function of all possible coalitions in the Council of Ministers to which it is pivotal. This approach suffers from two major weaknesses. First, it fails to take into account the policy preferences of governments; it overestimates the influence of governments holding extreme preferences and underestimates that of more centrist governments. Second, power index analysis fails to consider the important roles of the Commission of the European Communities and the European Parliament in legislative processes. Today's procedures affect the mix of agenda-setting and veto power, and this has systematic effects on policy outcomes. If intergovernmentalism is to explain choices made during treaty rounds, it must take into account these legislative dynamics.}
}

@Article{GarrettWay1999,
  Title                    = {Public Sector Unions, Corporatism, And Macroeconomic Performance},
  Author                   = {Garrett, Geoffrey and Way, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {411--434},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {What accounts for the apparent breakdown of the positive relationship between powerful trade union organizations and macroeconomic performance? Is corporatism a relic of a different age, a luxury of the long postwar boom? Although the authors answer the latter question in the negative, they do contend that existing arguments about the macroeconomic consequences of corporatism should be significantly modified to take into account the impact of the growth of public sector unions on the relationship between institutional structure of labor movements and economic outcomes. The deteriorating performance commonly attributed to corporatism in the 1980s was limited to countries in which unions in the public sector and other sectors not exposed to international competition increasingly dominated national labor movements. Encompassing trade union movements can still generate wage restraint, but only where the union movement is dominated by unions in the exposed sector that are subject to the constraints posed by international market competition.}
}

@Article{Garrido1983,
  Title                    = {Education in the {Spain} of Autonomous Regions},
  Author                   = {Garrido, Jose Luis Garcia},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {161--167},
  Volume                   = {19}
}

@Article{Gartzke2007,
  Title                    = {The Capitalist Peace},
  Author                   = {Gartzke, Erik},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00244.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {166--191},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {It is widely accepted that democracies are less conflict prone, if only with other democracies. Debate persists, however, about the causes underlying liberal peace. This article offers a contrarian account based on liberal political economy. Economic development, free markets, and similar interstate interests all anticipate a lessening of militarized disputes or wars. This ``capitalist peace'' also accounts for the effect commonly attributed to regime type in standard statistical tests of the democratic peace.}
}

@Article{GaskinsEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Religious Participation and Economic Conservatism},
  Author                   = {Gaskins, Ben and Golder, Matt and Siegel, David A.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12024},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {823--840},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Why do some individuals engage in more religious activity than others? And how does this religious activity influence their economic attitudes? We present a formal model in which individuals derive utility from both secular and religious sources. Our model, which incorporates both demand-side and supply-side explanations of religion, is unusual in that it endogenizes both an individual's religious participation <i>and</i> her preferences over economic policy. Using data on over 70 countries from the pooled World Values Survey, we find that religious participation declines with societal development, an individual's ability to produce secular goods, and state regulations on religion, but that it increases with inequality. We also find that religious participation increases economic conservatism among the poor but decreases it among the rich. Our analysis has important insights for the debate about secularization theory and challenges conventional wisdom regarding the relationship between religious participation and economic conservatism.}
}

@Article{Gasper2011,
  Title                    = {Shifting Ideologies? Re-examining Media Bias},
  Author                   = {John T. Gasper},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00010006},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {85--102},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {This research note engages the current research on measuring media bias. I present a reanalysis of the results found in Groseclose and Milyo (2005) and show that the original parameter estimates of the ideological positions of media outlets are not stable over time. Using the same data but analyzed over different periods of time, I find a different conclusion than the previous article. I examine four-year rolling time periods and find that the data produce different parameter estimates in the early- to mid-1990s as compared to after 2000, with all analyzed outlets appearing more moderate or conservative in later time periods. My results indicate that the estimated positions are sensitive observations in the data and the time period of observation of the outlet.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00010006},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Unpublished{GathmanSchoenberg2006,
  Title                    = {How General is Specific Human Capital? Using Mobility Patterns to Study Skill Transferability in the Labor Market},
  Author                   = {Gathman, Christina and Schoenberg, Uta},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {Previous studies assume that labor market skills are either fully general or specific to the firm. This paper uses patterns in mobility and a wages to analyze the transferability of specific skills across occupations. The empirical analysis combines information on tasks performed in different occupations with a large panel on complete working histories and wages. Our results demonstrate that labor market skills are partially transferable across occupations. We find that individuals move to occupations with similar task requirements and that the distance of moves declines with time in the labor market. Further, tenure in the last occupation a{\textcurrency}ects current wages, and the effect is stronger if the two occupations are similar. We calculate that task-specific human capital is an important source of wage growth, especially for university graduates.}
}

@Article{GattiGlyn2006,
  Title                    = {Welfare States in Hard Times},
  Author                   = {Gatti, Donatella and Glyn, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/oxrep/grj018},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {301--312},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Welfare states have been subject to a host of conflicting pressures from high unemployment, rising income inequality, population aging, tax competition, rising budget deficits and debts, slow growth, and fears that economic dynamism was being stifled by excessive taxes and benefit levels. Nevertheless total spending on welfare has edged up in many countries and cuts in rates of benefit have generally been fairly modest. The generosity of the welfare state has an enormous influence on poverty and income inequality and still appears to be popular in most of Europe. Suggestions that society would benefit from reduced working time must reckon with the fact that it is paid work which generates the tax revenue required to fund welfare spending.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/grj018}
}

@Article{GawandeMagee2012,
  Title                    = {Free Riding and Protection for Sale},
  Author                   = {Gawande, Kishore and Magee, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00745.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {735--747},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Olson hypothesized that a latent group's ability to organize and contribute toward providing a public good might be jeopardized by free riding. The politics of trade protection feature the collective action problem, since protection benefits all firms in the industry including those who contributed nothing to attaining it. This paper examines the extent of free riding in lobbying over tariffs in the context of the Grossman and Helpman (1994) protection-for-sale model in which industry lobbies seek to bend government policy in their favor. Previous investigations of the model have produced the puzzling result that governments are largely welfare-maximizing and care little about campaign contributions, in contrast to numerous examples of welfare-reducing policies that have in fact been bought cheaply by special interests. We think the result arises because the model assumes away free riding by firms which hinders industry's ability to organize politically. We introduce free riding into the Grossman--Helpman model, allowing industries to be partially organized. Using a new data set on US trade barriers, we test the model using estimation methods new to this literature. The estimates support the model's predictions and reveal that the extent of free riding by manufacturing firms can help resolve the puzzling result.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Geddes2003,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Migration and Immigration in Europe},
  Author                   = {Geddes, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Sage}
}

@Book{Gellner1983,
  Title                    = {Nations and Nationalism},
  Author                   = {Gellner, Ernest},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Location                 = {Ithaca, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press}
}

@Book{Gelman2009,
  Title                    = {Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State: Why {America}ns Vote The Way They Do},
  Author                   = {Gelman, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {On the night of the 2000 presidential election, Americans watched on television as polling results divided the nation's map into red and blue states. Since then the color divide has become symbolic of a culture war that thrives on stereotypes--pickup-driving red-state Republicans who vote based on God, guns, and gays; and elitist blue-state Democrats woefully out of touch with heartland values. With wit and prodigious number crunching, Andrew Gelman debunks these and other political myths. This expanded edition includes new data and easy-to-read graphics explaining the 2008 election. Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State is a must-read for anyone seeking to make sense of today's fractured political landscape.}
}

@Book{GelmanHill2007,
  Title                    = {Data Analysis Using Regression and Multilevel/Hierarchical Models},
  Author                   = {Gelman, Andrew and Hill, Jennifer},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780521686891},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Data Analysis Using Regression and Multilevel/Hierarchical Models is a comprehensive manual for the applied researcher who wants to perform data analysis using linear and nonlinear regression and multilevel models. The book introduces a wide variety of models, whilst at the same time instructing the reader in how to fit these models using available software packages. The book illustrates the concepts by working through scores of real data examples that have arisen from the authors{\textquoteright} own applied research, with programming codes provided for each one. Topics covered include causal inference, including regression, poststratification, matching, regression discontinuity, and instrumental variables, as well as multilevel logistic regression and missing-data imputation. Practical tips regarding building, fitting, and understanding are provided throughout.}
}

@Article{GelmanEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality and Partisan Voting in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Gelman, Andrew and Kenworthy, Lane and Su, Yu-Sung},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Science Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-6237.2010.00728.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-6237},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1203--1219},
  Url                      = {http://www.u.arizona.edu/~lkenwor/ssq2010.pdf},
  Volume                   = {91},

  Abstract                 = {Objectives. Income inequality in the United States has risen during the past several decades. Has this produced an increase in partisan voting differences between rich and poor? Methods. We examine trends from the 1940s through the 2000s in the country as a whole and in the states. Results. We find no clear relation between income inequality and class-based voting. Conclusions. Factors such as religion and education result in a less clear pattern of class-based voting than we might expect based on income inequality alone.}
}

@Article{GelmanPardoe2007,
  Title                    = {Average predictive comparisons for models with nonlinearity, interactions, and variance components},
  Author                   = {Gelman, Andrew and Pardoe, Iain},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociological Methodology},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9531.2007.00181.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9531},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {23--51},
  Url                      = {http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/research/published/ape17.pdf},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {In a predictive model, what is the expected difference in the outcome associated with a unit difference in one of the inputs? In a linear regression model without interactions, this average predictive comparison is simply a regression coefficient (with associated uncertainty). In a model with nonlinearity or interactions, however, the average predictive comparison in general depends on the values of the predictors. We consider various definitions based on averages over a population distribution of the predictors, and we compute standard errors based on uncertainty in model parameters. We illustrate with a study of criminal justice data for urban counties in the United States. The outcome of interest measures whether a convicted felon received a prison sentence rather than a jail or non-custodial sentence, with predictors available at both individual and county levels. We fit three models: (1) a hierarchical logistic regression with varying coefficients for the within-county intercepts as well as for each individual predictor; (2) a hierarchical model with varying intercepts only; and (3) a nonhierarchical model that ignores the multilevel nature of the data. The regression coefficients have different interpretations for the different models; in contrast, the models can be compared directly using predictive comparisons. Furthermore, predictive comparisons clarify the interplay between the individual and county predictors for the hierarchical models and also illustrate the relative size of varying county effects.}
}

@Article{GelmanEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State: What's the Matter with Connecticut},
  Author                   = {Gelman, Andrew and Shor, Boris and Bafumi, Joseph and Park, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00006026},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {345--367},
  Url                      = {http://home.uchicago.edu/~bshor/research/red.blue.rich.poor.final.pdf},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {For decades, the Democrats have been viewed as the party of the poor, with the Republicans representing the rich. Recent presidential elections, however, have shown a reverse pattern, with Democrats performing well in the richer blue states in the northeast and coasts, and Republicans dominating in the red states in the middle of the country and the south. Through multilevel modeling of individual-level survey data and county- and state-level demographic and electoral data, we reconcile these patterns. Furthermore, we find that income matters more in red America than in blue America. In poor states, rich people are much more likely than poor people to vote for the Republican presidential candidate, but in rich states (such as Connecticut), income has a very low correlation with vote preference.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://home.uchicago.edu/~bshor/research/red.blue.rich.poor.final.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00006026}
}

@Article{GelmanStern2006,
  Title                    = {The difference between `significant' and `not significant' is not itself statistically significant},
  Author                   = {Gelman, Andrew and Stern, Hal},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {The American Statistician},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {328--331},
  Volume                   = {60}
}

@Article{GenieysSmyrl2008,
  Title                    = {Inside the Autonomous State: Programmatic Elites in the Reform of French Health Policy},
  Author                   = {Genieys, William and Smyrl, Marc},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2007.00386.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--93},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This article combines the methods of institutionalist analysis and the sociology of elites to look inside the black box of the French state. We identify key groups of policymakers in the social policy sector and track both their policy preferences and the results of their efforts from the mid-1980s through the late 1990s. Our conclusion is that budgetary and ideological challenges to existing policies led to the consolidation within the Ministry of Social Affairs of what we label a ``programmatic elite,'' whose influence derived less from the positions held by its members than from the coherence and applicability of its state-centered policy model. The competition for legitimate authority between such programmatic elites, we conclude, is an important but often overlooked endogenous source of policy change in situations of institutional stability.}
}

@Article{Genovese2015,
  Title                    = {Politics ex cathedra: Religious authority and the Pope in modern international relations},
  Author                   = {Genovese, Federica},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Research \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/2053168015612808},
  Number                   = {4},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {Political scientists are increasingly interested in the impact of religious authority on modern politics. However, little attention has been paid to the conditions under which religious leaders are more likely to speak politically. Tackling this question, this article argues that religious authorities should issue political statements at the outbreak of international crises, when secular institutions are unwilling or incapable of taking clear political positions. I test this argument focusing on the Roman Vatican through a quantitative text analysis of the papal encyclicals from 1958 until today. Latent topic models indicate that political themes systematically emerge in the papal documents and that the timing of the more political encyclicals correlate with years in which international crises break out. The findings have implications for the understanding of the modern relations between state and church and the political mobilization of religion today.},
  Publisher                = {SAGE Publications}
}

@Article{Genschel2002,
  Title                    = {Globalization, Tax Competition, and the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Genschel, Philipp},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329202030002003},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {245--275},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {Does globalization undermine the fiscal basis of the welfare state? Some observers are not convinced. They claim that aggregate data on Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries show no drop in tax levels and conclude from this that tax competition is not a serious challenge for the welfare state. This conclusion is unwarranted. The article shows that tax competition systematically constrains national tax autonomy in a serious way. It prevents governments from raising taxes in response to rising spending requirements and from detaxing labor in response to growing unemployment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329202030002003}
}

@Article{Genschel2004,
  Title                    = {Globalization and the welfare state: a retrospective},
  Author                   = {Genschel, Philipp},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176042000248052},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {613{--}636},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {There are basically three stories about the globalization-welfare state nexus. The first story argues that globalization is the cause of the chronic crisis of the welfare state. As national economies open to the international market, governments are forced to adapt to the imperatives of global competition, and this means cutting cost-intensive welfare programmes (globalization theory). The second story argues that, whatever the cause of the welfare state crisis, globalization is not part of it. There is neither theoretical reason nor empirical evidence to believe that national policy autonomy has decreased owing to increasing economic interdependencies (globalization sceptics). The third story holds that globalization, far from causing the welfare state's troubles, is a consequence of these troubles, and part of their solution (revisionism). The paper reviews each of these stories, and counterposes them to simple descriptive statistics on Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176042000248052}
}

@Article{Gent2007,
  Title                    = {Strange Bedfellows: The Strategic Dynamics of Major Power Military Interventions},
  Author                   = {Gent, Stephen E},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00609.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1089{--}1102},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {Intuition suggests that major powers should be more likely to pursue joint military intervention when their preferences are most similar, but empirically, joint interventions are least likely in these cases. The solution to this puzzle lies in the strategic interaction between interveners. When states agree over policy, they face a free rider problem. A state is more willing to join an intervention as its preferences with the initial intervener diverge because doing so allows it to affect policy outcomes. To test the theory, a statistical model derived from the theoretical model is used to estimate the factors that affect the decisions of major powers to intervene in civil conflicts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00609.x}
}

@Article{Gentner1983,
  author       = {Dedre Gentner},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {Cognitive Science},
  title        = {Structure-mapping: A theoretical framework for analogy},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0364-0213(83)80009-3},
  issn         = {0364-0213},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {155--170},
  volume       = {7},
}

@Article{GentzkowShapiro2010,
  Title                    = {What Drives Media Slant? Evidence From U.S. Daily Newspapers},
  Author                   = {Gentzkow, Matthew and Shapiro, Jesse M.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.3982/ECTA7195},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0262},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {35--71},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.chicagobooth.edu/jesse.shapiro/research/biasmeas.pdf},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {We construct a new index of media slant that measures the similarity of a news outlet's language to that of a congressional Republican or Democrat. We estimate a model of newspaper demand that incorporates slant explicitly, estimate the slant that would be chosen if newspapers independently maximized their own profits, and compare these profit-maximizing points with firms' actual choices. We find that readers have an economically significant preference for like-minded news. Firms respond strongly to consumer preferences, which account for roughly 20 percent of the variation in measured slant in our sample. By contrast, the identity of a newspaper's owner explains far less of the variation in slant.},
  Keywords                 = {Bias, text categorization, media ownership},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{GentzkowEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Competition and Ideological Diversity: Historical Evidence from US Newspapers},
  Author                   = {Gentzkow, Matthew and Shapiro, Jesse M. and Sinkinson, Michael},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.104.10.3073},
  Number                   = {10},
  Pages                    = {3073--3114},
  Volume                   = {104}
}

@Book{GeorgeBennett2005,
  Title                    = {Case studies and theory development in the social sciences},
  Author                   = {George, Alexander L. and Bennett, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {0-262-57222-2},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{GeorgiadisManning2012,
  Title                    = {Spend it like Beckham? Inequality and redistribution in the UK, 1983--2004},
  Author                   = {Georgiadis, Andreas and Manning, Alan},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-010-9758-7},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Issue                    = {3-4},
  Language                 = {English},
  Pages                    = {537--563},
  Volume                   = {151},

  Abstract                 = {A main activity of the state is to redistribute resources. Standard political economy models predict that a rise in inequality will lead to more redistribution. This paper shows that, for the UK in the period 1983--2004, a plausibly exogenous rise in income inequality has not been associated with increased redistribution. We explore this example of the paradox of redistribution using attitudinal data. We show that standard political economy models of the individual demand for redistribution do have explanatory power, but that other attitudes and beliefs are also very important. Moreover, these attitudes and beliefs change quite quickly so are very important in explaining variation in the demand for redistribution.},
  Keywords                 = {Taxation; Inequality; Redistribution; H20; D72},
  Publisher                = {Springer US}
}

@Article{Georgiadis2005,
  Title                    = {Trends in State Education Policy in {Greece}: 1976 to the 1997 Reform},
  Author                   = {Georgiadis, Nikos M.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Policy Analysis Archives},
  Number                   = {9},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {This article deals with the education policy in Greece during the period 1976 to 1997, with special focus on the policy that is in practice since 1997. During the early 1990s, the important changes at international and local levels had established the foundations for this policy, which is significantly different from the ones implemented during the twenty five years before that and has effected a total transformation of the Greek educational system. The analysis of this policy, including a comparison with those that preceded it (through the study of the relevant reforms and major regulations), as well as with the "restructuring" education policies implemented in several other countries during the last 15 years, is followed by an assessment of its results up to now.}
}

@Article{GerberEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Does the Media Matter? A Field Experiment Measuring the Effect of Newspapers on Voting Behavior and Political Opinions},
  Author                   = {Gerber, Alan S. and Karlan, Dean and Bergan, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Journal: Applied Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/app.1.2.35},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {35--52},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {We conducted a field experiment to measure the effect of exposure to newspapers on political behavior and opinion. Before the 2005 Virginia gubernatorial election, we randomly assigned individuals to a <I>Washington Post</I> free subscription treatment, a <I>Washington Times</I> free subscription treatment, or a control treatment. We find no effect of either paper on political knowledge, stated opinions, or turnout in post-election survey and voter data. However, receiving either paper led to more support for the Democratic candidate, suggesting that media slant mattered less in this case than media exposure. Some evidence from voting records also suggests that receiving either paper led to increased 2006 voter turnout.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.1.2.35}
}

@Article{GerberHopkins2011,
  Title                    = {When {May}ors Matter: Estimating the Impact of {May}oral Partisanship on City Policy},
  Author                   = {Gerber, Elisabeth R. and Hopkins, Daniel J.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00499.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {326--339},
  Url                      = {http://people.iq.harvard.edu/~dhopkins/citypartfinal.pdf},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {U.S. cities are limited in their ability to set policy. Can these constraints mute the impact of mayors' partisanship on policy outcomes? We hypothesize that mayoral partisanship will more strongly affect outcomes in policy areas where there is less shared authority between local, state, and federal governments. To test this hypothesis, we create a novel dataset combining U.S. mayoral election returns from 1990 to 2006 with city fiscal data. Using regression discontinuity design, we find that cities that elect a Democratic mayor spend a smaller share of their budget on public safety, a policy area where local discretion is high, than otherwise similar cities that elect a Republican or an Independent. We find no differences on tax policy, social policy, and other areas that are characterized by significant overlapping authority. These results suggest that models of national policymaking are only partially applicable to U.S. cities. They also have implications for political accountability: mayors may not be able to influence the full range of policies that are nominally local responsibilities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://people.iq.harvard.edu/~dhopkins/citypartfinal.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00499.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.16}
}

@Article{GerberJackson1993,
  Title                    = {Endogenous Preferences and the Study of Institutions},
  Author                   = {Gerber, Elisabeth R. and Jackson, John E.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2938741},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {639--656},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {The assumption that individual preferences, or attitudes, are fixed and exogenously determined is central to many studies of political and economic institutions, such as markets and elections. We present a Bayesian model of adaptive preferences and empirical evidence consistent with that model to argue that preferences are not always exogenous and fixed. The changing relationships between partisanship and preferences on civil rights issues between 1956 and 1964 and on the Vietnam War issue between 1968 and 1972 coincide with significant changes in the major parties' positions on these issues, suggesting that preferences are endogenous to the electoral process. We conclude with a discussion of the positive and normative implications of endogenous preferences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938741}
}

@Article{GerlachSchnabel2000,
  Title                    = {The {Taylor} rule and interest rates in the EMU area},
  Author                   = {Gerlach, Stefan and Schnabel, Gert},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics Letters},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0165-1765(99)00263-3},
  ISSN                     = {0165-1765},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--171},
  Volume                   = {67},

  Abstract                 = {We demonstrate that average interest rates in the EMU countries in 1990--98, with the exception of the period of exchange market turmoil in 1992--93, moved very closely with average output gaps and inflation as suggested by the Taylor rule.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0165-1765(99)00263-3},
  Keywords                 = {ECB, Taylor rule},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Article{Gerlach-Kristen2004,
  Title                    = {Interest-Rate Smoothing: Monetary Policy Inertia or Unobserved Variables?},
  Author                   = {Gerlach-Kristen, Petra},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Contributions to Macroeconomics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Url                      = {http://www.bepress.com/bejm/contributions/vol4/iss1/art3},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {Interest-rate smoothing is traditionally attributed to the gradual adjustment of monetary policy to shocks. Rudebusch (2002) argues that smoothing can also arise spuriously if an autocorrelated variable is incorrectly excluded from the estimated reaction function. This paper presents a model which discriminates between these two explanations using U.S. data. We find that both seem to matter, but that policy inertia appears to be less important than suggested by the existing literature. Further, the excluded variable is likely to reflect financial market conditions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.bepress.com/bejm/contributions/vol4/iss1/art3}
}

@Article{Gerring2004,
  Title                    = {What Is a Case Study and What Is It Good for?},
  Author                   = {Gerring, John},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055404001182},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {2},
  Month                    = may,
  Pages                    = {341--354},
  Url                      = {http://people.ucalgary.ca/~nmstuewe/CaseStudy/pdf/whatisacasestudy.pdf},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {This paper aims to clarify the meaning, and explain the utility, of the case study method, a method often practiced but little understood. A ``case study,'' I argue, is best defined as an intensive study of a single unit with an aim to generalize across a larger set of units. Case studies rely on the same sort of covariational evidence utilized in non-case study research. Thus, the case study method is correctly understood as a particular way of defining cases, not a way of analyzing cases or a way of modeling causal relations. I show that this understanding of the subject illuminates some of the persistent ambiguities of case study work, ambiguities that are, to some extent, intrinsic to the enterprise. The travails of the case study within the discipline of political science are also rooted in an insufficient appreciation of the methodological tradeoffs that this method calls forth. This paper presents the familiar contrast between case study and non-case study work as a series of characteristic strengths and weaknesses --- affinities --- rather than as antagonistic approaches to the empirical world. In the end, the perceived hostility between case study and non-case study research is largely unjustified and, perhaps, deserves to be regarded as a misconception. Indeed, the strongest conclusion to arise from this methodological examination concerns the complementarity of single-unit and cross-unit research designs.}
}

@Article{Gerring2007,
  Title                    = {Is There a (Viable) Crucial-Case Method?},
  Author                   = {Gerring, John},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006290784},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {231--253},
  Url                      = {http://sws.bu.edu/jgerring/documents/CrucialCaseCPS.pdf},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Case study researchers use diverse methods to select their cases, a matter that has elicited considerable comment and no little consternation. Of all these methods, perhaps the most controversial is the crucial-case method, first proposed by Harry Eckstein several decades ago. Since Eckstein's influential essay, the crucial-case approach has been used in a multitude of studies across several social science disciplines and has come to be recognized as a staple of the case study method. Yet the idea of any single case playing a crucial (or critical) role is not widely accepted. In this article, the method of the crucial case is explored, and a limited defense (somewhat less expansive than that envisioned by Eckstein) of that method is undertaken. A second method of case-selection, closely associated with the logic of the crucial case, is introduced: the pathway case.}
}

@Article{Gerring2010,
  Title                    = {Causal Mechanisms: Yes, But\ldots},
  Author                   = {Gerring, John},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414010376911},
  Number                   = {11},
  Pages                    = {1499--1526},
  Url                      = {http://blogs.bu.edu/jgerring/files/2013/06/CausalMechanisms.pdf},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years, the importance of mechanism-centered explanation has become an article of faith within the social sciences, uniting researchers from a wide variety of methodological traditionsquantitative and qualitative, experimental and nonexperimental, nomothetic and idiographic, formal models and narrative prose. Despite its many virtues, there are reasons to be skeptical of social science's newfound infatuation with causal mechanisms. First, the concept of a mechanism-centered (mechanismic) explanation is fundamentally ambiguous, meaning different things to different people. Second, the minimal objectives associated with the turn to mechanisms --- to specify causal mechanisms and engage in detailed causal reasoning --- are not at variance with traditional practices in the social sciences and thus hardly qualify as a distinct approach to causal assessment. Finally, the more demanding goal of rigorously testing causal mechanisms in causal arguments is admirable but often unrealistic. To clarify, this is not a polemic against mechanisms. It is a polemic against a dogmatic interpretation of the mechanismic mission. Causal mechanisms are rightly regarded as an important, but secondary, element of causal assessmentby no means a necessary condition.}
}

@Article{Gerring2011,
  Title                    = {How Good Is Good Enough? A Multidimensional, Best-Possible Standard for Research Design},
  Author                   = {Gerring, John},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912910361221},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {625--636},
  Url                      = {http://blogs.bu.edu/jgerring/files/2013/06/HowGoodIsGoodEnough.pdf},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {Recent years have seen a shift in methodological emphasis from the observable properties of a sample to its unobservable properties, that is, judgments about the process by which the data were generated. Considerations of research design have moved front and center. This article attempts to bridge discussions of experimental and quasi-experimental data and of quantitative and qualitative approaches, so as to provide a unified framework for understanding research design in causal analysis. Specifically, the author argues that all research designs aim to satisfy certain fundamental criteria, applicable across methods and across fields. These criteria are understood as desirable, ceteris paribus, and as matters of degree. The implications of this framework for methodological standards in the social sciences are taken up in the final section of the article. There, the author argues for a best-possible standard of proof that judges overall methodological adequacy in light of other possible research designs that might be applied to a particular research question.}
}

@Article{Gershberg1998,
  Title                    = {Decentralisation, Recentralisation and Performance Accountability: Building an Operationally Useful Framework for Analysis},
  Author                   = {Gershberg, Alec Ian},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Development Policy Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {405--431},
  Volume                   = {16}
}

@Article{Geys2006,
  Title                    = {Rational Theories of Voter Turnout: A Review},
  Author                   = {Geys, Benny},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {16--35},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {The paradox between an individual's decisions to head to the polls and the absence of strictly rational arguments for this action has intrigued and troubled many scholars. The present article surveys various theoretical contributions to resolve this paradox of (not) voting. We assess these approaches based on their ability to explain a number of `stylised facts' with respect to voter turnout. The main conclusion is that straying away from the behavioural assumptions of the Downsian model provides more realistic models and leads to promising predictions as to the individual's decision to head to the polls. Incorporating the role of (social) groups and learning in particular can be regarded as important strides towards understanding the individual's decision to cast a vote.}
}

@Article{Geys2006a,
  Title                    = {Explaining voter turnout: A review of aggregate-level research},
  Author                   = {Geys, Benny},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.09.002},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {637--663},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The amount of scholarly attention directed at resolving the question why people turn out to cast a vote is vast. In a research field dominated by empirical studies --- such as the one on voter turnout --- an overview of where we stand and what we know is not superfluous. Therefore, the present paper reviews and assesses the empirical evidence brought forward through a meta-analysis of 83 aggregate-level studies. We thereby concentrate on the effect of socio-economic, political and institutional variables. The results argue for the introduction of a `core' model of voter turnout --- including, among other elements, population size and election closeness --- that can be used as a starting point for extending our knowledge on why people vote.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.09.002},
  Keywords                 = {Voter turnout, Elections, Meta-analysis}
}

@Article{GiaimoManow1999,
  Title                    = {Adapting the Welfare State: The Case of Health Care Reform in {Britain}, {Germany}, and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Giaimo, Susan and Manow, Philip},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414099032008003},
  Number                   = {8},
  Pages                    = {967--1000},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {Welfare states in all advanced industrialized countries are under severe financial stress. Many observers argue that in responding to such pressures, governments are converging on a path of marketization and privatization of social risks, which ultimately leads to the unraveling of solidarity. Recent health care reforms in Britain, Germany, and the United States serve as case studies that challenge this argument. Far from converging on a market path, each country has pursued a distinctive reform response combining markets with other policy instruments. Moreover, where state actors lead the way in constructing health care markets, the extent of desolidarity is limited. The structure of each nation's health care system shapes the policy preferences and reform strategies of key actors, and thereby helps explain the distinctiveness of health care reform patterns.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032008003}
}

@Article{GibbonsMachin2006,
  Title                    = {Paying for Primary Schools: Admission Constraints, School Popularity or Congestion?},
  Author                   = {Gibbons, Stephen and Machin, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {510},
  Pages                    = {C77-C92},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {School quality is capitalised in house prices if access to schools is rationed by residential location. We generate empirical predictions from three different theoretical approaches linking house prices to school performance, distance to school and capacity. These are respectively based upon admission constraints, school popularity and congestion effects. We find that test-score-based school performance significantly increases property prices, but only the best one in ten schools generate higher than average prices close by, and that prices are higher close to popular, over-capacity schools. We conclude that the empirical evidence is more in line with the school popularity model.}
}

@Article{GibbonsEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Choice, Competition, and Pupil Achievement},
  Author                   = {Gibbons, Stephen and Machin, Stephen and Silva, Olmo},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/JEEA.2008.6.4.912},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {912--947},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Choice and competition in education have recently found growing support from both policymakers and academics. Yet evidence on the actual benefits of market-orientated reforms is at best mixed. Moreover, although the economic rationale for choice and competition is clear, in existing work there is rarely an attempt to distinguish between the two concepts. In this paper, we study whether pupils in Primary schools in England with a wider range of school choices achieve better academic outcomes than those whose choice is more limited; and whether Primary schools facing more competition perform better than those in a more monopolistic situation. In simple least squares regression models we find little evidence of a link between choice and achievement, but uncover a small positive association between competition and school performance. Yet this could be related to endogenous school location or pupil sorting. In fact, an instrumental variable strategy based on discontinuities generated by admissions district boundaries suggests that the performance gains from greater school competition are limited. Only when we restrict our attention to Voluntary Aided schools, which have more freedom in managing their governance and admission practices, do we find some evidence of a positive causal link between competition and pupil achievement.}
}

@Incollection{GibbonsSilva2006,
  Title                    = {Competition and accessibility in school markets: empirical analysis using boundary discontinuities},
  Author                   = {Gibbons, Stephen and Silva, Olmo},
  Booktitle                = {Improving School Accountability: Check-Ups or Choice},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Gronberg, Timothy J.; Jansen, Dennis W.},
  Location                 = {Oxford},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier JAI},
  Series                   = {Advances in Applied Microeconomics},

  Abstract                 = {Advocates of market-based reforms in the public sector argue that competition between providers drives up performance. But in the context of schooling, the concern is that any improvements in efficiency may come at the cost of increased stratification of schools along lines of pupil ability and attainments. In this chapter, we discuss our empirical work on competition and parental choice in English primary schools and present a methodology for identifying competition effects that exploits discontinuities in market access close to education district boundaries.}
}

@Article{GibbonsSilva2011,
  Title                    = {Faith Primary Schools: Better Schools or Better Pupils?},
  Author                   = {Gibbons, Stephen and Silva, Olmo},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {589--635},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {We estimate the causal effect of attending a state Faith school on primary education achievement in England using administrative student-level data and implementing various strategies to control for students' selection into Faith schooling. Our regressions control for fixed effects in prior achievement and residential postcode to compare pupils who are close residential neighbors and have identical observable ability. We also use information on future school choices to control for preferences for Faith schooling. Results show that pupils progress faster in Faith primary schools, but all of this advantage is explained by sorting into Faith schools according to preexisting characteristics and preferences.},
  Publisher                = {[University of Chicago Press, Society of Labor Economists, NORC at the University of Chicago]}
}

@Other{GibbonsTelhaj2006,
  Title                    = {Peer Effects and Pupil Attainment: Evidence from Secondary School Transition},
  Abstract                 = {It is a common belief that children will thrive if educated amongst better class and schoolmates. It is a belief that guides many parents in their choice of school, and has important implications for policy on school choice and organisation. Many studies have tried to measure this {\textquoteleft}peer-group{\textquoteright} effect, but the enterprise is plagued by conceptual and empirical difficulties. In this study, we use the population of state Secondary school pupils in England to tease out how pupil attainments at age 14 respond to differences in the prior, age-11 attainments of their current school grade peer-group. Data on home addresses and school attendance allow us to compare outcomes of children who live in the same street, or who attended the same Primary school up to age 11, but then move on to different Secondary schools with different peer-group quality. These {\textquoteleft}peer-group{\textquoteright} effects seem to exist, but they are small in magnitude {\textendash} a 1 s.d. increase in peer-group prior attainments allows a pupil to improve their own score by barely 0.08 of a standard deviation. We tackle various gnarly empirical problems arising in regression models of pupil attainments that incorporate individual and group prior attainments as explanatory variables. Estimates from such models are seriously biased by transient components in prior pupil attainments, correlation between current and prior peer-group characteristics and by ability sorting into Secondary schooling. We address these issues by using teachers predictions as instruments for prior attainments, defining a pupil{\textquoteright}s current peer-group in terms of those school mates with whom he or she has had no contact in the past, and by predicting current peer-group attainments with the productivity of their origin Primary schools, measured by the gain in attainments of different cohorts between ages 7 and 11.},
  Author                   = {Gibbons, Stephen and Telhaj, Shqiponje},
  Date                     = {2006}
}

@Book{Gibbs1975,
  Title                    = {Crime, Punishment, and Deterrence},
  Author                   = {Gibbs, Jack P.},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier}
}

@Article{GibsonCaldeira1998,
  Title                    = {Changes in the Legitimacy of the {Europe}an Court of Justice: A Post-Maastricht Analysis},
  Author                   = {Gibson, James L. and Caldeira, Gregory A.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123498000106},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {63--91},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {Little is known about how ordinary Europeans feel about the central policy-making institutions of the European Union (EU). This has encouraged us to analyse mass attitudes towards the legitimacy of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). Relying on a cross-time (1992--93) panel analysis, as well as a cross-institutional analysis (the ECJ, the European Parliament and the high courts of the member states), we discover that (a) the ECJ does not possess a surplus of legitimacy, and it is doubtful whether the legitimacy shortfall is only a short-term function of the row over Maastricht; (b) attitudes toward the ECJ, although in the aggregate fairly stable, changed significantly over the one-year panel survey; (c) the European Parliament has little legitimacy it can share with the ECJ; and (d) although the national high courts do have greater legitimacy, there is little evidence that they are capable of transferring that legitimacy to the ECJ. We conclude with some speculation about whether the ECJ will be able to build greater legitimacy, and the consequences for the EU if the court fails to do so.}
}

@Article{GiftWibbels2014,
  Title                    = {Reading, Writing, and the Regrettable State of Education Research in Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Gift, Thomas and Wibbels, Erik},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-080911-131426},
  Pages                    = {291--312},
  Url                      = {http://people.duke.edu/~tcg12/GiftWibbels_ReadingWritingRegrettableStatus.pdf},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Apart from some notable exceptions, comparative research on education is regrettably marginal in political science. We suggest that this paucity stems from both a dearth of reliable data on schooling and the fact that education raises a set of analytical issues that fall outside the typical domain of political scientists. In light of education's crucial role in everything from citizen attitudes to earnings to economic growth, we recommend that political scientists pay more attention to education. In particular, we argue that comparative researchers should shift from an almost exclusive focus on average levels of schooling to explaining the causes and consequences of educational inequality. To that end, we provide a broad comparative framework for analyzing the politics of education. In our formulation, skill-biased technological change and factor endowments condition the extent to which firms demand human capital. The supply of skills is a function of the interests and institutions that link voters and politicians. We conclude by positing theoretical and empirical puzzles for future research.}
}

@Article{GigerNelson2011,
  author       = {Giger, Nathalie and Nelson, Moira},
  title        = {The electoral consequences of welfare state retrenchment: Blame avoidance or credit claiming in the era of permanent austerity?},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {50},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--23},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01922.x},
  abstract     = {This article challenges the dominant assumptions in the literature that cutting social policy incurs voter wrath and that political parties can efficiently internalise electoral fallout with blame avoidance strategies. Drawing on the diverse literature on the role of partisanship in the period of permanent austerity, several partisan hypotheses on the relationship between social policy change and electoral outcomes are posited. The results indicate that religious and liberal parties gain votes, and thereby are able to `claim credit', for retrenching social policy. None of the other coefficients for the effect of social policy cuts reach significance, raising the question of whether parties excel at blame avoidance or the public fails to place blame in the first place.},
}

@Article{GigerEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {The Poor Political Representation of the Poor in a Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Giger, Nathalie and Rosset, Jan and Bernauer, Julian},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Representation},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00344893.2012.653238},
  ISSN                     = {0034-4893},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--61},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Due to diverging levels of political influence of various income groups, political institutions likely reflect the policy preferences of certain groups of citizens better than others, independently of their numerical weight. This runs counter the egalitarian principle of `one citizen, one vote'. The present article documents a general trend of underrepresentation of the preferences of relatively poor citizens both by parties and by governments across Western democracies, although important cross-national differences exist.},
  Keywords                 = {Inequality}
}

@Article{Gijsberts2002,
  Title                    = {The Legitimation of Income Inequality in State-socialist and Market Societies},
  Author                   = {Gijsberts, M{\'e}rove},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Sociologica},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/000169930204500402},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {269--285},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {What attitudes relating to differences in occupational earnings did people in state-socialist societies hold before and after the transformation in 1989, compared with people in market-regulated societies? And, how can differences between and changes within these societies in attitudes towards income inequality be explained? To find out, hypotheses are tested using survey data from the International Social Survey Programme, comparing several state-socialist societies with several market societies both before (1987) and after (1992) the political and economic transformation. Before the transformation, the public in central and eastern Europe was much more egalitarian than in market-regulated societies. The results show that the amount of income inequality that people think legitimate has increased in all countries, but the increase was far more dramatic in former state-socialist than in market-regulated societies. Differences in the class and demographic composition of the population hardly explain variations in inequality attitudes between societies, but differences in perceptions of income inequality do.}
}

@Book{Gilens1999,
  Title                    = {Why {America}ns hate welfare: Race, media, and the politics of antipoverty policy},
  Author                   = {Gilens, Martin},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Gilens2001,
  author       = {Gilens, Martin},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Political Ignorance and Collective Policy Preferences},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055401002222},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {379--396},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/zxefchv},
  volume       = {95},
  abstract     = {In contrast with the expectations of many analysts, I find that raw policy-specific facts, such as the direction of change in the crime rate or the amount of the federal budget devoted to foreign aid, have a significant influence on the public's political judgments. Using both traditional survey methods and survey-based randomized experiments, I show that ignorance of policy-specific information leads many Americans to hold political views different from those they would hold otherwise. I also show that the effect of policy-specific information is not adequately captured by the measures of general political knowledge used in previous research. Finally, I show that the effect of policy-specific ignorance is greatest for Americans with the highest levels of political knowledge. Rather than serve to dilute the influence of new information, general knowledge (and the cognitive capacities it reflects) appears to facilitate the incorporation of new policy-specific information into political judgments.},
}

@Article{Gilens2005,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Democratic Responsiveness},
  Author                   = {Gilens, Martin},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/poq/nfi058},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {778--796},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {By allowing voters to choose among candidates with competing policy orientations and by providing incentives for incumbents to shape policy in the direction the public desires, elections are thought to provide the foundation that links government policy to the preferences of the governed. In this article I examine the extent to which the preference/policy link is biased toward the preferences of high-income Americans. Using an original data set of almost two thousand survey questions on proposed policy changes between 1981 and 2002, I find a moderately strong relationship between what the public wants and what the government does, albeit with a strong bias toward the status quo. But I also find that when Americans with different income levels differ in their policy preferences, actual policy outcomes strongly reflect the preferences of the most affluent but bear virtually no relationship to the preferences of poor or middle-income Americans. The vast discrepancy I find in government responsiveness to citizens with different incomes stands in stark contrast to the ideal of political equality that Americans hold dear. Although perfect political equality is an unrealistic goal, representational biases of this magnitude call into question the very democratic character of our society.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfi058}
}

@Article{Gilens2009,
  Title                    = {Preference Gaps and Inequality in Representation},
  Author                   = {Gilens, Martin},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096509090441},
  Month                    = apr,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {335--341},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nctclqt},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {In a recent article in PS, Soroka and Wlezien (2008) argue that the policy preferences of low- and high-income Americans rarely differ, and therefore that ``regardless of whose preferences policymakers follow \ldots policy will end up in essentially the same place'' (325). In this article, I analyze a much larger and more diverse set of policies than those examined by Soroka and Wlezien and show that income-based preference gaps are much larger and more widespread than their data suggest. In terms of federal government policy, the affluent are far better represented than the poor; the ndings in this paper indicate that this representational inequality has substantial repercussions across a wide range of policy issues.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Gilens2012,
  Title                    = {Affluence and Influence: Economic Inequality and Political Power in {America}},
  Author                   = {Martin Gilens},
  Date                     = {2012},
  ISBN                     = {978-0691153971},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Gilens2012a,
  Title                    = {Forum: Under the Influence},
  Author                   = {Gilens, Martin},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Boston Review},
  Month                    = jul,
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/d27tj2t}
}

@Article{GilensHertzman2000,
  author       = {Gilens,Martin and Hertzman,Craig},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Corporate Ownership and News Bias: Newspaper Coverage of the 1996 Telecommunications Act},
  doi          = {10.1111/0022-3816.00017},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {369--386},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {The purpose of this study is to assess the influence of corporate media owners over news content. In particular, we address the claim that the financial interests of corporate owners lead America's news bureaus to downplay the significant issues surrounding the growing concentration of ownership of the country's mass media. To do so we examine newspaper coverage of one aspect of the 1996 Telecommunications Act: the loosening of restrictions on television ownership. We compare coverage of this aspect of the Telecommunications Act in newspapers owned by companies that stood to gain from the loosening of these restrictions, with coverage in newspapers owned by companies which did not stand to gain. We find substantial differences in how newspapers reported on these proposed regulatory changes depending on the financial interests of their corporate owners.},
  month        = {5},
}

@Article{GilensPage2014,
  author       = {Gilens, Martin and Page, Benjamin I.},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Testing Theories of {America}n Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592714001595},
  issn         = {1541-0986},
  issue        = {03},
  pages        = {564--581},
  volume       = {12},
  abstract     = {Each of four theoretical traditions in the study of American politics --- which can be characterized as theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy, Economic-Elite Domination, and two types of interest-group pluralism, Majoritarian Pluralism and Biased Pluralism --- offers different predictions about which sets of actors have how much influence over public policy: average citizens; economic elites; and organized interest groups, mass-based or business-oriented. A great deal of empirical research speaks to the policy influence of one or another set of actors, but until recently it has not been possible to test these contrasting theoretical predictions against each other within a single statistical model. We report on an effort to do so, using a unique data set that includes measures of the key variables for 1,779 policy issues. Multivariate analysis indicates that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. The results provide substantial support for theories of Economic-Elite Domination and for theories of Biased Pluralism, but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy or Majoritarian Pluralism.},
  month        = sep,
  numpages     = {18},
}

@Article{Giles2013,
  Title                    = {Forget the fiscal policy obsession --- it's supply that matters},
  Author                   = {Giles, Chris},
  Date                     = {2013-10-09},
  Journaltitle             = {Financial Times},
  Url                      = {http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/6dcee32c-3026-11e3-9eec-00144feab7de.html},
  Urldate                  = {2015-04-20}
}

@Book{GillEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Rhetoric Versus Reality: What We Know and What We Need To Know About Vouchers and Charter Schools},
  Author                   = {Gill, Brian and Timpane, P. Mike and Ross, Karen E and Brewer, Dominic J},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {0-8330-2765-4},
  Location                 = {Santa Monica, CA},
  Publisher                = {RAND Corporation},

  Abstract                 = {How can the education of our nation{\textquoteright}s children be improved? Vouchers and charter schools aim to improve education by providing families with more choice in the schooling of their children and by decentralizing the provision of educational services. While supporters argue that school choice is essential to rescue children from failing schools, opponents claim that it may destroy America{\textquoteright}s public education system. The authors undertake an exhaustive and critical view of the evidence on vouchers and charter schools. The book is a useful, unbiased primer for all those interested in this controversial topic.}
}

@Article{Gill1999,
  Title                    = {The Insignificance of Null Hypothesis Significance Testing},
  Author                   = {Gill, Jeff},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/106591299905200309},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {647--674},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {The current method of hypothesis testing in the social sciences is under intense criticism, yet most political scientists are unaware of the important issues being raised. Criticisms focus on the construction and interpretation of a procedure that has dominated the reporting of empirical results for over fifty years. There is evidence that null hypothesis significance testing as practiced in political science is deeply flawed and widely misunderstood. This is important since most empirical work argues the value of findings through the use of the null hypothesis significance test. In this article I review the history of the null hypothesis significance testing paradigm in the social sciences and discuss major problems, some of which are logical inconsistencies while others are more interpretive in nature. I suggest alter native techniques to convey effectively the importance of data-analytic findings. These recommendations are illustrated with examples using empirical political science publications.}
}

@Article{Gill2008,
  Title                    = {Is Partial-Dimension Convergence a Problem for Inferences from {MCMC} Algorithms?},
  Author                   = {Gill, Jeff},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpm019},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {153{--}178},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {Increasingly, political science researchers are turning to Markov chain Monte Carlo methods to solve inferential problems with complex models and problematic data. This is an enormously powerful set of tools based on replacing difficult or impossible analytical work with simulated empirical draws from the distributions of interest. Although practitioners are generally aware of the importance of convergence of the Markov chain, many are not fully aware of the difficulties in fully assessing convergence across multiple dimensions. In most applied circumstances, every parameter dimension must be converged for the others to converge. The usual culprit is slow mixing of the Markov chain and therefore slow convergence towards the target distribution. This work demonstrates the partial convergence problem for the two dominant algorithms and illustrates these issues with empirical examples.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm019}
}

@Book{Gillespie1991,
  Title                    = {The Price of Health: {Australia}n Governments and Medical Politics 1910--1960},
  Author                   = {James A. Gillespie},
  Date                     = {1991},
  ISBN                     = {0521381835},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{Gilpin1987,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of International Relations},
  Author                   = {Gilpin, Robert},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {0691022623},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Book{Gilpin2001,
  Title                    = {Global Political Economy: Understanding the International Economic Order},
  Author                   = {Gilpin, Robet},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {069108677X},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{GingrichAnsell2012,
  Title                    = {Preferences in Context: Micro Preferences, Macro Contexts, and the Demand for Social Policy},
  Author                   = {Gingrich, Jane and Ansell, Ben},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414012463904},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1624--1654},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Political economists have increasingly looked to understand social welfare policy as a product of individual-level demand for social spending. This work hypothesizes that individuals with riskier jobs demand more social spending and that large welfare states emerge where there are more of such individuals. In this article we build on the `policy feedback' literature to argue that existing welfare institutions condition how individual-level factors affect social policy preferences. Specifically, we argue that institutions directly altering the risk of unemployment (employment protection legislation) and those that delink benefits from the labor market create a more uniform system of social risk that reduces the importance of individual-level risk in shaping policy preferences. We test these propositions using multilevel analysis of 19 advanced industrial countries in 2006. We find that individual risk matters for social policy preferences only where employment protection is low and welfare benefits are dependent on employment.},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{GingrichAnsell2014,
  Title                    = {Sorting for Schools: Housing, Education, and Inequality},
  Author                   = {Gingrich, Jane and Ansell, Ben},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu009},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {329--351},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {How do house prices affect variation in school quality and citizen satisfaction with education? In this paper, we show that the structure of socio-economic inequality produced by the housing market has dramatic effects on both citizen's preferences over education and its provision, along the lines suggested by scholars in the tradition of Tiebout. In particular, growing housing prices permit wealthier individuals to target education in ways that exclude lower income citizens. Districts with higher house prices have higher average academic performance but also greater variation in performance and a greater number of schools opting out of local authority control. Moreover, in districts with high variation in school performance, owners of expensive housing are more satisfied with schooling than are non-owners, with the reverse pattern obtaining in districts with low academic variation.}
}

@Book{Gingrich2011,
  Title                    = {Making Markets in the Welfare State: The Politics of Varying Market Reforms},
  Author                   = {Gingrich, Jane R.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {9781107004627},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past three decades, market reforms have transformed public services such as education, health, and care of the elderly. Whereas previous studies present markets as having similar and largely non-political effects, this book shows that political parties structure markets in diverse ways to achieve distinct political aims. Left-wing attempts to sustain the legitimacy of the welfare state are compared with right-wing wishes to limit the state and empower the private sector. Examining a broad range of countries, time periods, and policy areas, Jane R. Gingrich helps readers make sense of the complexity of market reforms in the industrialized world. The use of innovative multi-case studies and in-depth interviews with senior European policymakers enriches the debate and brings clarity to this multifaceted topic. Scholars and students working on the policymaking process in this central area will be interested in this new conceptualization of market reform.}
}

@Article{Ginsberg1998,
  Title                    = {The Capability for Enhancing Accountability},
  Author                   = {Ginsberg, Rick and Berry, Barnett},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {48--66},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Enhancing accountability is a key aspect of current demands for school reform. Much externally driven accountability has not been effective, and internally motivated accountability requires specific organizational capacities. This article examines one poor, rural southeastern American school district to high-light the barriers to effective accountability in a low-achieving district. The study concludes that current accountability models are incapable of altering local practices where needs are probably beyond the scope of educational policy making. Five themes are identified as a set of interrelated micro (district only) and macro (local community) factors affecting efforts at reform. These include racial discord, the power of poverty, the leadership mess, missing ingredients, and unidentified urgency, which together create a dysfunctional local cultural capital that results in an inability to foment significant change. Affecting any of these issues in isolation will not dramatically transform the stifling culture, as change will require altering the micro and macro themes in tandem.}
}

@Article{Gintis1995,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of School Choice},
  Author                   = {Gintis, Herbert},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Teachers College Record},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {492--511},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis of the competitive delivery of educational services has often been couched in terms of an opposition between government regulation and the free market. This article suggests that regulation and markets may be complementary institutions that under appropriate conditions interact as a context for cost-effective equalitarian and socially accountable education.}
}

@Article{Girod2012,
  Title                    = {Effective Foreign Aid Following Civil War: The Nonstrategic-Desperation Hypothesis},
  Author                   = {Girod, Desha M.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00552.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {188--201},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {When does aid foster development after civil war? A testable model is needed to account for the uneven outcomes in postconflict development. This article proposes and empirically tests the novel nonstrategic-desperation hypothesis, an explanation based on the varied incentives that fragile postconflict governments face when confronted with donor development goals. Paradoxically, incentives to meet development goals only exist when donors have little strategic interest in the recipients and when recipients lack income from resource rents and are therefore desperate for income. Ten-year data on infant mortality changes following civil wars ending 1970--96 and a variety of robustness checks support the hypothesis. By focusing on how income sources constrain the choices of aid recipients, and how these constraints can provide incentives to meet donor development goals, the nonstrategic-desperation hypothesis explains how the good use of aid can take place following civil war, when institutions are weak.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00552.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Unpublished{GlaeserWard2005,
  Title                    = {Myths and Realities of {America}n Political Geography},
  Author                   = {Glaeser, Edward L and Ward, Bryce A},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Note                     = {Kennedy School of Government Faculty Research Working Papers Series: RWP06-007.},

  Abstract                 = {The division of America into red states and blue states misleadingly suggests that states are split into two camps, but along most dimensions, like political orientation, states are on a continuum. By historical standards, the number of swing states is not particularly low, and America{\textquoteright}s cultural divisions are not increasing. But despite the flaws of the red state/blue state framework, it does contain two profound truths. First, the heterogeneity of beliefs and attitudes across the United States is enormous and has always been so. Second, political divisions are becoming increasingly religious and cultural. The rise of religious politics is not without precedent, but rather returns us to the pre-New Deal norm. Religious political divisions are so common because religious groups provide politicians the opportunity to send targeted messages that excite their base.}
}

@Book{Glaser1970,
  Title                    = {Paying the Doctor: Systems of Remuneration and Their Effects},
  Author                   = {William A. Glaser},
  Date                     = {1970},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Johns Hopkins Press}
}

@Article{Glazer1989,
  Title                    = {Politics and the Choice of Durability},
  Author                   = {Glazer, Amihai},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1207{--}1213},
  Volume                   = {79}
}

@Article{Glennerster1991,
  Title                    = {Quasi-Markets for Education?},
  Author                   = {Glennerster, Howard},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {408},
  Pages                    = {1268--1276},
  Volume                   = {101}
}

@Book{Glennerster1995,
  Title                    = {British Social Policy Since 1945},
  Author                   = {Glennerster, Howard},
  Date                     = {1995},
  ISBN                     = {0631189629},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell}
}

@Article{GlommRavikumar1992,
  Title                    = {Public versus Private Investment in Human Capital: Endogenous Growth and Income Inequality},
  Author                   = {Glomm, Gerhard and Ravikumar, B},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {818--834},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, we present an overlapping generations model with heterogeneous agents in which human capital investment through formal schooling is the engine of growth. We use simple functional forms for preferences, technologies, and income distribution to highlight the distinction between economies with public education and those with private education. We find that income inequality declines more quickly under public education. On the other hand, private education yields greater per capita incomes unless the initial income inequality is sufficiently high. We also find that societies will choose public education if a majority of agents have incomes below average.}
}

@Article{GoereeEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Regular Quantal Response Equilibrium},
  Author                   = {Goeree, Jacob and Holt, Charles and Palfrey, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Experimental Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10683-005-5374-7},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {347--367},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The structural Quantal Response Equilibrium (QRE) generalizes the Nash equilibrium by augmenting payoffs with random elements that are not removed in some limit. This approach has been widely used both as a theoretical framework to study comparative statics of games and as an econometric framework to analyze experimental and field data. The framework of structural QRE is flexible: it can be applied to arbitrary finite games and incorporate very general error structures. Restrictions on the error structure are needed, however, to place testable restrictions on the data (Haile et al., 2004). This paper proposes a reduced-form approach, based on quantal response functions that replace the best-response functions underlying the Nash equilibrium. We define a regular QRE as a fixed point of quantal response functions that satisfies four axioms: continuity, interiority, responsiveness, and monotonicity. We show that these conditions are not vacuous and demonstrate with an example that they imply economically sensible restrictions on data consistent with laboratory observations. The reduced-form approach allows for a richer set of regular quantal response functions, which has proven useful for estimation purposes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10683-005-5374-7}
}

@Article{GoereeHolt2005,
  Title                    = {An Explanation of Anomalous Behavior in Models of Political Participation},
  Author                   = {Goeree, Jacob K and Holt, Charles A},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055405051609},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {201--213},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {This paper characterizes behavior with ``noisy'' decision making for models of political interaction characterized by simultaneous binary decisions. Applications include: voting participation games, candidate entry, the volunteer's dilemma, and collective action problems with a contribution threshold. A simple graphical device is used to derive comparative statics and other theoretical properties of a ``quantal response'' equilibrium, and the resulting predictions are compared with Nash equilibria that arise in the limiting case of no noise. Many anomalous data patterns in laboratory experiments based on these games can be explained in this manner.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055405051609}
}

@Article{GoerresHopner2014,
  Title                    = {Polarizers or landscape groomers? An empirical analysis of party donations by the 100 largest German companies in 1984--2005},
  Author                   = {Goerres, Achim and H{\"o}pner, Martin},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwt027},

  Abstract                 = {What can donation strategies tell us about corporate political preferences, as seen from the perspective of power resource and varieties of capitalism theories? This article tests six hypotheses within an Olsonian framework for corporate donations to political parties with new data from the 100 largest German firms between 1984 and 2005. The findings reveal that only a minority of firms donate, and donation amounts are surprisingly small given the financial assets of these companies, which suggests the presence of a collective action dilemma with small selective and arguably larger collective benefits. Management ties between firms are an important way of making firms overcome the collective action dilemma. Firms distribute their donations if any mainly on the right side of the political spectrum, particularly if the firms are personally interwoven with other large companies or if they are family owned. However, some firms, particularly those belonging to the automobile sector, donate across the political spectrum.}
}

@Unpublished{GoerresWalter2012,
  Title                    = {The Political Consequences of National Crisis Management: Micro-Level Evidence from German Voters During the 2008/9 Global Economic Crisis},
  Author                   = {Goerres, Achim and Walter, Stefanie},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Note                     = {Unpublished Manuscript}
}

@Article{Goetschy2005,
  Title                    = {The open method of coordination and the Lisbon strategy: the difficult road from potential to results},
  Author                   = {Goetschy, Janine},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/102425890501100107},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {064--080},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Who, in the early 1990s, would have thought that by the end of the decade there would be such enthusiasm for European-level cooperation between the Member States in the social and employment policy fields? The change was brought about thanks to the introduction of the open method of coordination (OMC) and the political priorities defined by the Lisbon strategy. The OMC is currently applied in about ten economic and social policy fields, though its operation varies tremendously from one to another. A great deal of academic research has been devoted to the subject, leading to by and large similar findings: while it is a relatively straightforward matter to describe the way the various OMCs operate and to identify their potential, it is far more difficult to measure their actual effects on actors and on the content of national policies. This is essentially due to the cumulative impact of this mode of governance and the essentially cognitive nature of its effects, which makes proving causalities a highly delicate enterprise. This article sets out, on the basis of the studies available, to draw up an inventory of the findings and the arguments supplied by authors, some of whom see the OMC as a promising means of giving new impetus to social progress, while others express quite considerable reservations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100107}
}

@Article{GokcekusEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {School Choice: Money, Race, and Congressional Voting on Vouchers},
  Author                   = {Gokcekus, Omer and Phillips, Joshua J. and Tower, Edward},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/B:PUCH.0000024170.63342.3b},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {241--254},
  Volume                   = {119},

  Abstract                 = {Milton Friedman has suggested that the political power of the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association (the two major teachers unions) has been instrumental in defeating the adoption of educational vouchers. We test this hypothesis. We find that a campaign contribution to a member of the U.S. House of Representatives by either union reduces the probability that also a Representative will vote for a pro school choice amendment to the ``No Child Left Behind Act of2001.'' Also a Representative whose district has a large African American population or who is Republican is more likely to vote for vouchers.}
}

@Article{Golden1993,
  Title                    = {The Dynamics of Trade Unionism and National Economic Performance},
  Author                   = {Golden, Miriam},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {437--454},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {I test two theories of the political processes of trade unions. The first argues that wage moderation depends on a centralized labor movement. The second contends that, institutional conditions permitting, unions' coordination of bargaining strategies is sufficient. Coordination is most likely to be achieved when there are small number of unions that do not compete for members, that is, when union monopoly is high. Important empirical anomalies may be resolved by analyzing the effects of union centralization and monopoly separately, rather than combining them into a composite index of corporatism. Reanalyzing comparative data from Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development countries between 1963 and 1985 largely corroborates the hypothesis that monopoly is more important than either centralization or composite indices of corporatism for national economic performance. The conceptual rationale underlying indices of corporatism should be reexamined.}
}

@Article{GoldenLondregan2006,
  Title                    = {Centralization of Bargaining and Wage Inequality: A Correction of Wallerstein},
  Author                   = {Golden, Miriam A and Londregan, John B},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00179.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {208--213},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00179.x}
}

@Unpublished{GoldenWallerstein2005,
  Title                    = {Domestic and International Causes for the Rise of Pay Inequality: Postindustrialism, Globalization and Institutions},
  Author                   = {Golden, Miriam and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {2005},

  Abstract                 = {We study the determinants of wage inequality in 16 OECD countries in the last two decades of the twentieth century. We find that these are quite different in the 1980s than in the 1990s. In the 1980s, growing wage dispersion is due to changes in the institutions of the labor market. Declining unionization and declines in the level at which wages are bargained collectively both contribute to widening pay dispersion in the 1980s. In the 1990s, by contrast, increases in pay inequality are due to increasing trade with less developed nations. To the extent that low-pay workers have been protected from rising wage differentials in the 1990s, it has been because of government policy, in the form of social insurance, and not thanks to labor organizations. This is the first study to report that the causes for pay inequality differed between the 1980s and the 1990s.}
}

@Misc{GoldenEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Union Centralization among Advanced Industrial Societies: An Empirical Study},
  Author                   = {Golden, Miriam Lange, Peter and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Note                     = {Accessed: 2010/09/19; UNF:3:RvCaQbChZc7ffAtCuUlj0g== Miriam Golden [Distributor] V1 [Version]},
  Url                      = {http://hdl.handle.net/1902.1/10193},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://hdl.handle.net/1902.1/10193}
}

@Article{Golder2003,
  Title                    = {Explaining Variation In The Success Of Extreme Right Parties In Western {Europe}:},
  Author                   = {Golder, Matt},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414003251176},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {432--466},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {Methodological problems associated with selection bias and interaction effects have hindered the accumulation of systematic knowledge about the factors that explain cross-national variation in the success of extreme right parties. The author uses a statistical analysis that takes account of these problems to examine the effect of electoral institutions, unemployment, and immigration on the support for these parties. The data set used in this analysis is new and spans 19 countries and 165 national elections. There are four substantive conclusions. The first is that it is important to distinguish between neofascist and populist parties on the extreme right because their fortunes depend on different factors. The second is that populist parties do better in countries where the district magnitude is larger and more seats are allocated in upper tiers. The third is that although immigration has a positive effect on populist parties irrespective of the unemployment level, unemployment only matters when immigration is high. Finally, there is evidence that the permissiveness of the electoral system mediates the effect of immigration on populist parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003251176}
}

@PhdThesis{Golder2004,
  author      = {Golder, Matthew R},
  date        = {2004},
  institution = {New York University},
  title       = {The Modifying Effect of Electoral Institutions},
  type        = {PhD thesis},
  abstract    = {This dissertation is an empirical study of the interaction between voter preferences, electoral institutions, and party systems. Unlike the vast majority of cross-national research, I take seriously the claim that social factors are the engine shaping party systems and that electoral institutions are important because of the modifying role that they play. I do this by examining how electoral rules modify the effect of social forces on a variety of political outcomes such as party system size, the ideological make-up of political competition, and the type of policies that parties implement. All of the analyses conducted here are cross-national in scope and employ a new dataset that I collected comprising all democratic legislative and presidential elections that have occurred in the world from 1946 to 2000. After a brief introduction, I provide a consistent classification and systematic description of the world{\textquoteright}s electoral systems in chapter two. The descriptive analysis highlights several geographical and temporal patterns. The third chapter addresses the long-standing question as to viii why some countries have many parties but some have few. I rehabilitate Duverger{\textquoteright}s theory and find that modern statistical tests largely bear out his expectations when properly specified and interpreted. I examine the determinants of the number of presidential candidates in chapter four and find that presidential elections can have a significant effect on legislative fragmentation. In the next chapter, I analyze African party systems and find that they respond to sociological and institutional factors in the same way as party systems elsewhere in the world. The sixth chapter investigates how socioeconomic and institutional factors influence the success of extreme right parties in Western Europe. I find that populist parties benefit from permissive electoral institutions and from unemployment if immigration is high. In chapter seven, I examine the impact of electoral rules on partisan macroeconomic policy in the European Union and conclude that monetary union has not increased any democratic deficit. Before concluding, I provide a methodological overview of multiplicative interaction models in chapter eight. I present several simple suggestions that can dramatically improve empirical analyses employing these types of models.},
}

@Article{GoldhaberEide2002,
  Title                    = {What Do We Know (and Need to Know) about the Impact of School Choice Reforms on Disadvantaged Students?},
  Author                   = {Goldhaber, Dan D and Eide, Eric R},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Harvard Educational Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {157--176},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, Dan Goldhaber and Eric Eide consider what we do and do not know about the impact of school choice, focusing particularly on the potential impact of choice on minority students in urban school settings. They observe that many argue that school choice is a necessary component of any educational reform designed to improve educational outcomes for students. While public pressure has yielded a tremendous expansion of choice options, Goldhaber and Eide contend that the empirical evidence on the academic effects of school choice reforms is mixed. They propose that relatively little evidence exists that these schools are having a clear-cut positive or negative impact on the achievement of either the students who attend them or those who remain in traditional public schools. They conclude that the mixed evidence on choice suggests that choice in and of itself is unlikely to be the solution that revolutionizes urban school systems.}
}

@Article{GoldringPhillips2008,
  author       = {Ellen B. Goldring and Kristie J.R. Phillips},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Education Policy},
  title        = {Parent preferences and parent choices: the public-private decision about school choice},
  doi          = {10.1080/02680930801987844},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {209--230},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {School choice survey data from the Metropolitan Nashville Public Schools, a large county-wide school district, is analysed to examine the characteristics of parents who consider choosing private schools for their children and those who do not. We examine differences in background, including race, educational attainment and socioeconomic status, as well as differences in parent satisfaction with their child's previous school, parent involvement in school, parents' priorities in school choice, as well as parents' social networks. After controlling for background characteristics, we find that parent satisfaction with their child's previous school was not a predictor of considering a private school. Rather, parent involvement seems to be a more important indicator of whether or not a parent would consider sending their child to a private school. In this case, parents are not ``pushed'' away from public schools, contrary to much public rhetoric that suggests private schools are somehow inherently ``better'' than public schools and parents who are dissatisfied with their public schools will opt for private schools. Instead, these findings suggest a ``pull'' towards private schools. Parents may perceive that parent involvement and parent communication are more easily facilitated and valued in private schools.},
}

@Incollection{Goldscheid1958,
  Title                    = {A Sociological Approach to Problems of Public Finance},
  Author                   = {Goldscheid, Rudolph},
  Booktitle                = {Classics in the Theory of Public Finance},
  Date                     = {1958},
  Editor                   = {Richard A. Musgrave and Alan T. Peacock},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {MacMillan}
}

@Incollection{Goldstein1998,
  Title                    = {International Institutions and Domestic Politics: GATT, WTO, and the Liberalization of International Trade},
  Author                   = {Goldstein, Judith},
  Booktitle                = {The WTO as an International Organization},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {Anne O. Krueger},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Pages                    = {133--160},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{GoldsteinEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Institutions in International Relations: Understanding the Effects of the {GATT} and the {WTO} on World Trade},
  Author                   = {Goldstein,Judith L. and Rivers,Douglas and Tomz,Michael},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818307070014},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {37--67},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) have been touted as premier examples of international institutions, but few studies have offered empirical proof. This article comprehensively evaluates the effects of the GATT/WTO and other trade agreements since World War II. Our analysis is organized around two factors: institutional standing and institutional embeddedness. We show that many countries had rights and obligations, or institutional standing, in the GATT/WTO even though they were not formal members of the agreement. We also expand the analysis to include a range of other commercial agreements that were embedded with the GATT/WTO. Using data on dyadic trade since 1946, we demonstrate that the GATT/WTO substantially increased trade for countries with institutional standing, and that other embedded agreements had similarly positive effects. Moreover, our evidence suggests that international trade agreements have complemented, rather than undercut, each other.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818307070014}
}

@Book{Goldstein2001,
  Title                    = {Constituting Federal Sovereignty: The {Europe}an Union in Comparative Context},
  Author                   = {Goldstein, Leslie Friedman},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Location                 = {Baltimore, MD},
  Publisher                = {Johns Hopkins University Press}
}

@Article{Goldthorpe1991,
  Title                    = {The Uses of History in Sociology: Reflections on Some Recent Tendencies},
  Author                   = {Goldthorpe, John H},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {211{--}230},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {This paper questions the now widely held view that no meaningful distinctions are to be drawn between the disciplines of history and sociology. It is argued that one {--} highly consequential {--} difference concerns the nature of the evidence on which historians and sociologists typically rely or, more precisely, the way in which this evidence comes into being. This argument is developed and illustrated with reference to various examples of sociologists resorting to historical research and the difficulties they have encountered; and further in the context of a critique of 'grand historical sociology' whose practitioners have so far failed to provide their work with any adequate methodological basis.}
}

@Article{Goldthorpe1998,
  Title                    = {Rational Action Theory for Sociology},
  Author                   = {Goldthorpe, John H.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/591308},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--192},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Rational action theory (RAT) is not a highly unified intellectual entity. In the first part of the paper, varieties of RAT are distinguished in terms of three criteria: i.e. according to whether they (i) have strong rather than weak rationality requirements; (ii) focus on situational rather than procedural rationality; (iii) claim to provide a general rather than a special theory of action. In the second part, these same criteria are applied in a consideration of which version of RAT holds out most promise for use in sociology.}
}

@Article{Goldthorpe2010,
  Title                    = {Analysing Social Inequality: A Critique of Two Recent Contributions from Economics and Epidemiology},
  Author                   = {Goldthorpe, John H.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcp046},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {731--744},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Two recent studies focusing on issues of social inequality are reviewed, one the work largely of economists, the other of epidemiologists. In both cases, the conceptualization and in turn the analysis of social inequality appear inadequate. In the case of the economists, concerned with whether, under New Labour, Britain has become a more equal society, attention is concentrated on changes in income distributions to the neglect of the distinction between the attributional and the relational aspects of inequality. The analyses presented reveal serious gaps and a lack of integration that could have been avoided through their grounding in some concept of class stratification. In the case of the epidemiologists, concerned to show a contextual effect of social inequality on population health and other outcomes, stratification is treated as one-dimensional, with no distinction being recognized between class and status. It is in fact status rather than the material inequalities associated with class that are seen as crucial in mediating the supposed contextual effect. But the inferences that are made from the available data on income distributions to inequalities of status and their consequences are often of a doubtful kind.}
}

@Article{GoldthorpeMarshall1992,
  Title                    = {The Promising Future of Class Analysis: A Response to Recent Critiques},
  Author                   = {Goldthorpe, John H. and Marshall, Gordon},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0038038592026003002},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {381--400},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Class analysis has recently been criticised from a variety of standpoints. In this paper we argue that much of this criticism is misplaced and that, as a research programme, the promise of class analysis is far from exhausted. The first part of the paper clarifies the nature and purpose of class analysis, as we would understand it, and in particular distinguishes it from the class analysis of Marxist sociology. The second part then makes the case for the continuing relevance of class analysis, in our conception of it, by reviewing findings from three central areas of current research.}
}

@Article{GomezEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {The Republicans Should Pray for Rain: Weather, Turnout, and Voting in U.S. Presidential Elections},
  Author                   = {Gomez, Brad T. and Hansford, Thomas G. and Krause, George A.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00565.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {649--663},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {The relationship between bad weather and lower levels of voter turnout is widely espoused by media, political practitioners, and, perhaps, even political scientists. Yet, there is virtually no solid empirical evidence linking weather to voter participation. This paper provides an extensive test of the claim. We examine the effect of weather on voter turnout in 14 U.S. presidential elections. Using GIS interpolations, we employ meteorological data drawn from over 22,000 U.S. weather stations to provide election day estimates of rain and snow for each U.S. county. We find that, when compared to normal conditions, rain significantly reduces voter participation by a rate of just less than 1\% per inch, while an inch of snowfall decreases turnout by almost .5\%. Poor weather is also shown to benefit the Republican party's vote share. Indeed, the weather may have contributed to two Electoral College outcomes, the 1960 and 2000 presidential elections.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00565.x}
}

@Unpublished{GonandEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Public spending efficiency: institutional indicators in primary and secondary education},
  Author                   = {Gonand, Fr{\a\'e}d{\a\'e}ric and Joumard, Isabelle and Price, Robert},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {OECD Economics Department Working Papers, No. 543, OECD Publishing. doi:},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents composite indicators of the institutional and policy characteristics of educational systems, collated from the questionnaire responses of 26 Member countries. These indicators provide an overview of the institutional framework in the primary and secondary education sector and are constructed so as to be used for the analysis of international differences in spending efficiency. The key features of the institutional setting in the non-tertiary education sector are grouped under three headings: i) the ability to prioritise and allocate resources efficiently (through decentralisation and mechanisms matching resources to specific needs); ii) the efficiency in managing spending at the local level (through outcome-focused policies and managerial autonomy), and iii) the efficiency in service provision (through benchmarking and user choice). For each country, an intermediate indicator is computed for each of these six institutional properties. Composite indicators then combine the six intermediate indicators of spending efficiency into a single, aggregate measure. Results are presented and some of their implications are discussed. Overall, the characteristics of the institutional framework in the non-tertiary public education sector seem to be very favourable, compared to OECD average, in the United Kingdom, Australia, Norway, Denmark and the Netherlands, whereas results are less favourable for the Czech Republic, Greece, Luxembourg, Japan, Turkey, Hungary, Belgium (French speaking community), Switzerland and Austria.},
  Doi                      = {10.1787/315010655867}
}

@Article{Gonzalez-ParamoHernandezdeCos2005,
  Title                    = {The Impact of Public Ownership and Competition on Productivity},
  Author                   = {Gonz{\'a}lez-P{\'a}ramo, Jos{\'e} Manuel and {Hern{\'a}ndez de Cos}, Pablo},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Kyklos},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0023-5962.2005.00299.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {495--517},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Are private firms more efficient than public ones? Does privatisation improve performance? In order to answer these questions, it is necessary to disentangle the impact of ownership and competition upon business performance. This paper presents empirical evidence relating to the hypothesis that public ownership and competition are determinants of firms' productivity. It concludes that public ownership has a significant negative effect on productivity and also that privatisation has a positive impact on efficiency. Furthermore, increased competition is found to have a positive effect on productivity. These results are interpreted as confirming that privatisation is effective as a means of increasing firms' efficiency, at least in a non-regulated and relatively competitive sector, such as manufacturing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0023-5962.2005.00299.x}
}

@Article{Goodhart2006,
  Title                    = {The ECB and the Conduct of Monetary Policy: Goodhart's Law and Lessons from the Euro Area},
  Author                   = {Goodhart, C.A.E.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00661.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {757--778},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Goodhart's Law states that ``any observed statistical regularity will tend to collapse once pressure is placed upon it for control purposes''. This article explores whether the inflation experience in EMU and the critique of the monetary policy strategy of the ECB can be understood in the light of this law.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00661.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Unpublished{Goodhart2015,
  Title                    = {Where is the Political Response to Inequality in the US?},
  Author                   = {Goodhart, Lucy M.},
  Date                     = {2015-06},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the mini-conference on ``The Politics of Egalitarian Policy'' at the annual conference of the Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics (London, June 25--27th).},

  Abstract                 = {Why have significant increases in inequality in the US not met with greater popular demands for redistribution through government spending and services? The explanation advanced here focuses on two factors. First, do American households perceive public spending as direct redistribution to them or as a system of insurance that protects against adversity? Second, has the situation of middle class, and middle-skill, households deteriorated so significantly that many have elected for less insurance and lower taxes in order to protect current income? The initial part of this paper explains why this mechanism might hold in theory. The empirical section proceeds along two tracks. First, and looking at panel data, I examine the impact of changes in earnings on preferences for government spending. This helps to answer the fundamental question of how and whether changes in absolute income affect preferences. Second, and based on this analysis, I analyze cross-sectional data to test whether we have seen a decline in support for government spending and services among the skill groups that have experienced the greatest pressure on earnings. I conclude with a discussion of what these results imply for the coalition in support of government spending and redistribution.}
}

@Book{Goodin1981,
  Title                    = {Political Theory \& Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Goodin, Robert E.},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Goodin1988,
  author       = {Goodin, Robert E.},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {What is So Special about Our Fellow Countrymen?},
  doi          = {10.1086/292998},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {663--686},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yxzeyghe},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
  volume       = {98},
}

@Article{GoodinRein2001,
  Title                    = {Regimes on Pillars: Alternative Welfare State Logics and Dynamics},
  Author                   = {Goodin, Robert E and Rein, Martin},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9299.00280},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {769--801},
  Volume                   = {79},

  Abstract                 = {Social welfare arrangements represent the conjunction of the twin logics of regimes and pillars. Regimes describe who receives the benefits and on what conditions; pillars describe who pays for and who provides the benefits. There are historical associations and '"natural" affinities' between certain regimes and certain pillars. But there is also scope for novel combinations and recombinations. Many contemporary welfare state reforms are best conceptualized in terms of shifting the mix of pillars and blurring regimes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9299.00280}
}

@Article{Goodwin2011,
  Title                    = {English Education Policy after New Labour: Big Society or Back to Basics?},
  Author                   = {Goodwin, Mark},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02201.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {407--424},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {This article considers possible future directions for education policy and public service governance under the Conservative-led coalition government. The article considers the extent to which Conservatives might develop a distinctive strategy for managing public services that breaks decisively with that of the New Labour era. The coalition faces a markedly different political and economic context for public service reform compared to its predecessor. This article argues that these contextual constraints make a continuation of the New Labour governing strategy less viable, but unresolved tensions in the coalition education policies enacted to date may hinder the development of a novel project for education reform. As a consequence, the New Labour education project seems likely to remain largely intact for the foreseeable future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02201.x},
  Keywords                 = {Big Society, Conservative party, education policy, free schools, academy schools},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Gorard2005,
  Title                    = {Academies as the `future of schooling': is this an evidence-based policy?},
  Author                   = {Gorard, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930500117321},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {369--377},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {A programme of City Academies was announced by the Secretary of State for Education for England in 2000. These schools would be independent of local government control, have voluntary and private sector sponsors, and would break the cycle of failing inner-city schools. The first three Academies opened in 2002, and this paper considers how they have fared so far in terms of changes to their student intake and improvements in examination outcomes. Using figures from 1997 to 2003\^a??2004 from the annual school census and from the DfES Standards site, the paper shows that there is no evidence that these schools are, in general, performing any better for equivalent students than the schools they replaced. Although the programme is at a very early stage, this finding is important because it contradicts the claims of the DfES and of the Academies themselves and the determination of the government (at time of writing) to expand the programme to 200 schools.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930500117321}
}

@Article{Gorard2009,
  Title                    = {What are Academies the answer to?},
  Author                   = {Gorard, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930802660903},
  ISSN                     = {0268-0939},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {101--113},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This paper builds upon an earlier analysis presented in this journal. Using official figures for school compositions and for outcomes at KS4 from 1997 to 2007, this paper considers each of the annual cohorts of new Academies in England, from 2002 to 2006. It shows that their level of success in comparison to their predecessors, national averages, their changing compositions and their changing exam entry practices are insubstantial. Of course some schools are gaining higher scores since Academisation, but others are gaining lower scores. Using the most recent results available there is no clear evidence that Academies produce better results than local authority schools with equivalent intakes. The Academies programme therefore presents an opportunity cost for no apparent gain.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930802660903},
  Booktitle                = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.01}
}

@Article{GorardFitz2000,
  Title                    = {Markets and Stratification: A View From {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Gorard, Stephen and Fitz, John},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {405--428},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {In 1988, the Education Reform Act enabled all parents in England and Wales to express a preference for any school for their child. This created a market-like situation within which school survival depended on a regular supply of students. Previous studies in the United Kingdom have suggested that this would lead to increasing socioeconomic segregation between schools. In contrast, the investigation reported here found that segregation has declined in several respects since 1988. The study uses school-level data relating to free school meals (FSM), ethnicity, first language, and special needs for every school in England and Wales. All indicators at each level of aggregation are in agreement. Student segregation between schools has decreased over time. There is little evidence that this powerful social movement is related to market forces, and some indications are presented here that although markets have not caused segregation, they do not seem to be causing the desegregation either.}
}

@Article{GorardSmith2004,
  Title                    = {An international comparison of equity in education systems},
  Author                   = {Gorard, Stephen and Smith, Emma},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Pages                    = {15--28},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses pupil responses to the PISA study in 2000 for all EU countries. Using indicators of the pupil intakes to schools and their outcomes it computes segregation indices for 15 countries, and then tries to explain the resulting patterns in terms of the characteristics of national school systems. Segregation by sex in each country is explicable by its provision of single-sex schools, religious schools, and the use of academic selection in allocating school places. Segregation by outcome is largely explicable by the use of academic (and other forms of) selection. Segregation by parental occupation or country of birth is lower in countries allocating places at school through elements of choice or with relatively little governmental control of schools rather than use of rigid catchment areas or selection. In all countries there are small gaps between the performance of boys and girls in reading, in favour of girls. This gap is generally smaller in countries with the highest overall scores. Overall, the Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Finland and Denmark show less segregation on all indicators, while Germany, Greece and Belgium show the most. The UK has below average segregation in terms of all indicators except sex, despite a commonly held but unfounded view that segregation in the UK is among the worst in the world.}
}

@Incollection{Gordon1996,
  Title                    = {School Choice and the Quasi-market in {New Zealand}: 'Tomorrow's Schools' today},
  Author                   = {Gordon, Liz},
  Booktitle                = {School Choice and the Quasi-market},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Geoffrey Walford},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Location                 = {Wallingford},
  Pages                    = {129{--}142},
  Publisher                = {Triangle}
}

@Article{Gordon1992,
  Title                    = {The {New Zealand} State and Educational Reforms: 'Competing' Interests},
  Author                   = {Gordon, Liz},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {281--291},
  Volume                   = {28}
}

@Article{Gordon1992a,
  Title                    = {The bulk funding of teacher's salaries: a case study in education policy},
  Author                   = {Gordon, Liz},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {New Zealand Annual Review of Education},
  Pages                    = {28--58},
  Url                      = {http://www.victoria.ac.nz/nzaroe/2005/.\%5C../subject-area/.\%5C../1991/pdf/text-gordon.pdf},
  Volume                   = {1}
}

@Article{GordonWhitty1997,
  author       = {Gordon, Liz and Whitty, Geoff},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Education},
  title        = {Giving the 'Hidden Hand' a Helping Hand? The Rhetoric and Reality of Neoliberal Education Reform in {England} and {New Zealand}},
  issn         = {0305-0068},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {453--467},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {Recent moves in many parts of the world to restructure and deregulate state education have sought to link significant degrees of institutional autonomy with an emphasis on parental choice and competition, thereby creating 'quasi-markets' in education. This paper discusses such developments as part of a neoliberal project for education in two of the contexts in which these policies have so far been taken furthest-England/Wales and New Zealand. It compares five aspects of policy in these countries, namely school autonomy, diversity and choice, private sector involvement, privatised provision and accountability mechanisms. It argues that the rhetoric of neoliberal schooling policies is far removed from their reality, as governments confront the classic tension between fiscal imperatives and the need for legitimation. It points to the need for new political ways forward in a situation where there appears to be little creative thinking about alternatives to the policies of the New Right.},
}

@Article{GortonMetrick2012,
  Title                    = {Getting Up to Speed on the Financial Crisis: A One-Weekend-Reader's Guide},
  Author                   = {Gorton, Gary and Metrick, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jel.50:1.128},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {128--150},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {All economists should be conversant with `what happened?' during the financial crisis of 2007-09. We select and summarize sixteen documents, including academic papers and reports from regulatory and international agencies. This reading list covers the key facts and mechanisms in the build-up of risk, the panics in short-term-debt markets, the policy reactions, and the real effects of the financial crisis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.50:1.128}
}

@Article{GoughEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Social Assistance in OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Gough, Ian and Bradshaw, Jonathan and Ditch, John and Eardley, Tony and Whiteford, Peter},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879700700102},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {17--43},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents selected results from the first comparative study of social assistance across all 24 countries of the OECD. The scope of social assistance, discussed in the first section, is drawn to include all means-tested benefits in cash and kind, including those which provide benefits to higher income groups. The second section then presents in formation on the main programmes in each country, expenditures and groups of beneficiaries, trends over time, administrative structures, and operation of means tests. It concludes by developing a new measure of assistance benefit levels with which to evaluate different countries' systems. The third section distils from the country differences eight pat terns, or 'assistance regimes', varying from the limited, discretionary, decentralized models of Switzerland and Norway to the extensive, national, rights-based programmes of the English-speaking world; and from the relative generosity of Scandinavia and Australia to the low, marginalizing benefits of the Mediterranean countries and the USA. The last section turns to the economic pressures and political debates which are driving con temporary policy changes. The concepts and empirical data presented here will enable means-testing, targeting and selectivity to be brought back into the comparative study of European and wider welfare systems.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879700700102}
}

@Article{GoulAndersen1997,
  Title                    = {The Scandinavian Welfare Model in Crisi? Achievements and Problems of the Danish Welfare State in and Age of Unemployment and Low Growth},
  Author                   = {Goul Andersen, J{\o}rgen},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--32},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {The "Scandinavian welfare model" is often considered vulnerable to mass unemployment. The Danish welfare state provides an opportunity to examine the capacities of the "Scandinavian model" to adapt to this situation. This article explores a number of alleged crisis problems of the welfare state, grouped into budgetary pressures, incentive problems and legitimacy problems. It is concluded that most of these problems have been exaggerated and that the real threats to the economic foundations of the welfare state should be found in *political* steering and incentive problems rather than in the exogenous pressures from the social and economic system, or in pressures from the unintended side effects of welfare arrangements. It is furthermore argued that one of the main achievements of the Danish welfare state has been to prevent unemployment and labor market marginalization from developing into a broad-ranged social marginalization and a political polarization which could undermine citizenship and solidarity in society.}
}

@Article{Gould2003,
  Title                    = {Money Talks: Supplementary Financiers and International Monetary Fund Conditionality},
  Author                   = {Gould, Erica R.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818303573039},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {551--586},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {What explains the changes in International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionality? I argue that IMF conditionality agreements are influenced by supplementary financiers. The IMF regularly relies on external financing to supplement its loans to countries facing payments imbalances. As a result, these supplementary financiers are able to exercise leverage over the IMF and the design of its conditionality programs. I consider the influence of one type of supplementary financier, private financial institutions, on IMF conditionality. Conclusions are supported by a data set of 249 conditionality arrangements, coded according to their terms, and two case studies.}
}

@Article{Gourevitch1978,
  Title                    = {The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics},
  Author                   = {Gourevitch, Peter},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {881{--}912},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {The international system is not only an expression of domestic structures, but a cause of them. Two schools of analysis exploring the impact of the international system upon domestic politics (regime types, institutions, coalitions, policies) may be distinguished: those which stress the international economy, and those which stress political-military rivalry, or war. Among the former are such arguments as: late industrialization (associated with Gershenkron); dependencia or core-periphery arguments (Wallerstein); liberal development model (much American writing in the 50s and 60s); transnational relation-modernization (Nye, Keohane, Morse); neo-mercantilists (Gilpin); state-centered Marxists (Schurmann). Arguments stressing the role of war include those which focus on the organizational requirements of providing security (Hintze, Anderson), the special nature of foreign relations (classical political theory), territorial compensation (diplomatic history), and strains of foreign involvement (analysis of revolutions). These arguments provide the basis for criticism of much of the literature which uses domestic structure as an explanation of foreign policy, in particular those which (such as the strong-state weak-state distinction) tend, by excessive focus on forms, to obscure the connection between structures and interests, and the role of politics. These arguments also permit criticism of the notion of a recent fundamental discontinuity in the nature of international relations.}
}

@Book{Gourevitch1986,
  Title                    = {Politics in Hard Times},
  Author                   = {Gourevitch, Peter A.},
  Date                     = {1986},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-8014-9436-9},
  Location                 = {Ithaca},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.02.22}
}

@Article{Gourevitch2003,
  Title                    = {The politics of corporate governance regulation},
  Author                   = {Gourevitch, Peter A},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Yale Law Journal},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {1829--1880},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {Political Determinants of Corporate Governance: Political Context, Corporate Impact by Mark J. Roe is reviewed. Political forces account for the difference in choice of corporate governance models among advanced industrial countries. Corporate governance arrangements inside the firm interact deeply with a nation's politics. Where social democracy is strong, shareholder rights are weak, and shareholder diffusion is low. Social democracy gives voice to claims on the firm in addition to those of the shareholders. To counter these competing claims, blockholders resist diffusion of shares in order to maintain leverage in the boardroom, and investors shy away from a system in which they lack protection or dominance.}
}

@Article{GouxMaurin2007,
  Title                    = {Close Neighbours Matter: Neighbourhood Effects on Early Performance at School},
  Author                   = {Goux, Dominique and Maurin, Eric},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02079.x},
  Number                   = {523},
  Pages                    = {1193{--}1215},
  Volume                   = {117},

  Abstract                 = {Children's outcomes are strongly correlated with those of their neighbours. The extent to which this is causal is the subject of an extensive literature. There is an identification problem because people with similar characteristics are observed to live in close proximity. Another major difficulty is that neighbourhoods measured in available data are often considerably larger than those which matter for outcomes (i.e. close neighbours). Several institutional features of France enable us to address these problems. We find that an adolescent's outcomes at the end of junior high-school are strongly influenced by the performance of other adolescents in the neighbourhood.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02079.x}
}

@Online{Gove2010,
  Title                    = {Speech to Westminster Academy},
  Author                   = {Gove, Michael},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://www.education.gov.uk/inthenews/speeches/a0064281/michael-gove-to-westminster-academy},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Delivered at Westminster Academy, London.},
  Urldate                  = {2013-03-18}
}

@Online{Gove2011,
  Title                    = {Michael Gove's speech to the Policy Exchange on free schools},
  Author                   = {Gove, Michael},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/michael-goves-speech-to-the-policy-exchange-on-free-schools},
  Urldate                  = {2014-12-18}
}

@Online{Gove2012,
  Title                    = {Speech on academies},
  Author                   = {Gove, Michael},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.education.gov.uk/inthenews/speeches/a00201425/michael-gove-speech-on-academies},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Delivered at Haberdashers' Aske's Hatcham College, London.},
  Urldate                  = {2013-03-18}
}

@Booklet{GovernmentOfIreland2010,
  Title                    = {The National Recovery Plan: 2011-2014},
  Author                   = {{Government of Ireland}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  HowPublished             = {The Stationery Office},
  Location                 = {Dublin, Ireland},
  Url                      = {http://www.budget.gov.ie/The\%20National\%20Recovery\%20Plan\%202011-2014.pdf},

  Month                    = dec
}

@Article{GrunerKiel2004,
  Title                    = {Collective decisions with interdependent valuations},
  Author                   = {Gr{\"u}ner, Hans Peter and Kiel, Alexandra},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0014-2921(02)00321-5},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1147--1168},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Many collective decision problems have in common that individuals' desired outcomes are correlated but not identical. This paper studies collective decisions with private information about desired policies. Each agent holds private information which mainly concerns his own bliss point, but private information also affects all other agents. We concentrate on two specific mechanism, the median and mean mechanisms establish the existence of symmetric Bayesian Nash equilibria of the corresponding games and compare the performance of the mechanisms for different degrees of interdependencies. Applications of our framework include the provision of public goods and the design of decision processes in international organizations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0014-2921(02)00321-5},
  Keywords                 = {Collective decisions, Asymmetric information, Interdependent valuations}
}

@Book{GraberDunaway2015,
  Title                    = {Mass media and American Politics},
  Author                   = {Doris A. Graber and Johanna Dunaway},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Location                 = {Thousand Oaks, California},
  Publisher                = {Sage}
}

@Article{Grace1989,
  author       = {Grace, Gerald},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Educational Research},
  title        = {Education: Commodity or Public Good?},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {207--221},
  volume       = {37},
  annotation   = {An (unsuccessful) attempt to redefine what public good means so as to escape the economic implications for education.},
}

@Book{Graeber2014,
  author    = {Graeber, David},
  title     = {Debt: The First 5,000 Years},
  date      = {2014},
  publisher = {Melville House},
  isbn      = {9781933633862},
}

@Article{GranatoEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {A Framework for Unifying Formal and Empirical Analysis},
  Author                   = {Granato, Jim and Lo, Melody and Wong, M. C. Sunny},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00460.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {783--797},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {An important disconnect exists between the current use of formal modeling and applied statistical analysis. In general, a lack of linkage between the two can produce statistically significant parameters of ambiguous origin that, in turn, fail to assist in falsifying theories and hypotheses. To address this scientific challenge, a framework for unification is proposed. Methodological unification leverages the mutually reinforcing properties of formal and applied statistical analysis to produce greater transparency in relating theory to test. This framework for methodological unification, or what has been referred to as the empirical implications of theoretical models (EITM), includes (1) connecting behavioral (formal) and applied statistical concepts, (2) developing behavioral (formal) and applied statistical analogues of these concepts, and (3) linking and evaluating the behavioral (formal) and applied statistical analogues. The elements of this EITM framework are illustrated with examples from voting behavior, macroeconomic policy and outcomes, and political turnout.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00460.x}
}

@Article{GranqvistRegner2008,
  Title                    = {Decentralized Wage Formation in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Granqvist, Lena and Regn{\'e}r, H\r{a}an},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8543.2008.00688.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-8543},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {500--520},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Recent Swedish collective bargaining agreements have incorporated provisions for local pay review talks and opportunities for individuals to negotiate their own wages. Using trade union data, we show that members who participate in local pay review talks and members who negotiate their own wages have significantly higher monthly wages than those who do not. Pay decentralization either improves an individual's bargaining position or attracts more productive trade union members. Either way, trade union wage policies to increase individual-level wage variance are achieving their intended effects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2008.00688.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Grant1977,
  Title                    = {Educational Policy and Cultural Pluralism: A Task for Comparative Education},
  Author                   = {Grant, Nigel},
  Date                     = {1977},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {139--150},
  Volume                   = {13}
}

@Article{Grant1995,
  Title                    = {The limits of common agricultural policy reform and the option of denationalization},
  Author                   = {Grant, Wyn},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501769508406972},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--18},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {The MacSharry reforms are the latest stage in a series of attempts to overhaul the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). These reforms have prevented further deterioration in terms of budgetary costs and surpluses, but have not solved the underlying problems of the CAP which include contradictory goals unmatched by a sufficient number of policy instruments. The objectives of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) are likely to be difficult to achieve. Analyses of the decline of the farm lobby are misplaced. Enlargement will place further strains on the CAP, especially if East European countries are eventually admitted. The policy option of renationalization recognizes the limits of the CAP as an integrative mechanism and seeks to create a new and more balanced partnership between the European Union and member states.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769508406972},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Grant1999,
  Title                    = {Pressure Groups and British Politics},
  Author                   = {Grant, Wyn},
  Date                     = {1999},
  ISBN                     = {0333744853},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Article{GrayJenkins2000,
  Title                    = {Government and administration 1998-99: overcoming `conservatism' - a job half done?},
  Author                   = {Gray, Andrew and Jenkins, Bill},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/53.2.219},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219{--}241},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/53.2.219}
}

@Article{GrayCaul2000,
  Title                    = {Declining Voter Turnout in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 1950 to 1997},
  Author                   = {Gray, Mark and Caul, Miki},
  Date                     = {2000-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414000033009001},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1091--1122},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Past comparative voting-behavior research has revealed that electoral institutions can explain much of the variation in voter turnout between nations. This study takes an alternative and dynamic approach by identifying and explaining a pattern of turnout decline within industrial democracies, which is beyond purely institutional explanation. Multivariate analysis of a pooled cross section of 18 industrial democracies between 1950 and 1997 suggests that turnout decline can best be explained in terms of changing patterns of group mobilization and electorate demographics. The authors specifically point to the decline of unions and labor parties, which have traditionally been associated with the mobilization of peripheral voters and the real increases in the cost of mobilization. The authors control for institutional changes and find that they are less useful in explaining variation in turnout within advanced industrial democracies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033009001},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Book{GreenEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {The British Growth Crisis: The Search for a New Model},
  Author                   = {Green, Jeremy and Hay, Colin and Taylor-Gooby, Peter},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/9781137441522},
  ISBN                     = {978-1-137-44152-2},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Www{Green2015,
  Title                    = {Wondering what's different about the Paris climate change negotiations? Here's what you need to know},
  Author                   = {Green, Jessica F.},
  Date                     = {2015-12-01},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/zzv3da8},
  Note                     = {Monkey Cage Blog},
  Organization             = {Washington Post},
  Urldate                  = {2015-12-10}
}

@Article{Greene2004,
  Title                    = {Fixed Effects and Bias Due to the Incidental Parameters Problem in the Tobit Model},
  Author                   = {Greene, William},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometric Reviews},
  Pages                    = {125--147},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The maximum likelihood estimator (MLE) in nonlinear panel data models with fixed effects is widely understood (with a few exceptions) to be biased and inconsistent when T, the length of the panel, is small and fixed. However, there is surprisingly little theoretical or empirical evidence on the behavior of the estimator on which to base this conclusion. The received studies have focused almost exclusively on coefficient estimation in two binary choice models, the probit and logit models. In this note, we use Monte Carlo methods to examine the behavior of the MLE of the fixed effects tobit model. We find that the estimator's behavior is quite unlike that of the estimators of the binary choice models. Among our findings are that the location coefficients in the tobit model, unlike those in the probit and logit models, are unaffected by the \^a??incidental parameters problem.\^a?? But, a surprising result related to the disturbance variance emerges instead \^a?? the finite sample bias appears here rather than in the slopes. This has implications for estimation of marginal effects and asymptotic standard errors, which are also examined in this paper. The effects are also examined for the probit and truncated regression models, extending the range of received results in the first of these beyond the widely cited biases in the coefficient estimators.}
}

@Article{Greene2004a,
  Title                    = {The behaviour of the maximum likelihood estimator of limited dependent variable models in the presence of fixed effects},
  Author                   = {Greene, William},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrics Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1368-423X.2004.00123.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {98{--}119},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The nonlinear fixed-effects model has two shortcomings, one practical and one methodological. The practical obstacle relates to the difficulty of computing the MLE of the coefficients of non-linear models with possibly thousands of dummy variable coefficients. In fact, in many models of interest to practitioners, computing the MLE of the parameters of fixed effects model is feasible even in panels with very large numbers of groups. The result, though not new, appears not to be well known. The more difficult, methodological issue is the incidental parameters problem that raises questions about the statistical properties of the ML estimator. There is relatively little empirical evidence on the behaviour of the MLE in the presence of fixed effects, and that which has been obtained has focused almost exclusively on binary choice models. In this paper, we use Monte Carlo methods to examine the small sample bias of the MLE in the tobit, truncated regression and Weibull survival models as well as the binary probit and logit and ordered probit discrete choice models. We find that the estimator in the continuous response models behaves quite differently from the familiar and oft cited results. Among our findings are: first, a widely accepted result that suggests that the probit estimator is actually relatively well behaved appears to be incorrect; second, the estimators of the slopes in the tobit model, unlike the probit and logit models that have been studied previously, appear to be largely unaffected by the incidental parameters problem, but a surprising result related to the disturbance variance estimator arises instead; third, lest one jumps to a conclusion that the finite sample bias is restricted to discrete choice models, we submit evidence on the truncated regression, which is yet unlike the tobit in that regard-it appears to be biased towards zero; fourth, we find in the Weibull model that the biases in a vector of coefficients need not be in the same direction; fifth, as apparently unexamined previously, the estimated asymptotic standard errors for the ML estimators appear uniformly to be downward biased when the model contains fixed effects. In sum, the finite sample behaviour of the fixed effects estimator is much more varied than the received literature would suggest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1368-423X.2004.00123.x}
}

@Article{Greene1981,
  Title                    = {On the Asymptotic Bias of the Ordinary Least Squares Estimator of the Tobit Model},
  Author                   = {Greene, William H},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {505{--}513},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents a precise characterization of the bias of least squares in two limited dependent variable models, the Tobit model and the truncated regression model. For the cases considered, the method of moments can be used to correct the bias of OLS. For more general cases, the results provide approximations which appear to be relatively robust.}
}

@Book{Greene2003,
  Title                    = {Econometric Analysis},
  Author                   = {Greene, William H.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Edition                  = {5th},
  ISBN                     = {0-13-110849-2},
  Location                 = {Upper Saddle River, NJ},
  Note                     = {International Edition},
  Publisher                = {Prentice Hall},

  Timestamp                = {2012.01.15}
}

@Book{Greene2011,
  Title                    = {Econometric Analysis},
  Author                   = {Greene, William H.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0131395381},
  Publisher                = {Prentice Hall}
}

@Article{Greener2006,
  Title                    = {Path Dependence, Realism and the NHS},
  Author                   = {Greener, Ian},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {British Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200021},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {319--343},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Path dependence is a term now widely used in political science, but often in an unclear and unsystematic way. This paper suggests that its combination with the realist approach of Archer can clarify its use considerably, and it demonstrates this through an analysis of the development of the National Health Service showing that its structural and cultural legacy are extremely significant in understanding the potential success or failure of health reform under New Labour.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200021}
}

@Article{GreenhillEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Trade-based Diffusion of Labor Rights: A Panel Study, 1986--2002},
  Author                   = {Greenhill, Brian and Mosley, Layna and Prakash, Aseem},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055409990116},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {669--690},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409990116}
}

@Article{GreenlandPoole2013,
  Title                    = {Living with P Values: Resurrecting a {Bayes}ian Perspective on Frequentist Statistics},
  Author                   = {Greenland, Sander and Poole, Charles},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Epidemiology},
  Doi                      = {10.1097/EDE.0b013e3182785741},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {62--68},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {In response to the widespread abuse and misinterpretation of significance tests of null hypotheses, some editors and authors have strongly discouraged P values. However, null P values still thrive in most journals and are routinely misinterpreted as probabilities of a ``chance finding'' or of the null, when they are no such thing. This misuse may be lessened by recognizing correct Bayesian interpretations. For example, under weak priors, 95\% confidence intervals approximate 95\% posterior probability intervals, one-sided P values approximate directional posterior probabilities, and point estimates approximate posterior medians. Furthermore, under certain conditions, a one-sided P value for a prior median provides an approximate lower bound on the posterior probability that the point estimate is on the wrong side of that median. More generally, P values can be incorporated into a modern analysis framework that emphasizes measurement of fit, distance, and posterior probability in place of statistical significance and accept/reject decisions.},
  Keywords                 = {00001648-201301000-00009}
}

@Article{Green-Pedersen1999,
  Title                    = {The Danish Welfare State under Bourgeois Reign: The Dilemma of Popular Entrenchment and Economic Constraints},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00015},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {243--260},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {From 1982 to 1993, a decade of tight economic constraints, the Danish welfare state was governed by bourgeois parties. The expectation of the power resources model, the most prevalent theory about the Scandinavian welfare states, was that the Danish welfare state would be turned further in a residual direction. Those expectations were, however, never fulfilled - on the contrary, the Danish welfare state was further expanded in a social democratic direction. A focus on how the bourgeois governments, often in a difficult parliamentary situation, tried to adapt the popular Danish welfare state to less favorable economic conditions accounts for important aspects of this development. The bourgeois governments relied on a combination of increased benefits to large groups of voters and well-hidden measures to strengthen public finances.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00015}
}

@Article{Green-Pedersen2001,
  Title                    = {The Puzzle of Dutch Welfare State Retrenchment: The Importance of Dutch Politics},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {135--150},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {In the literature on welfare state retrenchment and in the general emphasis on the resilience of welfare states, the Dutch case appears puzzling by virtue of the fact that significant retrenchments have actually taken place in the Netherlands. The Dutch case appears even more puzzling considering that the arguments in this literature as to the difficulties in welfare state retrenchments apply very well to the Dutch case, whereas the arguments as to why after all welfare state retrenchments are possible do not apply particularly well. This article argues that the explanation for the Dutch puzzle should be found in Dutch politics. Due to the power of the CDA as a pivotal centre party, the PvdA was at an early stage forced to accept welfare state retrenchment. A party consensus thus emerged allowing Dutch governments to define the issue of welfare state retrenchment as a matter of economic necessity.}
}

@Article{Green-Pedersen2001a,
  Title                    = {Welfare-state Retrenchment in {Denmark} and the {Netherlands}, 1982-1998: The Role of Party Competition and Party Consensus},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {963--985},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {The literature on welfare-state retrenchment generally argues that economics and institutions matter for the retrenchment scale in different countries. This article argues that politics, in the sense of party competition and consensus, also matter. A study of retrenchment in Denmark and the Netherlands from 1982 to 1998 shows a greater extent of retrenchment has been implemented in the Netherlands. This occurred because the Dutch system of party competition with a pivotal center party, the Christian Democratic Appeal, produced party consensus about welfare-state retrenchment. The Dutch labor party had to accept retrenchment to regain government power, and Dutch governments were able to use this consensus to frame retrenchment as an economic necessity. In Denmark, vehement opposition from the Social Democrats made retrenchment a contested issue during the right-wing governments from 1982 to 1993. Following the Social Democrats' return to power in 1993, a party consensus emerged, leading to retrenchment measures.}
}

@Article{Green-Pedersen2002,
  Title                    = {New Public Management Reforms of the Danish and Swedish Welfare States: The Role of Different Social Democratic Responses},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {271--294},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates market-type reforms of the service welfare states in Sweden and Denmark. Sweden has implemented such reforms to a greater extent than Denmark. The explanation should be found in the different responses of the Social Democratic parties to the NPM agenda in general and market-type reforms in particular. In Denmark, the Social Democrats have opposed market-type reforms, whereas in Sweden they have been more open towards these ideas. With this focus, the paper differs from most other writings about variation in the extent of NPM.}
}

@Article{Green-Pedersen2003,
  Title                    = {Small states, big success: party politics and governing the economy in {Denmark} and The {Netherlands} from 1973 to 2000},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/soceco/1.3.411},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {411--437},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years, a wave of publications within comparative political economy has focused on patterns of adjustments of the political economies of advanced industrial countries to such recent conditions as globalization and the effects of these adjustments with regard to macroeconomic outcomes. This article argues that a way to enhance the understanding of adjustment patterns and consequently macroeconomic outcomes is to focus on party politics and its consequences for the emergence of broad political agreement around a coherent socioeconomic policy, including controversial reforms of the welfare state and the labor market. Party politics has two aspects: namely, the strategies of political parties owning' the welfare state issue, i.e. Social Democratic parties and in some countries Christian Democratic parties, and the polarization of the party system, especially the strategies of extreme wing parties. The relevance of the argument is shown by analyzing socioeconomic policy making and macroeconomic outcomes in Denmark and The Netherlands since 1973.}
}

@Article{Green-PedersenvanKersbergen2002,
  Title                    = {The Politics of the `Third Way': The Transformation of Social Democracy in {Denmark} and the {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer and van Kersbergen, Kees},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068802008005001},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {507--524},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The development of European Social Democracy has once more attracted significant scholarly attention. This time, the debate is centred around the `third way' as the catchphrase for the transformation of European Social Democracy. Based on the experience of the Danish and Dutch Social Democrats, two questions are raised in this article, namely what has caused the renewal of Social Democracy and what explains different sequences of change in different countries? The answer to the first question is that the transformation is driven by the search for a new formula for combining social justice and effective economic governance after the failure of the Keynesian formula in the 1970s and 1980s. This, and not so much changes in the preferences of the electorate in a liberal and libertarian direction, is driving the transformation. The answer to the second question is that differences in the strategic situation of the Social Democratic parties in terms of office-seeking and holding on to power explain different sequences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068802008005001}
}

@Article{Green-PedersenStubager2010,
  Title                    = {The Political Conditionality of Mass Media Influence: When Do Parties Follow Mass Media Attention?},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen,Christoffer and Stubager,Rune},
  Date                     = {2010-07},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123410000037},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {3},
  Pages                    = {663--677},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Claims regarding the power of the mass media in contemporary politics are much more frequent than research actually analysing the influence of mass media on politics. Building upon the notion of issue ownership, this article argues that the capacity of the mass media to influence the respective agendas of political parties is conditioned upon the interests of the political parties. Media attention to an issue generates attention from political parties when the issue is one that political parties have an interest in politicizing in the first place. The argument of the article is supported in a time-series study of mass media influence on the opposition parties agenda in Denmark over a twenty-year period.},
  Numpages                 = {15}
}

@Article{Green-PedersenWilkerson2006,
  Title                    = {How agenda-setting attributes shape politics: Basic dilemmas, problem attention and health politics developments in {Denmark} and the US},
  Author                   = {Green-Pedersen, Christoffer and Wilkerson, John},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760600924092},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {1039--1052},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {We propose a new approach to the study of comparative public policy that examines how the agenda-setting attributes of an issue combine with problems to drive political attention. Whereas existing comparative policy studies tend to focus on how institutional or programmatic differences affect policy and politics, we begin by asking how the issue itself affects politics across nations. We illustrate by comparing health care attention and policy developments in Denmark and the US over fifty years. These two industrialized democracies have very different political and health care systems. Nevertheless, similar trends in political attention to health emerge. We argue that these high levels of attention reflect the issue's political attractiveness with regard to vote-seeking and the fact that neither system has managed to resolve the basic dilemma of how to control costs while meeting public expectations concerning access to services and health care quality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600924092}
}

@Article{GreenwaldStiglitz1987,
  author       = {Greenwald, B. and Stiglitz, Joseph E.},
  date         = {1987},
  journaltitle = {Oxford Economic Papers},
  title        = {Keynesian, New Keynesian and New Classical Economics},
  issn         = {0030-7653},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {119--133},
  series       = {New Series},
  volume       = {39},
}

@Book{Greenwood2007,
  Title                    = {Interest Representation in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Greenwood, Justin},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Book{Greer2005,
  Title                    = {Agricultural Policy in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Greer, Alan},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {9780719080616},
  Location                 = {Manchester, UK},
  Publisher                = {Manchester University Press}
}

@Article{Greer2006,
  Title                    = {Uninvited {Europe}anization: neofunctionalism and the EU in health policy},
  Author                   = {Greer, Scott L.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760500380783},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {134--152},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Neofunctionalism lives on in health policy: while there are many ways in which the theory of Haas has become obsolescent, it still provides a convincing explanation of the expansion of EU competencies, as shown above all by the ongoing, unintended, development of a European health policy. Member states have carefully isolated health services and policy from the EU since its inception, granting only narrow responsibilities and weak tools relevant to marginal areas of policy. Yet today the EU is emerging as one of the formative influences in health policy. Simply put, the activities of EU institutions in areas outside health, both legislative and judicial, have had unexpected consequences for health by changing the legal environment under which health systems contract employees, purchase goods, finance services, and organize themselves. The result is systematic encroachments on health policy by the EU, driven by the Court and justified by internal market rules and decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760500380783},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Greer2008,
  Title                    = {Choosing paths in {Europe}an Union health services policy: a political analysis of a critical juncture},
  Author                   = {Greer, Scott L.},
  Date                     = {2008-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928708091056},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {219--231},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Health services policy in the European Union is at a critical juncture: a moment at which decisions are highly contingent but, once taken, will shape politics and policy for the future. There is no established EU health services policy community or trajectory because EU health services politics have been a reaction to decisions by the European Court of Justice. Instead, there are a range of different models of health policy, each with different logics, lineages, policy tools and bureaucratic sponsors. The decisions taken in this fluid situation will shape future policy because of the importance and `stickiness' of the EU. Once the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has taken a decision or legislation has been passed, it is difficult to undo. This article explains the challenges that created an EU policy arena where none had been; the reasons that decisions taken now will be subject to the logic of path dependency; and the different models that are being put forward for the EU.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928708091056}
}

@Article{GreifLaitin2004,
  Title                    = {A Theory of Endogenous Institutional Change},
  Author                   = {Greif, Avner and Laitin, David},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {633--652},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {This paper asks (a) why and how institutions change, (b) how an institution persists in a changing environment, and (c) how processes that it unleashes lead to its own demise. The paper shows that the game-theoretic notion of self-enforcing equilibrium and the historical institutionalist focus on process are both inadequate to answer these questions. Building on a game-theoretic foundation, but responding to the critique of it by historical institutionalists, the paper introduces the concepts of quasi-parameters and self reinforcement. With these concepts, and building on repeated game theory, a dynamic approach to institutions is offered, one that can account for endogenous change (and stability) of institutions. Contextual accounts of formal governing institutions in early modern Europe and the informal institution of cleavage structure in the contemporary world provide illustrations of the approach.}
}

@Article{Grek2009,
  author       = {Sotiria Grek},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Education Policy},
  title        = {Governing by numbers: the PISA ``effect'' in Europe},
  doi          = {10.1080/02680930802412669},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {23-37},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), which has become a major and influential component of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) educational work. This measure of comparative performance of educational systems of member and other nations is based on tests commissioned by the OECD. The paper discusses the role of the OECD in establishing the ``comparative' turn and also describes PISA, its management and effects. It provides three examples of the impact of PISA in Finland, Germany and the UK before moving the focus to its impacts at the transnational level, through an examination of how key European policy actors see PISA and its effects. The paper concludes that PISA, through its direct impact on national education systems in Europe and beyond, has become an indirect, but nonetheless influential tool of the new political technology of governing the European education space by numbers.},
}

@Article{GrekEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {National policy brokering and the construction of the {Europe}an Education Space in {England}, {Sweden}, {Finland} and {Scotland}},
  Author                   = {Grek, Sotiria and Lawn, Martin and Lingard, Bob and Ozga, Jenny and Rinne, Risto and Segerholm, Christina and Simola, Hannu},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03050060802661378},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--21},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This paper draws on a comparative study of the growth of data and the changing governance of education in Europe. It looks at data and the \^a??making\^a?? of a European Education Policy Space, with a focus on \^a??policy brokers\^a?? in translating and mediating demands for data from the European Commission. It considers the ways in which such brokers use data production pressures from the Commission to justify policy directions in their national systems. The systems under consideration are Finland, Sweden, and England and Scotland. The paper focuses on the rise of Quality Assurance and Evaluation mechanisms and processes as providing the overarching rationale for data demands, both for accountability and performance improvement purposes. The theoretical resources that are drawn on to enable interpretation of the data are those that suggest a move from governing to governance and the use of comparison as a form of governance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050060802661378}
}

@Book{GriecoIkenberry2003,
  Title                    = {State Power and World Markets: The International Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Grieco, Joseph M. and Ikenberry, G. John},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton},

  Isb                      = {0-393-97419-7},
  Timestamp                = {2012.03.06}
}

@Incollection{Griffiths2009,
  Title                    = {Teaching and learning in small groups},
  Author                   = {Griffiths, Sandra},
  Booktitle                = {A Handbook for Teaching and Learning in Higher Education: Enhancing Academic Practice},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Editor                   = {Fry, Heather and Ketteridge, Steve and Marshall, Stephanie},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Pages                    = {72--84},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nu73v4f},
  Urldate                  = {2015-08-20}
}

@Article{Grigsby1990,
  Title                    = {Housing Finance and Subsidies in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Grigsby, William G},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00420989020080871},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {831{--}845},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989020080871}
}

@Article{GrilliEtAl1991,
  Title                    = {Political and Monetary Institutions and Public Financial Policies in the Industrial Countries},
  Author                   = {Grilli, Vittorio and Masciandaro, Donato and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {13},
  Pages                    = {341{--}392},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Why do countries as similar as the industrialized OECD countries go through such different experience in terms of public deficits and debts or in terms of inflation? The answer cannot come from macroeconomic policy responses to different disturbances, nor from the principles of optimal taxation, but rather from politics. This article focuses on the role that particular institutions exert in providing constraints and incentives which shape the actions of policy-makers. The electoral process and political traditions affect the ability of governments to deal with deficits and mounting debts. What seems to matter most, it is found, is the effect of the durability of governments. Governments with short horizons act myopically and never quite tackle the hard choices. Such governments typically exist in countries with an electoral system favouring many small political parties. Central bank independence promotes low inflation with no apparent costs in terms of real economic performance, irrespective of the political institutions. In fact there is no link between monetary and fiscal discipline. These findings carry powerful implications for countries facing high indebtedness or stubborn inflation, but also for the construction of the European Economic and Monetary Union.}
}

@Unpublished{GrimmerEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Are Close Elections Random?},
  Author                   = {Grimmer, Justin and Feinstein, Brian and Hersh, Eitan and Carpenter, Dan},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Unpublished manuscript.},
  Url                      = {http://stanford.edu/~jgrimmer/cef2.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Elections with small margins of victory represent an important form of democratic competition and, increasingly, an opportunity for causal inference. When scholars use close elections for examining competition or for causal inference, they impose assumptions about the politics of close contests: campaigns are unable to systematically determine the outcome. This paper calls into question this model and introduces a new model that accounts for strategic campaign behavior. We draw upon the intuition that elections that are expected to be close attract greater campaign efforts before the election and invite legal challenges and fraud after the election. Our theoretical models predict systematic differences between winners and losers in extremely close elections. We test our predictions using all House elections from 1880-2008, finding that structurally advantaged candidates are more likely to win close elections. But the structural advantages that predict winners shift over time: from 1880 to the 1960's, candidates from strong parties are systematically more likely to win close contests, but the advantage dissipates in more recent contests. After the 1940's, incumbent candidates are much more likely to win close elections. Our findings suggest a new research agenda on the systematic determination of close contests.}
}

@Article{GrimmerStewart2013,
  Title                    = {Text as Data: The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts},
  Author                   = {Grimmer, Justin and Stewart, Brandon M.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mps028},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {267--297},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {Politics and political conflict often occur in the written and spoken word. Scholars have long recognized this, but the massive costs of analyzing even moderately sized collections of texts have hindered their use in political science research. Here lies the promise of automated text analysis: it substantially reduces the costs of analyzing large collections of text. We provide a guide to this exciting new area of research and show how, in many instances, the methods have already obtained part of their promise. But there are pitfalls to using automated methods--they are no substitute for careful thought and close reading and require extensive and problem-specific validation. We survey a wide range of new methods, provide guidance on how to validate the output of the models, and clarify misconceptions and errors in the literature. To conclude, we argue that for automated text methods to become a standard tool for political scientists, methodologists must contribute new methods and new methods of validation.}
}

@Article{GrosserPalfrey2013,
  Title                    = {Candidate Entry and Political Polarization: An Antimedian Voter Theorem},
  Author                   = {Gro\sser, Jens and Palfrey, Thomas R.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12032},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},

  Abstract                 = {We study a citizen-candidate-entry model with private information about ideal points. We fully characterize the unique symmetric equilibrium of the entry game and show that only relatively `extreme' citizen types enter the electoral competition as candidates, whereas more `moderate' types never enter. It generally leads to substantial political polarization, even when the electorate is not polarized and citizens understand that they vote for more extreme candidates. We show that polarization increases in the costs of entry and decreases in the benefits from holding office. Moreover, when the number of citizens goes to infinity, only the very most extreme citizens, with ideal points at the boundary of the policy space, become candidates. Finally, our polarization result is robust to changes in the implementation of a default policy if no citizen runs for office and to introducing directional information about candidates' types that is revealed via parties.}
}

@Article{Groeling2013,
  Title                    = {Media Bias by the Numbers: Challenges and Opportunities in the Empirical Study of Partisan News},
  Author                   = {Groeling, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-040811-115123},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {129--151},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {Partisan bias in the news is a perennial matter of concern and debate for scholars, journalists, politicians, and citizens. While there are abundant opinions about the magnitude, direction, or even existence of media bias, producing a scholarly consensus on the issue has proven difficult for several reasons. In particular, scholars studying media bias empirically must overcome problems of subjectivity, strategic behavior by the actors involved in the process, and especially the absence of suitable baselines against which to assess bias. This article reviews some of the approaches scholars have adopted to studying media bias, and then explores several promising strategies and tools scholars have developed to help overcome these obstacles. I then conclude with suggestions for future research in the area.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-040811-115123},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.28}
}

@Article{Grofman1985,
  author       = {Grofman, Bernard},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Neglected Role of the Status Quo in Models of Issue Voting},
  doi          = {10.2307/2131073},
  issn         = {0022-3816},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {230--237},
  url          = {http://www.socsci.uci.edu/~bgrofman/R17-Grofman-Neglected\%20Role\%20of\%20the\%20Status\%20Quo.pdf},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {We offer a spatial model of voter choice based on the directionality and magnitude of expected shifts from the status quo. In this model citizens do not look merely at the positions (platforms) of the parties/candidates, but also at how successful potential officeholders are likely to be in implementing changes from the present status quo in the direction they intend. We argue that our model is more faithful in spirit to Downs's (1957) work than the standard operationalization and, more importantly, that it enables us to account for long-run dynamics of electoral politics in which, because of shifts in the location of the status quo, voter choices may change even though party locations and voter ideal points remain unchanged. Moreover, it leads to ideas for improving the operationalization of issue-voting models.},
  month        = feb,
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Southern Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Grofman2004,
  Title                    = {Downs and Two-Party Convergence},
  Author                   = {Grofman, Bernard},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104711},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--46},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/6hy72qw},
  Volume                   = {7}
}

@Article{GrofmanSchneider2009,
  Title                    = {An Introduction to Crisp Set {QCA}, with a Comparison to Binary Logistic Regression},
  Author                   = {Grofman, Bernard and Schneider, Carsten Q},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912909338464},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {662{--}672},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {The authors focus on the dichotomous crisp set form of qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). The authors review basic set theoretic QCA methodology, including truth tables, solution formulas, and coverage and consistency measures and discuss how QCA (a) displays relations between variables, (b) highlights descriptive or complex causal accounts for specific (groups of) cases, and (c) expresses the degree of fit. To help readers determine when QCA's configurational approach might be appropriate, the authors compare and contrast QCA to mainstream statistical methodologies such as binary logistic regressions done on the same data set.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912909338464}
}

@Book{Groseclose2011,
  Title                    = {Left Turn: How Liberal Media Bias Distorts the {America}n Mind},
  Author                   = {Groseclose, Tim},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-312-55593-1},
  Publisher                = {St Martin's Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{GrosecloseMilyo2005,
  Title                    = {A Measure of Media Bias},
  Author                   = {Groseclose, Tim and Milyo, Jeffrey},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355305775097542},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1191--1237},
  Volume                   = {120},

  Abstract                 = {We measure media bias by estimating ideological scores for several major media outlets. To compute this, we count the times that a particular media outlet cites various think tanks and policy groups, and then compare this with the times that members of Congress cite the same groups. Our results show a strong liberal bias: all of the news outlets we examine, except Fox News' Special Report and the Washington Times, received scores to the left of the average member of Congress. Consistent with claims made by conservative critics, CBS Evening News and the New York Times received scores far to the left of center. The most centrist media outlets were PBS NewsHour, CNN's Newsnight, and ABC's Good Morning America; among print outlets, USA Today was closest to the center. All of our findings refer strictly to news content; that is, we exclude editorials, letters, and the like.}
}

@Article{GrossmanWoll2014,
  Title                    = {Saving the Banks: The Political Economy of Bailouts},
  Author                   = {Grossman, Emiliano and Woll, Cornelia},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414013488540},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {574-600},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {How much leeway did governments have in designing bank bailouts and deciding on the height of intervention during the 2007-2009 financial crisis? By analyzing the variety of bailouts in Europe and North America, we will show that the strategies governments use to cope with the instability of financial markets does not depend on economic conditions alone. Rather, they take root in the institutional and political setting of each country and vary in particular according to the different types of businessgovernment relations banks were able to entertain with public decision makers. Still, crony capitalism accounts overstate the role of bank lobbying. With four case studies of the Irish, Danish, British, and French bank bailout, we show that countries with close one-on-one relationships between policy makers and bank management tended to develop unbalanced bailout packages, while countries where banks negotiated collectively developed solutions with a greater burden-sharing from private institutions.}
}

@Article{GrossmanHelpman1994,
  Title                    = {Protection for Sale},
  Author                   = {Grossman, Gene M. and Helpman, Elhanan},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2118033},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {833--850},
  Volume                   = {84},

  Abstract                 = {We develop a model in which special-interest groups make political contributions in order to influence an incumbent government's choice of trade policy. The interest groups bid for protection with their campaign support. Politicians maximize their own welfare, which depends on total contributions collected and on the welfare of voters. We study the structure of protection that emerges in the political equilibrium and the contributions by different lobbies that support the policy outcome. We also discuss why the lobbies may in some cases prefer to have the government use trade policy to transfer income, rather than more efficient means.}
}

@Other{GrossmannBlumkin2004,
  Title                    = {Ideological Polarization, Sticky Information, and Policy Reforms},
  Abstract                 = {We develop a dynamic two-party political economy framework, in which parties seek to maximize vote share and face the trade-off between catering to their respective core constituencies on the one hand and "middle of the road" voters with no partisan affiliation on the other hand. In contrast to ideology-driven individuals, "middle of the road" voters care about the state of the economy in the sense that a policy reform is desirable for them when the fundamentals of the economy change. However, information is "sticky" in the sense that the process of information diffusion about the state of the economy, which is determined by some exogenous stochastic process, is imperfect. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we show that an increase in ideological polarization may enhance social welfare by mitigating the friction in information flow.},
  Author                   = {Grossmann, Volker and Blumkin, Tomer},
  Date                     = {2004}
}

@Article{GroutStevens2003,
  Title                    = {The Assessment: Financing and Managing Public Services},
  Author                   = {Grout, Paul A and Stevens, Margaret},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {215--234},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Public services can be, and are, delivered according to a variety of different arrangements. The public sector can finance and provide a service itself, or contract with the private sector to participate in provision, or its role may be limited to regulating a private provider. In this paper we examine the features determining the effectiveness of public-service delivery, including incentives for employees and teams within organizations providing public services, the structure of the organization and the competitive framework that it faces, and the role of the private sector. We assess the reform programme in the UK, which has involved substantial reorganization of public services and increasing involvement of the private sector. Reforms focus on the improvement of incentives; but while incentives are critical, the special characteristics of public services (and the people who provide them) must be recognized in the implementation of new structures and incentive schemes.}
}

@Article{Gruber1997,
  Title                    = {The Incidence of Payroll Taxation: Evidence from {Chile}},
  Author                   = {Gruber, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/209877},
  Number                   = {s3},
  Pages                    = {S72--S101},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {I provide new evidence on the incidence of payroll taxation by examining the experience of Chile before and after the privatization of its Social Security system. This policy change led to a sharp exogenous reduction in the payroll tax burden on Chilean firms; on average, payroll tax rates fell by 25\% over 6 years. Using data from a census of manufacturing firms, I estimate that the incidence of payroll taxation is fully on wages, with no effect on employment. This finding is robust to a variety of empirical approaches to the problem of measurement error in firm-level measures of taxes/worker.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/209877}
}

@Article{GrunerSchils2007,
  Title                    = {The political Economy of Wealth and Interest},
  Author                   = {Gruner, Hans Peter and Schils, Rudiger},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02088.x},
  Number                   = {523},
  Pages                    = {1403{--}1422},
  Volume                   = {117},

  Abstract                 = {We study the relationship between wealth redistribution and the allocation of firm-ownership. The economy's wealth distribution affects the equilibrium interest rate and the allocation of entrepreneurial rents when wealth determines agents{\textquoteright} ability to borrow. This leads to an unconventional voting behaviour of the politically decisive middle class: the political preferences of middle and upper class voters coincide when redistribution only has an adverse interest-rate effect. Middle class voters vote with the lower class if redistribution gives access to entrepreneurial rents. Technology may strongly affect political outcomes. Greater inequality amplifies the interest-rate effect and may lead to less redistribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02088.x}
}

@Article{Grzymala-Busse2012,
  Title                    = {Why Comparative Politics Should Take Religion (More) Seriously},
  Author                   = {Grzymala-Busse, Anna},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-033110-130442},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {421--442},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/8k9fnxq},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The study of religion holds great promise for the study of identity, institutional origins, the state, and the strategies of institutional actors in comparative politics. Doctrinal differences translate into distinct patterns of state institutions, economic performance, and policy preferences. Religious attachments affect voting and popular mobilization. Churches can become powerful institutional players that lobby, influence policy, and form effective coalitions with both secular and denominational partners. Finally, natural religious monopolies and (conversely) resolutely secular countries show how churches have played a central role in the struggle of nations and states. The relationship is thus mutual: religion influences political attitudes and institutions, and politics affects religious practice and political activity.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/8k9fnxq},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-033110-130442}
}

@Article{GuajardoEtAl2014,
  author       = {Guajardo, Jaime and Leigh, Daniel and Pescatori, Andrea},
  title        = {Expansionary Austerity? International Evidence},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {12},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {949--968},
  issn         = {1542-4774},
  doi          = {10.1111/jeea.12083},
  abstract     = {This paper investigates the short-term effects of fiscal consolidation on economic activity in OECD economies. We examine contemporaneous policy documents to identify changes in fiscal policy motivated by a desire to reduce the budget deficit and not by responding to prospective economic conditions. Using this new dataset, our estimates suggest that fiscal consolidation has contractionary effects on private demand and GDP. By contrast, estimates based on conventional measures of the fiscal policy stance used in the literature support the expansionary fiscal contractions hypothesis but appear to be biased toward overstating expansionary effects.},
  keywords     = {E32, E62, H20, H5, N10},
}

@Article{GuarnaschelliEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {An Experimental Study of Jury Decision Rules},
  Author                   = {Guarnaschelli, Serena and McKelvey, Richard D and Palfrey, Thomas R},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2586020},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {407--423},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {We present experimental results on groups facing a decision problem analogous to that faced by a jury. We consider three treatment variables: group size (three or six), number of votes needed for conviction (majority or unanimity), and pre-vote deliberation. We find evidence of strategic voting under the unanimity rule: A large fraction of our subjects vote for a decision analogous to conviction even when their private information indicates a state analogous to innocence. This is roughly consistent with the game theoretic predictions of Feddersen and Pesendorfer. Although individual behavior is explained well by the game theoretic model, there are discrepancies at the level of the group decision. Contrary to Feddersen and Pesendorfer, in our experiments there are fewer outcomes analogous to incorrect convictions under unanimity rule than under majority rule. In the case of no deliberation, we simultaneously account for the individual and group data using quantal response equilibrium.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586020}
}

@Article{Guillen2002,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Universalisation: Establishing National Health Services in Southern {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Guill{\'e}n, Ana M.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713601642},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {49--68},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Italy, Portugal, Greece and Spain have enacted reform laws during the last 20 years with the intention of turning their health insurance systems into national health services. Universalisation of access to public health care was at the centre of the political debates which led to the passing of the reform laws. This article analyses the policy-making processes that allowed for such institutional change, as well as achievements and shortcomings of the implementation processes that followed. The analysis draws on the insights of the actor-centred neo-institutionalist approach in the policy sciences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713601642},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Guillaud2013,
  Title                    = {Preferences for redistribution: an empirical analysis over 33 countries},
  Author                   = {Guillaud, Elvire},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Inequality},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10888-011-9205-0},
  ISSN                     = {1569-1721},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {57--78},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {People's preferences for state intervention in social policies vary. A cross-section analysis on individual-level survey data is conducted here over 33 democracies to highlight the link between the economic position of agents and their specific demand for redistribution. Controlling for a number of factors usually found to affect individual preferences in the literature, this article focuses on the role played by the occupational status of individuals in shaping their preferences. Individual labour market position, as well as family income, is shown to outweigh all other factors shaping preferences for redistribution. The odds of a manager to oppose redistributive policies are increased by 40\%, as compared to those of an office clerk, for instance. Moreover, individuals' perception of personal mobility plays an important role: the odds of holding more positive attitudes towards redistribution are up by 32\% for people who think they experienced a downward mobility within the last ten years. Evidence is also found for the fact that the political regime may have a long lasting effect on collective preferences: living in former-East Germany doubles the odds of holding positive attitudes towards redistribution, as compared to living in West Germany. Finally, the research presented here identifies which socio-political groups may be formed on the basis of their preferences for redistribution.},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Springer Netherlands}
}

@Unpublished{Guillbaud2008,
  Title                    = {Preferences for Redistribution: a {Europe}an Comparative Analysis},
  Author                   = {Guillbaud, Elvire},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Note                     = {Paris School of Economics Working Paper No. 2008-41},

  Abstract                 = {What explains people's preferences for state intervention in social policies? Conducting a cross-section analysis on individual-level survey data, we highlight the link between the economic position of agents and their specific demand toward redistribution. Controlling for a number of factors usually found to impact individual preferences in the literature, we take the egoistic motives for redistribution seriously and focus on the role played by the occupational status of individuals in shaping their preferences. Thus, (i) we estimate the relative importance of economic factors in terms of current and expected gain, allowing for social mobility experience and risk aversion. Further, (ii) we try to identify which socio-political groups could be formed on the basis of their preferences for redistribution. Finally, (iii) we highlight differences between European countries as it comes to the grouping of agents.}
}

@Book{Gujarati1995,
  Title                    = {Basic Econometrics},
  Author                   = {Gujarati, Damodar},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Edition                  = {Third},
  ISBN                     = {0071139648},
  Location                 = {Singapore},
  Publisher                = {McGraw-Hill}
}

@Article{GundlachEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {The Decline of Schooling Productivity in OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Gundlach, Erich and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger and Gmelin, Jens},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0297.00624},
  Number                   = {471},
  Pages                    = {135{--}147},
  Volume                   = {111},

  Abstract                 = {Based on Baumol's cost-disease model, we develop two alternative measures of the change in the productivity of schooling. Both productivity measures are based on changes in the relative price of schooling. We find that in most OECD countries the price of schooling has increased faster in 1970-94 than would be compatible with constant schooling productivity. In addition, we show that the average performance of pupils has remained constant at best in most OECD countries. Our results imply a larger decline in the productivity of schooling in many OECD countries than in the United States.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.00624}
}

@Article{GuntherDiamond2003,
  Title                    = {Species of Political Parties: A New Typology},
  Author                   = {Gunther, Richard and Diamond, Larry},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/13540688030092003},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--199},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {While the literature already includes a large number of party typologies, they are increasingly incapable of capturing the great diversity of party types that have emerged worldwide in recent decades, largely because most typologies were based upon West European parties as they existed in the late nineteenth through mid-twentieth centuries. Some new party types have been advanced, but in an ad hoc manner and on the basis of widely varying and often inconsistent criteria. This article is an effort to set many of the commonly used conceptions of parties into a coherent framework, and to delineate new party types whenever the existing models are incapable of capturing important aspects of contemporary parties. We classify each of 15 species' of party into its proper genus' on the basis of three criteria: (1) the nature of the party's organization (thick/thin, elite-based or mass-based, etc.); (2) the programmatic orientation of the party (ideological, particularistic-clientele-oriented, etc.); and (3) tolerant and pluralistic (or democratic) versus proto-hegemonic (or anti-system). While this typology lacks parsimony, we believe that it captures more accurately the diversity of the parties as they exist in the contemporary democratic world, and is more conducive to hypothesistesting and theory-building than others.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688030092003}
}

@Article{Gustafsson1987,
  author       = {Gustafsson, Lennart},
  date         = {1987},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  title        = {Renewal of the Public Sector in {Sweden}},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {179--193},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {This article focuses on the renewal of the public sector in Sweden. The scope and emphasis of the public sector have been a continuous topic of public discussion. The debate on administrative policy acquired new impetus following the Social Democratic return to office in the autumn of 1982. The Government has based its work of renewal on a concentration of these issues and on successively refined measures to solve the problems. One condition to which the renewal program has been made subject is that the quality of the undertakings of the welfare state must not be lowered. In contrast to the changes undergone by the public sector in many other countries, the Swedish Government in principle rejects privatization as a method of solving the problems of the sector.},
  annotation   = {The author was (at the time of writing) Secretary of Planning in Sweden's Ministry of Public Administration.},
}

@Article{GustavssonJordahl2008,
  Title                    = {Inequality and trust in {Sweden}: Some inequalities are more harmful than others},
  Author                   = {Gustavsson, Magnus and Jordahl, Henrik},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.06.010},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {348--365},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {We present new evidence on the influence of income inequality on generalized trust. Using individual panel data from Swedish counties together with an instrumental variable strategy, we find that differences in disposable income, and especially differences among people in the bottom half of the income distribution, are associated with lower trust. The relationship between income inequality and trust is particularly strong for people with a strong aversion against income differentials. We also find that the proportion of people born in a foreign country is negatively associated with trust.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.06.010},
  Keywords                 = {Trust, Social capital, Inequality},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Book{Hausermann2010,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Welfare State Reform in Continental {Europe}: Modernization in Hard Times},
  Author                   = {H{\"a}usermann, Silja},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {978-0521183680},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{HausermannEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Review Article: Rethinking Party Politics and the Welfare State --- Recent Advances in the Literature},
  Author                   = {H{\"a}usermann,Silja and Picot,Georg and Geering,Dominik},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123412000336},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {01},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {221--240},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This article discusses recent research on party politics and the welfare state that differs from traditional ``partisan politics theory''. The traditional approach states that left-wing and right-wing parties hold contrasting positions on welfare issues, depending on the interests of their respective electorates. This view has recently been challenged by three strands of research, which emphasize (1) the effects of electoral change on parties' policy positions, (2) the role of context, notably electoral institutions, party competition and the configuration of party systems, and (3) the impact of different linkages between parties and electorates (particularistic versus programmatic). The implications of these arguments for the applicability of partisan theory are presented, and theoretical and empirical issues are identified for further research.},
  Numpages                 = {20}
}

@Article{Hojer1938,
  Title                    = {Public Health and Medical Care},
  Author                   = {H{\"o}jer, Axel},
  Date                     = {1938},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Pages                    = {104{--}119},
  Volume                   = {197}
}

@Article{HolschKraus2004,
  Title                    = {Poverty Alleviation and the Degree of Centralization in {Europe}an Schemes of Social Assistance},
  Author                   = {H{\"o}lsch, Katja and Kraus, Margit},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928704042007},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {143--164},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, the relationship between the degree of centralization and the distributive outcomes in European schemes of social assistance is investigated. For this purpose, a scheme of classification suitable for grouping the EU15 schemes according to features related to centralization is established by using cluster analysis and an indicator for centralization is developed by employing multidimensional scaling. Subsequently, on the basis of Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) data, the effectiveness and efficiency in reducing poverty through social assistance payments are calculated using several measures of poverty for five selected EU systems and the linkage of their distributive impacts to the degree of centralization is examined. Concerning effectiveness in poverty alleviation, the results provide some evidence that extremely centralized systems are more effective with regard to redistribution than extremely decentralized schemes. However, for systems with a medium degree of centralization, the hypothesis that greater decentralization leads to more effectiveness is not supported. With respect to efficiency, no support is lent to the hypothesis that a higher degree of decentralization is accompanied by a better distributive efficiency. Rather, the results seem to suggest that systems with a medium degree of decentralization do better than either extremely centralized or extremely decentralized systems.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928704042007}
}

@Article{HolschKraus2006,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an schemes of social assistance: an empirical analysis of set-ups and distributive impacts},
  Author                   = {H{\"o}lsch, Katja and Kraus, Margit},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Social Welfare},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2397.2006.00543.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {50--62},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the distributive impacts of various statutory and institutional settings of European schemes of social assistance. For this purpose, two sets of classifications of European schemes of social assistance are introduced, which classify the systems according to their level and statutory settings and according to their degree of centralisation, respectively. Subsequently, the distributive impacts of seven selected EU systems are calculated on the basis of Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) data and their relationship to class assignment is investigated. We find that a high share of social assistance recipients in the population concurs with better distributive effectiveness, while a higher social assistance budget or higher benefit levels do not necessarily yield a better performance. Various forms of targeting seem to enhance distributive efficiency. Concerning centralisation, the results do not show that a certain degree of centralisation yields better results with regard to distributive effectiveness or efficiency.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2006.00543.x}
}

@Article{HornerEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Public Enterprises and Labor Market Performance},
  Author                   = {H{\"o}rner, Johannes and Ngai, L. Rachel and Olivetti, Claudia},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {International Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2354.2007.00431.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {363--384},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This article shows that state control of some industries may have contributed to the increase in European unemployment from the 1970s to the early 1990s. We develop a simple two-sector model, one privately run and one publicly run, that has risk-averse workers directing their search into one of the sectors. Assuming that the privately run sector is less able to insure its employees against uncertainty, we show that aggregate unemployment in this economy increases in response to an increase in economic turbulence.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2354.2007.00431.x}
}

@Article{Huebscher2016,
  author       = {H{\"u}bscher,Evelyne},
  title        = {The politics of fiscal consolidation revisited},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Policy},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {573--601},
  issn         = {1469-7815},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0143814X15000057},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the capacity of governments to implement fiscal reforms in times of austerity. Unlike existing studies, which mostly focus on gradual policy changes like government spending, this analysis distinguishes between consolidation events and consolidation size to examine fiscal reforms. This strategy clarifies contradictory results in previous research and yields new insights into the underlying mechanism of fiscal reform. Based on an action-based data set that includes information about discretionary changes in taxation and government spending policies from 1978 until 2009 for 16 advanced (OECD) countries, the study shows that left and right governments are equally likely to implement cuts. Strategic considerations play a major role for the timing of fiscal consolidation, as the probability of fiscal cuts is highest at the beginning of the legislative term. When governments reform, the left cut as much as necessary, whereas right governments take the opportunity to reduce spending more.},
}

@Article{HuebscherSattler2017,
  author       = {H{\"u}bscher, Evelyne and Sattler, Thomas},
  title        = {Fiscal Consolidation Under Electoral Risk},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {56},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {151--168},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12171},
  abstract     = {The European debt crisis has uncovered a serious tension between democratic politics and market pressure in contemporary democracies. This tension arises when governments implement unpopular fiscal consolidation packages in order to raise their macroeconomic credibility among financial investors. Nonetheless, the dominant view in current research is that governments should not find it difficult to balance demands from voters and investors because fiscal consolidations do not affect election outcomes. We reexamine this proposition by studying how governments themselves judge electoral costs of consolidations and strategically time these policies. If fiscal consolidations are not electorally costly, all governments can implement consolidations flexibly during the electoral term. If, however, consolidations are associated with significant electoral costs, governments with a high risk to be replaced in office should strategically delay these measures towards the end of the legislative term in order to minimize electoral punishment. Our results support the latter hypothesis. The predicted probability of consolidation decreases from 40\% after an election to 13\% towards the end of the term when the government's margin of victory is small. When the electoral margin is large, the probability of consolidation is roughly stable at around 35\%. These results raise questions about the widely held view that fiscal retrenchment does not involve electoral risk. It also suggests that existing studies underestimate the electoral risk associated with fiscal consolidations because they ignore the strategic behavior that our analysis establishes.},
}

@Article{Ha2008,
  Title                    = {Globalization, Veto Players, and Welfare Spending},
  Author                   = {Ha, Eunyoung},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006298938},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {783--813},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the role of globalization and its interaction with domestic political institutions (veto players) in shaping welfare spending in 18 advanced industrial countries from 1960 to 2000. First, the author evaluates how integrated world markets have influenced welfare expenditures. Results suggest that globalization increased welfare spending in this sample. Second, the author studies how domestic political institutions mediate the impact of globalization on welfare spending. With a new data set on veto players for the years 1960 to 2000, the author finds that as the number of and ideological distance among veto players increases, the upward pressure of globalization on welfare spending is reduced. The results show that globalization has pressured states to expand welfare spending, but the extent to which states have responded to pressure critically depends on the number of and ideological distance among veto players, whose agreement is required to change welfare policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006298938}
}

@Article{deHaanEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {Government capital formation: Explaining the decline},
  Author                   = {de Haan, Jakob and Sturm, Jan and Sikken, Bernd},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of World Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02707902},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {55--74},
  Volume                   = {132},

  Abstract                 = {Government Capital Formation: Explaining the Decline. \^a??This paper examines whether various hypotheses put forward to explain the downward trends in government capital spending are supported by the data. Using panel data for 22 OECD countries for 1980\^a??1992, various hypotheses are tested in a model. The authors find support for three hypotheses: (1) capital spending is reduced during periods of fiscal stringency, since this category of government spending is politically an easier target for cuts than other spending categories; (2) myopic governments will cut investment spending more than governments which have a longer policy horizon; (3) private investment influences government investment spending, because both types of investment are complementary.}
}

@Article{Haas1961,
  Title                    = {International Integration: The {Europe}an and the Universal Process},
  Author                   = {Haas, Ernst B.},
  Date                     = {1961},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818300002198},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {366--392},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The established nation-state is in full retreat in Europe while it is advancing voraciously in Africa and Asia. Integration among discrete political units is a historical fact in Europe, but disintegration seems to be the dominant motif elsewhere. Cannot the example of successful integration in Europe be imitated? Could not the techniques of international and supranational cooperation developed in Luxembourg, Paris, and Brussels be put to use in Accra, Bangkok, and Cairo, as well as on the East River in New York? Or, in a different perspective, will not the progress of unity in Europe inevitably have its integrating repercussions in other regions and at the level of the United Nations even without efforts at conscious imitation?}
}

@Incollection{Haave2006,
  Title                    = {The Hospital Sector: A Four-Country Comparison of Organisational and Political Development},
  Author                   = {Per Haave},
  Booktitle                = {The Nordic Model of Welfare: A Historical Reappraisal},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Christiansen, Niels Finn and Petersen, Klaus and Edling, Nils and Haave, Per},
  Chapter                  = {7},
  Pages                    = {215--242},
  Publisher                = {Museum Tusculanum Press}
}

@Article{Hacker1998,
  Title                    = {The Historical Logic of National Health Insurance: Structure and Sequence in the Development of British, Canadian, and U.S. Medical Policy},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in American Political Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0898588X98001308},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {57--130},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Government-sponsored health insurance is a central pillar of the modern welfare state. In advanced industrial democracies, public spending on medical care accounts for an average of 6 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), making it the largest category of social spending after public pensions. Despite the popularity and resilience of established health programs, however, the introduction of government-sponsored health coverage has been highly controversial everywhere. Few social programs involve the state so directly in the workings of the economy and the practice of a powerful profession. Few entangle the interests of so many diverse and resourceful groups. And few cast in such stark relief the ideological principles at stake. Although the participants in conflicts over health policy have differed from nation to nation, no country has acquired national health insurance without a fierce and bitter political fight.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X98001308}
}

@Article{Hacker2001,
  Title                    = {Learning from Defeat? Political Analysis and the Failure of Health Care Reform in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123401000047},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {61--94},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {The demise of President Clinton's 1993 health care reform plan provides a revealing window into the difficulties and hazards of drawing lessons from complex political events. In an effort to identify the causes and implications of the Clinton plan's failure, students of American health policy have offered a blizzard of alleged historical lessons that purport to explain why the plan, along with its leading alternatives, went down to such a crushing political defeat. On closer inspection, however, many of these putative lessons turn out to be hastily formulated, weakly grounded and prescriptively inadequate. These deficiencies are by no means unique to the commentary on health care reform in the United States. Rather, they reflect general risks of constructing lessons for action or analysis on the basis of just one or a few striking political events. Although these risks are endemic to historical lesson-drawing, they could be reduced by more careful attention to basic rules of historical comparison and counterfactual analysis. They could also be mitigated by a greater awareness of the fundamental uncertainties that, for a variety of reasons, characterize complex political interactions. Viewing outcomes as uncertain does not preclude forecasting and, indeed, may lead to more nuanced and accurate predictions, as well as to a greater appreciation of historical turning points and moments of meaningful strategic choice.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123401000047}
}

@Article{Hacker2004,
  Title                    = {Review Article: Dismantling the Health Care State? Political Institutions, Public Policies and the Comparative Politics of Health Reform},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123404000250},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {693{--}724},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the recent pattern and progress of health care reform in affluent democracies, focusing in particular on Britain, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands and the United States. Its main contention is that efforts to reform health care in advanced industrial states have been marked by a paradoxical pattern of `reform without change and change without reform', in which large-scale structural reforms have had surprisingly modest effects yet major ground-level shifts have, nonetheless, frequently occurred as a result of decentralized adjustments to cost control. The main task of the article is to investigate the reasons for and effects of this puzzling pattern by plumbing the largely unexplored theoretical territory between comparative health policy analysis and cross-national research on the welfare state. Along the way, the article develops a simple model of the politics of reform that helps explain cross-national variation in legislative and policy outcomes --- particularly outcomes that occur through decentralized processes of internal policy `conversion' and policy `drift', rather than through formal legislative reform. It also takes up a number of other intriguing issues raised by recent trends: why, for example, market reforms are clustered in centralized political and medical frameworks; why these reforms have generally enhanced state authority rather than market autonomy; why, despite fragmentation, decentralized political and medical systems shifted towards an expanded government role; and why significant retrenchment of the public-private structure of health benefits occurred in the United States.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123404000250}
}

@Article{Hacker2004a,
  Title                    = {Privatizing Risk without Privatizing the Welfare State: The Hidden Politics of Social Policy Retrenchment in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055404001121},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {243--260},
  Url                      = {http://www.apsanet.org/imgtest/hacker\%20APSR\%20(May\%2004).pdf},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {Over the last decade, students of the welfare state have produced an impressive body of research on retrenchment, the dominant thrust of which is that remarkably few welfare states have experienced fundamental shifts. This article questions this now-conventional wisdom by reconsidering the post-1970s trajectory of the American welfare state, long considered the quintessential case of social policy stability. I demonstrate that although most programs have indeed resisted retrenchment, U.S. social policy has also offered increasingly incomplete risk protection in an era of dramatic social change. Although some of this disjuncture is inadvertent ---- an unintended consequence of the very political stickiness that has stymied retrenchment --- I argue that the declining scope of risk protection also reflects deliberate and theoretically explicable strategies of reform adopted by welfare state opponents in the face of popular and change-resistant policies, a finding that has significant implications for the study of institutional change more broadly.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Unpublished{Hacker2006,
  author     = {Hacker, Jacob S.},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Reform without Change, Change without Reform: The politics of U.S. Health Policy in Cross-National Perspective},
  annotation = {Forthcoming in "Comparative Politics and Policymaking at the New Century", edited by Martin Levin and Martin Shapiro.},
}

@Article{HackerPierson2005,
  author       = {Hacker, Jacob S. and Pierson, Paul},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Abandoning the Middle: The Bush Tax Cuts and the Limits of Democratic Control},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592705050048},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {33--53},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {The 2001 and 2003 tax cuts represent dramatic legislative breakthroughs. Taken together, they have fundamentally reshaped the nation's fiscal landscape. In view of the voluminous and largely sanguine literature on American democratic responsiveness, one might assume that this policy turnaround was broadly consistent with voters' priorities. In this article, we show that --- in contradiction to this prevailing view, as well as the claims of Larry Bartels in this issue --- the substance of the tax cuts was in fact sharply at odds with public preferences. Tax policy was pulled radically off center, we argue, by the intersection of two forces: (1) the increasing incentives of political elites to cater to their partisan and ideological ``base''; and (2) the increasing capacity of politicians who abandon the middle to escape political retribution. In accounting for these centrifugal forces, we stress, as others have, increasing partisanship and polarization, as well as the growing sophistication of political message-control. Yet we also emphasize a pivotal factor that is too often overlooked: the deliberate crafting of policy to distort public perceptions, set the future political agenda, and minimize the likelihood of voter backlash. By showing how politicians can engineer policy shifts that are at odds with majority public preferences, we hope to provoke a broader discussion of voters' capacity to protect their interests in America's representative democracy.},
}

@Article{HackerPierson2010,
  Title                    = {Winner-Take-All Politics: Public Policy, Political Organization, and the Precipitous Rise of Top Incomes in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S. and Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365042},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {152--204},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {The dramatic rise in inequality in the United States over the past generation has occasioned considerable attention from economists, but strikingly little from students of American politics. This has started to change: in recent years, a small but growing body of political science research on rising inequality has challenged standard economic accounts that emphasize apolitical processes of economic change. For all the sophistication of this new scholarship, however, it too fails to provide a compelling account of the political sources and effects of rising inequality. In particular, these studies share with dominant economic accounts three weaknesses: (1) they downplay the distinctive feature of American inequality --- namely, the extreme concentration of income gains at the top of the economic ladder; (2) they miss the profound role of government policy in creating this ``winner-take-all'' pattern; and (3) they give little attention or weight to the dramatic long-term transformation of the organizational landscape of American politics that lies behind these changes in policy. These weaknesses are interrelated, stemming ultimately from a conception of politics that emphasizes the sway (or lack thereof) of the ``median voter'' in electoral politics, rather than the influence of organized interests in the process of policy making. A perspective centered on organizational and policy change --- one that identifies the major policy shifts that have bolstered the economic standing of those at the top and then links those shifts to concrete organizational efforts by resourceful private interests --- fares much better at explaining why the American political economy has become distinctively winner-take-all.}
}

@Article{HackerPierson2010a,
  Title                    = {Winner-Take-All Politics and Political Science: A Response},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S. and Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365050},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {266--282},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Book{HackerPierson2011,
  Title                    = {Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer --- And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class},
  Author                   = {Hacker, Jacob S. and Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-1416588702},
  Publisher                = {Simon \& Schuster}
}

@Article{HackerEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {The Insecure {America}n: Economic Experiences, Financial Worries, and Policy Attitudes},
  Author                   = {Hacker,Jacob S. and Rehm,Philipp and Schlesinger,Mark},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592712003647},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0986},
  Issue                    = {1},
  Month                    = mar,
  Pages                    = {23--49},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Even before the sharp downturn that began in 2007, many Americans were concerned about economic risks. Yet this widespread public concern has not been matched by attention from political scientists regarding how citizens experience and understand the economic risks they face or how those experiences and understandings shape their views of public policy. We develop here an argument about the role of personal economic experiences in the formation of policy attitudes that we validate using a distinctive opinion survey of our own design, fielded not long after the onset of the Great Recession. The survey tracks citizens' economic experiences, expectations, and policy attitudes within multiple domains of risk (employment, medical care, family, and wealth arrangements). These investigations show that economic insecurity systematically and substantially affects citizens' attitudes toward government's role. Citizens' economic worries largely track exposure to substantial economic shocks. Citizens' policy attitudes in turn appear highly responsive to economic worries, as well as to the experience of economic shocks --- with worries and shocks creating greater support for government policies that buffer the relevant economic risk. Attitudes seem most affected by temporally proximate shocks, shocks befalling households that have weak private safety nets, and shocks occurring within the domain most relevant to the policy in question, though attitudes are also (more weakly) correlated with shocks in other domains. The magnitude of these associations rivals partisanship and ideology and almost always exceeds that for conventional measures of socio-economic status. Given the long-term increase in economic insecurity and current sluggish recovery, understanding how insecurity shapes citizens' policy attitudes and political behavior should be a major concern of political science.}
}

@Article{HaddowKlassen2004,
  Title                    = {Partisanship, Institutions and Public Policy: The Case of Labour Market Policy in Ontario, 1990{\textendash}2000},
  Author                   = {Haddow, Rodney and Klassen, Thomas R},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0008423904040016},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {137--160},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {For historical institutionalist scholarship, partisanship's impact on public policy is mediated by institutions; however there is disagreement about whether globalization has altered this nexus. In view of the importance of labour market policy for the equity and efficiency objectives of left{\textendash} and right{\textendash}wing parties, it is particularly significant as a domain for testing partisanship's continuing relevance. This article examines the link between partisanship and policy outcomes, using the case of labour market policy in Ontario during the 1990s as its point of reference. It concludes that, in relation to three selected aspects of this field, institutions affected left{\textendash} and right{\textendash}wing partisan agendas quite differently, but that globalization has not transformed this relationship in recent years. Because of inter{\textendash}sectoral institutional variations, this conclusion cannot be extended to other policy domains without further research.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423904040016}
}

@Article{HadeniusTeorell2005,
  Title                    = {Cultural and economic prerequisites of democracy: Reassessing recent evidence},
  Author                   = {Hadenius, Axel and Teorell, Jan},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02686166},
  ISSN                     = {1936-6167},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {87--106},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/hs7hy87},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this article is to reassess two influential theories of democratic development: the theory of democratic culture and the theory of economic development. The leading predecessors in each domain---Ronald Inglehart and Adam Przeworski---are the prime targets of analysis. We take issue with recent evidence presented by these authors on three grounds: the evidence (1) confuses ``basic'' criteria of democracy with possible ``quality'' criteria (Inglehart); (2) conceptualizes democracy in dichotomous rather than continuous terms (Przeworski); and (3) fails to account for endogeneity and contingent effects (Inglehart). In correcting for these shortcomings, we present striking results. In the case of democratic culture, the theory lacks support; neither overt support for democracy nor ``self-expression values'' affect democratic development. In the case of economic development, earlier findings must be refined. Although the largest impact of modernization is found among more democratized countries, we also find an effect among ``semi-democracies.''}
}

@Article{Hagemann2006,
  Title                    = {Between Ideology and Economy: The "Time Politics" of Child Care and Public Education in the Two {Germany}s},
  Author                   = {Hagemann, Karen},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/sp/jxj012},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {217--260},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The article compares the discourses and policies of the "time politics" of public, that is, institutionalized, extra-familial care and education of pre- and elementary school children in East and West Germany. The FRG and the GDR represented two highly distinct welfare and education systems, which referred to each other in a complex relationship of "distancing and interconnection." Proceeding from the concept of the "path dependency" of societal and political developments, the article analyzes which factors worked together when, how, and in which concrete historical contexts to form specific discourses and policies of the "time politics" in both German states.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxj012}
}

@Article{HahmEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Deficit Spending in Nine Industrialized Parliamentary Democracies: The Role of Fiscal Institutions},
  Author                   = {Hahm, Sung Deuk and Kamlet, Mark S. and Mowery, David C.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414096029001003},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {52--77},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyzes the influence of four sets of factors on deficit spending in 9 industrialized parliamentary democracies during 1958-1990. This article analyzes the influence of these factors and introduces and tests the importance of an additional potential influence on the size of a country's fiscal deficit: the ?strength of fiscal bureaucracy.? It is argued that the stronger a country's fiscal bureaucracy, the lower its deficit, ceteris paribus. Empirically, the authors find that the state of a nation's economy heavily affects its deficit. Little systematic relationship is found between the ideology of the ruling political party and a nation's deficit or between the political strength of the ruling party and deficits, in contrast to the findings of Roubini and Sachs. Finally, it is found that the strength of a country's fiscal bureaucracy is an important influence on the deficit in these 9 industrialized parliamentary democracies.}
}

@Article{Haidt2012,
  Title                    = {Why working-class people vote conservative},
  Author                   = {Jonathan Haidt},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian},
  Month                    = jun,
  Url                      = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2012/jun/05/why-working-class-people-vote-conservative}
}

@Article{Hainmueller2012,
  Title                    = {Entropy Balancing for Causal Effects: A Multivariate Reweighting Method to Produce Balanced Samples in Observational Studies},
  Author                   = {Hainmueller, Jens},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpr025},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--46},
  Url                      = {http://web.mit.edu/jhainm/www/Paper/eb.pdf},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This paper proposes entropy balancing, a data preprocessing method to achieve covariate balance in observational studies with binary treatments. Entropy balancing relies on a maximum entropy reweighting scheme that calibrates unit weights so that the reweighted treatment and control group satisfy a potentially large set of prespecified balance conditions that incorporate information about known sample moments. Entropy balancing thereby exactly adjusts inequalities in representation with respect to the first, second, and possibly higher moments of the covariate distributions. These balance improvements can reduce model dependence for the subsequent estimation of treatment effects. The method assures that balance improves on all covariate moments included in the reweighting. It also obviates the need for continual balance checking and iterative searching over propensity score models that may stochastically balance the covariate moments. We demonstrate the use of entropy balancing with Monte Carlo simulations and empirical applications.}
}

@Article{HainmuellerHangartner2013,
  author       = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hangartner, Dominik},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Who Gets a Swiss Passport? A Natural Experiment in Immigrant Discrimination},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055412000494},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {159--187},
  url          = {http://www.hangartner.net/files/passportapsr.pdf},
  volume       = {107},
  abstractnote = {We study discrimination against immigrants using microlevel data from Switzerland, where, until recently, some municipalities used referendums to decide on the citizenship applications of foreign residents. We show that naturalization decisions vary dramatically with immigrants' attributes, which we collect from official applicant descriptions that voters received before each referendum. Country of origin determines naturalization success more than any other applicant characteristic, including language skills, integration status, and economic credentials. The average proportion of ``no'' votes is about 40% higher for applicants from (the former) Yugoslavia and Turkey compared to observably similar applicants from richer northern and western European countries. Statistical and taste-based discrimination contribute to varying naturalization success; the rewards for economic credentials are higher for applicants from disadvantaged origins, and origin-based discrimination is much stronger in more xenophobic municipalities. Moreover, discrimination against specific immigrant groups responds dynamically to changes in the groups' relative size.},
  place        = {New York, USA},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HainmuellerHiscox2006,
  author       = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hiscox, Michael J.},
  title        = {Learning to Love Globalization: Education and Individual Attitudes Toward International Trade},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {60},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {469--498},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818306060140},
  url          = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~hiscox/Learning.pdf},
  abstract     = {Recent studies of public attitudes toward trade have converged on one central finding: support for trade restrictions is highest among respondents with the lowest levels of education. This has been interpreted as strong support for the Stolper-Samuelson theorem, the classic economic treatment of the income effects of trade that predicts that trade openness benefits those owning factors of production with which their economy is relatively well endowed (those with skills in the advanced economies) while hurting others (low-skilled workers). We reexamine the available survey data, showing that the impact of education on attitudes toward trade is almost identical among respondents in the active labor force and those who are not (even those who are retired). We also find that, while individuals with college-level educations are far more likely to favor trade openness than others, other types of education have no significant effects on attitudes, and some actually reduce the support for trade, even though they clearly contribute to skill acquisition. Combined, these results strongly suggest that the effects of education on individual trade preferences are not primarily a product of distributional concerns linked to job skills. We suggest that exposure to economic ideas and information among college-educated individuals plays a key role in shaping attitudes toward trade and globalization. This is not to say that distributional issues are not important in shaping attitudes toward trade -- just that they are not clearly manifest in the simple, broad association between education levels and support for free trade.},
}

@Article{HainmuellerHiscox2007,
  Title                    = {Educated Preferences: Explaining Attitudes Toward Immigration in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hiscox, Michael J.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818307070142},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {399--442},
  Url                      = {http://web.stanford.edu/~jhain/Paper/IO2007.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-09-15},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {Recent studies of individual attitudes toward immigration emphasize concerns about labor-market competition as a potent source of anti-immigrant sentiment, in particular among less-educated or less-skilled citizens who fear being forced to compete for jobs with low-skilled immigrants willing to work for much lower wages. We examine new data on attitudes toward immigration available from the 2003 European Social Survey. In contrast to predictions based on conventional arguments about labor-market competition, which anticipate that individuals will oppose immigration of workers with similar skills to their own but support immigration of workers with different skill levels, we find that people with higher levels of education and occupational skills are more likely to favor immigration regardless of the skill attributes of the immigrants in question. Across Europe, higher education and higher skills mean more support for all types of immigrants. These relationships are almost identical among individuals in the labor force (that is, those competing for jobs) and those not in the labor force. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, then, the connection between the education or skill levels of individuals and views about immigration appears to have very little, if anything, to do with fears about labor-market competition. This finding is consistent with extensive economic research showing that the income and employment effects of immigration in European economies are actually very small. We find that a large component of the link between education and attitudes toward immigrants is driven by differences among individuals in cultural values and beliefs. More educated respondents are significantly less racist and place greater value on cultural diversity than do their counterparts; they are also more likely to believe that immigration generates benefits for the host economy as a whole.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818307070142},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{HainmuellerHiscox2010,
  author       = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hiscox, Michael J.},
  title        = {Attitudes toward Highly Skilled and Low-skilled Immigration: Evidence from a Survey Experiment},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {104},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {61--84},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055409990372},
  abstract     = {Past research has emphasized two critical economic concerns that appear to generate anti-immigrant sentiment among native citizens: concerns about labor market competition and concerns about the fiscal burden on public services. We provide direct tests of both models of attitude formation using an original survey experiment embedded in a nationwide U.S. survey. The labor market competition model predicts that natives will be most opposed to immigrants who have skill levels similar to their own. We find instead that both low-skilled and highly skilled natives strongly prefer highly skilled immigrants over low-skilled immigrants, and this preference is not decreasing in natives' skill levels. The fiscal burden model anticipates that rich natives oppose low-skilled immigration more than poor natives, and that this gap is larger in states with greater fiscal exposure (in terms of immigrant access to public services). We find instead that rich and poor natives are equally opposed to low-skilled immigration in general. In states with high fiscal exposure, poor (rich) natives are more (less) opposed to low-skilled immigration than they are elsewhere. This indicates that concerns among poor natives about constraints on welfare benefits as a result of immigration are more relevant than concerns among the rich about increased taxes. Overall the results suggest that economic self-interest, at least as currently theorized, does not explain voter attitudes toward immigration. The results are consistent with alternative arguments emphasizing noneconomic concerns associated with ethnocentrism or sociotropic considerations about how the local economy as a whole may be affected by immigration.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Article{HainmuellerEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Causal Inference in Conjoint Analysis: Understanding Multidimensional Choices via Stated Preference Experiments},
  Author                   = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hopkins, Daniel J. and Yamamoto, Teppei},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpt024},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--30},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/kq5ryeh},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Survey experiments are a core tool for causal inference. Yet, the design of classical survey experiments prevents them from identifying which components of a multidimensional treatment are influential. Here, we show how conjoint analysis, an experimental design yet to be widely applied in political science, enables researchers to estimate the causal effects of multiple treatment components and assess several causal hypotheses simultaneously. In conjoint analysis, respondents score a set of alternatives, where each has randomly varied attributes. Here, we undertake a formal identification analysis to integrate conjoint analysis with the potential outcomes framework for causal inference. We propose a new causal estimand and show that it can be nonparametrically identified and easily estimated from conjoint data using a fully randomized design. The analysis enables us to propose diagnostic checks for the identification assumptions. We then demonstrate the value of these techniques through empirical applications to voter decision making and attitudes toward immigrants.}
}

@Article{Hakhverdian2009,
  author       = {Hakhverdian, Armèn},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {Capturing Government Policy on the Left--Right Scale: Evidence from the {United Kingdom}, 1956--2006},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2008.00763.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {720--745},
  volume       = {57},
  abstract     = {The left--right scheme is the most widely used and parsimonious representation of political competition. Yet, long time series of the left--right position of governments are sparse. Existing methods are of limited use in dynamic settings due to insufficient time points which hinders the proper specification of time-series regressions. This article analyses legislative speeches in order to construct an annual left--right policy variable for Britain from 1956 to 2006. Using a recently developed content analysis tool, known as Wordscores, it is shown that speeches yield valid and reliable estimates for the left--right position of British government policy. Long time series such as the one proposed in this article are vital to building dynamic macro-level models of politics. This measure is cross-validated with four independent sources: (1) it compares well to expert surveys; (2) a rightward trend is found in post-war British government policy; (3) Conservative governments are found to be more right wing in their policy outputs than Labour governments; (4) conventional accounts of British post-war politics support the pattern of government policy movement on the left--right scale.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2008.00763.x},
}

@Article{Hakhverdian2010,
  author       = {Hakhverdian, Armèn},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Political Representation and its Mechanisms: A Dynamic Left-Right Approach for the {United Kingdom}, 1976--2006},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000712341000013X},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {835--856},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {The relationship between government policy and public preferences is a core concern of democratic theorists. One particularly powerful method of relating policy to opinion is the `dynamic representation' approach. Scholars in this tradition test to what extent current policy changes are a function of past public preferences. This paper derives hypotheses from the dynamic representation approach and tests them for the United Kingdom in a left-right context from 1976--2006. First, it is shown that government policy on the left-right scale changes as a consequence of changing public preferences (the direct mechanism of `rational anticipation'). Second, a public with right-wing preferences elects the Conservative Party to power, which consequently pursues right-wing policies in office (the indirect mechanism of `electoral turnover'). Third, government responsiveness is found to be conditional on electoral vulnerability. Popular incumbents are less likely than unpopular incumbents to adjust their policy position to the public. While the Westminster system has received much criticism for its failure to reliably link rulers to the ruled, this paper finds that dynamic representation on the left-right scale in the United Kingdom functions quite admirably.},
}

@Article{Hakim2010,
  Title                    = {{Erotic Capital}},
  Author                   = {Hakim, Catherine},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcq014},

  Abstract                 = {We present a new theory of erotic capital as a fourth personal asset, an important addition to economic, cultural, and social capital. Erotic capital has six, or possibly seven, distinct elements, one of which has been characterized as emotional labour'. Erotic capital is increasingly important in the sexualized culture of affluent modern societies. Erotic capital is not only a major asset in mating and marriage markets, but can also be important in labour markets, the media, politics, advertising, sports, the arts, and in everyday social interaction. Women generally have more erotic capital than men because they work harder at it. Given the large imbalance between men and women in sexual interest over the life course, women are well placed to exploit their erotic capital. A central feature of patriarchy has been the construction of moral' ideologies that inhibit women from exploiting their erotic capital to achieve economic and social benefits. Feminist theory has been unable to extricate itself from this patriarchal perspective and reinforces moral' prohibitions on women's sexual, social, and economic activities and women's exploitation of their erotic capital.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcq014}
}

@Article{Hale1998,
  author       = {Hale, David D.},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Affairs},
  title        = {The IMF, Now More than Ever: The Case for Financial Peacekeeping},
  doi          = {10.2307/20049125},
  issn         = {0015-7120},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {7--13},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {Global economic chaos has made the International Monetary Fund a popular scapegoat, but the crisis shows just why the world needs a financial peacekeeper.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {10.2307/20049125},
  month        = nov,
  publisher    = {Council on Foreign Relations},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Article{HalinenJaervinen2008,
  Title                    = {Towards inclusive education: the case of {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Halinen, Irmeli and J{\"a}rvinen, Ritva},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Prospects},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11125-008-9061-2},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77--97},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {The article examines the Finnish system of basic education and the means it employs to support good learning and healthy growth and development for all students. The excellent learning outcomes of the Finnish comprehensive school indicate that it is possible to develop a system with both quality teaching and learning, and equity and equality for students. Throughout the article, special needs education is seen as an important, but not dominant, aspect of Finland's inclusive policies. The article concludes with five theses central to a working model of inclusive education.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11125-008-9061-2}
}

@Article{Hall1999,
  Title                    = {Incremental change in the {Australia}n health care system},
  Author                   = {Hall, Jane},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1377/hlthaff.18.3.95},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {95--110},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Australia is similar to the United States in that it is a federation of states, its medical profession is well organized and politically powerful, and it has a substantial private sector. Unlike the United States, Australia provides universal access to health care and has controlled its total health care spending to around 8.5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). This paper reviews the role of private health insurance and recent initiatives to support this; the strategies used to control costs in the fee-for-service sector; and the capacity for experimentation in health care financing within a national system that guarantees universal access.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.18.3.95}
}

@Incollection{Hall1989a,
  Title                    = {Introduction},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A.},
  Booktitle                = {The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism across Nations},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Editor                   = {Peter A. Hall},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Pages                    = {3--26},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Incollection{Hall1992,
  Title                    = {The movement from Keynesianism to monetarism: Institutional analysis and British economic policy in the 1970{s}},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A.},
  Booktitle                = {Structuring Politics: Historical institutionalism in comparative perspective},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {90--113},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{Hall1986,
  Title                    = {Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in {Britain} and {France}},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A.},
  Date                     = {1986},
  ISBN                     = {0195205308},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Hall1993,
  author       = {Hall, Peter A.},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Policy Paradigms, Social Learning, and the State: The Case of Economic Policymaking in Britain},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {275--296},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/422246},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {This article examines the model of social learning often believed to confirm the autonomy of the state from social pressures, tests it against recent cases of change in British economic policies, and offers a fuller analysis of the role of ideas in policymaking, based on the concept of policy paradigms. A conventional model of social learning is found to fit some types of changes in policy well but not the movement from Keynesian to monetarist modes of policymaking. In cases of paradigm shift, policy responds to a wider social debate bound up with electoral competition that demands a reformulation of traditional conceptions of state-society relations.},
}

@Article{Hall2007,
  Title                    = {The Dilemmas of Contemporary Social Science},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Boundary 2},
  Number                   = {3},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {For two hundred years, social science has provided the lens through which people view society and the visions animating most demands for political reform {\textendash} at least since Adam Smith{\textquoteright}s efforts to unleash the {\textquoteleft}invisible hand{\textquoteright} of the market without destroying the moral sentiments of society.1 However, the perspectives of social science shift, as each new generation questions its predecessors, with import for politics as well as the academy. From time to time, therefore, we should reflect on them. In this essay I do so from the perspective of political science, mainly about American scholarship and with no pretense to comprehensiveness, but with a focus on the disciplinary intersections where so many have found Archimedean points. Intellectual developments in any one field are often {\textquoteleft}progressive{\textquoteright} in the scientific sense of that term.2 But something can be lost as well as gained in the course of them, and there is reason for concern about the fate of social science over the past twenty-five years. What has been lost becomes clear only if we revisit the path taken.}
}

@Article{HallFranzese1998,
  Title                    = {Mixed signals: central bank independence, wage bargaining and {Europe}an Monetary Union},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A. and Franzese, Jr., Robert J.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organisation},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {505{--}35},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Plans for European Monetary Union are based on the conventional postulate that increasing the independence of the central bank can reduce inflation without any real economic effects. However, the theoretical and empirical bases for this claim rest on models of the economy that make unrealistic information assumptions and omit institutional variables other than the central bank. When the signaling problems between the central bank and other actors in the political economy are considered, we find that the character of wage bargaining conditions the impact of central bank independence by rendering the signals between the bank and the bargainers more or less effective. Greater independence can reduce inflation without major employment effects where bargaining is coordinated, but it brings higher levels of unemployment where bargaining is uncoordinated. Thus, currency unions like the EMU may require higher levels of unemployment to control inflation than their proponents envisage; they will have costs as well as benefits that will be distributed unevenly among and within the member nations based on the changes they induce in the status of the bank and of wage coordination.}
}

@Article{HallGingerich2009,
  author       = {Hall,Peter A. and Gingerich,Daniel W.},
  title        = {Varieties of Capitalism and Institutional Complementarities in the Political Economy: An Empirical Analysis},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {39},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {449--482},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123409000672},
  abstract     = {This article provides a statistical analysis of core contentions of the perspective on comparative capitalism. The authors construct indices to assess whether patterns of co-ordination in the OECD economies conform to the predictions of the theory and compare the correspondence of institutions across subspheres of the political economy. They test whether institutional complementarities occur across these subspheres by estimating the impact of complementarities in labour relations and corporate governance on growth rates. To assess the durability of varieties of capitalism, they report on the extent of institutional change in the 1980s and 1990s. Powerful interaction effects across institutions in the subspheres of the political economy must be considered if assessments of the economic impact of institutional reform in any one sphere are to be accurate.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123409000672},
}

@Article{HallTaylor1996,
  Title                    = {Political Science and the Three Institutionalisms},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A. and Taylor, Rosemary C.R.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {936{--}957},
  Volume                   = {44}
}

@Article{HallTaylor1998,
  Title                    = {The Potential of Historical Institutionalism: a Response to Hay and Wincott},
  Author                   = {Hall, Peter A. and Taylor, Rosemary C.R.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00178},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {958--962},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00178}
}

@Article{Hallerberg2002,
  Title                    = {Veto Players and the Choice of Monetary Institutions},
  Author                   = {Hallerberg, Mark},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081802760403775},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {775--802},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {It is indisputable that the government s economic institutions are important. Scholars have focused considerable attention on the implications of exchange-rate regimes, the relative independence of central banks, open versus closed capital markets, and the in uence of the structure of labor markets on economic policy and economic performance. An innovative body of literature in the last decade has moved beyond a consideration of the effects of economic institutions to consider why governments choose some institutional forms over others. That literature usually discusses the choices in isolation. The contributors to this volume present a second generation of scholarship that addresses the interaction of these institutional choices and, in particular, the joint choice of a level of central bank independence (CBI) and the exchange-rate regime.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403775}
}

@Article{HallerbergEtAl2007,
  author       = {Hallerberg, Mark and Strauch, Rolf and von Hagen, J{\"u}rgen},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The design of fiscal rules and forms of governance in European Union countries},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2006.11.005},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {338--359},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {This paper uses a new data set on budgetary institutions in Europe to examine the impact of fiscal rules and budget procedures in \{EU\} countries on public finances. It briefly describes the main pattern of budgetary institutions and their determinants across the \{EU\} 15 member states. Empirical evidence for the time period 1985--2004 suggests that the centralisation of budgeting procedures restrains public debt. In countries with one-party governments or coalition governments where parties are closely aligned and where political competition among them is low, this is achieved by the delegation of decision-making power to the minister of finance. Fiscal contracts that require countries to set multi-year targets and that reinforce those targets increase fiscal discipline in countries with ideologically dispersed coalitions and where parties regularly compete against each other.},
  keywords     = {Public indebtedness},
}

@Article{HamannEtAl2012,
  author       = {Kerstin Hamann and Philip H. Pollock and Bruce M. Wilson},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {College Teaching},
  title        = {Assessing Student Perceptions of the Benefits of Discussions in Small-Group, Large-Class, and Online Learning Contexts},
  doi          = {10.1080/87567555.2011.633407},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {65--75},
  volume       = {60},
  abstract     = {A large literature establishes the benefits of discussions for stimulating student engagement and critical thinking skills. However, we know considerably less about the differential effects of various discussion environments on student learning. In this study, we assess student perceptions concerning the benefits of discussions in an upper-level political science class. We compare how students evaluated discussions in the whole-class environment, in small face-to-face discussion groups, and in online discussion groups. Overall, according to student surveys, small discussion groups elicited the highest student satisfaction and scored highest in critical thinking skills, while online discussions provided the best forum to express thoughts. While they did not favor all-class discussions, students reported that this format, too, provided benefits.},
}

@Article{Hamermesh2004,
  Title                    = {Subjective Outcomes in Economics},
  Author                   = {Hamermesh, Daniel S},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Southern Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {2{--}11},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines the various uses of subjective outcomes as a focus of interest for economists. It outlines the possible channels by which economists can usefully add to what is already a massive literature on such outcomes in the other social sciences. Generally, we contribute little if we merely engage in fancier empirical work and still less if we describe subjective outcomes by other subjective outcomes. Our biggest contributions can be in adducing economic theories that allow a better understanding of objective behavior using subjective outcomes, or of the determinants of subjective outcomes, or in understanding subjective outcomes, such as expectations, that underlie objective economic behavior.}
}

@Article{HamiltonRedman2003,
  Title                    = {The Rhetoric of Modernization and the Labour Government's Pay Agenda},
  Author                   = {Hamilton, Peter M and Redman, Tom},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Money and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9302.00376},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {223--228},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The modernization agenda is central to New Labour's desire to improve public services and reforming public sector pay is argued to be a fundamental requirement to delivering such improvement. This article argues that both the modernization agenda and pay reform have a rhetorical function. The authors analyse some short extracts of text from the NHS Agenda for Change on pay reform and show that much of the text requires unstated assumptions and premises to be added by the reader to render the arguments of the text to be fully coherent. Reaction to these unstated aspects of the Government's rhetoric are central to whether modernization is approved of or not.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9302.00376}
}

@Article{Hampton1984,
  author       = {Hampton, Jean},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  title        = {The Moral Education Theory of Punishment},
  issn         = {0048-3915},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {208--238},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265412},
  volume       = {13},
}

@Article{HanklaKuthy2012,
  Title                    = {Economic Liberalism in Illiberal Regimes: Authoritarian Variation and the Political Economy of Trade},
  Author                   = {Hankla, Charles R. and Kuthy, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00753.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Note                     = {Forthcoming},

  Abstract                 = {Over the last few decades, a vast literature has emerged examining the relationship between democratic political institutions and trade policy outcomes. While this literature has added significantly to our knowledge, it has effectively ignored policymaking in dozens of important states --- those that remain autocratic. This paper fills that hole by exploring the effects of authoritarian variation on national trade policies. Our contention is that more institutionalized authoritarian regimes will tend to adopt more open trade policies. This relationship should hold, we argue, for two distinct reasons. First, we argue that autocratic regimes with larger `selectorates' should have greater incentives to provide public rather than private goods. As a result, we expect that multiparty, and to a lesser extent single-party, autocracies will tend to prefer more open trade policies than non-party (often personalistic) dictatorships, monarchies, and military juntas. Second, we contend that more stable autocratic regimes will have longer time horizons and therefore greater incentives to adopt policies, such as trade openness, that may strengthen long-run economic performance. We find strong support for these arguments using several cross-national time-series models of all autocracies ranging from 1962 to 2007 (contingent on data availability).},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{HanmerKalkan2013,
  Title                    = {Behind the Curve: Clarifying the Best Approach to Calculating Predicted Probabilities and Marginal Effects from Limited Dependent Variable Models},
  Author                   = {Hanmer, Michael J. and Kalkan, Kerem Ozan},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00602.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {263--277},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Models designed for limited dependent variables are increasingly common in political science. Researchers estimating such models often give little attention to the coefficient estimates and instead focus on marginal effects, predicted probabilities, predicted counts, etc. Since the models are nonlinear, the estimated effects are sensitive to how one generates the predictions. The most common approach involves estimating the effect for the average case. But this approach creates a weaker connection between the results and the larger goals of the research enterprise and is thus less preferable than the observed-value approach. That is, rather than seeking to understand the effect for the average case, the goal is to obtain an estimate of the average effect in the population. In addition to the theoretical argument in favor of the observed-value approach, we illustrate via an empirical example and Monte Carlo simulations that the two approaches can produce substantively different results.}
}

@Article{Hanretty2010,
  author       = {Hanretty, Chris},
  title        = {Explaining the De Facto Independence of Public Broadcasters},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {40},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {75--89},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000712340999024X},
  abstract     = {Institutions operating beyond direct control of government, such as central banks, constitutional courts and public broadcasters, enjoy guarantees of de jure independence, but de jure independence is no guarantee of de facto independence. This is especially so for public broadcasting, where cultural variables are often assumed to be decisive. In this article, the de jure and de facto independence of thirty-six public service broadcasters world-wide are operationalized, and de jure independence is found to explain a high degree of de facto independence when account is taken of the size of the market for news. Other variables considered in previous literature --- such as bureaucratic partisanship and the polarization of the party system --- are not found to be significant.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  timestamp    = {2012.09.25},
}

@Article{Hanretty2013,
  author       = {Hanretty,Chris},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Decisions and Ideal Points of British Law Lords},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123412000270},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {703--716},
  url          = {http://core.kmi.open.ac.uk/download/pdf/9559912.pdf},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Policy-sensitive models of judicial behaviour, whether attitudinal or strategic, have largely passed Britain by. This article argues that this neglect has been benign, because explanations of judicial decisions in terms of the positions of individual judges fare poorly in the British case. To support this argument, the non-unanimous opinions of British Law Lords between 1969 and 2009 are analysed. A hierarchical item-response model of individual judges{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{o}} votes is estimated in order to identify judges' locations along a one-dimensional policy space. Such a model is found to be no better than a null model that predicts that every judge will vote with the majority with the same probability. Locations generated by the model do not represent judges{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{o}} political attitudes, only their propensity to dissent. Consequently, judges' individual votes should not be used to describe them in political terms.},
  month        = jul,
  numpages     = {14},
}

@Article{Hanretty2014,
  Title                    = {Media outlets and their moguls: Why concentrated individual or family ownership is bad for editorial independence},
  Author                   = {Hanretty, Chris},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0267323114523150},
  Eprint                   = {http://ejc.sagepub.com/content/29/3/335.full.pdf+html},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {335--350},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the levels of owner influence in 211 different print and broadcast outlets in 32 different European media markets. Drawing on the literature from industrial organization, it sets out reasons why we should expect greater levels of influence where ownership of individual outlets is concentrated, where it is concentrated in the hands of individuals or families and where ownership groups own multiple outlets in the same media market. Conversely, we should expect lower levels of influence where ownership is dispersed between transnational companies. The article uses original data on the ownership structures of these outlets and combines it with reliable expert judgements as to the level of owner influence in each of the outlets. These hypotheses are tested and confirmed in a multilevel regression model of owner influence. The findings are relevant for policy on ownership limits in the media and for the debate over transnational versus local control of media.}
}

@Article{HansenRand2006,
  Title                    = {On the Causal Links Between {FDI} and Growth in Developing Countries},
  Author                   = {Hansen, Henrik and Rand, John},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {World Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9701.2006.00756.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9701},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {21--41},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {We analyse the Granger causal relationships between foreign direct investment (FDI) and GDP in a sample of 31 developing countries covering 31 years. Using estimators for heterogeneous panel data we find bi-directional causality between the FDI-to-GDP ratio and the level of GDP. FDI has a lasting impact on GDP, while GDP has no long-run impact on the FDI-to-GDP ratio. In that sense FDI causes growth. Furthermore, in a model for GDP and FDI as a fraction of gross capital formation (GCF) we also find long-run effects from FDI to GDP. This finding may be interpreted as evidence in favour of the hypotheses that FDI has an impact on GDP via knowledge transfers and adoption of new technology.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2006.00756.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{HansenTarp2001,
  Title                    = {Aid and growth regressions},
  Author                   = {Hansen, Henrik and Tarp, Finn},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0304-3878(00)00150-4},
  ISSN                     = {0304-3878},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {547--570},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the relationship between foreign aid and growth in real GDP per capita as it emerges from simple augmentations of popular cross-country growth specifications. It is shown that aid in all likelihood increases the growth rate, and this result is not conditional on `good' policy. There are, however, decreasing returns to aid, and the estimated effectiveness of aid is highly sensitive to the choice of estimator and the set of control variables. When investment and human capital are controlled for, no positive effect of aid is found. Yet, aid continues to impact on growth via investment. We conclude by stressing the need for more theoretical work before this kind of cross-country regression is used for policy purposes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0304-3878(00)00150-4},
  Keywords                 = {Aid impact, Economic growth, Investment, Generalized method of moments, Panel data},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{Hansen1998,
  author       = {Hansen, John Mark},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Individuals, Institutions, and Public Preferences over Public Finance},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {513--531},
  volume       = {92},
  abstract     = {This study examines public preferences over deficits, taxes, and spending. Using responses to public opinion questions designed for the purpose, the article assesses the state of preferences as expressed by individuals and as represented in government. One section examines the characteristics of individual preferences-their completeness, consistency, and coherence. Public opinion is remarkably well structured and overwhelmingly partial to the policy status quo. A second section explores the properties of mass preferences as they are aggregated by several different kinds of institutional voting rules. Institutions matter, at least to a point: Consistent institutional differences over federal budget policy trace directly to the diverse means by which institutions represent the public's positions. The conclusion assesses the meaning and import of the public's resistance to budget policy change.},
}

@Article{HansfordGomez2010,
  Title                    = {Estimating the Electoral Effects of Voter Turnout},
  Author                   = {Hansford, Thomas G. and Gomez, Brad T.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055410000109},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {268--288},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the electoral consequences of variation in voter turnout in the United States. Existing scholarship focuses on the claim that high turnout benefits Democrats, but evidence supporting this conjecture is variable and controversial. Previous work, however, does not account for endogeneity between turnout and electoral choice, and thus, causal claims are questionable. Using election day rainfall as an instrumental variable for voter turnout, we are able to estimate the effect of variation in turnout due to across-the-board changes in the utility of voting. We re-examine the Partisan Effects and Two-Effects Hypotheses, provide an empirical test of an Anti-Incumbent Hypothesis, and propose a Volatility Hypothesis, which posits that high turnout produces less predictable electoral outcomes. Using county-level data from the 1948--2000 presidential elections, we find support for each hypothesis. Failing to address the endogeneity problem would lead researchers to incorrectly reject all but the Anti-Incumbent Hypothesis. The effect of variation in turnout on electoral outcomes appears quite meaningful. Although election-specific factors other than turnout have the greatest influence on who wins an election, variation in turnout significantly affects vote shares at the county, national, and Electoral College levels.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055410000109},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.11.16}
}

@Article{Hanson1989,
  Title                    = {Decentralisation and Regionalisation in Educational Administration: Comparisons of {Venezuela}, {Colombia} and {Spain}},
  Author                   = {Hanson, E. Mark},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {41--55},
  Volume                   = {25}
}

@Article{Hanssen2004,
  Title                    = {Is There a Politically Optimal Level of Judicial Independence?},
  Author                   = {Hanssen, F. Andrew},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/0002828041464470},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {712--729},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {Independent courts render current policy more durable (by raising the cost of future policy changes) but may also engage in policy-making of their own. This paper asks: Is there an optimal level of judicial independence from the perspective of incumbent officials in the other branches? To answer that question, the paper develops a model of strategic institutional choice, and tests it on the judicial institutions of the American states. Consistent with the model's predictions, the most independence-enhancing institutions are found where political competition between rival parties is tightest and differences between party platforms are largest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0002828041464470}
}

@Article{HanssonOlofsdotter2008,
  Title                    = {Integration and the Structure of Public Spending},
  Author                   = {Hansson, Asa and Olofsdotter, Karin},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414007300695},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {1001--1027},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {The voluminous tax competition literature suggests that increased economic integration leads to reduced tax rates and suboptimal levels of government spending as countries compete for mobile factors of production. Integration may influence not only the size of the government but also the structure of public spending. Comprehensive studies analyzing the effect of integration on the overall structure of government spending are rare, however. This article fills this void by providing an empirical analysis of the effects of economic integration on the overall structure of public spending in a number of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries using panel data on the different government spending components for the period 1970 to 2002. The authors find that integration negatively influences government consumption and investment but that there is no empirical evidence that transfers are positively or negatively affected by integration, as suggested by the compensation and efficiency views, respectively.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007300695}
}

@Incollection{Hanushek2002,
  Title                    = {Will Quality of Peers Doom Those Left in the Public Schools?},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A.},
  Booktitle                = {Choice with Equity: An Assessment of the Koret Task Force on K-12 Education},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Paul T. Hill},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {Stanford, CA},
  Pages                    = {121{--}140},
  Publisher                = {Hoover Press}
}

@Article{Hanushek1986,
  Title                    = {The Economics of Schooling: Production and Efficiency in Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A.},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {1141--77},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{Hanushek1994,
  Title                    = {Money Might Matter Somewhere: A Response to Hedges, Laine, and Greenwald},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Researcher},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {5--8},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{Hanushek2003a,
  Title                    = {The Failure of Input-based Schooling Policies},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0297.00099},
  Number                   = {485},
  Pages                    = {F64{--}F98},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {In an effort to improve the quality of schools, governments around the world have dramatically increased the resources devoted to them. By concentrating on inputs and ignoring the incentives within schools, the resources have yielded little in the way of general improvement in student achievement. This paper provides a review of the US and international evidence on the effectiveness of such input policies. It then contrasts the impact of resources with that of variations in teacher quality that are not systematically related to school resources. Finally, alternative performance incentive policies are described.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.00099}
}

@Unpublished{HanushekEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Do Higher Salaries Buy Better Teachers?},
  Author                   = {Eric A. Hanushek and John F. Kain and Steven G. Rivkin},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Month                    = apr,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 7082},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w7082},

  Abstract                 = {Important policy decisions rest on the relationship between teacher salaries and the quality of teachers, but the evidence about the strength of any such relationship is thin. This paper relies upon the matched panel data of the UTD Texas School Project to investigate how shifts in salary schedules affect the composition of teachers within a district. The panel data permit separation of shifts in salary schedules from movement along given schedules, and thus the analysis is much more closely related to existing policy proposals. In analyses both of teacher mobility and of student performance, teacher salaries are shown to have a modest impact. Teacher mobility is more affected by characteristics of the students (income, race, and achievement) than by salary schedules. Salaries are also weakly related to performance on teacher certification tests appearing to be relevant only in districts doing high levels of hiring, but preliminary examination shows that the certification tests are not significantly related to student achievement. The only significant relationship between salaries and student achievement holds (implausibly) for existing experienced teachers and not for new hires or for probationary teachers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w7082},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Number                   = {7082},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series},
  Type                     = {Working Paper}
}

@Article{HanushekEtAl2003,
  author       = {Hanushek, Eric A. and Leung, Charles Ka Yui and Yilmaz, Kuzey},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  title        = {Redistribution through education and other transfer mechanisms},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {1719--1750},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {Educational subsidies are frequently justified as a method of altering the income distribution. It is thus natural to compare education to other tax-transfer schemes designed to achieve distributional objectives. While equity-efficiency trade-offs are frequently discussed, they are rarely explicitly treated. This paper creates a general equilibrium model of school attendance, labor supply, wage determination, and aggregate production, which is used to compare alternative redistribution devices in terms of both deadweight loss and distributional outcomes. A wage subsidy generally dominates tuition subsidies across a wide range of fundamental parameters for the economy. Both are generally superior to a negative income tax. With externalities in production, however, there is an unambiguous role for governmental subsidy of education, because it both raises GDP and creates a more equal income distribution.},
  annotation   = {Education subsidies are only optimal in the presence of externalities.},
}

@Article{HanushekEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Does School Autonomy Make Sense Everywhere? Panel Estimates from PISA},
  Author                   = {Eric A. Hanushek and Susanne Link and Ludger W{\"o}{\ss}mann},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jdeveco.2012.08.002},
  Pages                    = {212--232},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {Decentralization of decision-making is among the most intriguing recent school reforms, in part because countries went in opposite directions over the past decade and because prior evidence is inconclusive. We suggest that autonomy may be conducive to student achievement in well-developed systems but detrimental in low-performing systems. We construct a panel dataset from the four waves of international PISA tests spanning 20002009, comprising over one million students in 42 countries. Relying on panel estimation with country fixed effects, we estimate the effect of school autonomy from within-country changes in the average share of schools with autonomy over key elements of school operations. Our results suggest that autonomy affects student achievement negatively in developing and low-performing countries, but positively in developed and high-performing countries. These estimates are unaffected by a wide variety of robustness and specification tests, providing confidence in the need for nuanced application of reform ideas.}
}

@Article{HanushekLuque2003,
  author       = {Hanushek, Eric A. and Luque, Javier A.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  title        = {Efficiency and equity in schools around the world},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0272-7757(03)00038-4},
  issn         = {0272-7757},
  note         = {Special Issue In Honor of George Psacharopoulos},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {481--502},
  url          = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272775703000384},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {Attention to the quality of human capital in different countries naturally leads to concerns about how school policies relate to student performance. The data from the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) provide a way of comparing performance in different schooling systems. The results of analyses of educational production functions within a range of developed and developing countries show general problems with the efficiency of resource usage similar to those found previously in the United States. These effects do not appear to be dictated by variations related to income level of the country or level of resources in the schools. Neither do they appear to be determined by school policies that involve compensatory application of resources. The conventional view that school resources are relatively more important in poor countries also fails to be supported.},
  keywords     = {Educational efficiency},
}

@Article{HanushekRaymond2004,
  Title                    = {The Effect of School Accountability Systems on the Level and Distribution of Student Achievement},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A. and Raymond, Margaret E.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  Number                   = {2-3},
  Pages                    = {406--415},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {The use of school accountability in the United States to improve student performance began in the separate states during the 1980s and was elevated through the federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. Evaluating the impact of accountability is difficult because it applies to entire states and can be confused with other changes in the states. We consider how the differential introduction of accountability across states affects growth in student performance on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). Our preliminary analysis finds that: 1) accountability improves scores of all students; 2) there is no significant difference between simply reporting scores and attaching consequences; and, 3) while accountability tends to narrow the Hispanic{\textemdash}White gap, it tends to widen the Black{\textemdash}White gap in scores. The last finding suggests that a single policy instrument cannot be expected to satisfy multiple simultaneous goals.}
}

@Incollection{HanushekRivkin2003,
  Title                    = {Does Public School Competition Affect Teacher Quality?},
  Author                   = {Eric A. Hanushek and Steven G. Rivkin},
  Booktitle                = {The Economics of School Choice},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Caroline M. Hoxby},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  ISBN                     = {0-226-35533-0},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Pages                    = {23--47},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Incollection{HanushekWossmann2011,
  Title                    = {The Economics of International Differences in Educational Achievement},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A. and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Booktitle                = {Handbook of the Economics of Education},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Hanushek, Eric A. and Machin, Stephen and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier},
  Url                      = {http://hanushek.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/Hanushek\%2BWoessmann\%202011\%20HandEconEduc.pdf},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {An emerging economic literature over the past decade has made use of international tests of educational achievement to analyze the determinants and impacts of cognitive skills. The cross-country comparative approach provides a number of unique advantages over national studies: It can exploit institutional variation that does not exist within countries; draw on much larger variation than usually available within any country; reveal whether any result is country-specific or more general; test whether effects are systematically heterogeneous in different settings; circumvent selection issues that plague within-country identification by using system-level aggregated measures; and uncover general-equilibrium effects that often elude studies in a single country. The advantages come at the price of concerns about the limited number of country observations, the cross-sectional character of most available achievement data, and possible bias from unobserved country factors like culture. This chapter reviews the economic literature on international differences in educational achievement, restricting itself to comparative analyses that are not possible within single countries and placing particular emphasis on studies trying to address key issues of empirical identification. While quantitative input measures show little impact, several measures of institutional structures and of the quality of the teaching force can account for significant portions of the large international differences in the level and equity of student achievement. Variations in skills measured by the international tests are in turn strongly related to individual labor-market outcomes and, perhaps more importantly, to cross-country variations in economic growth.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.12}
}

@Article{HanushekWossmann2006,
  Title                    = {Does Educational Tracking Affect Performance and Inequality? Differences- in-Differences Evidence Across Countries},
  Author                   = {Hanushek, Eric A. and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2006.01076.x},
  Number                   = {510},
  Pages                    = {C63-C76},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {Even though some countries track students into differing-ability schools by age 10, others keep their entire secondary-school system comprehensive. To estimate the effects of such institutional differences in the face of country heterogeneity, we employ an international differences-in-differences approach. We identify tracking effects by comparing differences in outcome between primary and secondary school across tracked and non-tracked systems. Six international student assessments provide eight pairs of achievement contrasts for between 18 and 26 cross-country comparisons. The results suggest that early tracking increases educational inequality. While less clear, there is also a tendency for early tracking to reduce mean performance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2006.01076.x}
}

@Article{HanushekWossmann2011a,
  author       = {Hanushek, Eric A. and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  title        = {How much do educational outcomes matter in OECD countries?},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {67},
  pages        = {427--491},
  issn         = {1468-0327},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0327.2011.00265.x},
  abstract     = {Existing growth research provides little explanation for the very large differences in long-run growth performance across OECD countries. We show that cognitive skills can account for growth differences within the OECD, whereas a range of economic institutions and quantitative measures of tertiary education cannot. Under the growth model estimates and plausible projection parameters, school improvements falling within currently observed performance levels yield very large gains. The present value of OECD aggregate gains through 2090 could be as much as $275 trillion, or 13.8\% of the discounted value of future GDP for plausible policy changes. Extensive sensitivity analyses indicate that, while different model frameworks and alternative parameter choices make a difference, the economic impact of improved educational outcomes remains enormous. Interestingly, the quantitative difference between an endogenous and neoclassical model framework --- with improved skills affecting the long-run growth rate versus just the steady-state income level --- matters less than academic discussions suggest. We close by discussing evidence on which education policy reforms may be able to bring about the simulated improvements in educational outcomes.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{Hardiman2002,
  Title                    = {From Conflict to Co-ordination: Economic Governance and Political Innovation in {Ireland}},
  Author                   = {Hardiman, Niamh},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1--24},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the transition in Ireland over the last 15 years from a relatively unco-ordinated approach to pay determination to a co-ordinated approach linking pay policy into the broader context of national economic governance. The new political model of 'social partnership' was central to the remarkable experience of growth, employment expansion, and rising living standards in Ireland during the 1990s. This very success brought new challenges to the strategy of politically mediated pay pacts. The prospects for the sustainability of these new networks of economic governance are examined.}
}

@Incollection{HardimanDellepiane2011,
  Title                    = {Governing the Economy: A Triple Crisis},
  Author                   = {Hardiman, Niamh and Dellepiane, Sebastian},
  Booktitle                = {Irish Governance in Crisis},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  ISBN                     = {9780719082238},
  Publisher                = {SSRN},
  Url                      = {http://ssrn.com/paper=1768129},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://ssrn.com/paper=1768129},
  Journaltitle             = {Niamh Hardiman, CRISIS IN IRISH GOVERNANCE, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011},
  Keywords                 = {Ireland, economic crisis, EU, economic governance},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.20}
}

@Article{Hardin1968,
  Title                    = {The Tragedy of the Commons},
  Author                   = {Hardin, Garrett},
  Date                     = {1968},
  Journaltitle             = {Science},
  Number                   = {3859},
  Pages                    = {1243--1248},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nla6q9z},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-04},
  Volume                   = {162},

  Abstract                 = {The population problem has no technical solution; it requires a fundamental extension in morality.}
}

@Book{Hardin1982,
  Title                    = {Collective Action},
  Author                   = {Hardin, Russell},
  Date                     = {1982},
  ISBN                     = {080182819X},
  Location                 = {Baltimore, MD},
  Publisher                = {Johns Hopkins University Press}
}

@Article{Harding1994,
  Title                    = {The origins of the concept of the state},
  Author                   = {Harding, A.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {History of Political Thought},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {57--72},
  Url                      = {http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/imp/hpt/1994/00000015/00000001/203},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article aims to trace the development of the concept of the state through the use of the word by politicians and lawyers as well as by theorists, without prejudice as to what `state' ought to mean.}
}

@Article{HarellEtAl2016,
  author       = {Harell, Allison and Soroka, Stuart N. and Iyengar, Shanto},
  title        = {Race, prejudice and attitudes toward redistribution: A comparative experimental approach},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {55},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {723--744},
  issn         = {1475-6765},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12158},
  abstract     = {Past work suggests that support for welfare in the United States is heavily influenced by citizens' racial attitudes. Indeed, the idea that many Americans think of welfare recipients as poor Blacks (and especially as poor Black women) has been a common explanation for Americans' lukewarm support for redistribution. This article draws on a new online survey experiment conducted with national samples in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, designed to extend research on how racialised portrayals of policy beneficiaries affect attitudes toward redistribution. A series of innovative survey vignettes has been designed that experimentally manipulate the ethno-racial background of beneficiaries for various redistributive programmes. The findings provide, for the first time, cross-national, cross-domain and cross-ethno-racial extensions of the American literature on the impact of racial cues on support for redistributive policy. The results also demonstrate that race clearly matters for policy support, although its impact varies by context and by the racial group under consideration.},
  keywords     = {redistributive policy, racial prejudice, survey experiments},
}

@Article{Harlen2002,
  Title                    = {Schr{\"o}der's Economic Reforms: The End of Reformstau?},
  Author                   = {Harlen, Christine Margerum},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/714001235},
  Pages                    = {61--80},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {During his first term, Chancellor Gerhard Schr{\"o}der accomplished Germany's most dramatic tax and pension reforms in decades, overcoming both a disastrous first year in office and the tendency of the German system of government to produce Reformstau (reform gridlock). Schr{\"o}der's success in passing these reforms resulted from his gaining greater control of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and his government, his skill in negotiating with Bundesrat politicians, and the Christian Democratic Union's (CDU's) weakness. Nonetheless, the electorate's key economic concern has been reducing unemployment and the strategies that enabled Schr{\"o}der's earlier reforms are unlikely to work on labour market policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001235}
}

@Article{Harper2002,
  Title                    = {The performance of privatized firms in the {Czech Republic}},
  Author                   = {Harper, Joel T},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Banking \& Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0378-4266(01)00157-1},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {621--649},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {With the growing importance of privatizations as a part of government policy, most empirical studies of these privatizations conclude that firm performance immediately improves following privatization. Privatization has been the most important part of the transition from the centrally planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe and has a larger impact on those economies than privatizations in other countries. However, few studies have looked at the performance of firms following mass privatization. This study uses 453 separate firms (101 firms privatized in both waves for a total of 554 observations), in the first and second waves of Czech voucher privatization. Using methodology from previous studies, we find that while the overall effects from privatization are positive, the effects vary by privatization wave, size, and industry. Firms privatized in the first wave performed worse (decline in performance following privatization) than firms privatized in the second wave. We also fail to find ownership concentration or debt as an important factor in restructuring the firm. I believe that the results are consistent with two hypotheses. First economic and political structure surrounding the privatization waves plays an important part in the success of privatization. Stable environments, both political and economic, help privatized firms restructure and improve operating performance as well as attract foreign investors and capital even in less developed countries, but in transitional economies undergoing mass privatization in rapidly changing and developing economic and political environments hinder firms from restructuring and improving performance following privatization. Results are also consistent with the hypothesis that firms with a longer preparation period prior to privatization, an {\textquotedblleft}implicit seasoning{\textquotedblright}, improve performance following privatization.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0378-4266(01)00157-1}
}

@Article{HarrisEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Education spending in an aging {America}},
  Author                   = {Harris, Amy Rehder and Evans, William N and Schwab, Robert M},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00133-X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {449--472},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we use a national panel of public school districts to study the impact of an aging population on public education spending. In contrast to previous analyses that use state-level data, we find that the elderly have only a modest overall negative effect on education spending at the district level. Our results confirm, however, that a growing share of elderly at the state level tends to depress state spending on education. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that the elderly believe only higher local spending is capitalized into house values.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00133-X}
}

@Article{Harris2007,
  author       = {Harris, Paul G.},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Natural Resources Journal},
  title        = {Collective Action on Climate Change: The Logic of Regime Failure},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {195--224},
  url          = {https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1219&context=nrj},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {The international climate regime, primarily designed to limit the emissions of pollutants causing global warming, has failed. Why has international cooperation to combat global warming been so difficult, and what factors must change to improve the situation - assuming it is even possible? Using Mancur Olson's classical theory of collective action, this article endeavors to explain the failure of the climate regime. Other international environmental agreements and the associated regimes, such as the Mediterranean Action Plan and the Montreal Protocol on ozone depletion, demonstrate that collective action to address international environmental problems is possible. Both agreements contain the ingredients that classical theory suggests are necessary to achieve collective action. But the flipside of collective action theory - that collective action in larger groups is very difficult or unlikely - can also apply to international agreements and action on climate change. Despite the Mediterranean and Montreal successes, relatively speaking, and in spite of so much effort over two decades to create an effective climate regime, it is by no means apparent that the elements for success will exist for the foreseeable future. We should expect a continued muddling along that may, at best, reduce slightly - but not reverse - global warming at some point in the relatively distant future. Climate change is with us to stay.},
}

@Article{Harrison2004,
  Title                    = {Engagement or empire? {America}n power and the international order},
  Author                   = {Harrison, Ewan},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00414.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {755--768},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Three recent surveys of American foreign relations lie at the intersection of topical academic and policy debates. Robert Lieber's Eagle rules? makes a case for American primacy as a precondition for global stability, and in so doing reflects an agenda for US foreign policy that is broadly associated with the current Bush administration. By contrast, Joseph Nye's The paradox of American power argues against US unilateralism, and may be read as an implicit critique of the apparent recent shift in American strategy. Nevertheless, both Lieber and Nye make a case for extensive American engagement with the world as a basis for international stability. By contrast, Chalmers Johnson's Blowback views America's global 'engagement' as a thinly disguised diplomatic veil for imperialism. Although they make very different arguments, these three books are usefully considered together. Nye's stress on the importance of soft power, multilateral diplomacy and wider structural changes in the nature of world politics is a useful corrective to Lieber's emphasis on US primacy. But Johnson is right to criticize the excessive and ultimately counter-productive level of military involvement of the United States around the world. In the absence of a more effective global balance of power, the preconditions for a robust system of international diplomacy as well as the management of globalization will not be satisfied.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00414.x}
}

@Article{HarrisonCalltorp2000,
  Title                    = {The reorientation of market-oriented reforms in Swedish health-care},
  Author                   = {Harrison, Michael I and Calltorp, Johan},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {219--240},
  Volume                   = {50}
}

@Book{Hart1963,
  Title                    = {Law, Liberty, and Morality},
  Author                   = {Hart, H.L.A.},
  Date                     = {1963},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Hart2008,
  Title                    = {Punishment and Responsibility: Essays in the Philosophy of Law},
  Author                   = {Hart, H.L.A.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{HartEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {The Proper Scope of Government: Theory and an Application to Prisons},
  Author                   = {Hart, Oliver and Shleifer, Andrei and Vishny, Robert W},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1127{--}1161},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {When should a government provide a service in-house, and when should it contract out provision? We develop a model in which the provider can invest in improving the quality of service or reducing cost. If contracts are incomplete, the private provider has a stronger incentive to engage in both quality improvement and cost reduction than a government employee has. However, the private contractor's incentive to engage in cost reduction is typically too strong because he ignores the adverse effect on noncontractible quality. The model is applied to understanding the costs and benefits of prison privatization.}
}

@Article{Hartog1999,
  Title                    = {Wither Dutch Corporatism? Two Decades of Employment Policies and Welfare Reforms},
  Author                   = {Hartog, Joop},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Scottish Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {458--487},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {The 'Dutch model' has widely attracted international attention for its presumed ability to reduce unemployment, introduce market incentives in the former public domain and maintain essential provisions of the welfare state. This paper documents and evaluates policy changes, labour market performance and welfare reform, with emphasis on the institutional framework, its continuity and the reforms.}
}

@Unpublished{HastingsEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Preferences, Information, and Parental Choice Behavior in Public School Choice},
  Author                   = {Hastings, Justine S and Van Weelden, Richard and Weinstein, Jeffrey},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 12995},

  Abstract                 = {The incentives and outcomes generated by public school choice depend to a large degree on parents' choice behavior. There is growing empirical evidence that low-income parents place lower weights on academics when choosing schools, but there is little evidence as to why. We use a field experiment in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Public School district (CMS) to examine the degree to which information costs impact parental choices and their revealed preferences for academic achievement. We provided simplified information sheets on school average test scores or test scores coupled with estimated odds of admission to students in randomly selected schools along with their CMS school choice forms. We find that receiving simplified information leads to a significant increase in the average test score of the school chosen. This increase is equivalent to a doubling in the implicit preference for academic performance in a random utility model of school choice. Receiving information on odds of admission further increases the effect of simplified test score information on preferences for test scores among low-income families, but dampens the effect among higher-income families. Using within-family changes in choice behavior, we provide evidence that the estimated impact of simplified information is more consistent with lowered information costs than with suggestion or saliency.}
}

@Unpublished{HastingsWeinstein2007,
  Title                    = {No Child Left Behind: Estimating the Impact on Choices and Student Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Hastings, Justine S and Weinstein, Jeffrey M},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 13009},

  Abstract                 = {Several recent education reform measures, including the federal No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), couple school choice with accountability measures to allow parents of children in under-performing schools the opportunity to choose higher-performing schools. We use the introduction of NCLB in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg School District to determine if the choice component had an impact on the schools parents chose and if those changed choices led to academic gains. We find that 16\% of parents responded to NCLB notification by choosing schools that had on average 1 standard deviation higher average test scores than their current NCLB school. We then use the lottery assignment of students to chosen schools to test if changed choices led to improved academic outcomes. On average, lottery winners experience a significant decline in suspension rates relative to lottery losers. We also find that students winning lotteries to attend substantially better (above-median) schools experience significant gains in test scores. Because proximity to high-scoring schools drives both the probability of choosing an alternative school and the average test score at the school chosen, our results suggest that the availability of proximate and high-scoring schools is an important factor in determining the degree to which school choice and accountability programs can succeed at increasing choice and immediate academic outcomes for students at under-performing schools.}
}

@Article{HastingsWeinstein2008,
  Title                    = {Information, School Choice, and Academic Achievement: Evidence from Two Experiments},
  Author                   = {Hastings, Justine S and Weinstein, Jeffrey M},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/qjec.2008.123.4.1373},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1373--1414},
  Volume                   = {123},

  Abstract                 = {We examine a natural experiment and a field experiment that provided direct information on school test scores to lower-income families in a public school choice plan. Receiving information significantly increases the fraction of parents choosing higher-performing schools. Parents with high-scoring alternatives nearby were more likely to choose nonguaranteed schools with higher test scores. Using random variation from each experiment, we find that attending a higher-scoring school increases student test scores. The results imply that school choice will most effectively increase academic achievement for disadvantaged students when parents have easy access to test score information and good options from which to choose.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.2008.123.4.1373}
}

@Article{Hatcher1998,
  Title                    = {Labour, official school improvement and equality},
  Author                   = {Hatcher, Richard},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0268093980130403},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {485--499},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {After the experience of a Conservative government characterized by substantial social inequalities in education, what impact will the policies of the new Labour government have? In this paper I argue that Labour government's economic and social policies will tend to sustain and recreate inequality, and that its education policies are themselves governed by the same imperatives of competitiveness in the global market, human capital theory, corporate managerialism and electoral calculation. The resulting agenda, which I have called Official School Improvement, is not orientated towards effectively tackling education inequality in terms of either its conceptual base, its aims or its policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268093980130403},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Hatcher1998a,
  author       = {Richard Hatcher},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology of Education},
  title        = {Class Differentiation in Education: rational choices?},
  doi          = {10.1080/0142569980190101},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {5--24},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {Social class differentiation in education results not only from differences in academic ability and processes of institutional differentiation but also from processes of self-selection by pupils, students and their parents in the progression through the school system and into higher education, training and employment. This paper examines the explanation of class differences in choices at transition or branching points in the system which is offered by Rational Action Theory in the light of evidence from qualitative studies of educational transitions. It also explores the relationship of `rational action' to Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproduction, with reference to some recent research into parental choice of school. It concludes with a discussion of a reconceptualised notion of rational action.},
}

@Article{Hatcher2006,
  Title                    = {Privatization and sponsorship: the re-agenting of the school system in {England}},
  Author                   = {Hatcher, Richard},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930600866199},
  ISSN                     = {0268-0939},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {599--619},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {In this article I use the concept of `re-agenting' to explore and explain the role of non-state agencies, principally private companies and business entrepreneurs, as key instruments in the government's transformation of the school system in England. Their role takes both for-profit and not-for-profit forms. The outsourcing to private companies of the implementation of government education policies and the delivery of educational services to schools and local authorities has created a profitable market. Equally significant is the growing involvement of the private sector in schools through the sponsorship of specialist schools and Academies on a non-profit basis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930600866199},
  Booktitle                = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.01}
}

@Article{Hatcher2011,
  Title                    = {The Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition government's ``free schools'' in {England}},
  Author                   = {Hatcher, Richard},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00131911.2011.616635},
  ISSN                     = {0013-1911},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {485--503},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {Free schools are new state-funded but privately-run schools set up under the academies legislation. Free schools represent the most overtly market-oriented policy within the Conservative-led Coalition government's school reform programme in England and have provoked intense controversy, centring on issues of pupil attainment, social equality, democracy and privatisation. This paper evaluates the evidence for the performance of the models on which the policy is based: charter schools in the US, free schools in Sweden, and Labour's academies. The potential impact on local schools is assessed. Issues of democratic accountability are discussed, in terms of the application process, the governance of free schools, and their impact on local authorities. Factors affecting the future trajectory of the free school initiative are discussed, including the opportunities for private companies to set up and run free schools for profit. The paper concludes by considering the challenge which free schools represent to their critics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131911.2011.616635},
  Booktitle                = {Educational Review},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{HatcherJones2006,
  Title                    = {Researching Resistance: Campaigns Against Academies in {England}},
  Author                   = {Hatcher, Richard and Jones, Ken},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8527.2006.00350.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-8527},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {329--351},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article uses social movement theory to analyse campaigns against a new type of government-sponsored school --- the Academy --- in four areas of England. It seeks to identify the social composition of anti-Academy campaigns, to track their encounters with proponents of the new schools and to describe the characteristic forms of their campaigning strategies. In doing so, the article aims to help place research into educational opposition and contestation closer to the centre of researchers' agendas.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8527.2006.00350.x},
  Keywords                 = {academies, campaigns, England, movements, privatisation, social},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.01}
}

@Article{HatemiEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Introduction: What is a `gene' and why does it matter for political science?},
  Author                   = {Hatemi, Peter K. and Byrne, Enda and McDermott, Rose},
  Date                     = {2012-07-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951629812437752},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {305--327},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {A recent stream of influential research suggests that the inclusion of behavioral genetic models can further inform our understanding of political preferences and behaviors. But it has often remained unclear what these models mean, or how they might matter for the broader discourse in the political science literature. The initial wave of behavioral genetic research focused on foundational discovery, and has begun to outline the basic properties of genetic influence on political traits, while a second wave of research has begun to link genetic findings to broader aspects of political behaviors. In the introduction to this special issue, we explicate how genes operate, the most common forms of behavioral genetic analyses, and their recent applications toward political behaviors. In so doing, we discuss what these findings mean for political science, and describe how best to interpret them. We note potential limitations of behavioral genetic approaches and remain cautious against the overextension of such models. The five articles that follow strive to move beyond discovery and focus more on the integration of behavioral genetic models with mainstream theories of political behavior to analyze problems of interest to political scientists.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629812437752}
}

@Article{HattersleyHickson2011,
  Title                    = {In Praise of Social Democracy},
  Author                   = {Hattersley, Roy and Hickson, Kevin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02259.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},

  Abstract                 = {Last year, and seemingly against all odds, Ed Miliband was elected the Leader of the Labour party, narrowly defeating his closest rival, and older brother, David. He won because he promised to replace New Labour's technocratic and managerial approach to politics with policy based on genuine social democratic values. Since Miliband's election there has been little or no serious debate about either principles or policy. Instead, there has been a depressing silence, broken only by the launch of `Blue Labour' --- an example of the headline-catching frivolities which fill the vacuum left by the absence of genuine ideological discussion. The purpose of this article is threefold. First, we will argue that policy built on a consistent and coherent idea is certainly the best, and probably the only, way to guarantee the future success of the Labour party. Second, that Labour's only tenable ideological position must be recognisably social democratic --- particularly the pursuit of greater equality and the freedom which it provides. Finally, we will argue that rather than grasping at ideas with more news value than substance, the Labour party should have confidence in the ideology which defines it as a political party. Our approach is open to two broad criticisms, which we identify at the start of this article and aim to disprove as it progresses. The first is that such an approach is backward looking and, what is more, `oppositionist'. We are --- some may wish to argue --- proposing the very form of politics that was rejected repeatedly by the electorate between 1979 and 1997. We are well aware that the world changes and as it changes so must a successful party's policy. However, a central argument of this article is that genuine social democratic values and institutions, including a defence of the central state, are particularly relevant to our time. The second line of attack may be the suggestion that we are being unhelpful to the current Leader of the Labour party. We supported his election and support his leadership. Ed Miliband was elected because of his clear belief in genuine social democratic values and his undoubted confidence that their expression is the best way of building the electoral support which will take the Labour party to victory at the next general election. Far from being critical of Miliband, our intention is to provide encouragement for his established political position as the candidate of conviction.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02259.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Article{HauptmeierEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Expenditure Reform in Industrialised Countries: A Case-Study Approach},
  Author                   = {Hauptmeier, Sebastian and Heipertz, Martin and Schuknecht, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2007.00058.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {293{--}342},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines reforms of public expenditure in industrialised countries over the past two decades. We distinguish ambitious and timid reformers and analyse in detail reform experiences in eight case studies of ambitious reform episodes. We find that ambitious reform countries reduce spending on transfers, subsidies and public consumption. Such expenditure retrenchment is also typically part of a comprehensive reform package that includes improvements in fiscal institutions as well as structural and other macroeconomic reforms. The study finds that ambitious expenditure retrenchment and reform coincides with large improvements in fiscal and economic growth indicators.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.2007.00058.x}
}

@Article{Hausman1996,
  Title                    = {Problems with Supply-Side Reforms},
  Author                   = {Hausman, Daniel M},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {343--352},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{Hausman1978,
  Title                    = {Specification Tests in Econometrics},
  Author                   = {Hausman, J.A.},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1251--1271},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Using the result that under the null hypothesis of no misspecification an asymptotically efficient estimator must have zero asymptotic covariance with its difference from a consistent but asymptotically inefficient estimator, specification tests are devised for a number of model specifications in econometrics. Local power is calculated for small departures from the null hypothesis. An instrumental variable test as well as tests for a time series cross section model and the simultaneous equation model are presented. An empirical model provides evidence that unobserved individual factors are present which are not orthogonal to the included right-hand-side variable in a common econometric specification of an individual wage equation.}
}

@Article{Hausman2001,
  Title                    = {Mismeasured Variables in Econometric Analysis: Problems from the Right and Problems from the Left},
  Author                   = {Hausman, Jerry},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {57{--}67},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Article{Hay2009,
  Title                    = {King Canute and the `Problem' of Structure and Agency: On Times, Tides and Heresthetics},
  Author                   = {Hay, Colin},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00784.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {260--279},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {The story of King Canute (Cnut) is well known. Indeed, in perhaps its most familiar form it exists as an oral historical tradition passed from generation to generation. In this almost legendary account, King Canute is depicted as an arrogant ruler, so confident as to his own omnipotence that he takes on the forces of nature, pitting his own powers against those of the rising tide --- his wet robes paying testament to his powerlessness in the face of potent material forces and to the triumph of (natural) structures over (human) agency. Or so it might seem. In this article I suggest that even in this, the simplest depiction of the story of Canute, the relationship between structure and agency is more complex and involved than it appears. This complexity is only accentuated if we turn from the legend to the historical evidence. Moreover, by reflecting on Canute's practical negotiation of the `problem' of structure and agency we can not only gain an interesting political analytical purchase on a seemingly familiar tale, but we can also generate a series of valuable and more general insights into our understanding of the structure-agency relationship. In particular, the (various) stories of King Canute and the waves alert us to the need: (1) to maintain a clear distinction between the empirical and the ontological; (2) to resist the temptation to attempt an empirical adjudication of ontological issues (or, indeed, an ontological adjudication of empirical issues); (3) to differentiate clearly between the capacities of agents with respect to material/physical structures on the one hand, and social/political structures on the other; (4) to acknowledge the significance of unintended consequences; (5) to attend to the `performative' dimensions of agency; and (6) to recognise the dangers inherent in an overly instrumental view of actors' motivations and intentions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00784.x}
}

@Article{Hay2009a,
  Title                    = {Your Ontology, My Ontic Speculations... On the Importance of Showing One's (Ontological) Working},
  Author                   = {Hay, Colin},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00819.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {892--898},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00819.x}
}

@Article{HayWincott1998,
  Title                    = {Structure, Agency and Historical Institutionalism},
  Author                   = {Hay, Colin and Wincott, Daniel},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00177},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {951--957},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00177}
}

@Book{Hay1989,
  Title                    = {The Caring Commodity: The provision of health care in {New Zealand}},
  Author                   = {Iain Hay},
  Date                     = {1989},
  ISBN                     = {0195581806},
  Location                 = {Auckland, NZ},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Hayek1945,
  Title                    = {The Use of Knowledge in Society},
  Author                   = {Hayek, Friedrich},
  Date                     = {1945},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {519--530},
  Volume                   = {35}
}

@Article{Hayek2002,
  author       = {Hayek, Friedrich},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics},
  title        = {Competition as a Discovery Procedure},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {9--23},
  volume       = {5},
  annotation   = {This is a translation from German of F.A. Hayek's "Der Wettbewerb als Entdeckungsverfahren", a 1968 lecture sponsored by the Institut f{\"u}r Weltwirtschaft at the University of Kiel. It was published as No. 56 in the series Kieler Vortr{\"a}ge.},
}

@Book{Hayek1960,
  Title                    = {The Constitution of Liberty},
  Author                   = {Hayek, Friedrich A.},
  Date                     = {1960},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Hayes2013,
  Title                    = {Responsiveness in an Era of Inequality: The Case of the U.S. Senate},
  Author                   = {Hayes, Thomas J.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912912459567},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {585--599},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {To what extent do members of Congress respond unequally to people in different economic situations? How does partisan control of the agenda change the way in which Senators respond to the poor? Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, and multiple roll call votes, I examine Senate responsiveness for the 107th through 111th Congresses. The results show consistent responsiveness toward upper income constituents. Moreover, Republicans are more responsive than Democrats to middle-income constituents in the 109th Congress, and a case study of the 107th Senate reveals that responsiveness toward the wealthy increases once Democrats take control of the chamber.}
}

@Article{HayoHofmann2006,
  Title                    = {Comparing monetary policy reaction functions: ECB versus Bundesbank},
  Author                   = {Hayo, Bernd and Hofmann, Boris},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Empirical Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s00181-005-0040-7},
  ISSN                     = {0377-7332},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {645--662},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {This paper compares the European Central Bank's (ECB) conduct of monetary policy with that of the Bundesbank. Estimated monetary policy reaction functions show that the ECB reacts similarly to expected inflation but significantly stronger to the output gap than the Bundesbank did. Theoretical considerations suggest that this stronger response to the output gap may rather be due to a higher interest rate sensitivity of the German output gap than to a higher weight given to output stabilisation in the objective function of the ECB. Counterfactual simulations based on the estimated interest rate reaction functions reveal that German interest rates would not have been lower under a hypothetical Bundesbank regime after 1999. However, this conclusion crucially depends on the assumption of an unchanged long-run real interest rate for the EMU period and is reversed when the Bundesbank reaction function is adjusted for the lower long-run real interest rate estimated for the ECB regime.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00181-005-0040-7},
  Keywords                 = {Business and Economics},
  Publisher                = {Physica Verlag, An Imprint of Springer-Verlag GmbH},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Article{HayoNeumeier2014,
  author       = {Bernd Hayo and Florian Neumeier},
  title        = {Political leaders' socioeconomic background and fiscal performance in Germany},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {34},
  pages        = {184--205},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.01.009},
  url          = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S017626801400010X},
  abstract     = {This paper investigates whether the socioeconomic status of the head of government helps explain fiscal performance. Applying sociological research that attributes differences in people's ways of thinking and acting to their relative standing within society, we test whether the social status of German prime ministers can help explain differences in fiscal performance among the German Laender. Our empirical findings show that the tenures of prime ministers from a poorer socioeconomic background are associated with higher levels of public spending and debt financing. Social mobility has an asymmetric influence: social climbers adapt to their new class, whereas downwardly mobile prime ministers remain primarily influenced by their parents' upper-class status.},
}

@Online{HayoNeumeier2014a,
  Title                    = {Public Attitudes Toward Fiscal Consolidation: Evidence from a Representative German Population Survey},
  Author                   = {Hayo, Bernd and Neumeier, Florian},
  Date                     = {2014-09-01},
  Url                      = {https://www.uni-marburg.de/fb02/makro/forschung/magkspapers/51-2013_hayo.pdf},
  Note                     = {MAGKS Joint Discussion Paper No. 51-2013},
  Urldate                  = {2015-04-19}
}

@Article{HaysEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Government Spending and Public Support for Trade in the OECD: An Empirical Test of the Embedded Liberalism Thesis},
  Author                   = {Hays, Jude C. and Ehrlich, Sean D. and Peinhardt, Clint},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818305050150},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {473--494},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {According to the embedded liberalism thesis, governments committed to free trade provide insurance and other transfers to compensate those who lose economically from expanded trade. The goal of this spending is to maintain public support for trade liberalization. We provide a micro-level test of the critical assumption behind the embedded liberalism thesis that government programs designed to protect individuals harmed by imports reduce opposition to free trade. Our micro results have important implications for the macro relationship between trade and government spending, which we also test. We find empirical support for the embedded liberalism thesis in both our micro- and macro-level analyses.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818305050150},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{HeadyEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {The distributional impact of social transfers in the {Europe}an Union: evidence from the ECHP},
  Author                   = {Heady, Christopher and Mitrakos, Theodore and Tsakloglou, Panos},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2001.tb00052.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {547--565},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Social transfers vary enormously across the European Union, as has been demonstrated in earlier research. This paper analyses the comparative effects of these transfers on inequality and poverty, using consistent household data. The analysis shows that the distributional impact of these transfers is greater in countries that spend a higher proportion of their GDP on them, but that there are other important determinants, including the extent of means testing, the distribution of funds between different types of transfer and the degree of targeting for each transfer. It also shows that effective targeting can be achieved without high levels of means testing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.2001.tb00052.x}
}

@Article{HealyLenz2014,
  Title                    = {Substituting the End for the Whole: Why Voters Respond Primarily to the Election-Year Economy},
  Author                   = {Healy, Andrew and Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12053},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {31--47},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {According to numerous studies, the election-year economy influences presidential election results far more than cumulative growth throughout the term. Here we describe a series of surveys and experiments that point to an intriguing explanation for voter behavior that runs contrary to the standard explanations political science has offered, but one that accords with a large psychological literature. Voters, we find, actually intend to judge presidents on cumulative growth. However, since that characteristic is not readily available to them, voters inadvertently substitute election-year performance because it is more easily accessible. This end-heuristic explanation for voters election-year emphasis reflects a general tendency for people to simplify retrospective assessments by substituting conditions at the end for the whole. The end heuristic explanation also suggests a remedy, a way to align voters actions with their intentions. Providing people with the attribute they are seekingcumulative growtheliminates the election-year emphasis.}
}

@Article{HealyMalhotra2009,
  Title                    = {Myopic Voters and Natural Disaster Policy},
  Author                   = {Healy, Andrew and Malhotra, Neil},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055409990104},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {387--406},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {Do voters effectively hold elected officials accountable for policy decisions? Using data on natural disasters, government spending, and election returns, we show that voters reward the incumbent presidential party for delivering disaster relief spending, but not for investing in disaster preparedness spending. These inconsistencies distort the incentives of public officials, leading the government to underinvest in disaster preparedness, thereby causing substantial public welfare losses. We estimate that $1 spent on preparedness is worth about $15 in terms of the future damage it mitigates. By estimating both the determinants of policy decisions and the consequences of those policies, we provide more complete evidence about citizen competence and government accountability.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409990104}
}

@Article{HealyMalhotra2013,
  author       = {Healy, Andrew and Malhotra, Neil},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {Retrospective Voting Reconsidered},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-032211-212920},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {285--306},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {We review advances in the study of retrospective voting, or how citizens evaluate and act on their perceptions of government performance. As a whole, the recent literature provides a more complete and nuanced picture of the retrospective voter as sometimes, but not always, effectively incentivizing elected officials to enhance public welfare. Leveraging examples of retrospective voting in areas other than the economy, the field is heading toward a middle ground in which voters resemble decision makers in many other domains. In many cases, a coherent logic governs voters' choices. In other instances, voters make mistakes, often in predictable ways subject to well-known psychological biases. Understanding the circumstances under which retrospective voting achieves effective democratic accountability and when it fails to do so is an important task for subsequent research. We discuss two additional issues for future exploration: a better understanding of normative benchmarks, and increased attention to the relationship between retrospective voting behavior and policy outcomes.},
}

@Article{HealyEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Irrelevant events affect voters' evaluations of government performance},
  Author                   = {Healy, Andrew and Malhotra, Neil and Mo, Cecilia Hyunjung},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1073/pnas.1007420107},
  Number                   = {29},
  Pages                    = {12804--12809},
  Volume                   = {107},

  Abstract                 = {Does information irrelevant to government performance affect voting behavior? If so, how does this help us understand the mechanisms underlying voters{\textquoteright} retrospective assessments of candidates' performance in office? To precisely test for the effects of irrelevant information, we explore the electoral impact of local college football games just before an election, irrelevant events that government has nothing to do with and for which no government response would be expected. We find that a win in the 10 d before Election Day causes the incumbent to receive an additional 1.61 percentage points of the vote in Senate, gubernatorial, and presidential elections, with the effect being larger for teams with stronger fan support. In addition to conducting placebo tests based on postelection games, we demonstrate these effects by using the betting market's estimate of a team's probability of winning the game before it occurs to isolate the surprise component of game outcomes. We corroborate these aggregate-level results with a survey that we conducted during the 2009 NCAA men's college basketball tournament, where we find that surprising wins and losses affect presidential approval. An experiment embedded within the survey also indicates that personal well-being may influence voting decisions on a subconscious level. We find that making people more aware of the reasons for their current state of mind reduces the effect that irrelevant events have on their opinions. These findings underscore the subtle power of irrelevant events in shaping important real-world decisions and suggest ways in which decision making can be improved.}
}

@Article{HearnEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Debate on Bernard Yack's book \emph{Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community}},
  Author                   = {Hearn, Jonathan and Kukathas, Chandran and Miller, David and Yack, Bernard},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Nations and Nationalism},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/nana.12074},
  ISSN                     = {1469-8129},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {395--414},
  Volume                   = {20}
}

@Article{Heath1984,
  Title                    = {In Defence of Comprehensive Schools},
  Author                   = {Heath, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {115--123},
  Volume                   = {10}
}

@Article{Heath2000,
  Title                    = {The Political Arithmetic Tradition in the Sociology of Education},
  Author                   = {Heath, Anthony},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {3/4},
  Pages                    = {313--331},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses birth cohort analysis of a 1991 representative survey of Britain to establish trends in class, gender and ethnic inequalities in educational attainment. The data show some decline in class inequalities (especially at O level), a clear narrowing of gender inequalities and substantial progress among ethnic minorities, where the inequalities among the second generation (who were born and educated in Britain) are a great deal less than those in the first generation (born and educated overseas). However, overall class inequalities remain substantial and are considerably larger than the gender or ethnic inequalities. Given the slow rate at which class inequalities are declining, they are likely to remain a major problem for educational policy for the foreseeable future.}
}

@Article{HeathClifford1980,
  Title                    = {The Seventy Thousand Hours that Rutter Left Out},
  Author                   = {Heath, Anthony and Clifford, Peter},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--19},
  Volume                   = {6}
}

@Article{HeathClifford1990,
  Title                    = {Class inequalities in Education in the Twentieth Century},
  Author                   = {Heath, Anthony and Clifford, Peter},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society. Series A (Statistics in Society)},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--16},
  Volume                   = {153},

  Abstract                 = {This paper reanalyses data from four nationally representative sample surveys, conducted in 1949, 1972, 1983 and 1987, to explore trends in class inequalities in education. Log-linear models are used to test whether the relationship between father's class and respondent's education varies significantly by birth cohort. The conclusion is that the various educational reforms that have been attempted over the past 50 years in Britain have had little impact on class inequalities in education.}
}

@Article{HebdonWarrian1999,
  Title                    = {Coercive Bargaining: Public Sector Restructuring under the Ontario Social Contract, 1993-1996},
  Author                   = {Hebdon, Bob and Warrian, Peter},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {196--212},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Economic restructuring, which is difficult to engineer even in the private sector, poses particularly serious challenges in highly unionized public sector environments. In 1993, the Ontario New Democratic Party government, which relied on labor support and was committed to collective bargaining, enacted the "Social Contract," a bill that mandated spending reductions. The Social Contract has been widely criticized for failing to obtain a negotiated consensus between labor and management. This analysis of data from a survey of 1,225 employers finds, however, that the law, as administered, succeeded not only in preserving key elements of collective bargaining and an open and accountable relationship between management and labor, but also in giving those elements a positive role in economic restructuring. The authors conclude that creatively altering the collective bargaining process remains a viable economic restructuring policy option in jurisdictions with highly unionized public sectors.}
}

@Article{Heckathorn1989,
  Title                    = {Collective Action and the Second-Order Free-Rider Problem},
  Author                   = {Heckathorn, Douglas D},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Rationality and Society},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {78--100},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the relationship between the first- and second-order free-rider problems in collective sanction systems with special emphasis on the relative robustness of cooperation in the first and second level. The results indicate that second-order cooperation exhibits surprising robustness relative to first-order cooperation. The implication is that hypocrisy, though universally maligned, may play a crucial transitional role both in the emergence of collective action and in the continuity of collective action under adverse circumstances.}
}

@Article{Heckathorn1996,
  Title                    = {The Dynamics and Dilemmas of Collective Action},
  Author                   = {Heckathorn, Douglas D},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {250--277},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {Theoretical accounts of participation in collective action have become more divergent. Some analysts employ the Prisoner's Dilemma paradigm, other analysts suggest that different social dilemmas underlie collective action, and still others deny that social dilemmas play any significant role in collective action. I propose a theoretically exhaustive inventory of the dilemmas arising in collective action systems and show that five games, including the Prisoner's Dilemma, can underlie collective action. To analyze action within each game I use a dynamic selectionist model based on three modes of organization--voluntary cooperation, strategic interaction, and selective incentives. Social dilemmas exist in four of the five games, and conflicting accounts of collective action have focused on different games and modes of organization. As collective action proceeds from initiation to rapid expansion to stability, its game type varies in a way that can be precisely characterized as movement through a two-dimensional game-space. Finally, I distinguish between two ways of promoting collective action: One way focuses on resolving the dilemma within a particular game; the other focuses on changing the game so the dilemma is more easily resolved or eliminated.}
}

@Article{Heckman1998,
  Title                    = {What Should Be Our Human Capital Investment Policy?},
  Author                   = {Heckman, James J.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {103--119},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers the magnitude of the human capital investment required to offset the increase in inequality in labour earnings in the US economy since 1979. It considers the ineffectiveness of government training policies, the effectiveness of private sector training and the conflict between economic efficiency and the work ethic. It also considers revisions of the tax code. The importance of the distinction between the long view and the short view in analysing human resource policies is emphasised.}
}

@Article{Heckman2001,
  Title                    = {Micro Data, Heterogeneity, and the Evaluation of Public Policy: Nobel Lecture},
  Author                   = {Heckman, James J.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {673--749},
  Volume                   = {109},

  Abstract                 = {This paper summarizes the contributions of microeconomics to economic knowledge. Four main themes are developed. (1) Microeconometricians developed new tools to respond to econometric problems raised by the analysis of the new sources of micro data produced after the Second World War. (2) Microeconometrics improved on aggregate time series methods by building models that linked economic models for individuals to data on individual behavior. (3) An important empirical regularity detected by the field is the diversity and heterogeneity of behavior. This heterogeneity has profound consequencies for economic theory and for econometric practice. (4) Microeconometrics has contributed substantially to the scientific evaluation of public policy.}
}

@Article{HeckmanEtAl1997,
  author       = {Heckman, James J. and Ichimura, Hidehiko and Todd, Petra E.},
  title        = {Matching As An Econometric Evaluation Estimator: Evidence from Evaluating a Job Training Programme},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economic Studies},
  date         = {1997},
  volume       = {64},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {605--654},
  doi          = {10.2307/2971733},
  eprint       = {http://restud.oxfordjournals.org/content/64/4/605.full.pdf+html},
  abstract     = {This paper considers whether it is possible to devise a nonexperimental procedure for evaluating a prototypical job training programme. Using rich nonexperimental data, we examine the performance of a two-stage evaluation methodology that (a) estimates the probability that a person participates in a programme and (b) uses the estimated probability in extensions of the classical method of matching. We decompose the conventional measure of programme evaluation bias into several components and find that bias due to selection on unobservables, commonly called selection bias in econometrics, is empirically less important than other components, although it is still a sizeable fraction of the estimated programme impact. Matching methods applied to comparison groups located in the same labour markets as participants and administered the same questionnaire eliminate much of the bias as conventionally measured, but the remaining bias is a considerable fraction of experimentally-determined programme impact estimates. We test and reject the identifying assumptions that justify the classical method of matching. We present a nonparametric conditional difference-in-differences extension of the method of matching that is consistent with the classical index-sufficient sample selection model and is not rejected by our tests of identifying assumptions. This estimator is effective in eliminating bias, especially when it is due to temporally-invariant omitted variables.},
}

@Book{HeckmanKrueger2004,
  Title                    = {Inequality in {America}: What Role for Human Capital Policies?},
  Author                   = {Heckman, James J. and Krueger, Alan B.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {0262083280},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press},

  Abstract                 = {The surge of inequality in income and wealth in the United States over the past twenty-five years has reversed the steady progress toward greater equality that had been underway throughout most of the twentieth century. This economic development has defied historical patterns and surprised many economists, producing vigorous debate. Inequality in America: What Role for Human Capital Policies? examines the ways in which human capital policies can address this important problem. Taking it as a given that potentially low-income workers would benefit from more human capital in the form of market skills and education, James Heckman and Alan Krueger discuss which policies would be most effective in providing it: should we devote more resources to the entire public school system, or to specialised programs like Head Start? Would relaxing credit restraints encourage more students to attend college? Does vocational training actually work? What is the best balance of private and public sector programs? The book preserves the character of the symposium at which the papers were originally presented, recreating its atmosphere of lively debate. It begins with separate arguments by Krueger and Heckman (writing with Pedro Carneiro), which are followed by comments from other economists. Krueger and Heckman and Carneiro then offer separate responses to the comments and final rejoinders.}
}

@Book{Heclo1974,
  Title                    = {Modern Social Politics in {Britain} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Heclo, Hugh},
  Date                     = {1974},
  ISBN                     = {0300024805},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Book{HecloMadsen1987,
  Title                    = {Policy and Politics in {Sweden}: Principled Pragmatism},
  Author                   = {Heclo, Hugh and Madsen, Henrik},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {0877222657},
  Location                 = {Philadelphia, PA},
  Publisher                = {Temple University Press}
}

@Article{Heclo1972,
  Title                    = {Review Article: Policy Analysis},
  Author                   = {Heclo,H. Hugh},
  Date                     = {1972},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123400008449},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {83--108},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{Hecock2006,
  Title                    = {Electoral Competition, Globalization, and Subnational Education Spending in {Mexico}, 19992004},
  Author                   = {Hecock, R. Douglas},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {950--961},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the determinants of primary education spending among 29 Mexican states from 1999 to 2004. There is wide variation in spending despite expectations of policy convergence due to market forces associated with globalization, and in spite of the unique potential of education spending to complement economic strategies in achieving equitable growth. This study exploits significant advantages of subnational analysis in exploring political and economic variables that have been useful in explaining spending levels cross-nationally. Consistent with these studies, this article shows that greater electoral competition leads to increased spending. In contrast to other work, however, this study finds that exposure to the global economy has distinctly mixed effects on education spending. These findings thus further highlight the positive returns to higher {\textquotedblleft}quality{\textquotedblright} democracy, while underscoring the need to examine the effects of many different aspects of globalization representing a wide variety of strategies employed by governments in engaging the international economy.}
}

@Article{HedgesEtAl1994a,
  Title                    = {Does Money Matter? A Meta-Analysis of Studies of the Effects of Differential School Inputs on Student Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Hedges, Larry V. and Laine, Richard D. and Greenwald, Rob},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Researcher},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {5--14},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {Research on educational production functions attempts to model the relation between resource inputs and school outcomes such as educational achievement. Over the last decade a series of influential reviews of this literature have suggested that there is no systematic relation between resource inputs and school outcomes when controlling for student characteristics such as socioeconomic status. The inference procedure used in these reviews, vote counting, is known to be problematic. This study is a reanalysis of data from these earlier reviews, using more sophisticated synthesis methods. It shows systematic positive relations between resource inputs and school outcomes. Moreover, analyses of the magnitude of these relations suggest that the median relation (regression coefficient) is large enough to be of practical importance. While this reanalysis suggests that previous data do not support the conclusions that Hanushek and others derived from it, limitations of their data set warrant caution in using it for policy formation.}
}

@Article{HedgesEtAl1994b,
  Title                    = {Money Does Matter Somewhere: A Reply to Hanushek},
  Author                   = {Hedges, Larry V. and Laine, Richard D. and Greenwald, Robs},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Researcher},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {9--10},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{Hega2000,
  Title                    = {Federalism, Subsidiarity and Education Policy in {Switzerland}},
  Author                   = {Hega, Gunther M},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Regional \\& Federal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13597560008421107},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--35},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560008421107}
}

@Article{Heidar1989,
  Title                    = {{Norway}: Levels of party competition and system change},
  Author                   = {Heidar, Knut},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402388908424768},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {143--156},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388908424768},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Incollection{Heidenheimer1980,
  Title                    = {Conflict and Compromises Between Professional and Bureaucratic Health Interests 1947--72},
  Author                   = {Heidenheimer, Arnold J.},
  Booktitle                = {The Shaping of the Swedish Health System},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Editor                   = {Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Nils Elvander},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {119--142},
  Publisher                = {Croom Held}
}

@Article{Heidenheimer1973,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Public Education, Health and Welfare in the {USA} and Western {Europe}: How Growth and Reform Potentials Have Differed},
  Author                   = {Heidenheimer, Arnold J.},
  Date                     = {1973},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {315--340},
  Volume                   = {3}
}

@Article{Heidenheimer1974,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Educational Reform: Explaining Different Outcomes of School Comprehensivization Attempts in {Sweden} and West {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Heidenheimer, Arnold J.},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {388--410},
  Volume                   = {18}
}

@Book{HeidenheimerEtAl1990,
  Title                    = {Comparative Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Heidenheimer, Arnold J. and Heclo, H. Hugh and Adams, Carolyn Teich},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave}
}

@Article{vanderHeijdenHaffner2000,
  Title                    = {Housing expenditure and housing policy in the West {Europe}an rental sector},
  Author                   = {van der Heijden, Harry and Haffner, Marietta},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Housing and the Built Environment},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1010168224228},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {71{--}92},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This contribution depicts the recent development of the housing expenditure quote for various income groups in the social and private rented sector in six West European countries. The development reflects the similar policy efforts in these countries, not only to reduce the regulatory and subsidizing role of government but also to promote market mechanisms within the housing system. The analysis shows a recent rise in the gross as well as the net rent quote in both rental sectors of the six countries. The one exception is the private rented sector in Belgium. Despite the application of housing allowances, the lower-income groups have had the biggest increase in net rent quote. In addition, all six countries have recently seen an increase in the concentration of low-income groups in the social rented sector, where their presence was already strong. If this trend persists, it will affect the position of the social rented sector, the social landlords, but especially the low-income groups in both the private and the social rented sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1010168224228}
}

@Article{HeinemannHennighausen2012,
  author       = {Heinemann, Friedrich and Hennighausen, Tanja},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {FinanzArchiv: Public Finance Analysis},
  title        = {Understanding Public Debt Preferences},
  doi          = {10.1628/001522112X659556},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {406--430},
  volume       = {68},
  abstract     = {Surprisingly little is known about voters' public debt preferences on a micro level. This is deplorable, given the importance of the fiscal stability culture in the context of the European public debt crisis. This contribution tests, for a self-designed representative German survey, debt preferences and their determinants. Our results indicate that a Ricardian approach has some importance for explaining individual heterogeneity of consolidation preferences --- emphasizing, for example, the importance of individual credit constraints. However, Ricardian reasoning is not able to give a complete picture. Theories of debt determination that point to societal coordination failures or ideology offer additional explanations with empirical backing. The magnitude of these additional effects is substantial; the size of the trust variable is not smaller than the intergenerational dummy for the presence of children.},
}

@Article{HeinemannHuefner2004,
  Title                    = {Is The View From The Eurotower Purely {Europe}an? --- National Divergence and ECB Interest Rate Policy},
  Author                   = {Heinemann, Friedrich and Huefner, Felix P.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Scottish Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0036-9292.2004.00320.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9485},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {544--558},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {The official view on ECB monetary policy claims that decisions are based on euro zone data and that diverging regional developments are disregarded. To test empirically whether regional developments have an impact on ECB decisions we develop a generalised monetary policy reaction function which allows for an influence of regional divergence. Reaction function estimations and a probit model of interest rate decisions for the first years of the euro area offer some first support for an impact of regional divergence. The results clarify that ignoring a potential national perspective may lead to biased estimates for the ECB reaction function.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0036-9292.2004.00320.x},
  Keywords                 = {ECB, monetary policy, Taylor rule, E 58},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing}
}

@Article{Heise2002,
  Title                    = {Optimal Public Debts, Sustainable Deficits, and Budgetary Consolidation},
  Author                   = {Heise, Arne},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Empirica},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1020803405156},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {319--337},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {It is hardly surprising that government budgets have always been widely debated inboth the political and academic arenas as public finances in general, and the budgetin particular, reflect the political and ideological colour of the government whichruns the state. No less inevitable are academic debates on budgetary issues giventhat economics is a multi-paradigmatic science. This background makes all the moremysterious the current complete consensus on the need for budgetary consolidationand the overwhelming acceptance of the `balanced budget' principle in politics as wellas in academic economics. In the paper, this position is questioned by producing a simple model of optimal public debt, sustainable deficits and optimal budgetary consolidation. Different possible trajectories of fiscal restriction and expansion \^a?? based on a Post-Keynesian and Rational Expectations paradigm alternatively \^a?? are then being empirically tested by comparing the German and British historical accounts of public finances over the past three decades.}
}

@Book{Held2006,
  Title                    = {Models of Democracy},
  Author                   = {Held, David},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Publisher                = {Polity Press}
}

@Article{Helgoey2006,
  Title                    = {Rhetoric and Action in Regulating the Public Schools in {Norway} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Helg{\o}y, Ingrid},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2006.00144.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {89--110},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {In the past few decades, Norway and Sweden, like the rest of the Western world, have attempted to restructure and deregulate education. In both countries, the established governing models were threatened due to lack of legitimacy and efficiency. This article discusses the extent to which the different explanations of stability and institutional change address what happened when Management by Objectives and Results (MbOR) was introduced in Norway and Sweden. However, both the content and the course of change were different in the two countries. More specifically, one can talk about processes combining lock-in mechanism and layering in the Norwegian course of development. In Sweden, the process of change was characterized by sudden and radical decisions. A decision made in 1991 could be explained as a state of punctuated equilibrium, as strong forces produced a situation where nothing else was to be done except make a radical change, turning the centralized system into a decentralized one. The period has parallels to the concept of 'critical juncture', representing a moment of openness to and possibility for different and new actors to influence a new constitution. In Norway, the transformation of policy tools for education purposes has thus far dominated the process and direction of change. In Sweden, through processes of conversion, the policy tool has gained a more dominating influence over education policy. Accordingly, there was a stronger emphasis on MbOR in its original version in Sweden than in Norway, which has transformed and defined the concept in line with educational purposes. This article outlines two cases of institutional change that combine elements of lock in with new developments. In neither Norway nor Sweden was the development pushed further in the same trajectory, rather it was transformed and, in the case of Sweden, radically changed within a larger nationally specific framework of sequence of events, values, norms and traditions of policy making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2006.00144.x}
}

@Article{HelgoeyHomme2007,
  Title                    = {Towards a New Professionalism in School? A Comparative Study of Teacher Autonomy in {Norway} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Helg{\o}y, Ingrid and Homme, Anne},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2304/eerj.2007.6.3.232},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {232--249},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Local autonomy is one of the recent trends in reforms of compulsory education. However, several parallel trends such as individual accountability, performance and visibility challenge professional autonomy. The aim of this article is to explore how accountability and transparency reforms affect teacher autonomy in Norway and Sweden. The authors argue that both individual teacher autonomy at the local workplace and autonomy at the national level embracing teachers as a collective group are important in analysing teachers' professional autonomy. In comparing teachers' professional autonomy they differentiate between processes of individualisation and collectivisation. Their analysis indicates, although intra-national differences, that the difference between Norwegian and Swedish teachers is striking. While the Swedish teachers experience a high degree of individual autonomy, their influence on national policy processes seems weakened. This leads to the assumption that professional autonomy as a result of transparency and accountability reforms, even if the teachers report individual professional autonomy, reduces the authority of the profession at the national policy-making level. The analysis indicates that Norwegian teachers are characterized by old professionalism. The strong input regulations in Norway limit individual teacher autonomy. Even with weakened individual autonomy, teachers still manage to supply conditions for national education policy making. This means that teachers still are autonomous at the collective level. Moreover, the findings indicate that national standards and control in education are accepted as tools for securing professional knowledge and status.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2007.6.3.232}
}

@Article{HelgoyHomme2006,
  Title                    = {Policy Tools and Institutional Change: Comparing education policies in {Norway}, {Sweden} and {England}},
  Author                   = {Helg{\o}y, Ingrid and Homme, Anne},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0143814X0600050X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {141--165},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {The main question raised in this article is how educational reforms reflect convergence or divergence between the English, the Norwegian and the Swedish educational systems. We claim that the answer depends on how convergence is conceptualised. At the level of decisions on tools, the countries seem more similar than two decades ago. However, to explain policy changes our analytical perspective must be broadened. We demonstrate how values based on different welfare state models, political economies and different types of institutional evolution can explain processes of change in education over the last decades. In paying attention to broader processes of change, a certain degree of variation occurs. The countries seem to develop according to nationally specific trajectories: England has strengthened the liberal and elitist values of education while social democratic values of comprehensiveness and equality have impact on the aims and effects of policy tools in Norway and Sweden.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0143814X0600050X}
}

@Article{Helgadottir2016,
  Title                    = {The Bocconi boys go to Brussels: Italian economic ideas, professional networks and European austerity},
  Author                   = {Oddn\'{y} Helgad\'{o}ttir},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501763.2015.1106573},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {392--409},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{HellebrandtEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The economics and estimation of negative equity},
  Author                   = {Hellebrandt, Tomas and Kawar, Sandhya and Waldron, Matt},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {110--121},
  Url                      = {http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/quarterlybulletin/qb090203.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {Negative equity occurs when the market value of a house is below the outstanding mortgage secured on it. As house prices fall, the number of households in negative equity tends to rise. Between the Autumn of 2007 and the Spring of 2009, nominal house prices fell by around 20\% in the United Kingdom. There are no data which accurately measure the scale of negative equity. Three estimates presented in this article suggest that around 7\%--11\% of UK owner-occupier mortgagors were in negative equity in the Spring of 2009, although for most of those households, the total value of negative equity was relatively small. The effects of negative equity can be painful for those households concerned. Negative equity can also have implications for both monetary
policy and financial stability, which are discussed in this article. These effects are likely to depend on developments elsewhere in the macroeconomy and financial system.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Helleiner2011,
  Title                    = {Understanding the 2007--2008 Global Financial Crisis: Lessons for Scholars of International Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Helleiner, Eric},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-050409-112539},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {67--87},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Economists have explained the 2007--2008 global financial crisis with reference to various market and regulatory failures as well as a macro-economic environment of cheap credit during the precrisis period. These developments had important political causes that scholars of international political economy (IPE) should have been well positioned to study before the crisis. How well did they anticipate the crisis? Although none foresaw all the causes, a number of IPE scholars correctly identified many of the dangers associated with new models of securitization as well as accompanying regulatory failures and the politics underlying them. IPE scholars were less successful in identifying the macroeconomic roots of the crisis, particularly the role of international capital flows in fueling the U.S. financial bubble, but some scholars did usefully explore the politics that contributed to the latter phenomenon. The study of IPE scholarship in this episode contains useful lessons for the field's future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050409-112539},
  Booktitle                = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Publisher                = {Annual Reviews},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.28}
}

@Article{Heller2007,
  Title                    = {Divided Politics: Bicameralism, Parties, and Policy in Democratic Legislatures},
  Author                   = {Heller, William B},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.071105.112758},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {245--269},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This article surveys the rationales for and effects of legislative bicameralism. At heart, second chambers facilitate representation for groups or interests that otherwise might be ignored. They do so not only by making more legislative seats available to legislators elected from different districts and possibly by different rules, but more importantly by giving more legislators a voice in the legislative process. Traditional views of bicameralism hold that second chambers can matter because their members have the authority to veto or at least delay bills, so that whether they do in fact affect legislative content depends on whether and to what extent majority preferences differ across chambers. A new current of legislative research focuses on how the existence of a second chamber provides a forum for bargaining over policy and, in the process, creates a need for policy bargains within parties as well as across chamber majorities that would be unnecessary in a unicameral legislature.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.071105.112758},
  Keywords                 = {institutions, legislatures, divided government}
}

@Article{HellstenEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Implicit media frames: Automated analysis of public debate on artificial sweeteners},
  Author                   = {Hellsten, Iina and Dawson, James and Leydesdorff, Loet},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Understanding of Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0963662509343136},
  Eprint                   = {http://pus.sagepub.com/content/19/5/590.full.pdf+html},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {590-608},
  Url                      = {http://pus.sagepub.com/content/19/5/590.abstract},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {The framing of issues in the mass media plays a crucial role in the public understanding of science and technology. This article contributes to research concerned with the analysis of media frames over time by making an analytical distinction between implicit and explicit media frames, and by introducing an automated method for the analysis of implicit frames. In particular, we apply a semantic maps method to a case study on the newspaper debate about artificial sweeteners, published in the New York Times between 1980 and 2006. Our results show that the analysis of semantic changes enables us to filter out the dynamics of implicit frames, and to detect emerging metaphors in public debates. Theoretically, we discuss the relation between implicit frames in public debates and the codification of meaning and information in scientific discourses, and suggest further avenues for research interested in the automated analysis of frame changes and trends in public debates.}
}

@Article{Hellstrom2008,
  Title                    = {Partisan responses to {Europe}: the role of ideology for national political parties' positions on {Europe}an integration},
  Author                   = {Hellstr{\"o}m, Johan},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760701817690},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {189--207},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article re-examines and evaluates several hypotheses regarding the way national political parties position themselves with respect to European integration. By using a pooled cross-sectional panel of data on references to Europe in the election manifestos of political parties in 16 West European countries between 1970 and 2003, I present further evidence that their stances on European integration are largely determined by their ideology, here measured by the locations of the parties within party families and their general orientation along the left/right ideological continuum. However, notable changes have occurred and the influence of ideology has diminished, as most parties have adopted more favourable positions towards the European project over time. Nonetheless, it is too early to disregard the connection between left/right and pro/anti integration, since many marginal parties are still taking oppositional stances that are strongly related to their ideological commitment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760701817690}
}

@Article{Hellwig2012,
  author       = {Hellwig, Timothy},
  title        = {Constructing Accountability: Party Position Taking and Economic Voting},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2012-01-01},
  volume       = {45},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {91--118},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414011422516},
  abstract     = {A positive relationship between economic performance and support for incumbents is routinely taken as evidence that elections work for accountability. Recent investigations into this relationship have examined just how signals from the economy translate into popular support. However, neither selection models nor sanctioning models explicitly incorporate the actions of political elites. This article advances a strategic parties model of economic voting. Political incumbents have incentives to adjust their policy positions in response to economic conditions. When parties advocate distinct positions on economic issues, elections can be understood in terms of economic conditions. But when party positions converge, the quality of economic information declines. Incumbents can thus improve their chances of avoiding blame for a poor economy --- or of claiming credit for a good one --- by adjusting positions in policy space. Analyses of party positions, economic conditions, and election outcomes in 17 democracies over 35 years support this prediction.},
}

@Article{HellwigCoffey2011,
  Title                    = {Public opinion, party messages, and responsibility for the financial crisis in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Hellwig, Timothy and Coffey, Eva},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {417--426},
  Url                      = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379410001290},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {The political consequences of the crisis in world financial markets are only beginning to be understood. In this article, we take up one of these many repercussions by examining public beliefs of who's to blame for a complex and unparalleled set of events. Analyses of survey data from Britain find that while most assign responsibility for the crisis to market actors, the likelihood of blaming governments, as opposed to blaming banks and investors, is greater among low sophisticates and Conservative Party identifiers. We further show how elite messages from competing political elites evolved over-time and were reflected in mass beliefs about the crisis. Results highlight the centrality of partisan cues and, in particular, of political sophistication in understanding the dynamics of responsibility attributions. Lastly, we estimate the consequences of blaming the government for the crisis for voter choice.},
  Booktitle                = {Special Symposium on the Politics of Economic Crisis},
  Keywords                 = {Financial crisis of 2008, Public opinion, Partisan cues, Political sophistication}
}

@Article{Helpman2006,
  Title                    = {Trade, {FDI}, and the Organization of Firms},
  Author                   = {Helpman, Elhanan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/002205106779438042},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {589--630},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {New developments in the world economy have triggered research designed to better understand the changes in trade and investment patterns, and the reorganization of production across national borders. Although traditional trade theory has much to offer in explaining parts of this puzzle, other parts required new approaches. Particularly acute has been the need to model alternative forms of involvement of business firms in foreign activities because organizational change has been central in the transformation of the world economy. This paper reviews the literature that has emerged from these efforts. The theoretical refinements have focused on the individual firm, studying its choices in response to its own characteristics, the nature of the industry in which it operates, and the opportunities afforded by foreign trade and investment. Important among these choices are organizational features, such as sourcing strategies. But the theory has gone beyond the individual firm, studying the implications of firm behavior for the structure of industries. It provides new explanations for trade structure and patterns of foreign direct investment, both within and across industries, and has identified new sources of comparative advantage.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/002205106779438042}
}

@Incollection{Hemerijck2003,
  Title                    = {The resurgence of Dutch corporatist policy coordination in an age of globalization},
  Author                   = {Hemerijck, Anton},
  Booktitle                = {Renegotiating the Welfare State: Flexible adjustment through corporatist concertation},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Frans van Waarden and Gerhard Lehmbruch},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {33--69},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Henisz2000,
  Title                    = {The institutional environment for multinational investment},
  Author                   = {Henisz, Witold J.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jleo/16.2.334},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {334{--}364},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This article posits that the effect of political hazards on the choice of market entry mode varies across multinational firms based on the extent to which they face expropriation hazards from their potential joint-venture partners in the host country (the level of contractual hazards). As political hazards increase, the multinational faces an increasing threat of opportunistic expropriation by the government. Partnering with host-country firms that possess a comparative advantage in interactions with the host-country government can safeguard against this hazard. However, as contractual hazards increase, the potential benefit to the joint-venture partner of manipulating the political system for it's own benefit at the expense of the multinational increases as well, thereby diminishing the hazard-mitigating benefit of forming a joint venture. A two-stage bivariate probit estimation technique is used to test these hypotheses on a sample of 3,389 overseas manufacturing operations by 461 firms in 112 countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jleo/16.2.334}
}

@Article{HeniszZelner2006,
  Title                    = {Interest Groups, Veto Points, and Electricity Infrastructure Deployment},
  Author                   = {Henisz, Witold J. and Zelner, Bennet A.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818306060085},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {263--286},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {In this article we examine the effects of interest group pressure and the structure of political institutions on infrastructure deployment by state-owned electric utilities in a panel of seventy-eight countries during the period 1970{\textendash}94. We consider two factors that jointly influence the rate of infrastructure deployment: (1) the extent to which the consumer base consists of industrial consumers, which are capable of exerting discipline on political actors whose competing incentives are to construct economically inefficient {\textquotedblleft}white elephants{\textquotedblright} to satisfy the demands of concentrated geographic interests, labor unions, and national engineering and construction lobbies; and (2) veto points in formal policymaking structures that constrain political actors, thereby reducing these actors' sensitivity to interest group demands. A higher fraction of industrial customers provides political actors with stronger incentives for discipline, reducing the deployment of white elephants and thus the infrastructure growth rate, ceteris paribus. Veto points reduce political actors' sensitivity to interest group demands in general and thus moderate the relationship between industrial interest group pressure and the rate of infrastructure deployment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818306060085}
}

@Article{HeniszEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {The Worldwide Diffusion of Market-Oriented Infrastructure Reform, 1977--1999},
  Author                   = {Henisz, Witold J. and Zelner, Bennet A. and Guill{\'e}n, Mauro F.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/000312240507000601},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {871--897},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {Why do countries differ so much in the extent to which they adopt neoliberal, marketoriented reform in their infrastructure industries? Building on world-society and neoinstitutional theories in sociology, this paper argues that international pressures of coercion, normative emulation, and competitive mimicry strongly influence the domestic adoption of market-oriented reform. The paper considers the effect of such pressures on the adoption of four reform elements: the privatization of state-owned firms, the formal separation of the regulatory authority from the executive branch, the de facto elimination of executive political influence on the regulatory authority, and the opening of the retail market to multiple service providers. It finds generally robust support for its arguments using a multivariate probit analysis of reform adoption in the telecommunications and electricity industries of as many as 71 countries and territories between 1977 and 1999. The results also suggest that the coercive effect of lending by the IMF and World Bank differs for each reform element. The paper discusses the possibility that, by leading countries to adopt some reform elements but not others, international coercion may not produce ideal outcomes.}
}

@Unpublished{Hensvik2010,
  Title                    = {Competition, wages and teacher sorting: four lessons learned from a voucher reform},
  Author                   = {Hensvik, Lena},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = jun,
  Note                     = {Uppsala Center for Labor Studies working paper 2010:12},
  Url                      = {http://www.nek.uu.se/Pdf/wp201012ucls.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies how local school competition affects teacher wages at markets where wages are set via individual wage bargaining. Using regional variation in private school entry generated by a Swedish reform which allowed private schools to enter freely and a comprehensive matched employer employee data covering all high school teachers in Sweden over 16 years, I analyze the effects of competition on wages as well as labor flows. The results suggest that competition translates into higher wages, also for teachers in public schools. While the average increases are modest new teachers gain 2 percent and high ability teachers in math and science receive 4 percent higher wages in the most competitive areas compared to areas without any competition from private schools. Several robustness checks support a causal interpretation of the results which together highlight the potential gains from school competition through a more differentiated wage setting of teachers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nek.uu.se/Pdf/wp201012ucls.pdf}
}

@Article{Heritier1999,
  Title                    = {Elements of democratic legitimation in {Europe}: an alternative perspective},
  Author                   = {Heritier, Adrienne},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Pages                    = {269--282},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {While the lack of democratic legitimation in the European polity is striking when measured against member state parliamentarian democracies, this focus shifts attention off those less obvious empirical processes which enhance democratic legitimation in Europe. In order to compensate for the slow and incremental nature of democratization, the Commission has sought to develop elements of substitute democratic legitimation via the transparency programme which attempts to bridge the gap between Brussels and member state citizens, and the creation of supportive networks. Accountability is also strengthened by structural and processual elements inherent in European policy-making- mutual horizontal control and distrust among actors in a diverse, negotiational democracy, and competition among multiple authorities. The described strategies and processes reinforce democratic support and accountability but do not allow the democratic definition of overall goals for the European polity as such.}
}

@Article{HermesLensink2003,
  Title                    = {Foreign direct investment, financial development and economic growth},
  Author                   = {Hermes, Niels and Lensink, Robert},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00220380412331293707},
  ISSN                     = {0022-0388},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {142--163},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that the development of the financial system of the recipient country is an important precondition for FDI to have a positive impact on economic growth. A more developed financial system positively contributes to the process of technological diffusion associated with FDI. The article empirically investigates the role the development of the financial system plays in enhancing the positive relationship between FDI and economic growth. The empirical investigation presented in the article strongly suggests that this is the case. Of the 67 countries in data set, 37 have a sufficiently developed financial system in order to let FDI contribute positively to economic growth. Most of these countries are in Latin America and Asia.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220380412331293707},
  Booktitle                = {The Journal of Development Studies},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{HerndonEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Does high public debt consistently stifle economic growth? A critique of Reinhart and Rogoff},
  Author                   = {Herndon, Thomas and Ash, Michael and Pollin, Robert},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Cambridge Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/cje/bet075},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {257--279},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {We replicate Reinhart and Rogoff (2010A and 2010B) and find that selective exclusion of available data, coding errors and inappropriate weighting of summary statistics lead to serious miscalculations that inaccurately represent the relationship between public debt and GDP growth among 20 advanced economies. Over 1946--2009, countries with public debt/GDP ratios above 90\% averaged 2.2\% real annual GDP growth, not -0.1\% as published. The published results for (i) median GDP growth rates for the 1946--2009 period and (ii) mean and median GDP growth figures over 1790--2009 are all distorted by similar methodological errors, although the magnitudes of the distortions are somewhat smaller than with the mean figures for 1946--2009. Contrary to Reinhart and Rogoff's broader contentions, both mean and median GDP growth when public debt levels exceed 90\% of GDP are not dramatically different from when the public debt/GDP ratios are lower. The relationship between public debt and GDP growth varies significantly by period and country. Our overall evidence refutes RR's claim that public debt/GDP ratios above 90\% consistently reduce a country's GDP growth.}
}

@Article{Hero2010,
  Title                    = {Immigration and Social Policy in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Hero, Rodney E.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.041608.135744},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {445--468},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The United States experienced a period of sustained large-scale immigration from the 1960s into the period of dramatic economic recession in 2008--2009. This article focuses on the impact of immigrants and immigration on social policy in the United States. I summarize the arguably, and surprisingly, scant research that specifically examines the political and policy (more than the social and/or economic) implications of immgration. I first look at the extent and nature of change within and across three minority groups over the past several decades, including evidence on their composition and geographic concentration or dispersion. Next considered are the implications of the American `racial order' as a context and its impacts on `racialization' of immigrants. Next examined are the consequences for immigrants in major arenas of American government --- urban, state, and national. Although emphasis is given to issues of immigration, the importance of race/ethnicity as a social force in American politics is also considered, of necessity, because immigration and race/ethnicity are strongly interconnected though analytically separable.},
  Publisher                = {Annual Reviews}
}

@Misc{HertelEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Why WTO agricultural reforms are such a good idea --- but such a hard sell},
  Author                   = {Hertel, Thomas and Keeney, Roman and Winters, L. Alan},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Month                    = oct,
  Url                      = {http://www.voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/665},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/665}
}

@Article{HerzogBenoit2015,
  author       = {Herzog, Alexander and Benoit, Kenneth},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Most Unkindest Cuts: Speaker Selection and Expressed Government Dissent during Economic Crisis},
  issn         = {0022-3816},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1157--1175},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {Economic crisis and the resulting need for austerity budgets have divided many governing parties and coalitions in Europe despite strong party discipline in the legislative voting on these harsh budgets. We measure these divisions using automated text analysis methods to scale the positions that legislators express in budget debates in an effort to avoid punishment by voters for supporting austerity measures while still adhering to strict party discipline by voting along party lines. Our test case is Ireland, a country that has experienced periods of rapid economic growth as well as one deep financial and economic crisis. Tracking dissent from 1987 to 2013, we show that austerity measures undermine government cohesion as verbal opposition markedly increases in direct response to the economic pain felt in a legislator's constituency. The economic vulnerability of a legislator's constituency also directly explains position taking on austerity budgets among both government and opposition.},
}

@Article{Hetherington1996,
  author       = {Hetherington, Marc J.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Media's Role in Forming Voters' National Economic Evaluations in 1992},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {372--395},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {In terms of economic voting, voters' perceptions of economic indicators can be more important than the statistics themselves. This distinction is particularly important in understanding George Bush's defeat in 1992. Relentlessly negative reporting on economic performance during the election year negatively affected voters' perceptions of the economy. These altered perceptions influenced voting behavior. Ordinary least squares regression is used to demonstrate the media's impact on economic evaluations. Logistic regression is used to demonstrate the importance of economic evaluations in vote choice. Media consumption and attention to the presidential campaign through the mass media negatively shaped voters' retrospective economic assessments. These assessments were significantly related to vote choice. This suggests an explanation for why George Bush lost reelection despite an economy that had rebounded from recession well in advance of election day.},
  quality      = {1},
}

@Article{HetlingMcDermott2008,
  Title                    = {Judging a Book by its Cover: Did Perceptions of the 1996 US Welfare Reforms Affect Public Support for Spending on the Poor?},
  Author                   = {Hetling, Andrea and McDermott, Monika L},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0047279408002006},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {471--487},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {Research into public policy and public opinion demonstrates ample evidence that opinion affects policy, but relatively limited empirical findings regarding how policy might affect opinion: a process dubbed policy feedback. Much of the literature examines aggregate reactions to policy, while related public opinion research emphasises individual findings driven primarily by party affiliation or political ideology. This article takes the research one step further, examining whether individuals' judgements of policy effectiveness contribute to their support for or opposition to government policy spending. Specifically, it examines the case of US welfare reform and public reactions to it using a national survey conducted in 2001. Findings based on multinomial logistic regression analysis demonstrate not only that people's judgements of welfare reform's effectiveness contribute to their support for government spending on the poor, but also that the reasons behind their judgements matter.}
}

@Article{HewstoneEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Intergroup Bias},
  Author                   = {Hewstone, Miles and Rubin, Mark and Willis, Hazel},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Psychology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.psych.53.100901.135109},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {575--604},
  Url                      = {http://www-personal.umich.edu/~prestos/Downloads/DC/9-30_Hewstoneetal2002.pdf},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {This chapter reviews the extensive literature on bias in favor of in-groups at the expense of out-groups. We focus on five issues and identify areas for future research: (a) measurement and conceptual issues (especially in-group favoritism vs. out-group derogation, and explicit vs. implicit measures of bias); (b) modern theories of bias highlighting motivational explanations (social identity, optimal distinctiveness, uncertainty reduction, social dominance, terror management); (c) key moderators of bias, especially those that exacerbate bias (identification, group size, status and power, threat, positive-negative asymmetry, personality and individual differences); (d) reduction of bias (individual vs. intergroup approaches, especially models of social categorization); and (e) the link between intergroup bias and more corrosive forms of social hostility.}
}

@Article{HeyesEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Varieties of capitalism, neoliberalism and the economic crisis of 2008--?},
  Author                   = {Heyes, Jason and Lewis, Paul and Clark, Ian},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2338.2012.00669.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2338},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {222--241},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the responses of national governments to the economic crisis that commenced in 2008. We argue that the current search for new bases for accumulation is leading to reforms designed to weaken the position of labour. Moreover, the tendency towards a weakening of labour's position was already evident across different `varieties of capitalism' before the crisis erupted. We discuss the implications for comparative institutional analysis and stress the need for a renewed focus on the underlying dynamics of capitalist economies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2012.00669.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.05.31}
}

@Book{Heywood2000,
  Title                    = {Key Concepts in Politics},
  Author                   = {Heywood, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {9780333770955},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Book{Heywood2013,
  Title                    = {Politics},
  Author                   = {Heywood, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Edition                  = {4},
  ISBN                     = {978-0230363380},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Article{Hibbs1977,
  author       = {Hibbs, Douglas A.},
  date         = {1977},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Political Parties and Macroeconomic Policy},
  doi          = {10.2307/1961490},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1467--1487},
  url          = {http://www.douglas-hibbs.com/HibbsArticles/APSR-1977.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {71},
  abstract     = {This study examines postwar patterns in macroeconomic policies and outcomes associated with left- and right-wing governments in capitalist democracies. It argues that the objective economic interests as well as the subjective preferences of lower income and occupational status groups are best served by a relatively low unemployment-high inflation macroeconomic configuration, whereas a comparatively high unemployment-low inflation configuration is compatible with the interests and preferences of upper income and occupational status groups. Highly aggregated data on unemployment and inflation outcomes in relation to the political orientation of governments in 12 West European and North American nations are analyzed revealing a low unemployment-high inflation configuration in nations regularly governed by the Left and a high unemployment-low inflation pattern in political systems dominated by center and rightist parties. Finally, time-series analyses of quarterly postwar unemployment data for the United States and Great Britain suggests that the unemployment rate has been driven downward by Democratic and Labour administrations and upward by Republican and Conservative governments. The general conclusion is that governments pursue macroeconomic policies broadly in accordance with the objective economic interests and subjective preferences of their class-defined core political constituencies.},
}

@Article{Hibbs1992,
  author       = {Hibbs, Douglas A.},
  title        = {Partisan theory after fifteen years},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {1992},
  volume       = {8},
  pages        = {361--373},
  url          = {http://www.douglas-hibbs.com/HibbsArticles/EJPE-1992.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-10-10},
  abstract     = {In this essay I selectively review the evolution of the 'Partisan Theory' of macroeconomic policies and outcomes over the last fifteen years. Special attention is given to the rejuvenation of this class of political-economic models by the research of Henry Chappell and William Keech and, especially, Alberto Alesina and collaborators on what is known as 'Rational Partisan Theory'. I point out that Rational Partisan Theory has yet to be subjected to adequate empirical tests and I identify obvious ways by which such tests could be readily undertaken. The paper closes by suggesting a couple of additional directions in which Partisan Theory might be advanced further.},
}

@Article{Hibbs2000,
  Title                    = {Bread and Peace Voting in U.S. Presidential Elections},
  Author                   = {Hibbs, Douglas A.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1005292312412},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {149--180},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {A simple ``Bread and Peace'' model shows that aggregate votes for President in postwar elections were determined entirely by weighted-average growth of real disposable personal income percapita during the incumbent party's term and the cumulativenumbers of American military personnel killed in action as aresult of U.S. intervention in the Korean and Vietnamese civil wars. The model is subjected to robustness tests against twenty-two variations in functional form inspired by the extensive literature on presidential voting. Not one of these variations adds value to the Bread and Peace model or significantly perturbs its coefficients.}
}

@Article{Hibbs2012,
  Title                    = {Obama's Re-election Prospects Under `Bread and Peace' Voting in the 2012 US Presidential Election},
  Author                   = {Hibbs, Douglas A.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science and Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {635},
  Volume                   = {45}
}

@Article{HibbsLocking1996,
  Title                    = {Wage compression, wage drift and wage inflation in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Hibbs, Douglas A. and Locking, H{\aa}kan},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Labour Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0927-5371(95)00017-8},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {109--141},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we derive a model for the joint endogeneity of centrally contracted wages and wage drift in which central union attempts to reduce wage dispersion plays a pivotal role. Empirical results demonstrate that union efforts to level wage differentials exerted large positive effects on both centrally negotiated wage changes and wage drift. We also show that wage drift was accurately predicted and fully incorporated into central wage agreements. Central bargaining therefore dominated the wage inflation process. After the breakdown of central bargaining in 1983, however, the influence of conventional market forces on wage formation was magnified.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0927-5371(95)00017-8}
}

@Article{HicksKenworthy2003,
  Title                    = {Varieties of welfare capitalism},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Alexander and Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/soceco/1.1.27},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {27--61},
  Url                      = {http://lanekenworthy.files.wordpress.com/2014/07/2003ser.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-03-13},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the considerable influence of Esping-Andersen's categorization of three ``worlds'' of welfare capitalism, researchers have largely neglected investigation of his dimensions of welfare state policy and politics. Building on and extending the foundations provided by Esping-Andersen, we explore the identities and consequences of welfare state regime dimensions. Our principal components analyses identify two such dimensions. The first, which we label ``progressive liberalism'', rearranges Esping-Andersen's separate ``social democratic'' and ``liberal'' dimensions into two poles of a single dimension. Its positive pole is characterized by extensive, universal and homogeneous benefits, active labour market policy, government employment and gender-egalitarian family policies. The second, which we label ``traditional conservatism'', is similar to but broader than Esping-Andersen's conservative dimension. It features not only occupational and status-based differentiations of social insurance programmes and specialized income security programmes for civil servants, but also generous and long-lasting unemployment benefits, reliance on employer-heavy social insurance tax burdens and extensions of union collective bargaining coverage. Pooled cross-section time-series regressions covering 18 countries over the 1980s and 1990s suggest that progressive liberalism is associated with income redistribution and greater gender equality in the labour market. The principal consequence of traditional conservatism appears to be weakened employment performance.}
}

@Article{HicksMisra1993,
  Title                    = {Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare in Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960-1982},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Alexander and Misra, Joya},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {668{--}710},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {Explanations of welfare effort in affluent postwar democracies are partially integrated within a "political resource" framework. Political resource models of welfare effort fare well when tested with pooled time-series data for 1960-82. Use of governmental authority by the left, use of disruption by the working class and the petty burgeois, and use of lobbying, voting, and/or entitlement rights by the elderly and the unemployed constitute means of political action. Among more diffusely available "infraresources," state revenue expansion, economic growth, and inflation appear to buoy welfare expansion, as do left corporatism and "bureaucratic paternalism." Some mediating effects of economic epoch and state structure are explored.}
}

@Article{HicksSwank1992,
  Title                    = {Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies, 1960-82},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Alexander M. and Swank, Duane H.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1964129},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {658--674},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the roles of democratic politics and political institutions in shaping social welfare spending in 18 contemporary capitalist democracies. We explore the social spending consequences of government partisanship, electoral competition and turnout, and the self-interested behaviors of politicians and bureaucrats, as well as such relatively durable facets of political institutions as neocorporatism, state centralization, and traditionalist policy legacies. Pooled time series analyses of welfare effort in 18 nations during the 1960-82 period show that electoral turnout, as well as left and center governments increase welfare effort; that the welfare efforts of governments led by particular types of parties show significant differences and vary notably with the strength of oppositional (and junior coalitional) parties; and that relatively neocorporatist, centralized, and traditionalistic polities are high on welfare effort. Overall, our findings suggest that contrary to many claims, both partisan and nonpartisan facets of democratic politics and political institutions shape contemporary social welfare effort.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964129}
}

@Article{HicksEtAl1989,
  Title                    = {Welfare expansion revisited: policy routines and their mediation by party, class and crisis, 1957-1982},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Alexander M. and Swank, Duane H. and Ambuhl, Martin},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00201.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {401{--}430},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Post-war welfare effort (i.e., welfare spending as a share of national income) in advanced capitalist political democracies is proposed to result from policy routines emphasized in the traditional academic literatures complemented and mediated by class-linked factors stressed in the 'new political economy' literature. Both sets of factors are integrated into a single conception of state policy-making. In this, self-interested elite and administrative state personnel respond to their environments by means of relatively discretionary and relatively automatic policy routines, respectively. Left and non-Left governments mediate these routines and do so differently in different long-term institutional (strong-union versus weak-union) and macroeconomic (expansionary versus crisis) contexts. Welfare expansion is found to be amply explained by the proposed processes, differentiated by context. Left parties and militants are found to matter primarily in contexts marked by 'Left corporatism'(or strong unions) and/or by relatively 'expansionary economic climates'. Ironically, Left-party governments in Left corporatist contexts are found to be particularly sensitive to inflation where transfer spending is concerned. Where unions are strong, policy making is generally less incremental and more flexible. After 1973, policy sensitivity to real economic growth or decline looms large, and working-class-linked politics are muted where unions are weak, most especially where they are decentralized.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00201.x}
}

@Article{HicksEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Trade Policy, Economic Interests, and Party Politics in a Developing Country: The Political Economy of CAFTA-DR},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Raymond and Milner, Helen V. and Tingley, Dustin},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/isqu.12057},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {106--117},
  Volume                   = {58}
}

@Book{Hicks2010,
  Title                    = {Greening Aid?: Understanding the Environmental Impact of Development Assistance},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Robert L.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Hicks2005,
  Title                    = {Trends in public sector employment},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Labour Market Trends},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {477--488},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {This article provides analysis of trends in public sector employment from 1991 to June 2005. It includes estimates based on information from public sector organisations, with estimates by government sector, industry and region. It also outlines work that ONS has undertaken to improve the quality of public sector employment statistics as well as plans for further improvements in the future. The information in this article is part of a larger annual Web publication entitled 'Public Sector Employment Trends 2005'.}
}

@MastersThesis{Hicks2004,
  author      = {Hicks, Tim},
  date        = {2004},
  institution = {University of London (UCL)},
  title       = {Determinants of Government Budget Shifts: Partisan Theory, Economic Orthodoxy, and Politics in Post-War {United Kingdom}},
  type        = {MSc Thesis},
  abstract    = {Partisan theory as outlined by Hibbs (1977; 1992) predicts different levels of spending from governments of the Left compared to governments of the Right, but previous empirical research has found only substantively small effects, while economics appears to drive most budgets (Hicks and Swank, 1992; Blais, Blake and Dion, 1993; 1996; Schmidt, 1996; Franzese, 2002). The models employed in these studies fail to account adequately for the interaction between politics, economics and economic theory, with the result that the accuracy of measures of partisan effects are drawn into question. Differing political ideology and economic doctrine leads to differing policy responses from governments of different types, but no systematic and quantitative exploration of this characteristic has been applied to the partisan theory research programme. This paper aims to correct this omission by using dummy variables {\textendash} for partisan and economic theory variables {\textendash} interacted with the more standard economic variables that appear in the literature. Following recent developments in the literature on `political business cycles' (Schultz, 1995) and ministerial experience (Huber, 1998) these factors are also included in the empirical models. Using budget data for the UK for the period 1951-1996, empirical models are estimated for both aggregated and disaggregated government spending. The relatively short time-series available leads to the application of the bootstrap technique (Mooney and Krause, 1997) for the aggregated data, while Zellner{\textquoteright}s (1962) `seemingly unrelated regression' technique is employed at the disaggregated level. In interpretation of the estimation results, problems of endogeneity are discovered, calling into question some of the empirical results. Suggestions for the resolution of these difficulties are made and a clear research programme set out. The central thesis {\textendash} that previous studies have not successfully modelled all partisan interactions and that this failing casts doubt on their findings of only muted partisan effects {\textendash} stands intact.},
}

@PhdThesis{Hicks2009,
  author      = {Hicks, Timothy},
  date        = {2009},
  institution = {University of Oxford},
  title       = {Strategic Partisan Policy-Seekers},
  location    = {Oxford, UK},
  type        = {DPhil Dissertation},
  url         = {https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fcaf867b-33d0-4ce8-805d-b8c5253984fd},
  urldate     = {2018-12-07},
}

@Unpublished{Hicks2012b,
  Title                    = {Partisan Politics and the Private Provision of Public Schooling},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = jul,
  Note                     = {Unpublished manuscript.},

  Abstract                 = {I present a formal model in which political parties, when in power, must make education policy decisions on two dimensions: expenditure and the structure (i.e. the degree of privatization) of the public education system. The latter dimension has effects on both the efficiency of the expenditure and the degree to which subsequent governments can adjust expenditure levels. This model yields counterintuitive hypotheses about when left-wing parties will support privatization. Using data from PISA and Eurostat, I find empirical support for these hypotheses across a range of developed democracies.}
}

@Article{Hicks2013,
  Title                    = {Partisan Strategy and Path Dependence: The Post-War Emergence of Health Systems in the UK and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041513804634244},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {207--226},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Why did a highly redistributive, nationalised health-care system emerge in the UK, where the Left was comparatively weak, while a more redistributively-neutral, cash-centric, insurance-based system was pursued in Sweden, where the Left was strong? I argue that the explanation is twofold. First, in contrast to the Swedish Social Democrats, the weakness of the British Labour Party constrained it to pursue redistribution via health policy. Second, given the redistributive goals of the NHS, it became imperative for the Labour Party to construct a system that would be difficult for future Conservative governments to retrench. More generally, this formulation posits rational actors operating in the kinds of processes typically studied by historical institutionalists. The result is a tendency for a type of path dependence by design.}
}

@Article{Hicks2014,
  Title                    = {Partisan Governance and Policy Implementation: The Politics of Academy Conversion Amongst English Schools},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/padm.12100},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {995--1016},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {This paper demonstrates that party-political orientations within governance communities can have strong effects on policy implementation. Empirical evidence is drawn from the Academy conversion scheme for secondary schools in England that was recently pursued by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government. The opt-in nature of the reform makes it possible to discern the impact that nominally apolitical school governors have on the implementation of the policy. Academy conversion is disproportionately found in more Conservative-voting constituencies due to varying school-level propensities to apply to convert, rather than varying propensities for the Department for Education to authorize conversions. Further, applications to convert are significantly more likely from schools in Conservative parliamentary seats that are under the control of Labour local authorities. Thus, nominally apolitical policy participants appear to act in rather political ways, which has implications for our understanding of the involvement of civil society in the provision of public services.}
}

@Article{Hicks2015,
  Title                    = {Inequality, marketisation, and the left: Schools policy in England and Sweden},
  Author                   = {Hicks, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.12086},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {326--342},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {It is argued in this article that the marketisation of schools policy has a tendency to produce twin effects: an increase in educational inequality, and an increase in general satisfaction with the schooling system. However, the effect on educational inequality is very much stronger where prevailing societal inequality is higher. The result is that cross-party political agreement on the desirability of such reforms is much more likely where societal inequality is lower (as the inequality effects are also lower). Counterintuitively, then, countries that are more egalitarian - and so typically thought of as being more left-wing - will have a higher likelihood of adopting marketisation than more unequal countries. Evidence is drawn from a paired comparison of English and Swedish schools policies from the 1980s to the present. Both the policy history and elite interviews lend considerable support for the theory in terms of both outcomes and mechanisms.}
}

@Article{Hicks2016,
  author       = {Hicks, Timothy},
  title        = {Acting Right? Privatization, Encompassing Interests, and the Left},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {4},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {427--448},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.11},
  abstract     = {I present a theoretical account of the politics of privatization that predicts left-wing support for the policy is conditional on the proportionality of the electoral system. In contrast to accounts that see privatization as an inherently right-wing policy, I argue that, like trade policy, it has the feature of creating distributed benefits and concen- trated costs. Less proportional electoral systems create incentives for the Left to be responsive to those who face the concentrated costs, and thus for them to oppose privatization more strongly. More proportional systems reduce these incentives and increase the extent to which distributed benefits are internalized by elected representatives. Hypotheses are derived from this theory at both the individual and macro-policy level, and then tested separately. Quantitative evidence on public opinion from the 1990s and privatization revenues from Western European countries over the period 19802005 supports the argument.},
}

@Article{HicksEtAl2016,
  author       = {Hicks, Timothy and Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott},
  title        = {Inequality and Electoral Accountability: Class-Biased Economic Voting in Comparative Perspective},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {78},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1076--1093},
  doi          = {10.1086/686157},
  abstract     = {Do electorates hold governments accountable for the distribution of economic welfare? Building on the finding of ``class-biased economic voting'' in the United States, we examine how electorates in advanced democracies respond to alternative distributions of income gains and losses. Drawing on individual-level electoral data and aggregate election results across 15 countries, we examine whether lower- and middle-income voters defend their distributive interests by punishing governments for concentrating income gains among the rich. We find no indication that non-rich voters punish rising inequality and substantial evidence that electorates positively reward the concentration of aggregate income growth at the top. Our results suggest that governments commonly face political incentives systematically skewed in favor of inegalitarian economic outcomes. At the same time, we find that the electorate's tolerance of rising inequality has its limits: class biases in economic voting diminish as the income shares of the rich grow in magnitude.},
}

@Article{Hickson2004,
  Title                    = {The Postwar Consensus Revisited},
  Author                   = {Hickson, Kevin},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2004.00597.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {142--154},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2004.00597.x}
}

@Article{HightonWolfinger2001,
  Title                    = {The Political Implications of Higher Turnout},
  Author                   = {Highton, Benjamin and Wolfinger, Raymond E.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123401210084},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {01},
  Month                    = jan,
  Pages                    = {179--223},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {Rich Americans, far more likely to vote than their poorer fellow citizens, also differ in how they vote and what policies they favour. These undisputed facts lead to the widespread belief `that if everybody in this country voted, the Democrats would be in for the next 100 years.' The gist of this conclusion, which seems to follow ineluctably from our opening sentence, is accepted by almost everyone except a few empirical political scientists. Their analyses of survey data show that no objectively achieved increase in turnout --- including compulsory voting --- would be a boon to progressive causes or Democratic candidates. Simply put, voters' preferences differ minimally from those of all citizens; outcomes would not change if everyone voted.},
  Numpages                 = {45}
}

@Incollection{HillHannaway2006,
  Title                    = {The Future of Public Education in New Orleans},
  Author                   = {Hill, Paul and Hannaway, Jane},
  Booktitle                = {After Katrina: Rebuilding Opportunity and Equity Into the New New Orleans},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Margery Austin Turner and Sheila R. Zedlewski},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Pages                    = {27--36},
  Publisher                = {Urban Institute},

  Abstract                 = {``We see an opportunity to do something incredible.'' These were the words of Governor Kathleen Babineaux Blanco as she signed legislation in late November allowing the state of Louisiana to take over most of New Orleans' schools. And she just may be right. Education could be one of the bright spots in New Orleans{\textquoteright} recovery effort, which may even establish a new model for school districts nationally. This is not to say that the current education situation in New Orleans is not dire; nor should it suggest that the district has a history as a lighthouse of excellence.}
}

@Book{Hills2004,
  Title                    = {Inequality and the State},
  Author                   = {Hills, John},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {0199276633},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Article{Hindmoor2005,
  Title                    = {Public Policy: Targets and Choice},
  Author                   = {Hindmoor, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2005-04},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsi022},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {272--286},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {New Labour's political development has been punctuated by the appearance, endless repetition and eventual disappearance of a series of catch-phrases: `stakeholding', `the third way' and `social exclusion' and, more recently, `partnership', `joined-up' governance and the `opportunity society'. In 2004 the Prime Minister began to talk about the need to promote choice. This article looks ahead to a possible third term in office for New Labour by looking at the concept of choice. It examines the similarities and important differences between Blair's arguments about choice and those offered by the Conservatives. It looks at the ways in which the general principle of promoting choice has so far been spelled out in specific policy terms within health and education and at the ways in which Blair's choice agenda clashes with that favoured by Gordon Brown and the Treasury.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsi022},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.01}
}

@Article{HirschlandSteinmo2003,
  Title                    = {Correcting the Record: Understanding the History of Federal Intervention and Failure in Securing U.S. Educational Reform},
  Author                   = {Hirschland, Matthew J and Steinmo, Sven},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904803017003003},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {343--364},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The authors show here that contrary to popular rhetoric, at an early stage the American federal government demonstrated remarkable influence over national education policy. This occurred in spite of the fact that the political institutions of the national government were fragmented and poorly organized to accomplish such goals. In this light, the authors' focus is on how late-19th-century developments set the tone and impediments for meaningful educational reform that carry over through today. The historical development of American education detailed here traces the roots of the ongoing policy tug-of-war between localism and national progressive goals that characterize contemporary reform efforts. Ironically, it is its early roots as the premier educational resource provider that has ultimately contributed to the greatly diminished role of the U.S. federal government in education today. This is a legacy that policy makers, parents, and educators are wise to understand but often neglect as they craft reform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904803017003003}
}

@Book{Hirschman1972,
  Title                    = {Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations and States},
  Author                   = {Hirschman, Albert O},
  Date                     = {1972},
  ISBN                     = {0674276604},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{Hiscox1999,
  Title                    = {The Magic Bullet? The {RT}AA, Institutional Reform, and Trade Liberalization},
  Author                   = {Hiscox, Michael J.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081899551039},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {669--698},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~hiscox/HiscoxIO99.pdf},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {The Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA) of 1934 has long been heralded as a simple institutional reform with revolutionary consequences. It is typically portrayed as a clever maneuver that, by shifting authority over trade policy from Congress to the president, fundamentally altered the nature of the policymaking process and drastically changed the future course of U.S. trade relations. Wedded to high levels of tariff protection for most of its history, the United States began a steady process of tariff reduction after 1934 that helped to transform the international economy.}
}

@Article{Hiscox2001,
  Title                    = {Class Versus Industry Cleavages: Inter-Industry Factor Mobility and the Politics of Trade},
  Author                   = {Hiscox, Michael J.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081801551405},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--45},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~hiscox/HiscoxIO01.pdf},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {The expansion of international trade has been a powerful engine driving economic growth in Western nations over the last two centuries. At the same time, it has provoked an enormous amount of internal political conflict, since trade has disparate effects on different sets of individuals within an economy. Although conflict between ``winners'' and ``losers'' has been a constant in trade politics, the character of the political coalitions that have fought these battles --- the nature of the societal cleavages that the trade issue creates --- appears to have differed significantly across time and place.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081801551405}
}

@Book{Hiscox2002,
  author     = {Hiscox, Michael J.},
  date       = {2002},
  title      = {International Trade \& Political Conflict: Commerce, Coalitions, and Mobility},
  isbn       = {0691088551},
  location   = {Princeton, NJ},
  publisher  = {Princeton University Press},
  annotation = {See also Hiscox2001 for summary.},
}

@Article{Hiscox2002a,
  Title                    = {Commerce, Coalitions, and Factor Mobility: Evidence from Congressional Votes on Trade Legislation},
  Author                   = {Hiscox, Michael J.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055402000357},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {593--608},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~hiscox/HiscoxAPSR02.pdf},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {The extent to which political conflict over U.S. trade policy has led to clashes between broad-based class coalitions has varied significantly over time during the past two centuries. I argue that much of this variation can be explained by changes in economywide levels of interindustry factor mobility. Class distinctions between voters are more economically and politically salient when interindustry mobility is high; when mobility is low, industry distinctions become more critical and tend to split apart broader political coalitions. I report evidence indicating large changes in levels of labor and capital mobility over the last two centuries. These changes coincide with significant shifts in the character of American trade politics. Analysis of congressional voting on 30 major pieces of trade legislation between 1824 and 1994 provides evidence of large swings in coalition patterns.}
}

@Article{Hiscox2006,
  author       = {Hiscox, Michael J.},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Through a Glass and Darkly: Attitudes Toward International Trade and the Curious Effects of Issue Framing},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818306060255},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {755--780},
  url          = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~hiscox/GlassDarkly.pdf},
  volume       = {60},
  abstract     = {Are most voters opposed to globalization? A growing body of empirical research, using data from available surveys of public opinion, suggests that antiglobalization sentiments are strong, especially among blue-collar workers. This article reports the findings from a survey experiment aimed at measuring the impact of issue framing on individuals' stated attitudes toward international trade. Respondents given an antitrade introduction to the survey question, linking trade to the possibility of job losses, were 17 percent less likely to favor increasing trade with other countries than were those asked the same question without any introduction at all. Curiously, respondents who were given a protrade introduction to the question, suggesting that trade can lead to lower prices for consumers, were not more likely to express support for trade than those who received no introduction. In addition, the responses of less educated individuals were more sensitive to framing effects than those of highly educated individuals. Without measuring and taking these types of framing effects into account, opinion surveys offer unreliable guides to gauging the extent (and distribution) of opposition to trade among voters. Results from a second experiment reveal that knowledge of the endorsement of trade openness by economists mitigates framing effects and raises overall support for trade liberalization by a substantial degree.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~hiscox/GlassDarkly.pdf},
  bdsk-url-2   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818306060255},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Book{Hix1999,
  Title                    = {The Political System of the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Hix, Simon},
  Date                     = {1999},
  ISBN                     = {0333693523},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave}
}

@Unpublished{Hix2002,
  Title                    = {Why the EU Should Have a Single President and How She Should be Elected},
  Author                   = {Hix, Simon},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Note                     = {Paper for the Working Group on Democracy in the EU for the British Cabinet Office.}
}

@Book{Hix2005,
  Title                    = {The Political System of the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Hix, Simon},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {9780333-96182-7},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Book{HixHoyland2011,
  Title                    = {The Political System of the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Hix, Simon and H{\o}yland, Bj{\o}rn},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Article{HixEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {From doves to hawks: A spatial analysis of voting in the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank of {England}},
  Author                   = {Hix, Simon and H{\o}yland, Bj{\o}rn and Vivyan, Nick},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01916.x},
  Pages                    = {731--758},
  Url                      = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Hix-Hoyland-Vivyan-EJPR2010.pdf},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Hix-Hoyland-Vivyan-EJPR2010.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01916.x}
}

@Article{HixLord1996,
  Title                    = {The Making of a President: The {Europe}an Parliament and the Confirmation of Jacques Santer as President of the Commission},
  Author                   = {Hix, S and Lord, C},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {62{--}76},
  Volume                   = {31}
}

@Article{HixNoury2016,
  author       = {Hix, Simon and Noury, Abdul},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  title        = {Government-Opposition or Left-Right? The Institutional Determinants of Voting in Legislatures},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.9},
  number       = {2},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {This study uses roll-call voting data from 16 legislatures to investigate how the institutional context of politics—such as whether a country is a parliamentary or presidential regime, or has a single-party, coalition or minority government—shapes coalition formation and voting behavior in parliaments. It uses a geometric scaling metric to estimate the “revealed space” in each of these legislatures and a vote-by-vote statistical analysis to identify how much of this space can be explained by government-opposition dynamics as opposed to parties’ (left-right) policy positions. Government-opposition interests, rather than parties’ policy positions, are found to be the main drivers of voting behavior in most institutional contexts. In contrast, issue-by-issue coalition building along a single policy dimension is only found under certain restrictive institutional constraints: presidential regimes with coalition governments or parliamentary systems with minority governments. Put another way, voting in most legislatures is more like Westminster than Washington.},
}

@Unpublished{HixEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {How to Choose the {Europe}an Executive: A Counterfactual Analysis, 1979-1999},
  Author                   = {Hix, Simon and Noury, Abdul and Roland, Gerard},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Subsequently published in C. Blankart and D.C. Mueller "A Constitution for the European Union", MIT Press 2004.},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, we use data on roll-call votes by MEP?s in the five elected European Parliaments (1979, 1984, 1989, 1994, 1999) to evaluate the likely impact of current proposals in the Convention on the Future of Europe for the appointment of the European executive. We find (a) that the different procedures for appointing the Commission lead to quite different results in terms of the composition of the Commission, (b) that election of the President of the Commission by the national parliaments (our preferred mode of appointment) gives the result that is most in line with the observed composition of the Commission since 1979, whereas (c) election by the European Parliament creates a ?built-in? form of divided government between the Council and the Commission that could prove counterproductive for the functioning of European institutions.}
}

@Article{HoEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Matching as Nonparametric Preprocessing for Reducing Model Dependence in Parametric Causal Inference},
  Author                   = {Ho, Daniel E and Imai, Kosuke and King, Gary and Stuart, Elizabeth A},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpl013},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {199{--}236},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Although published works rarely include causal estimates from more than a few model specifications, authors usually choose the presented estimates from numerous trial runs readers never see. Given the often large variation in estimates across choices of control variables, functional forms, and other modeling assumptions, how can researchers ensure that the few estimates presented are accurate or representative? How do readers know that publications are not merely demonstrations that it is possible to find a specification that fits the author's favorite hypothesis? And how do we evaluate or even define statistical properties like unbiasedness or mean squared error when no unique model or estimator even exists? Matching methods, which offer the promise of causal inference with fewer assumptions, constitute one possible way forward, but crucial results in this fast-growing methodological literature are often grossly misinterpreted. We explain how to avoid these misinterpretations and propose a unified approach that makes it possible for researchers to preprocess data with matching (such as with the easy-to-use software we offer) and then to apply the best parametric techniques they would have used anyway. This procedure makes parametric models produce more accurate and considerably less model-dependent causal inferences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpl013}
}

@Article{HoQuinn2008,
  Title                    = {Measuring Explicit Political Positions of Media},
  Author                   = {Ho, Daniel E. and Quinn, Kevin M.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00008048},
  Pages                    = {353--377},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/c82sbhn},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {We amass a new, large-scale dataset of newspaper editorials that allows us to calculate fine-grained measures of the political positions of newspaper editorial pages. Collecting and classifying over 1500 editorials adopted by 25 major US newspapers on 495 Supreme Court cases from 1994 to 2004, we apply an item response theoretic approach to place newspaper editorial boards on a substantively meaningful --- and long validated --- scale of political preferences. We validate the measures, show how they can be used to shed light on the permeability of the wall between news and editorial desks, and argue that the general strategy we employ has great potential for more widespread use.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/c82sbhn},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00008048},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{HoboltEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Clarity of responsibility: How government cohesion conditions performance voting},
  Author                   = {Hobolt, Sara and Tilley, James and Banducci, Susan},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02072.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},

  Abstract                 = {Recent literature has shown that the long established link between economic performance and electoral outcomes is conditioned by a country's institutions and government, what is often termed `clarity of responsibility'. In this article two distinct dimensions of the clarity of the political context are identified: institutional and government clarity. The first captures the formal dispersion of government power, both horizontally and vertically. The second captures the cohesion of the incumbent government. Analysing survey data from 27 European countries, it is shown that voters' ability to hold governments to account, for both the economy and management of public services, is primarily influenced by the extent to which there is an identifiable and cohesive incumbent, whereas formal institutional rules have no direct impact on performance voting.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02072.x},
  Keywords                 = {clarity of responsibility, performance voting, economic voting},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.26}
}

@Article{HoboltKlemmensen2008,
  Title                    = {Government Responsiveness and Political Competition in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Hobolt, Sara Binzer and Klemmensen, Robert},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006297169},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {309{--}337},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Governments in democratic systems are expected to respond to the issue preferences of citizens. Yet we have a limited understanding of the factors that cause levels of responsiveness to vary across time and between countries. In this article, the authors suggest that political contestation is the primary mechanism driving policy responsiveness and that this, in turn, is mediated by political institutions and government popularity. To test this proposition, the authors analyze the responsiveness of executive policy promises (speeches) and policy actions (public expenditure) in Britain, Denmark, and the United States in the period from 1970 to 2005. These time-series analyses show that higher levels of political contestation are associated with more responsive executives.}
}

@Article{HoboltLeblond2009,
  Title                    = {Is My Crown Better than Your Euro? Exchange Rates and Public Opinion on the {Europe}an Single Currency},
  Author                   = {Hobolt, Sara Binzer and Leblond, Patrick},
  Date                     = {2009-06-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116509103368},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {202--225},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116509103368}
}

@Book{HochschildSovronick2003,
  Title                    = {The {America}n Dream and the Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Hochschild, Jennifer L and Scovronick, Nathan},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {0195152786},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The American Dream and the Public Schools examines issues that have excited and divided Americans for years, including desegregation, school funding, testing, vouchers, bilingual education, and ability grouping. While these are all separate problems, much of the contention over them comes down to the same thing--an apparent conflict between policies designed to promote each student's ability to succeed and those designed to insure the good of all students or the nation as a whole. The authors show how policies to promote individual success too often benefit only those already privileged by race or class, and often conflict with policies that are intended to benefit everyone. They propose a framework that builds on our nation's rapidly changing population in order to help Americans get past acrimonious debates about schooling. Their goal is to make public education work better so that all children can succeed.}
}

@Incollection{Hoff2006,
  Title                    = {The shaping of digital political communication - Creating e-democracy in a Danish municipality: intentions and realities},
  Author                   = {Hoff, Jens},
  Booktitle                = {Digital Governance:// Networked Societies},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Hans Krause Hansen and Jens Hoff},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Location                 = {Frederiksberg, Denmark},
  Pages                    = {261{--}299},
  Publisher                = {Samfundslitteratur Press}
}

@InCollection{HoffRosenkrands2000,
  author     = {Hoff, Jens and Rosenkrands, Jacob},
  booktitle  = {Democratic Governance and New Technology. Technologically mediated innovations in political practice in Western Europe},
  date       = {2000},
  title      = {When democratic strategies clash: the citizen card debate in {Denmark}},
  chapter    = {6},
  editor     = {Jens Hoff, Ivan Horrocks, and Pieter Tops},
  location   = {London},
  pages      = {101{--}108},
  publisher  = {Routledge},
  annotation = {ID Cards.},
}

@Article{HofferthEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Parents' Extrafamilial Resources and Children's School Attainment},
  Author                   = {Hofferth, Sandra L and Boisjoly, Johanne and Duncan, Greg J},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {246--268},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {The study presented in this article examined the contribution of parents' extrafamilial resources in childhood to children's completed years of schooling in young adulthood, controlling for human and financial resources. The sample consisted of 901 black and white children observed in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics at ages 11-16 and again at age 22. The findings indicated that human and financial resources of the family are strongly associated with children's schooling and that parents' access to time or money help from friends is significantly associated with the years of schooling completed by children from high-income (but not low-income) families. Help from friends affects college attendance but not high school completion and is not uniform across the socioeconomic spectrum of families. Some residential mobility appears to increase the college attendance of children from high-income families, but it is detrimental to the college attendance of children from low-income families.}
}

@Article{Hoffman1989,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Community and 1992},
  Author                   = {Hoffman, Stanley},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Foreign Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/20044107},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {27--47},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044107}
}

@Unpublished{Hofmann2011,
  Title                    = {One Foot in the Door: Regime Complexity in {Europe}an Security},
  Author                   = {Hofmann, Stephanie C.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Paper presented 2011/01/21 at the Political Science Seminar, Trinity College, Dublin.},

  Abstract                 = {Using NATO--EU cooperation in the field of crisis management as a case study, this article explains the implications of institutional overlap on multilateral security policy. It shows that it is necessary to study institutional positions in conjunction with state preferences in order to understand how overlapping institutions interact and to what result. Institutional overlap has deep consequences for organizational performance. In instances of heterogeneous preferences and heterogeneous institutional positions, I argue that formal institutional paths can be foreclosed to inter-institutional security cooperation of planning and conducting crisis management operations and as a result we should observe sub-optimal and inefficient institutional and political outcomes. These politics of crisis management can lead to blocked cooperation, long delays in sending troops, wasted resources as well as the absence of security agreements and (political and military) strategic dialogue. Civilians' and soldiers' lives are put at risk in conflict areas.}
}

@Book{Hogarth1963,
  Title                    = {The Payment of the General Practitioner: Some {Europe}an Comparisons},
  Author                   = {James Hogarth},
  Date                     = {1963},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Pergamon Press}
}

@Book{Hollifield1992,
  Title                    = {Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar {Europe}},
  Author                   = {James F. Hollifield},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {067444423X},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{Holly1986,
  Title                    = {A Critical Chorus: Government Policy towards Teachers in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Holly, Douglas},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {117{--}128},
  Volume                   = {21}
}

@Article{Holmlund1997,
  Title                    = {Macroeconomic Implications of Cash Limits in the Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Holmlund, Bertil},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Economica},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0335.00063},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0335},
  Number                   = {253},
  Pages                    = {49--62},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {A cash limit is a fixed amount of money available for pay prior to the wage negotiations in the public sector. This paper examines the macroeconomic implications of cash limits in a unionized economy with decentralized wage bargaining in both private and public sectors. I focus in particular on the linkages between changes in the cash limit, wage-setting, and employment in public and private sectors. Equilibrium unemployment is independent of the size of the public sector if there are no sectoral differences in the unions' relative bargaining power. In general, unemployment may rise or fall by public-sector expansion accomplished by means of an increase in the cash limit; unemployment increases if unions are relatively more powerful in the public than in the private sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0335.00063},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.05.18}
}

@Article{HolmlundOhlsson1992,
  Title                    = {Wage Linkages Between Private and Public Sectors in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Holmlund, Bertil and Ohlsson, Henry},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Labour},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9914.1992.tb00240.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9914},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {3--17},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines wage linkages between private and public sectors in Sweden by means of Granger causality tests and estimation of error correction models. Wage changes in central and local governments are Granger caused by private sector wage changes. Public sector wage increases involve error correction mechanisms; the lower the relative wage in the past, the higher the current wage increases. Increases in unemployment are associated with relative wage improvements for public sector employees.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1992.tb00240.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{HonakerEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {A Fast, Easy, and Efficient Estimator for Multiparty Electoral Data},
  Author                   = {Honaker, James and Katz, Jonathan N. and King, Gary},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/10.1.84},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {84--100},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Katz and King have previously developed a model for predicting or explaining aggregate electoral results in multiparty democracies. Their model is, in principle, analogous to what least-squares regression provides American political researchers in that two-party system. Katz and King applied their model to three-party elections in England and revealed a variety of new features of incumbency advantage and sources of party support. Although the mathematics of their statistical model covers any number of political parties, it is computationally demanding, and hence slow and numerically imprecise, with more than three parties. In this paper we produce an approximate method that works in practice with many parties without making too many theoretical compromises. Our approach is to treat the problem as one of missing data. This allows us to use a modification of the fast EMis algorithm of King, Honaker, Joseph, and Scheve and to provide easy-to-use software, while retaining the attractive features of the Katz and King model, such as the t distribution and explicit models for uncontested seats.}
}

@Article{HonakerKing2010,
  Title                    = {What to Do about Missing Values in Time-Series Cross-Section Data},
  Author                   = {Honaker, James and King, Gary},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00447.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {561--581},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Applications of modern methods for analyzing data with missing values, based primarily on multiple imputation, have in the last half-decade become common in American politics and political behavior. Scholars in this subset of political science have thus increasingly avoided the biases and inefficiencies caused by ad hoc methods like listwise deletion and best guess imputation. However, researchers in much of comparative politics and international relations, and others with similar data, have been unable to do the same because the best available imputation methods work poorly with the time-series cross-section data structures common in these fields. We attempt to rectify this situation with three related developments. First, we build a multiple imputation model that allows smooth time trends, shifts across cross-sectional units, and correlations over time and space, resulting in far more accurate imputations. Second, we enable analysts to incorporate knowledge from area studies experts via priors on individual missing cell values, rather than on difficult-to-interpret model parameters. Third, because these tasks could not be accomplished within existing imputation algorithms, in that they cannot handle as many variables as needed even in the simpler cross-sectional data for which they were designed, we also develop a new algorithm that substantially expands the range of computationally feasible data types and sizes for which multiple imputation can be used. These developments also make it possible to implement the methods introduced here in freely available open source software that is considerably more reliable than existing algorithms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00447.x}
}

@Unpublished{Honohan2009,
  Title                    = {What Went Wrong in {Ireland}?},
  Author                   = {Honohan, Patrick},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {Paper prepared for the World Bank},
  Url                      = {http://homepage.eircom.net/~phonohan/What\%20went\%20wrong.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {With its fiscal, competitiveness and banking crisis, Ireland is among the most severely affected countries in the global crisis. Yet its sustained growth achievement for almost two decades has been widely admired. This note explains how and why Ireland has entered the recession so poorly positioned. Until about 2000, the growth had been on a secure export-led basis, underpinned by wage restraint. However, from about 2000 the character of the growth changed: a property price and construction bubble took hold. This boom sustained employment and output growth until 2007 despite a loss of wage competitiveness. The banks fuelled the boom, especially from 2003, exposing themselves both to funding and solvency pressures. Successive Governments had bought industrial peace (and at first wage restraint), with tax reductions, relying increasingly on volatile sources of revenue. thereby making the tax base increasingly vulnerable to a downturn. Among the triggers for the property bubble was the sharp fall in interest rates following euro membership: within the euro zone also the disciplines of the market which had traditionally served as warning signs of excess were muted. Lacking these prompts, Irish policymakers neglected the basics of public finance, wage policy and bank regulation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://homepage.eircom.net/~phonohan/What\%5C\%20went\%5C\%20wrong.pdf},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.19}
}

@Article{Honore1992,
  Title                    = {Trimmed Lad and Least Squares Estimation of Truncated and Censored Regression Models with Fixed Effects},
  Author                   = {Honor{\'e}, Bo E.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2951583},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {533--565},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers estimation of truncated and censored regression models with fixed effects in panel data. Up until now, no estimator has been shown to be consistent as the cross section dimension increases with the time dimension fixed. Trimmed least absolute deviations (LAD) and trimmed least squares estimators are proposed for the case where the panel is of length two, and it is proven that they are consistent and asymptotically normal under suitable regularity conditions. It is not necessary to maintain parametric assumptions on the error terms to obtain this result. Because three of the four estimators are defined as minimizers of nondifferentiable functions, traditional methods cannot be used to establish asymptotic normality. Instead, the approach of Pakes and Pollard (1989) is used. A small scale Monte Carlo study demonstrates that these estimators can perform well in small samples. Despite their nonlinear nature, the estimators are easy to calculate in practice, as are consistent estimators of their asymptotic variances. Generalization of the estimators to panels of arbitrary length is briefly discussed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2951583}
}

@Article{Hood1995,
  Title                    = {The ``New Public Management'' in the 1980{s}: Variations on a Theme},
  Author                   = {Hood, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Accounting, Organizations and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0361-3682(93)E0001-W},
  ISSN                     = {0361-3682},
  Number                   = {2--3},
  Pages                    = {93--109},
  Url                      = {http://www.drmanage.com/images/1202965572/Hood_NPM(1995).pdf},
  Volume                   = {20}
}

@Article{HoodPeters2004,
  Title                    = {The Middle Aging of New Public Management: Into the Age of Paradox?},
  Author                   = {Hood, Christopher and Peters, Guy},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jopart/muh019},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {267--282},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {As New Public Management enters middle age, scholarly attention has moved to some degree from descriptive mapping and a priori critiques to the analysis of surprises and paradoxes associated with recent and contemporary public service reforms. Some standard analytic lenses for examining such paradoxes, explored here, are the Mertonian tradition of analyzing unintended effects of social interventions, cultural theories of surprise, and the analysis of discontinuities and unexpected couplings in the operation of complex systems, though the New Public Management literature to date has employed the first lens more intensively than the other two. We conclude by exploring features of New Public Management reforms that may have contributed to paradoxical effects and argue that the analysis of such paradoxes can help advance administrative science and the understanding of public sector reform.}
}

@Article{Hooghe1998,
  Title                    = {EU Cohesion Policy and Competing Models of {Europe}an Capitalism},
  Author                   = {Hooghe, Liesbet},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00135},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {457--477},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {EU cohesion policy as we have known it since 1988 is under threat. This contestation is best understood as part of a deepening struggle over EU governance, pitting neoliberals against proponents of regulated capitalism. Cohesion policy has been the flagship of European regulated capitalism. Political and policy pressures have unravelled the support base of this policy, but they have not undone the coalition in favour of regulated capitalism. The struggle between competing models of European capitalism has only just begun. This argument does not deny a role for functional imperatives, but it emphasizes that the link between them and policy outcomes is political.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00135},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{HoogheKeating1994,
  Title                    = {The politics of {Europe}an union regional policy},
  Author                   = {Hooghe, Liesbet and Keating, Michael},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501769408406965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {367--393},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Integration in the European Community/Union has progressed on three fronts: the creation of a common market; the development of common institutions; and the forging of common policies. Contrary to the expectations of early functionalist and neo-functionalist observers, the three have not proceeded in concert. Market integration has progressed a long way, albeit in fits and starts. Institutional integration has lagged. Common policies have proved most difficult of all, especially where they have required funding. The budget of the European Union will amount to a maximum of 1.27 per cent of GDP by 1999. There are two notable exceptions to this: the Common Agricultural Policy, and regional policy, now encompassed in the `structural funds'. This article examines two issues. First, we ask how and why regional policy has been able to advance to the point that structural funds now account for almost a third of the Union budget. Second, we ask about the effects of this expansion on political mobilization and the changing roles of the Commission and regional actors in the policy process. We find that the establishment and expansion of regional policy can be understood neither as simply Commission policy, nor as simply an interstate transfer, but are to be explained by a series of economic and political factors. As it has expanded, the policy has become the object of contestation among the Commission, member states and regions and has stimulated new forms of political mobilization. This mobilization could potentially reshape the policy, particularly at the implementation end. It might also forge new roles and relationships within the European Union and challenge the monopoly of member states over decision-making in the field of spatial development policy. We find that there has been a great deal of regional mobilization but that its effectiveness is questionable. Member states have been able to maintain and recently reinforce their primacy in defining the modalities of intervention.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769408406965},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Hoover1959,
  Title                    = {The Economy, Liberty, and the State},
  Author                   = {Hoover, Calvin B},
  Date                     = {1959},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Twentieth Century Fund}
}

@Article{HopkinLynch2016,
  Title                    = {Winner-Take-All Politics in Europe? European Inequality in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Hopkin, Jonathan and Lynch, Julia},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329216656844},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {335-343},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {In this introduction to the special issue ``The New Politics of Inequality in Europe,'' recent literature on income inequality in the advanced democracies is summarized. It is argued that dominant accounts are too heavily focused on the United States, whereas the experience of Western European countries has been neglected. Although income inequality has risen nearly everywhere in the rich industrial democracies since the end of the 1970s, it has done so from different starting points, at different rates, and for reasons connected to different mechanisms and different parts of the distribution. Extending the analysis to Western Europe enables us to understand these variations more fully.}
}

@Article{Hopkins2012,
  Title                    = {Whose Economy?: Perceptions Of National Economic Performance During Unequal Growth},
  Author                   = {Hopkins, Daniel J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/poq/nfr039},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {50--71},
  Volume                   = {76},

  Abstract                 = {Perceptions of national economic performance are a cornerstone of American public opinion and of presidential approval. Yet much of our knowledge about economic perceptions comes from political surveys conducted in the 1970s and 1980s, prior to the recent increase in income inequality. This article updates our understanding of economic perceptions by combining the 1978--2010 Michigan Surveys of Consumer Attitudes with various economic indicators. It first uses aggregate data to show that, despite rising inequality, Americans of all incomes continue to agree about national economic performance. In past work, snapshots from elections create the impression that these assessments of economic performance are influenced only by income growth among the wealthy. Examining more than 215,000 respondents over three decades, however, we learn that income growth among the poor is frequently more influential. This article thus identifies an attitudinal mechanism by which the poor's economic condition can profoundly influence American politics.}
}

@Article{HopkinsKing2010,
  author       = {Hopkins, Daniel J. and King, Gary},
  title        = {A Method of Automated Nonparametric Content Analysis for Social Science},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {54},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {229--247},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00428.x},
  url          = {http://gking.harvard.edu/files/gking/files/words.pdf},
  urldate      = {2017-07-20},
  abstract     = {The increasing availability of digitized text presents enormous opportunities for social scientists. Yet hand coding many blogs, speeches, government records, newspapers, or other sources of unstructured text is infeasible. Although computer scientists have methods for automated content analysis, most are optimized to classify individual documents, whereas social scientists instead want generalizations about the population of documents, such as the proportion in a given category. Unfortunately, even a method with a high percent of individual documents correctly classified can be hugely biased when estimating category proportions. By directly optimizing for this social science goal, we develop a method that gives approximately unbiased estimates of category proportions even when the optimal classifier performs poorly. We illustrate with diverse data sets, including the daily expressed opinions of thousands of people about the U.S. presidency. We also make available software that implements our methods and large corpora of text for further analysis.},
}

@Techreport{HopstockEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Technical Report and User's Guide for the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA)},
  Author                   = {Hopstock, Paul J. and Pelczar, Marisa P. and Xie, Holly},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Institution              = {U.S. Department of Education},
  Url                      = {http://nces.ed.gov/surveys/pisa/pdf/2011025.pdf}
}

@Article{HornShepsle1989,
  Title                    = {Commentary on `Administrative Arrangements and the Political Control of Agencies': Administrative Process and Organizational Form as Legislative Responses to Agency Costs},
  Author                   = {Horn, Murray J. and Shepsle, Kenneth A.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Virginia Law Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {499{--}508},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {In this Commentary we suggest how a broader conception of the agency problem facing members of the enacting coalition, and a more thoroughgoing application of the assumption of intelligent foresight by the various actors, might advance this approach.{\~} We argue that the enacting coalition must try to protect the deal it has struck at enactment from the predations of various actors - it must worry not only about the potential for bureaucratic drift (the chief concern of McCubbins, Noll, and Weingast), but also about the influence of subsequent political coalitions on the development and administration of the law.{\~} Second, we argue that a more consistent application of intelligent foresight will lead to richer - and sometimes quite different - implications that those drawn by the authors.}
}

@Article{HorstmannScharf2008,
  Title                    = {A Theory of Distributional Conflict, Voluntarism and Segregation},
  Author                   = {Horstmann, Ignatius J and Scharf, Kimberley A},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02128.x},
  Number                   = {527},
  Pages                    = {427{--}453},
  Volume                   = {118},

  Abstract                 = {Along with the rise in income inequality in the US, there is evidence of a simultaneous move towards fiscal devolution and increased government reliance on private provision of public goods. This article argues that these phenomena are related. We describe a model of jurisdiction and policy formation in which the structure of government provision is endogenous and public good provision levels are determined by a political process that can exploit private motives for voluntary giving. The model predicts that an increase in income inequality leads to decentralisation, with local jurisdictions becoming more income-homogeneous than the population as a whole. This reduction in local income heterogeneity, combined with a reduced tax base, results in increased reliance by government on private provision.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02128.x}
}

@Booklet{HortonReed2010,
  Title                    = {Where the money goes: How we benefit from public services},
  Author                   = {Horton, Tim and Reed, Howard},
  Date                     = {2010},
  HowPublished             = {Trades Union Congress},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Note                     = {Published: 2010/09/12; Accessed: 2010/10/23},
  Url                      = {http://www.tuc.org.uk/extras/wherethemoneygoes.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.tuc.org.uk/extras/wherethemoneygoes.pdf},
  ISBN                     = {978185006x},
  Month                    = sep
}

@Article{Hosli2000,
  Title                    = {The creation of the {Europe}an economic and monetary union (EMU): intergovernmental negotiations and two-level games},
  Author                   = {Hosli, Madeleine O},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Pages                    = {744--766},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The European economic and monetary union (EMU) is widely viewed as one of the most important developments in recent European integration. But it is less clear why EMU was started at all, and, more specifically,what the role of individual European Community (EC) member states has been in this process. Most importantly, some puzzling questions arise when trying to establish why Germany favored EMU, and as to its relative importance in the intergovernmental EMU negotiations. This article focuses on the negotiations that led to the establishment of the EMU. It first describes the environment in which the decision was made to move from the existing European monetary system (EMS) to EMU. It then seeks to explain howagreement was reached on EMU and on its institutional provisions and timing as foreseen in the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and its Protocols. In order to explain this, the article resorts to a data base that contains information on the preferences that EC governments held with respect to different aspects of EMU. In addition, it employs simple negotiation models to explore these issues and looks into possible two-level game dynamics that may have influenced the intergovernmental bargaining processs.}
}

@Article{Houghton1996,
  author       = {Houghton,David Patrick},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Role of Analogical Reasoning in Novel Foreign-Policy Situations},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123400007596},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  issue        = {04},
  pages        = {523--552},
  volume       = {26},
  abstract     = {A number of scholars have argued that historical analogizing plays an important role in foreign-policy decision making; the extent of that importance, however, remains largely a mystery to us. This article proposes that analogical reasoning is probably even more commonplace than previously thought, since it may play a crucial role even in `novel foreign policy situations' (scenarios which appear largely unprecedented to the decision makers confronting them).One notable example of a novel foreign-policy situation is provided by the Iranian hostage crisis. Examining the Carter administration's decision-making processes during that crisis, the article concludes that even though many saw the hostage crisis as a unique occurrence, the participants drew upon a wide range of historical analogies in order to make sense of what was occuring and to propose suggested {\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\`{o}}solutions{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{o}} to the crisis.},
  month        = oct,
}

@Article{Houghton1998,
  author       = {Houghton, David Patrick},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  title        = {Historical Analogies and the Cognitive Dimension of Domestic Policymaking},
  issn         = {0162-895X},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {279--303},
  volume       = {19},
}

@Booklet{CSFCommittee2010,
  author       = {House of Commons: Children, Schools and Families Committee},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {From Baker to Balls: the foundations of the education system},
  doi          = {10/cmselect},
  howpublished = {The Stationery Office Limited},
  location     = {London},
  note         = {Ninth Report of Session 2009-10},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmselect/cmchilsch/422/422.pdf},
  month        = apr,
}

@Article{Housee2010,
  author       = {Shirin Housee},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Educational Review},
  title        = {When silences are broken: an out of class discussion with Asian female students},
  doi          = {10.1080/00131911.2010.486475},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {421--434},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {This article reports on the views of seven Asian female Social Science students following a class seminar on religious issues and schooling at a university in the UK. It explores the importance of the post-class spontaneous student dialogue where participation in much teaching and learning is voluntary. The concern is with engaged pedagogy and interactive teaching methods that allow space for students to voice their views and experiences. This is especially important when dealing with ``controversial'' topics such as Islamophobia --- anti-Muslim racism --- and ``war on terror''. Whilst the issues are provocative, some students remain silent and do not participate in the formal class setting; they hold back their comments for a less exposed moment. In this case, the post-class discussion threw up insights into the reasons for student ``silences'' and possibilities for ``breaking'' them. A key insight is the importance of ``safer spaces'', usually after classes, in the corridors and refectories, and how to bring the discussions back into the classroom environment. Another is the political significance of ``counter-stories'' told in safety for pedagogic and political theory and practice. This article refers to one such moment and explores the value of post-class student ``counter-narratives'' that developed organically.},
}

@Article{Howarth2007,
  Title                    = {Running an enlarged euro-zone --- reforming the {Europe}an Central Bank: Efficiency, legitimacy and national economic interest},
  Author                   = {Howarth, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of International Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/09692290701642713},
  ISSN                     = {0969-2290},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {820--841},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the December 2002 reform of decision making in the European Central Bank's (ECB) Governing Council in terms of national economy size reflected in the bargaining power of the ECB Governing Council members and member state macroeconomic interest. The National Central Bank (NCB) governors of the largest member states were concerned about the impact upon ECB monetary policy making of equal representation being extended to future member states. By eliminating equal voting rights, the reform distorts the meaning of equality, representativeness and ad personam participation as guiding principles of ECB decision making, moving from equal member state representation towards an emphasis placed upon Euro-zone economy representation. At the same time, two possible concerns watered down efforts to modify `representativeness' and prevent enlargement contributing to inefficiency in Governing Council decision making. First, the current smaller member state NCB governors opposed a significant reduction of their `voice' in ECB monetary policy making. Second, legitimacy concerns ensured persistent support for the maintenance of a large and `decentralised' Governing Council.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290701642713},
  Booktitle                = {Review of International Political Economy},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{HowellEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {School vouchers and academic performance: results from three randomized field trials},
  Author                   = {Howell, William G. and Wolf, Patrick J. and Campbell, David E. and Peterson, Paul E.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.10023},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {191--217},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the effects of school vouchers on student test scores in New York, New York, Dayton, Ohio, and Washington, DC. The evaluations in all three cities are designed as randomized field trials. The findings, therefore, are not confounded by the self-selection problems that pervade most observational data. After 2 years, African Americans who switched from public to private school gained, relative to their public-school peers, an average of 6.3 National Percentile Ranking points in the three cities on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills. The gains by city were 4.2 points in New York, 6.5 points in Dayton, and 9.2 points in Washington. Effects for African Americans are statistically significant in all three cities. In no city are statistically significant effects observed for other ethnic groups, after either 1 or 2 years.},
  Publisher                = {Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company}
}

@Article{HowlettEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {Streams and stages: Reconciling Kingdon and policy process theory},
  Author                   = {Howlett, Michael and McConnell, Allan and Perl, Anthony},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.12064},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {419--434},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Use of metaphors is a staple feature of how we understand policy processes --- none more so than the use of `policy stages'/`cycles' and `multiple streams'. Yet even allowing for the necessary parsimony of metaphors, the former is often criticised for its lack of `real world' engagement with agency, power, ideology, turbulence and complexity, while the latter focuses only on agenda-setting but at times has been utilised, with limited results, to understand later stages of the policy process. This article seeks to explore and advance the opportunities for combining both and applying them to the policy-formation and decision-making stages of policy making. In doing so it examines possible three, four and five stream models. It argues that a five stream confluence model provides the highest analytical value because it retains the simplicity of metaphors (combining elements of two of the most prominent models in policy studies) while also helping capture some of the more complex and subtle aspects of policy processes, including policy styles and nested systems of governance.},
  Keywords                 = {Kingdon, John W., policy cycle, multiple streams, policy formation, decision making}
}

@Incollection{Hoxby2003b,
  Title                    = {School Choice and School Productivity: Could School Choice Be a Tide that Lifts All Boats?},
  Author                   = {Hoxby, Carline M.},
  Booktitle                = {The Economics of School Choice},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Caroline M. Hoxby},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  ISBN                     = {0-226-35533-0},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Pages                    = {287--341},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Unpublished{Hoxby1994,
  Title                    = {Do Private Schools Provide Competition for Public Schools?},
  Author                   = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Month                    = dec,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 4978},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w4978},

  Abstract                 = {Arguments in favor of school choice depend on the idea that competition between schools improves the quality of education. However, we have almost no empirical evidence on whether competition actually affects school quality. In this study, I examine the effects of inter-school competition on public schools by using exogenous variation in the availability and costs of private school alternatives to public schools. Because low public school quality raises the demand for private schools as substitutes for public schools, we cannot simply compare public school students' outcomes in areas with and without substantial private school enrollment. Such simple comparisons confound the effect of greater private school competitiveness with the increased demand for private schools where the public schools are poor in quality. I derive instruments for private school competition from the fact that it is less expensive and difficult to set up religious schools, which accounts for 9 out of 10 private school students in the U.S., in areas densely populated by members of the affiliated religion. I find that greater private school competitiveness significantly raises the quality of public schools, as measured by the educational attainment, wages, and high school graduation rates of public school students. In addition, I find some evidence that public schools react to greater competitiveness of private schools by paying higher teacher salaries.},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Number                   = {4978},
  Series                   = {Working Paper Series},
  Type                     = {Working Paper}
}

@Techreport{Hoxby1995,
  Title                    = {Is There an Equity-Efficiency Trade-Off in School Finance? Tiebout and a Theory of the Local Public Goods Producer},
  Author                   = {Caroline M. Hoxby},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {5265},
  Type                     = {Working Paper},

  Abstract                 = {New empirical work shows the degree of competition among public providers of local public goods or between public and private providers of local public goods matters. This evidence needs a theory of the local public goods producer. Tiebout's hypothesis spawned a literature that gives local public economics a useful theory of the consumer which can generate a theory of the local public goods producer. This potential has remained largely undeveloped apart from Tiebout's vision of the local public goods producer as an entrepreneur, which is unrealistic because local public goods are nonverifiable. The Tiebout mechanism does not operate in alternative models of the local public goods producer, such as bureaucracy and agenda models. None of these models is useful for predicting how local public goods producers react to policies that change the structure of local public finance. This paper builds a theory of the producer that draws upon Tiebout's mechanism and the theory of incentives for regulation. I find that Tiebout's mechanism generates information that can be used in regulatory schemes to achieve lower costs for any given provision of local public goods. Thus, we face a fundamental trade-off between promoting equitable consumption of the public good and promoting efficiency in production of the public good. This trade-off exists even when equity in consumption generates positive externalities, as is often suggested of the consumption of schooling. I present evidence that when the Tiebout mechanism for schools is weakened by state-level school funding, per-pupil costs rise and the growth of educational attainment falls. This implies that losses from inefficient production generally outweigh gains from equalized consumption.}
}

@Article{Hoxby1996,
  Title                    = {How Teachers' Unions Affect Education Production},
  Author                   = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {671--718},
  Volume                   = {111},

  Abstract                 = {This study helps to explain why measured school inputs appear to have little effect on student outcomes, particularly for cohorts educated since 1960. Teachers' unionization can explain how public schools simultaneously can have more generous inputs and worse student performance. Using panel data on United States school districts, I identify the effect of teachers' unionization through differences in the timing of collective bargaining, especially timing determined by the passage of state laws that facilitate teachers' unionization. I find that teachers' unions increase school inputs but reduce productivity sufficiently to have a negative overall effect on student performance. Union effects are magnified where schools have market power.}
}

@Article{Hoxby2000,
  author       = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Does Competition among Public Schools Benefit Students and Taxpayers?},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1209--1238},
  volume       = {90},
  abstract     = {Tiebout choice among districts is the most powerful market force in American public education. Naive estimates of its effects are biased by endogenous district formation. I derive instruments from the natural boundaries in a metropolitan area. My results suggest that metropolitan areas with greater Tiebout choice have more productive public schools and less private schooling. Little of the effect of Tiebout choice works through its effect on household sorting. This finding may be explained by another finding: students are equally segregated by school in metropolitan areas with greater and lesser degrees of Tiebout choice among districts.},
  annotation   = {Uses rivers as instruments for school district boundaries. Since become the source of a rather acrimonious challenge by another academic.},
}

@Article{Hoxby2003,
  Title                    = {School choice and school competition: Evidence from the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Swedish Economic Policy Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {9--65},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {The most frequently asked questions about school choice are: Do public schools respond constructively to competition induced by school choice, by raising their own productivity? Does students{\textquoteright} achievement rise when they attend voucher or charter schools? Do voucher and charter schools end up with a selection of the better students (``cream-skim'')? I review the evidence on these questions from the United States, relying primarily on recent policy experiments. Public schools do respond constructively to competition, by raising their achievement and productivity. The best studies on this question examine the introduction of choice programs that have been sufficiently large and long-lived to produce competition. Students' achievement generally does rise when they attend voucher or charter schools. The best studies on this question use, as a control group, students who are randomized out of choice programs. Not only do currently enacted voucher and charter school programs not cream-skim; they disproportionately attract students who were performing badly in their regular public schools. This confirms what theory predicts: there are no general results on the sorting consequences of school choice. The sorting consequences of a school choice plan depend strongly on its design.}
}

@Article{Hoxby2004,
  Title                    = {Productivity in Education: The Quintessential Upstream Industry},
  Author                   = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Southern Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {208--231},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {Using consistent test score data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress and data on per-pupil spending, I show that the productivity of American public schools fell by approximately half from 1970 to 2000. The most reliable international data also suggest that productivity in American public schools is lower than that of numerous other industrialized countries, including the remaining English-speaking ones. I explore explanations for the decline in productivity, including changing sociodemographics, Baumol's "cost disease," rising wages of female college graduates, the increasing emphasis on educating disadvantaged children, rising market power, and the education sector's relative decrease in pay for performance. I review evidence that suggests that schools raise their productivity and use of pay for performance when they face competition. I also describe results that indicate that individual teachers have important, distinctive effects on achievement.}
}

@Article{Hoxby2007,
  Title                    = {Competition Among Public Schools: Reply},
  Author                   = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.97.5.2038},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {2038--2055},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.97.5.2038}
}

@Article{HsiehPugh1993,
  Title                    = {Poverty, Income Inequality, and Violent Crime: A Meta-Analysis of Recent Aggregate Data Studies},
  Author                   = {Hsieh, Ching-Chi and Pugh, M. D.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Criminal Justice Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/073401689301800203},
  Eprint                   = {http://cjr.sagepub.com/content/18/2/182.full.pdf+html},
  Pages                    = {182--202},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {In the late 1970s and early 1980s, several important reviews of the literature failed to establish a clear consensus on the relationship between economic conditions and violent crime. The research presented here applies the procedures of meta-analysis to 34 aggregate data studies reporting on violent crime, poverty, and income inequality. These studies reported a total of 76 zero-order correlation coefficients for all measures of violent crime with either poverty or income inequality. Of the 76 coefficients, all but 2, or 97 percent, were positive. Of the positive coefficients, nearly 80 percent were of at least moderate strength (>.25). It is concluded that poverty and income inequality are each associated with violent crime. The analysis, however, shows considerable variation in the estimated size of the relationships and suggests that homicide and assault may be more closely associated with poverty or income inequality than are rape and robbery.}
}

@Article{HuangShields2000,
  Title                    = {Interpretation of Interaction Effects in Logit and Probit Analyses: Reconsidering the Relationship Between Registration Laws, Education, and Voter Turnout},
  Author                   = {Huang, Chi and Shields, Todd G},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Politics Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1532673X00028001005},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {80--95},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars have argued that more restrictive registration laws most drastically deter the least educated citizens from political participation. Others, however, argue that the most educated, rather than the least educated, are most drastically impeded by restrictive registration requirements. These opposing conclusions have dramatically different implications concerning registration reform in the United States. In this analysis, we urge scholars to take the arguments made by Nagler more seriously, and we argue that past models have not fully considered the inherently nonlinear functional form of the logit and probit models. Using graphical displays, we show that citizens with moderate levels of education are actually those who are "hardest hit" by restrictive closing dates. Consequently, we moderate all prior conclusions and show evidence that it is neither the most nor the least educated who are the "hardest hit" by early closing dates.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X00028001005}
}

@Article{HuberEtAl1993,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure, and the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Huber, Evelyne and Ragin, Charles and Stephens, John D},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {711{--}749},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {The literature on the determinants of welfare state effort displays many inconsistencies and contradictins. This article takes imoprtant stepts toward resolving these issues with the use of pooled cross-sectional and time-series analyses. The findings are that various independent variables affect different measures of welfare state effort in different and theoretically meaningful ways. Of special importance are the contrasting effects of Christian democracy and social democracy on transfer payments, social benefits expenditure, and total government revenue. There is also a strong effect of constitutional structure on welfare state effort, a finding that provides the first solid support for the state-centered perspective in a quantitative analysis.}
}

@Misc{HuberEtAl2004,
  author     = {Huber, Evelyne and Ragin, Charles and Stephens, John D. and Brady, David and Beckfield, Jason},
  date       = {2004},
  title      = {Comparative Welfare States Data Set},
  note       = {Northwestern University, University of North Carolina, Duke University and Indiana University.},
  abstract   = {This update includes the original Comparative Welfare States Data Set, and updates and additions by Stephens, Brady, and Beckfield.{\~} Several new variables were added and most variables were updated to 2000..{\~} Variables in the original data set were updated using more recent versions of the original sources, and also with some new sources.{\~} Some of the original sources are unavailable in recent years and no alternative source could be identified, so those variables were not always updated.{\~} In particular, the ILO social spending data which were the basis for many analyses beginning in the mid-1970s has not been updated.{\~} Note that some updates of those data are available to the interested scholar at the ILO website.{\~} The sources used are listed in chronological order, with the most recent source last.{\~} Dennis Quinn, Lane Kenworthy, David Neumark, Duane Swank, and William Wascher generously provided several new variables.{\~} New variables are listed with an asterisk (*) after the variable description and source.{\~} With the adoption of the Euro in several EU countries, users should be careful in constructing ratios and percentages.{\~} One should be certain that both the numerator and denominator are in the same currency in every year.{\~} The data sources have been inconsistent in retroactively converting entire or partial time series to the Euro currency.{\~} The Gerhard E. Lenski Chair held by John D. Stephens provided financial support for the work at the University of North Carolina.},
  annotation = {Data.},
}

@Article{HuberStephens2000,
  author       = {Huber, Evelyne and Stephens, John D.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Partisan Governance, Women's Employment, and the Social Democratic Service State},
  doi          = {10.2307/2657460},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {323--342},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y4tdl7br},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {The causes of the expansion and cross-national variation in the provision of welfare state goods and services are examined. Social democratic governance is by far the most important determinant of the public delivery of services and is one of the most important determinants of the public funding of the provision of welfare state goods and services. Christian democratic governance is an important determinant of public funding of services, but is not related to public delivery. State structure is also an important determinant. Women's labor force participation is an important determinant of the expansion of public social welfare services net of other social, political, and historical factors. The analysis also shows an interactive effect of women's labor force participation and social democratic governance on public delivery of welfare state services. We conclude that public delivery of a wide range of welfare state services is the most distinctive feature of the social democratic welfare state and that this feature is a product of the direct and interactive effects of social democracy and women's mobilization.},
  annotation   = {Main result not particularly earth-shattering. Slightly dubious methodology around cumulative measure of party incumbency (p. 329).},
}

@Book{HuberStephens2001,
  Title                    = {Development and Crisis of the Welfare State: Parties and Policies in Global Markets},
  Author                   = {Huber, Evelyne and Stephens, John D.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {0226356477},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press},

  Abstract                 = {Evelyne Huber and John D. Stephens offer the most systematic examination to date of the origins, character, effects, and prospects of generous welfare states in advanced industrial democracies in the post{\textemdash}World War II era. They demonstrate that prolonged government by different parties results in markedly different welfare states, with strong differences in levels of poverty and inequality. Combining quantitative studies with historical qualitative research, the authors look closely at nine countries that achieved high degrees of social protection through different types of welfare regimes: social democratic states, Christian democratic states, and "wage earner" states. In their analysis, the authors emphasize the distribution of influence between political parties and labor movements, and also focus on the underestimated importance of gender as a basis for mobilization.Building on their previous research, Huber and Stephens show how high wages and generous welfare states are still possible in an age of globalization and trade competition.}
}

@Article{HuberStephens2014,
  Title                    = {Income inequality and redistribution in post-industrial democracies: demographic, economic and political determinants},
  Author                   = {Huber, Evelyne and Stephens, John D.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {245--267},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the determinants of market income distribution and governmental redistribution. The dependent variables are Luxembourg Income Study data on market income inequality (measured by the Gini index) for households with a head aged 25--59 years and the per cent reduction in the Gini index by taxes and transfers. We test the generalizability of the GoldinKatz hypothesis that inequality has increased in the USA because the country failed to invest sufficiently in education. The main determinants of market income inequality are (in order of size of the effect) family structure (single mother households), union density, deindustrialization, unemployment, employment levels and education spending. The main determinants of redistribution are (in order of magnitude) left government, family structure, welfare state generosity, unemployment and employment levels. Redistribution rises mainly because needs rise (that is, unemployment and single mother households increase), not because social policy becomes more redistributive.}
}

@Article{HuberArceneaux2007,
  Title                    = {Identifying the Persuasive Effects of Presidential Advertising},
  Author                   = {Huber, Gregory A. and Arceneaux, Kevin},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00291.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {957--977},
  Url                      = {http://astro.temple.edu/~arceneau/AJPS_presads.pdf},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {Do presidential campaign advertisements mobilize, inform, or persuade citizens? To answer this question we exploit a natural experiment, the accidental treatment of some individuals living in nonbattleground states during the 2000 presidential election to either high levels or one-sided barrages of campaign advertisements simply because they resided in a media market adjoining a competitive state. We isolate the effects of advertising by matching records of locally broadcast presidential advertising with the opinions of National Annenberg Election Survey respondents living in these uncontested states. This approach remedies the observed correlation between advertising and both other campaign activities and previous election outcomes. In contrast to previous research, we find little evidence that citizens are mobilized by or learn from presidential advertisements, but strong evidence that they are persuaded by them. We also consider the causal mechanisms that facilitate persuasion and investigate whether some individuals are more susceptible to persuasion than others.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{HuberEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Sources of Bias in Retrospective Decision Making: Experimental Evidence on Voters' Limitations in Controlling Incumbents},
  Author                   = {Huber, Gregory A. and Hill, Seth J. and Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000391},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = nov,
  Pages                    = {720--741},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {Are citizens competent to assess the performance of incumbent politicians? Observational studies cast doubt on voter competence by documenting several biases in retrospective assessments of performance. However, these studies are open to alternative interpretations because of the complexity of the real world. In this article, we show that these biases in retrospective evaluations occur even in the simplified setting of experimental games. In three experiments, our participants (1) overweighted recent relative to overall incumbent performance when made aware of an election closer rather than more distant from that event, (2) allowed an unrelated lottery that affected their welfare to influence their choices, and (3) were influenced by rhetoric to give more weight to recent rather than overall incumbent performance. These biases were apparent even though we informed and incentivized respondents to weight all performance equally. Our findings point to key limitations in voters ability to use a retrospective decision rule.},
  Numpages                 = {22}
}

@Article{HuberInglehart1995,
  Title                    = {Expert Interpretations of Party Space and Party Locations in 42~{S}ocieties},
  Author                   = {Huber, John and Inglehart, Ronald},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068895001001004},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {73--111},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {The terms `left' and `right' are widely used to organize party competition and to shape connections between citizens and political parties. Recent and dramatic changes in the world, however, raise important questions about the meaning and importance of left-right ideology. Most notably, the collapse of communism has led to the development of a host of new democracies. And in advanced industrial societies, conflict has emerged over issues like the environment and immigration. This paper draws on a survey of political experts in 42 societies to address three questions raised by these changes. First, is the language of left and right still widely used, even in recently democratized countries? Second, do there exist secondary dimensions of political conflict that are orthogonal to the left-right dimension? Third, and most importantly, what substantive issues define the meaning of left-right ideology? In addition to addressing these questions, we present data on the left-right locations of political parties in each of the 42 countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001001004}
}

@Article{Huber1998,
  Title                    = {How Does Cabinet Instability Affect Political Performance? Portfolio Volatility and Health Care Cost Containment in Parliamentary Democracies},
  Author                   = {Huber, John D},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {577{--}591},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the relationship between cabinet instability and political performance in parliamentary democracies. I develop two theoretical arguments about how cabinet instability should affect government effectiveness, and I use these to define several measures of instability. The first argument suggests that instability in the partisan composition of cabinets should make it difficult for governments to adopt and implement new policy programs. The second argument suggests that instability in the partisan control of portfolios within the government (portfolio volatility) should make it difficult for cabinet ministers to obtain relevant information during policy formulation and implementation. I test both arguments by examining the short- and long-run effect of the instability variables on success at health care cost containment. The analysis indicates that short-run increases in portfolio volatility present problems for government decision makers, but in the long run, unstable systems are able to address the problems that instability poses.}
}

@Article{Huber2000,
  Title                    = {Delegation to civil servants in parliamentary democracies},
  Author                   = {Huber, John D.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00519},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {397--413},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {This article reviews institutional arrangements that cabinet ministers and other political actors employ to influence civil servant behavior in parliamentary democracies. I then discuss how unlike other theories of bureaucratic structure, the principal--agent framework can be employed to generate testable hypotheses about systematic cross-national variation in delegation instruments. I also offer an empirical illustration of the approach, one that examines the relationship between cabinet turnover and delegation strategies on health policy. The analysis underlines the need to be cautious about making claims concerning the impact of political factors (like cabinet instability) and institutional factors (like cabinet decision-making rules) on delegation outcomes without first examining how these factors influence delegation strategies themselves.}
}

@Article{HuberMartinez-Gallardo2004,
  Title                    = {Cabinet Instability and the Accumulation of Experience: The French Fourth and Fifth Republics in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Huber, John D and Martinez-Gallardo, Cecilia},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123403000334},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {27--48},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {Drawing on arguments about politics during the French Fourth Republic, the concept of cabinet instability is reconsidered. Rather than studying cabinet duration, the article examines the accumulation of experience by individual cabinet ministers. Two variables are measured in nineteen parliamentary democracies: portfolio experience the experience of cabinet ministers in the specific portfolios that they hold) and political experience (the experience of cabinet ministers in any significant portfolio). The results cast doubt on existing claims about cabinet government in the Fourth and Fifth Republics. They also uncover substantial cabinet turnover in majoritarian systems, suggesting that existing claims about stability in such systems may be overstated.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123403000334}
}

@Book{HuberShipan2002,
  author    = {Huber, John D. and Shipan, Charles R.},
  date      = {2002},
  title     = {Deliberate Discretion: The Institutional Foundations of Bureaucratic Autonomy},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9780511804915},
  isbn      = {9780511804915},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HuberEtAl2001,
  author       = {Huber, John D. and Shipan, Charles R. and Pfahler, Madelaine},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Legislatures and Statutory Control of Bureaucracy},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {330--345},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y4etqdqw},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {45},
  abstract     = {Existing theories of legislative delegation to bureaucracies typically focus on a single legislature, often the U.S. Congress. We argue that this parochial focus has important limitations. If one contends that politicians respond rationally to their political environment when adopting strategies for controlling bureaucrats, then theories of control should be able to explain how differences in the political environment-and in particular in the democratic institutional arrangements that shape this environment-influence strategies for controlling bureaucrats. We offer such a theory about the conditions under which legislatures should rely on statutory control (i.e., detailed legislation) in order to limit the discretion of agencies. The theory focuses on the interactions of four factors: conflict between legislators and bureaucrats, the bargaining costs associated with choosing the institutions for controlling bureaucrats, the professional capacity of legislators to create institutions for control, and the impact of political institutions on the relative costs and benefits of statutory and nonstatutory strategies of control. We test our argument using legislation from 1995 and 1996 that affects Medicaid programs. The results show that legislatures are more likely to make use of statutory controls when control of government is divided between the two parties, the two chambers of the legislature are unified in their opposition to the executive, the legislature is more professionalized, and the legislature does not have easily available options for nonstatutory control.},
}

@Book{Huberman2012,
  Title                    = {Odd Couple: International Trade and Labor Standards in History},
  Author                   = {Huberman, Michael},
  Date                     = {2012},
  ISBN                     = {978-0300158700},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press},

  Abstract                 = {It has become commonplace to think that globalization has produced a race to the bottom in terms of labor standards and quality of life: the cheaper the labor and the lower the benefits afforded workers, the more competitively a country can participate on the global stage. But in this book the distinguished economic historian Michael Huberman demonstrates that globalization has in fact been very good for workers quality of life, and that improved labor conditions have promoted globalization.}
}

@Article{Hudson2007,
  Title                    = {Governing the Governance of Education: the state strikes back?},
  Author                   = {Hudson, Christine},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2304/eerj.2007.6.3.266},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {266--282},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {In many countries, there have been changes in the way in which education is governed, with greater fragmentation of responsibility between the state, local government, schools, individuals and the market often accompanied by a move from detailed regulation to framework legislation. Previously, these developments have been seen as part of the move from government to governance whereby the state is forced to step back and allow other interests to play a role. However, in recent years more subtle theories of governance have been developed which argue that, rather than retreating, the state is adapting to changing circumstances and finding new ways of governing. The importance of education not only in terms of creating and maintaining national identity but also for economic development suggests that this is an area from which the state will not willingly abdicate its role. This article suggests that support for the new governance theories can be found in the field of education. It argues that the growth in the attempts to control educational outputs through, for example, demands for quality controls, standardized testing, evaluations and so on and the introduction of national bodies responsible for carrying out these controls can be interpreted as a sign that the state, far from relinquishing its role, is finding other ways of controlling education. A comparative approach is adopted and these ideas are explored in relation to education systems in the Nordic and British countries. The article draws on a qualitative analysis of official policy documents, legislation and official statements concerning education in the respective countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2007.6.3.266}
}

@Incollection{HudsonLidstrom2002a,
  Title                    = {National School Policy Changes in {Britain} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Hudson, Christine and Lidstr{\"o}m, Anders},
  Booktitle                = {Local Education Policies: Comparing Sweden and Britain},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Hudson, Christine and Lidstr{\"o}m, Anders},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Pages                    = {27--64},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Hudson1984,
  Title                    = {Prime Ministerial Popularity in the UK: 1960-81},
  Author                   = {Hudson, John},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Pages                    = {86--97},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{Hudson1985,
  Title                    = {The Relationship between Government Popularity and Approval for the Government's Record in the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {Hudson, John},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165{--}186},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Article{Huerta2007,
  author       = {Huerta, Juan Carlos},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Science Education},
  title        = {Getting Active in the Large Lecture},
  doi          = {10.1080/15512160701558224},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {237-249},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {The benefits of active learning are well documented; nonetheless, the implementation of active learning strategies can be challenging in large lecture environments. The project will examine the research supporting active learning, present the implementation of simple active learning techniques in large lecture classes, and provide evidence to test the effectiveness of the techniques on both student learning outcomes and student attitudes. The purpose is to investigate the concern that adding active learning to large lecture classes reduces the amount of time available to teach content in class, resulting in less student learning. The expectation is that incorporating active learning techniques will not harm student learning and will lead to positive student attitudes. The active learning techniques of question-based outlines, discussion-question prompts, small group discussions, and exam preparation will be investigated using exam grade comparisons, pre- and posttest analyses, and student surveys. The findings demonstrate that active learning does not lead to less student learning and instead that it can have a positive impact.},
}

@Article{HuertadEntremont2007,
  Title                    = {Education Tax Credits in a Post-Zelman Era: Legal, Political, and Policy Alternatives to Vouchers?},
  Author                   = {Huerta, Luis A and d'Entremont, Chad},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904806296935},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {73--109},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines an emerging preference for education tax credit programs in a post-Zelman era. First, the authors detail the origin of tax credits and the types of existing plans. Second, they review the assumptions underlying the supposed advantages that may favor tax credits as a feasible alternative to vouchers. Third, they analyze legal, political, and policy implications of this form of school choice. They review evidence from recent research on tax credit programs and analyze new evidence collected for this article on the Minnesota Tax Credits and Deduction Program. They posit that although education tax credit plans may be more widely accepted than education vouchers, substantial obstacles may still restrict their implementation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904806296935}
}

@Article{Hulse2003,
  Title                    = {Housing Allowances and Private Renting in Liberal Welfare Regimes},
  Author                   = {Hulse, Kath},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing, Theory and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/14036090310001787},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {28{--}42},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {The paper explores the relevance of the concept of a liberal welfare regime to housing provision through an exploration of the interactions between governments, private markets and households in rental housing in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States. In particular, it examines the extent of dualism in these four countries in the financing, ownership and management of rental housing and the types of social guarantees offered by governments to households in different rental sectors. The paper concludes that the welfare regime concept has some relevance in explaining dualism in rental housing in the four countries, as reflected in different types of guarantees offered to households through social housing and housing allowances. It finds, however, that there is passive rather than active government support for private rental markets and that different institutional arrangements in the four countries lead to differences in the extent of government support for private renters.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036090310001787}
}

@Incollection{HulsinkSchenk1998,
  Title                    = {Privatisation and deregulation in the {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Hulsink, Willem and Schenk, Hans},
  Booktitle                = {Privatisation in the European Union: Theory and Policy Perspectives},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {David Parker},
  Chapter                  = {13},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {242--257},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Booklet{HumanRightsWatch2010,
  Title                    = {Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in {Ethiopia}},
  Author                   = {{Human Rights Watch}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Url                      = {http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/ethiopia1010webwcover.pdf},

  ISBN                     = {1-56432-697-7}
}

@Article{Hundley1988,
  Title                    = {Who Joins Unions in the Public Sector? The Effects of Individual Characteristics and the Law},
  Author                   = {Hundley, Greg},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {301{--}323},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Analysis of a large micro-data set shows that state public-sector bargaining laws significantly influence state and local government union membership in several ways. Membership probability is lowest where a right-to-work law is present; it is greatest when there are mandatory agency shop provisions. Compulsory arbitration leads to a significantly greater probability of membership than does the right-to-strike. Simulations based on model estimates indicate that policy changes along the lines of proposed national public bargaining laws could lead to major changes in public-sector union density. Among individual and demographic characteristics, membership probability is significantly affected by full-time/part-time status and the statewide extent of private-sector unionism. Although non-whites and males are more likely to be union members, race and gender membership differentials are shown to be relatively small.}
}

@Article{Huneeus1996,
  Title                    = {How to build a modern party: Helmut Kohl's leadership and the transformation of the {CD}U},
  Author                   = {Huneeus, Carlos},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/09644009608404453},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {432--459},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the manner in which Helmut Kohl modernised a traditional party of Honoratioren in the Rheinland-Palatinate. Four main transformations accomplished this: the renewal of party elite, the construction of a strong party apparatus with a high number of members, the renewal of the party programme, and the strategic alliance with the FDP. These transformations, carried out by Kohl at the Land level in the mid-1960s, were applied at the federal level after 1973 when he was elected CDU president. They have been constants in his leadership ever since. A close look at Kohl's career in Mainz sheds light not only on his past but also on his present and on his future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009608404453}
}

@Incollection{Huntingdon1993,
  Title                    = {Democracy's Third Wave},
  Author                   = {Huntingdon, Samuel},
  Booktitle                = {The Global Resurgence of Democracy},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc},
  Location                 = {Baltimore, MD},
  Publisher                = {Johns Hopkins University Press}
}

@Article{Huntington1993,
  Title                    = {The Clash of Civilizations},
  Author                   = {Huntington, Samuel P},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Foreign Affairs},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {22--49},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {World politics is entering a new phase in which the great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Civilizations, the highest cultural groupings of people, are differentiated from each other by religion, history, language, and tradition. These divisions are deep and increasing in importance. From Yugoslavia to the Middle East to Central Asia, the fault lines of civilizations are the battle lines of the future. In this emerging era of cultural conflict, the US must forge alliances with similar cultures and spread its values wherever possible. With alien civilizations, the West must be accommodating if possible, but confrontational if necessary. In the final analysis, however, all civilizations will have to learn to tolerate each other.}
}

@Article{HustedKenny2000,
  author       = {Husted, Thomas A. and Kenny, Lawrence W.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  title        = {Evidence on the Impact of State Government on Primary and Secondary Education and the Equity--Efficiency Trade-off},
  issn         = {0022-2186},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {285--308},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {State governments may affect the productivity of primary and secondary education in two ways. First, various regulations imposed on local school districts are expected to make schools less efficient. Second, state efforts to reduce inequality in education spending make it more difficult for voters to increase school quality, which should lead to less voter monitoring of schools and thus less efficient schools. Our empirical analysis of state Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) scores from 1987 to 1992 provides evidence on both effects. The state's revenue share, which captures state meddling in local decisions, has the expected negative impact on school efficiency. But our novel result is that state-induced spending equalization also lowers average test scores but has had little if any effect on reducing the disparity in student achievement. These results bring into question policy efforts designed to shift education responsibilities from local governments to state and federal governments.},
  month        = apr,
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press for The Booth School of Business of the University of Chicago and The University of Chicago Law School},
}

@Book{Hyman2005a,
  Title                    = {1 Out of 10: From Downing Street Vision to Classroom Reality},
  Author                   = {Hyman, Peter},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {0-09-947747-5},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Vintage}
}

@Article{Hyman2005,
  Title                    = {Trade Unions and the Politics of the {Europe}an Social Model},
  Author                   = {Hyman, Richard},
  Date                     = {2005-02-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic and Industrial Democracy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0143831X05049401},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {9--40},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {There is a consensus among European trade unions that economic integration should be complemented by a strong `social dimension'. What is far less clearly agreed is what `social Europe' means, and how it should be defended against the challenges inherent in a neoliberal approach to economic integration, the dominant logic of `competitiveness' and the pressures for `modernization' of social welfare. Unions' ability to resist these challenges is weakened by their integration into an elitist system of EU governance in which mobilization and contention are inhibited. The article concludes that a new mode of trade union action is required if the `social model' is to be sustained.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831X05049401}
}

@Article{IchniowskiZax1991,
  Title                    = {Right-to-Work Laws, Free Riders, and Unionization in the Local Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Ichniowski, Casey and Zax, Jeffrey S},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {255--275},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Empirical models of local government unionization reveal substantial reductions in union membership due to right-to-work laws. Free riders, rather than underlying antiunion sentiments, are probably responsible because the unionization models include better measures of sentiments than right-to-work laws. Furthermore, these laws reduce the probability that bargaining unions form by more than they reduce the probability that nonbargaining associations form in three of five local government functions. These results also confirm the importance of free riders because union security clauses that prohibit free riders in states without right-to-work laws exist only in collective-bargaining contracts.}
}

@Unpublished{Idema2010,
  Title                    = {Unequal Income, Unequal Democracy: Evidence from a Model of Electoral Targeting in Multi-Party Systems},
  Author                   = {Timo Idema},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {Paper prepared for delivery at the 2010 SCHMI summer workshop on inequality and social change in Britain and the U.S., Crewe Hall, UK, 13-25 June 2010},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops a model of electoral targeting in multi-party systems. It generalizes from a two-party model by Bartels (1998) in which parties aim to maximize their vote-share. Parties can increase their vote share in three ways. First, parties can convert those prospective voters who are indifferent between two or more parties. Second, parties can try to mobilize those voters who are most likely to vote for them to turn-out. Third, parties can try to prevent from turning-out those voters who are more likely to vote for other parties. The more individuals are available for mobilization or conversion, the higher their voting power. Parties have strong electoral incentives to pursue policies in the interest of such individuals or groups. Data from the European Election Studies for 15 European countries between 1989 and 2004 are used to estimate the voting power of the poor, middle, and higher incomes vis-a-vis governing coalitions and entire legislatures. I find that the rich tend to have most voting power, followed by middle incomes. The poor generally have low voting power. These findings may contribute to understanding political responses to increasing inequality.}
}

@Article{Ignazi1992,
  Title                    = {The silent counter-revolution},
  Author                   = {Ignazi, Piero},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00303.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--34},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {This article has two aims. The first attempts to define the 'extreme right'political family. The three criteria adopted 2014 spatial, historic-ideological, attitudinal-systemic 2014 have led us to identify two types of the extreme right party. One type comprises parties with a fascist imprint (old right-wing parties); the other comprises recently-born parties with no fascist associations, but with a right-wing antisystem attitude (new right-wing parties). The second aim of this article is to explain the recent 'unexpected'rise of the new right-wing parties. Changes in the cultural domain and in mass beliefs have favoured radicalization and system polarization on one side, and the emergence of attitudes and demands not treated by the established conservative parties on the other one. These two broad changes have set the conditions for the rise of extreme right parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00303.x}
}

@Article{Ilon2004,
  Title                    = {Cost-effectiveness of government inputs to schooling: technical and policy contexts},
  Author                   = {Ilon, Lynn},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Compare},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {87--100},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents a study of the cost-effectiveness of government inputs in raising achievement scores in Bangladeshi primary schools. The analysis itself involves three steps: regression analysis, cost-analysis and simulation analysis--each built on the previous step to identify the most cost-effective government inputs. The paper describes each step and the results of each step. The results are, nonetheless ambiguous. The paper posits that these ambiguities derive from the policy context in which the study was designed and executed. This study suggests that there are hidden costs when research designs and methodologies are chosen in order to minimize political/policy risk.}
}

@Article{ImaiEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Misunderstandings between experimentalists and observationalists about causal inference},
  Author                   = {Imai, Kosuke and King, Gary and Stuart, Elizabeth A.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society)},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-985X.2007.00527.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-985X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {481--502},
  Volume                   = {171},

  Abstract                 = {We attempt to clarify, and suggest how to avoid, several serious misunderstandings about and fallacies of causal inference. These issues concern some of the most fundamental advantages and disadvantages of each basic research design. Problems include improper use of hypothesis tests for covariate balance between the treated and control groups, and the consequences of using randomization, blocking before randomization and matching after assignment of treatment to achieve covariate balance. Applied researchers in a wide range of scientific disciplines seem to fall prey to one or more of these fallacies and as a result make suboptimal design or analysis choices. To clarify these points, we derive a new four-part decomposition of the key estimation errors in making causal inferences. We then show how this decomposition can help scholars from different experimental and observational research traditions to understand better each other's inferential problems and attempted solutions.},
  Keywords                 = {Average treatment effects, Blocking, Covariate balance, Matching, Observational studies, Randomized experiments},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{ImbeauEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Left-right party ideology and government policies: A meta-analysis},
  Author                   = {Imbeau, Louis M and Petry, Francois and Lamari, Moktar},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1011889915999},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--29},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This paper summarizes how the partisan influence literature assesses the relationship between the left-right party composition of government and policy outputs through a meta-analysis of 693 parameter estimates of the party-policy relationship published in 43 empirical studies. Based on a simplified `combined tests' meta-analytic technique, we show that the average correlation between the party composition of government and policy outputs is not significantly different from zero. A mutivariate logistic regression analysis examines how support for partisan theory is affected by a subset of mediating factors that can be applied to all the estimates under review. The analysis demonstrates that there are clearly identifiable conditions under which the probability of support for partisan theory can be substantially increased. We conclude that further research is needed on institutional and socio-economic determinants of public policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1011889915999}
}

@Article{ImbensKalyanaraman2012,
  Title                    = {Optimal Bandwidth Choice for the Regression Discontinuity Estimator},
  Author                   = {Imbens, Guido and Kalyanaraman, Karthik},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/restud/rdr043},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {933--959},
  Volume                   = {79},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the choice of the bandwidth for the regression discontinuity estimator. We focus on estimation by local linear regression, which was shown to have attractive properties (Porter, J. 2003, Estimation in the Regression Discontinuity Model (unpublished, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin, Madison)). We derive the asymptotically optimal bandwidth under squared error loss. This optimal bandwidth depends on unknown functionals of the distribution of the data and we propose simple and consistent estimators for these functionals to obtain a fully data-driven bandwidth algorithm. We show that this bandwidth estimator is optimal according to the criterion of Li (1987, Asymptotic Optimality for Cp, CL, Cross-validation and Generalized Cross-validation: Discrete Index Set, Annals of Statistics, 15, 958975), although it is not unique in the sense that alternative consistent estimators for the unknown functionals would lead to bandwidth estimators with the same optimality properties. We illustrate the proposed bandwidth, and the sensitivity to the choices made in our algorithm, by applying the methods to a data set previously analysed by Lee (2008, Randomized Experiments from Non-random Selection in U.S. House Elections, Journal of Econometrics, 142, 675697) as well as by conducting a small simulation study.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.03.26}
}

@Article{ImbensLemieux2008,
  Title                    = {Regression Discontinuity Designs: A Guide to Practice},
  Author                   = {Imbens, Guido and Lemieux, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Econometrics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jeconom.2007.05.001},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {615--635},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.smu.edu/millimet/classes/eco7377/papers/imbens lemieux.pdf},
  Volume                   = {142}
}

@Article{Imbens2004,
  Title                    = {Nonparametric Estimation of Average Treatment Effects Under Exogeneity: A Review},
  Author                   = {Imbens, Guido W.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465304323023651},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {4--29},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Booktitle                = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Comment                  = {doi: 10.1162/003465304323023651},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Incollection{Immergut1992a,
  Title                    = {The Rules of the Game: The logic of health policy-making in {France}, {Switzerland}, and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Immergut, Ellen M.},
  Booktitle                = {Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Steinmo, Sven and Thelen, Kathleen and Longstreth, Frank},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {57--89},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{Immergut1992,
  Title                    = {Health Politics: Interests and Institutions in Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Immergut, Ellen M.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {0521413354},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/ojrk8ca}
}

@Article{Immergut1998,
  Title                    = {The Theoretical Core of the New Institutionalism},
  Author                   = {Immergut, Ellen M.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--34},
  Volume                   = {26}
}

@Article{Immergut2002,
  Title                    = {The Swedish Constitution and Social Democratic Power: Measuring the Mechanical Effect of a Political Institution},
  Author                   = {Immergut, Ellen M.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00070},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {231--257},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Recent discussions of Swedish political change have focused on the decline of Social Democratic {\textquoteleft}hegemony{\textquoteright} and on the end of the {\textquoteleft}Swedish model{\textquoteright}. In contrast to preference- or interest-driven explanations for these developments, this paper investigates the impact of constitutional changes made in 1969 in Sweden, which included the elimination of the Upper House or First Chamber of the Swedish parliament and the introduction of a more directly proportional electoral system. Using a simulation model, the actual electoral results from 1969 through 1994 were plugged into the formulas set forth by the old constitutional rules, in order to generate the number of parliamentary seats each party would have received under the old system. This simulation shows that the Social Democratic Party would have received a significantly larger share of parliamentary seats under the old constitutional rules than under the current constitution. Thus one can conclude that the new constitution decreased Social Democratic power in Sweden.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00070}
}

@Article{IndridasonKam2005,
  Title                    = {The Timing of Cabinet Reshuffles in Five Westminster Parliamentary Systems},
  Author                   = {Indridason, Indridi H and Kam, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {327--363},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {Despite their political prominence, cabinet reshuffles have not attracted a great deal of scholarly attention. We provide a theory of cabinet reshuffles that emphasizes both systematic and time-varying causes. In particular, we argue that prime ministers employ cabinet reshuffles to retain power in the face of both intraparty and electoral challenges to their leadership. We use repeated-events duration models to examine the timing of cabinet reshuffles in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom in the period 1960{\textendash}2001, and find support for several of our hypotheses.}
}

@Article{IngvarsonChadbourne1997,
  Title                    = {Reforming Teachers' Pay Systems: The Advanced Skills Teacher in {Australia}},
  Author                   = {Ingvarson, Lawrence and Chadbourne, Rod},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Personnel Evaluation in Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1007943119564},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {7--30},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past five years, Australian education systems have attempted to establish a new career path for teachers called the Advanced Skills Teacher (AST) classification. The reform emanated from a historic and unique coming together of all teacher unions throughout the country to make a joint submission to the Industrial Relations Commission. Potentially, the AST constituted one of the most progressive educational initiatives ever adopted in Australia. In this article we review what happened in practice. Our findings point to a dilemma for those who might attempt to introduce professional career paths for teachers in the future. Fundamental improvements to teachers'' pay systems and career structures undoubtedly depend on initiatives within the industrial relations arena. However, this arena proved to be an unsuitable context in which to develop the kind of teaching standards and performance assessments that are essential for career paths based on quality of practice. We concl ude that these tasks require instead the creation of stable, national, expert professional bodies that embrace all stakeholders.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1007943119564}
}

@Booklet{Oxis2005,
  Title                    = {The Internet in {Britain}: The Oxford Internet Survey (OxIS)},
  Author                   = {Oxford Internet Institute},
  Date                     = {2005},
  HowPublished             = {Booklet}
}

@Misc{IpsosMORI2010,
  Title                    = {Teachers Omnibus 2009},
  Author                   = {{Ipsos MORI}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Published: 2010/01/19; Accessed: 2010/10/27},
  Url                      = {http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/poll.aspx?oItemId=2535},

  Abstract                 = {Recent research by Ipsos MORI on behalf of the Sutton Trust shows that teachers in England and Wales are most likely to support the Labour Party. Overall, 25\% of teachers would vote Labour if there were a General Election tomorrow, as opposed to 18\% who would vote Conservative and 14\% Liberal Democrat. (Of those expressing any voting intention, 40\% would vote Labour, 29\% Conservative and 23\% Liberal Democrat.) Meanwhile, around one in seven (15\%) are undecided which way to vote and a further one in ten (9\%) say they would not go to the polls.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/poll.aspx?oItemId=2535}
}

@Book{IronsideSeifert1995,
  Title                    = {Industrial Relations in Schools},
  Author                   = {Ironside, Mike and Seifert, Roger},
  Date                     = {1995},
  ISBN                     = {0415080886},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{IronsideEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Teacher union responses to education reforms: job regulation and the enforced growth of informality},
  Author                   = {Ironside, Mike and Seifert, Roger and Sinclair, Jackie},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {120--135},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the school teacher union responses to education reforms. The removal of formal collective bargaining arrangements is strengthening the significance of the traditional union structures, and the responses reflect both the pressures of the reforms and the traditions of the three main unions}
}

@Article{Issing1999,
  Title                    = {The Eurosystem: Transparent and Accountable or `Willem in Euroland'},
  Author                   = {Issing, Otmar},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00175},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {503--519},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00175},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Incollection{Ito1980,
  Title                    = {Health Insurance and Medical Services in {Sweden} and {Denmark} 1850--1950},
  Author                   = {Ito, Hirobumi},
  Booktitle                = {The Shaping of the Swedish Health System},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Editor                   = {Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Nils Elvander},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {44--67},
  Publisher                = {Croom Held}
}

@Article{Iversen1994,
  Title                    = {The Logics of Electoral Politics: Spatial, Directional, and Mobilizational Effects},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {155--189},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {The traditional spatial theory of elections has recently been challenged by alternative conceptualizations, which either dispute the role of euclidean distance in voting (directional theory) or argue that voter preferences are endogenous to the political process (mobilizational theory). In contrast to spatial theory, these alternative models predict that political parties will systematically adopt policy positions that are more extreme than those prevalent within their constituencies. Based on evidence from seven European countries and 37 political parties, this study lends support to the alternative hypotheses. Voters are attracted to parties presenting relatively "intense" policy positions, and some party elites appear to be actively engaged in public opinion formation. However, the study also shows that the centrifugal forces that pull parties away from their voters are checked by the centripetal forces that can only be analysed with the aid of spatial concepts.}
}

@Article{Iversen1994b,
  Title                    = {Political Leadership and Representation in West {Europe}an Democracies: A Test of Three Models of Voting},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45--74},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Recently the spatial theory of elections has been challenged by critics who dispute the realism of its assumptions and the empirical veracity of its predictions. This paper critically evaluates two theoretical alternatives to the spatial model and subjects these to a series of strategic tests using data from six West European party systems. It is argued that a model of representational policy leadership, which combines insights from the spatial and the "directional" theories of voting, best accounts for the observed patterns of voting. Thus, voters prefer parties that offer clear and intense political alternatives, but they turn away from parties that deviate too radically from voters' own stated policy positions. In terms of party strategies, it is demonstrated that spatial theorems, contrary to claims made for the directional theory, hold for all three models of voting. The policy leadership model, however, does explain why parties in multiparty systems tend to be more dispersed than predicted in spatial theory.}
}

@Article{Iversen1996,
  Title                    = {Power, Flexibility, and the Breakdown of Centralized Wage Bargaining: {Denmark} and {Sweden} in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {399--436},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {Highly corporatist countries such as Denmark and Sweden have recently moved away from centralized wage bargaining. A general sectoral coalition model explains the decentralization of wage bargaining as the outcome of a cross-class realignment between employers and wage earners in response to changes in the political, economic, and technological environment of wage bargaining. This realignment is aimed at increasing wage flexibility while containing cost pressures and is associated with greater inequality and the reorientation of macroeconomic policies away from full employment. A contrast of Denmark and Sweden with Austria and Norway, where wage bargaining institutions have not been changed, supports the argument.}
}

@Article{Iversen1998,
  Title                    = {Wage Bargaining, Central Bank Independence, and the Real Effects of Money},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {469--504},
  Volume                   = {52}
}

@Article{Iversen1998a,
  Title                    = {Wage Bargaining, Hard Money and Economic Performance: Theory and Evidence for Organized Market Economies},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {31{--}61},
  Volume                   = {28}
}

@Book{Iversen1999,
  author     = {Iversen, Torben},
  date       = {1999},
  title      = {Contested Economic Institutions: The Politics of Macroeconomics and Wage Bargaining in Advanced Democracies},
  publisher  = {Cambridge University Press},
  annotation = {Chapter 3 on file.},
}

@Book{Iversen2005,
  Title                    = {Capitalism, Democracy, and Welfare},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {0521613078},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},
  Series                   = {Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics},

  Abstract                 = {Based on the key idea that social protection in a modern economy, both inside and outside the state, can be understood as protection of specific investments in human capital, Torben Iversen offers a systematic explanation of popular preferences for redistributive spending, the economic role of political parties and electoral systems, and labor market stratification (including gender inequality). Contrary to the popular idea that competition in the global economy undermines international differences in the level of social protection, Iversen argues that these differences are actually made possible by a high international division of labor.}
}

@Article{IversenCusack2000,
  Title                    = {The Causes of Welfare State Expansion: Deindustrialization or Globalization?},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Cusack, Thomas R.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.2000.0009},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {313--349},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/wp2000.pdf},
  Volume                   = {52}
}

@Incollection{IversenSoskice2012,
  Title                    = {Modern Capitalism and the Advanced Nation State: Understanding the Causes of the Crisis},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Booktitle                = {Coping with Crisis: Government Reactions to the Great Recession},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Bermeo, Nancy and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Chapter                  = {10},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-87154-076-8},
  Pages                    = {287--324},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{IversenSoskice2001,
  Title                    = {An Asset Theory of Social Policy Preferences},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {875--893},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/SocialPreferences.pdf},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {We present a theory of social policy preferences that emphasizes the composition of people's skills. The key to our argument is that individuals who have made risky investments in skills will demand insurance against the possible future loss of income from those investments. Because the transferability of skills is inversely related to their specificity, workers with specific skills face a potentially long spell of unemployment or a significant decline in income in the event of job loss. Workers deriving most of their income from specific skills therefore have strong incentives to support social policies that protect them against such uncertainty. This is not the case for general skills workers, for whom the costs of social protection weigh more prominently. We test the theory on public opinion data for eleven advanced democracies and suggest how differences in educational systems can help explain cross-national differences in the level of social protection.}
}

@Other{IversenSoskice2005,
  Title                    = {Distribution and Redistribution: The Shadow of the Nineteenth Century},
  Abstract                 = {PR Promotes both distributive equality and especially redistribution; so does coordinated capitalism with an even greater impact on distribution. PR promotes center-left coalitions; and coordinated capitalism, encouraging the generation of specific skills, reinforces both median voter and business support for wage compression and strong welfare state insurance (Hall and Soskice 2001; Iversen and Soskice 2001; Iversen 2005). The positive correlation between distributional equality and redistribution is explained by a positive correlation between PR and coordinated capitalism.},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2005}
}

@Article{IversenSoskice2006,
  Title                    = {Electoral Institutions and the Politics of Coalitions: Why Some Democracies Redistribute More Than Others},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055406062083},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--181},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/k6eeb6h},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {Standard political economy models of redistribution, notably that of Meltzer and Richard (1981), fail to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies. We develop a general model of redistribution that explains why some democratic governments are more prone to redistribute than others. We show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions, hence redistribution. Our argument implies (1) that center-left governments dominate under PR systems, whereas center-right governments dominate under majoritarian systems; and (2) that PR systems redistribute more than majoritarian systems. We test our argument on panel data for redistribution, government partisanship, and electoral system in advanced democracies.}
}

@Article{IversenSoskice2006a,
  Title                    = {New Macroeconomics and Political Science},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.072004.085858},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {425--453},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {We review the use of macroeconomics in political science over the past 40 years. The field has been dominated by new classical theory, which leaves little room for economic policy and focuses attention on what democratic governments can do wrong in the short term. The resulting literatures on political business cycles and central bank independence are large and sophisticated, but they fail, we argue, to account for most of the observed variance in economic policies and outcomes. In the past decade, mainstream macroeconomics has moved away from new classical approaches toward New Keynesian theories with greater scope for macroeconomic policy. These new approaches, with little impact so far in political science, are reviewed and their implications drawn out. Instead of explaining short-sighted government behavior in an economy with little scope for economic policy, the key question for political science may be why governments often pursue longer-run objectives in an economy with considerable scope for econo...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.072004.085858},
  Keywords                 = {economic policy, political business cycles, unemployment, inflation, democratic governments}
}

@Article{IversenSoskice2010,
  author       = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  title        = {Real Exchange Rates and Competitiveness: The Political Economy of Skill Formation, Wage Compression, and Electoral Systems},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {104},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {601--623},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055410000304},
  abstract     = {A major puzzle in the open economy literature is why some countries have persistently higher real exchange rates than others. Even more puzzling is the fact that countries with high real exchange rates are strong export performers. We solve both puzzles with a model that integrates two central debates in the comparative political economy of advanced economies: one linking wage bargaining, incomes policy, and competitiveness, and the other linking partisanship, political institutions, and redistribution. We bring the two together by emphasizing the role of skill formation. We argue that union centralization is necessary for wage restraint and training on a large scale, but this in turn requires a political coalition that subsidizes such training. When both are present, wage restraint generates external competitiveness, whereas wage compression pushes up sheltered prices and hence the real exchange rate, and vice versa. We test the argument on data on export performance and real exchange rates.},
}

@Unpublished{IversenSoskice2013,
  Title                    = {Political Knowledge and Polarization in Advanced Democracies},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2013-08},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting},

  Abstract                 = {Polarization of party elites is closely related to economic inequality, but there has been no corresponding polarization of electorates, and contrary to expectations growing inequality is associated with a right-shift of political parties. We explain these puzzles by a political economy model that endogenizes political knowledge. The model implies a strong relationship between political information and polarization, and a strong partisan bias among the well-informed. We confirm these conjectures on individual-level data for 20 democracies, and we then show that democracies cluster into two types. One with high inequality, electorates that are concentrated at center, and polarized and right-shifted elites; and one with low inequality and moderately polarized electorates and elites, with less of right bias. This division is the result of long- standing differences in educational systems, the role of unions, and the organization of social networks.}
}

@Article{IversenSoskice2015,
  Title                    = {Information, Inequality, and Mass Polarization: Ideology in Advanced Democracies},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414015592643},
  Number                   = {13},
  Pages                    = {1781--1813},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/Iversen&Soskice_CPS2015.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-08-11},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Growing polarization in the American Congress is closely related to rising income inequality. Yet there has been no corresponding polarization of the U.S. electorate, and across advanced democracies, mass polarization is negatively related to income inequality. To explain this puzzle, we propose a comparative political economy model of mass polarization in which the same institutional factors that generate income inequality also undermine political information. We explain why more voters then place themselves in the ideological center, hence generating a negative correlation between mass polarization and inequality. We confirm these conjectures on individual-level data for 20 democracies, and we then show that democracies cluster into two types: one with high inequality, low mass polarization, and polarized and right-shifted elites (e.g., the United States); and the other with low inequality and high mass polarization with left-shifted elites (e.g., Sweden). This division reflects long-standing differences in educational systems, the role of unions, and social networks.}
}

@Article{IversenStephens2008,
  author       = {Iversen, Torben and Stephens, John D.},
  title        = {Partisan Politics, the Welfare State, and Three Worlds of Human Capital Formation},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {41},
  number       = {4-5},
  pages        = {600--637},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414007313117},
  abstract     = {The authors propose a synthesis of power resources theory and welfare production regime theory to explain differences in human capital formation across advanced democracies. Emphasizing the mutually reinforcing relationships between social insurance, skill formation, and spending on public education, they distinguish three distinct worlds of human capital formation: one characterized by redistribution and heavy investment in public education and industry-specific and occupation-specific vocational skills; one characterized by high social insurance and vocational training in firm-specific and industry-specific skills but less spending on public education; and one characterized by heavy private investment in general skills but modest spending on public education and redistribution. They trace the three worlds to historical differences in the organization of capitalism, electoral institutions, and partisan politics, emphasizing the distinct character of political coalition formation underpinning each of the three models. They also discuss the implications for inequality and labor market stratification across time and space.},
}

@Article{IversenWren1998,
  Title                    = {Equality, Employment, and Budgetary Restraint: The Trilemma of the Service Economy},
  Author                   = {Iversen, Torben and Wren, Anne},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.1998.0018},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {507{--}546},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents an analysis of the postindustrial economy from a political economy perspective. It identifies a set of specific distributional trade-offs associated with the new role played by the services sector as the chief source of employment growth in advanced democracies over the last three decades. It is argued that three core policy objectives --- budgetary restraint, wage equality, and expansion of employment --- constitute a political ``trilemma'' that allows only two of the goals to be successfully pursued at the same time. Using a combination of statistical and case-oriented analysis, the authors demonstrate the political and economic salience of the trilemma, the distributional tensions inherent in each strategy to cope with it, and the political-institutional constraints under which these strategies are chosen.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1998.0018}
}

@Book{Iyengar1991,
  Title                    = {Is Anyone Responsible? How Television Frames Political Issues},
  Author                   = {Iyengar, Shanto},
  Date                     = {1991},
  ISBN                     = {0-226-38855-7},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Book{IyengarKinder2010,
  Title                    = {News That Matters: Television and {America}n Opinion},
  Author                   = {Iyengar, Shanto and Kinder, Donald R.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {978-0226388588},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{IyengarEtAl1982,
  Title                    = {Experimental Demonstrations of the ``Not-So-Minimal'' Consequences of Television News Programs},
  Author                   = {Iyengar, Shanto and Peters, Mark D. and Kinder, Donald R.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {848--858},
  Url                      = {http://www.uky.edu/~clthyn2/PS671/Iyengar_1982APSR.pdf},
  Volume                   = {76},

  Abstract                 = {Two experiments sustain Lippmann's suspicion, advanced a half century ago, that media provide compelling descriptions of a public world that people cannot directly experience. More precisely, the experiments show that television news programs profoundly affect which problems viewers take to be important. The experiments also demonstrate that those problems promimently positioned in the evening news are accorded greater weight in viewers' evaluations of presidential performance. We note the political implications of these results, suggest their psychological foundations, and argue for a revival of experimentation in the study of political communication.}
}

@Article{Jaeger2013,
  Title                    = {Sources of Franco-German corporate support for the euro: The effects of business network centrality and political connections},
  Author                   = {J{\"a}ger, Kai},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116512458837},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {115--139},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {During the euro crisis of June 2011, 51 representatives of major French and German corporations launched a political campaign in support of the euro. This study shows that firm size facilitated high-quality business contacts but that variables of economic interest were not associated with a higher probability of campaign participation when controlling for relational variables. Instead, the empirical analysis suggests that Franco-German business leaders joined the campaign because (1) their central network position provided them with informational resources to transcend the interest of their firm, and (2) their social and political embeddedness either led to an internalization of pro-euro values or gave them an incentive to improve their long-term reputation with political decision makers who strongly support the euro as part of the European integration project. Thus, the directors corporate and political ties facilitated and motivated corporate political action in support of the euro.}
}

@Article{Jaeger2006,
  Title                    = {Welfare Regimes and Attitudes Towards Redistribution: The Regime Hypothesis Revisited},
  Author                   = {J{\ae}ger, Mads Meier},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jci049},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {157--170},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {This paper addresses the issue of why comparative research on welfare state attitudes has failed to establish a link between welfare regimes and popular support for redistribution. Several limitations in the existing literature regarding the dependent variable, the operationalisation of welfare regimes, how the relationship between regimes and attitudes is identified, and the methods used are proposed as reasons why no link between regimes and attitudes has been found. An alternative approach is developed in which welfare regimes are operationalised using a range of theoretically defining characteristics, e.g. total public social spending, benefit generosity, and the weight of social services relative to total public social expenditure. Using data on 13 Western European countries from the first two waves of the European Social Survey, the empirical analysis provides mixed support for the hypothesized relationship between welfare regimes and support for redistribution. Several suggestions for future research are also discussed.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.20}
}

@Article{Jaeger2013a,
  Title                    = {The effect of macroeconomic and social conditions on the demand for redistribution: A pseudo panel approach},
  Author                   = {J{\ae}ger, Mads Meier},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928712471225},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {149--163},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyses the effect of macroeconomic and social conditions on the demand for redistribution. Using a synthetic cohort design to generate panel data at the level of socio-demographic groups, analysis of fives waves of data from the European Social Survey (20022010) shows that differences across countries in macroeconomic and social conditions have an effect on the demand for redistribution. Consistent with theoretical expectations, economic growth generates a lower demand for redistribution, while higher income inequality generates a higher demand. By contrast, differences across countries in unemployment levels and social expenditure are unrelated to the demand for redistribution. The analysis also suggests that empirical results depend to a considerable extent on the assumptions underlying different methodological approaches.}
}

@Article{Jabko1999,
  Title                    = {In the name of the Market: how the {Europe}an Commission paved the way for monetary union},
  Author                   = {Jabko, Nicolas},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343630},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {475--495},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The advent of economic and monetary union (EMU) is often interpreted as the logical outcome of structural trends, macroeconomic consensus, or grand geopolitical bargains. This article argues, however, that such views miss an essential dimension of the EMU process, namely the political strategy developed within the European Commission in order to achieve that goal. As part of their integrationist agenda, Commission officials selectively marshaled the political and economic significance of Europe's emerging Single Market. Thus, over time, they induced key actors to re-articulate their preferences in terms of monetary union. The article discusses the two main facets of the Commission's strategy, i.e. the politics of monetary sovereignty and the politics of monetary orthodoxy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343630},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Jabko2010,
  Title                    = {The hidden face of the euro},
  Author                   = {Jabko, Nicolas},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501761003662081},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {318--334},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501761003662081},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Jackman1987,
  Title                    = {Political Institutions and Voter Turnout in the Industrial Democracies},
  Author                   = {Robert W. Jackman},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {405--424},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {Differences in voter turnout among industrial democracies are a function of political institutions and electoral law. Specifically, the presence of nationally competitive electoral districts provides incentives for parties and candidates to mobilize voters everywhere, thereby increasing turnout. Disproportionality in the translation of votes into legislative seats provides a disincentive to voting, which lowers turnout. Multipartyism assigns elections a less decisive role in government formation, depressing turnout. By generating more decisive governments, unicameralism provides a clearer link between elections and legislation, increasing turnout. Finally, mandatory voting laws produce a disincentive to not vote. Empirical analyses of average voter-turnout levels in the 1970s and 1960s across 19 democracies are consistent with these expectations, although Switzerland and the United States appear to be outliers. The results have major implications for the way we interpret national differences in voter-turnout rates.}
}

@Article{Jackman2000,
  Title                    = {Estimation and Inference Are Missing Data Problems: Unifying Social Science Statistics via {Bayes}ian Simulation},
  Author                   = {Jackman, Simon},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {307--332},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {Bayesian simulation is increasingly exploited in the social sciences for estimation and inference of model parameters. But an especially useful (if often overlooked) feature of Bayesian simulation is that it can be used to estimate any function of model parameters, including "auxiliary" quantities such as goodness-of-fit statistics, predicted values, and residuals. Bayesian simulation treats these quantities as if they were missing data, sampling from their implied posterior densities. Exploiting this principle also lets researchers estimate models via Bayesian simulation where maximum-likelihood estimation would be intractable. Bayesian simulation thus provides a unified solution for quantitative social science. I elaborate these ideas in a variety of contexts: these include generalized linear models for binary responses using data on bill cosponsorship recently reanalyzed in Political Analysis, item{--}response models for the measurement of respondent's levels of political information in public opinion surveys, the estimation and analysis of legislators' ideal points from roll-call data, and outlier-resistant regression estimates of incumbency advantage in U.S. Congressional elections}
}

@Article{Jackman2000a,
  author       = {Jackman, Simon},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Estimation and Inference via {Bayes}ian Simulation: An Introduction to {Markov} Chain {Monte Carlo}},
  doi          = {10.2307/2669318},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {375--404},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Bayesian statistics have made great strides in recent years, developing a class of methods for estimation and inference via stochastic simulation known as Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) methods. MCMC constitutes a revolution in statistical practice with effects beginning to be felt in the social sciences: models long consigned to the ``too hard'' basket are now within reach of quantitative researchers. I review the statistical pedigree of MCMC and the underlying statistical concepts. I demonstrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of MCMC and offer practical suggestions for using MCMC in social-science settings. Simple, illustrative examples include a probit model of voter turnout and a linear regression for time-series data with autoregressive disturbances. I conclude with a more challenging application, a multinomial probit model, to showcase the power of MCMC methods.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669318},
}

@Article{Jackman2004,
  author       = {Jackman, Simon},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {{Bayes}ian Analysis for Political Research},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104706},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {483--505},
  volume       = {7},
  abstract     = {Bayesian data analysis relies on Bayes' Theorem, using data to update prior beliefs about parameters. In this review I introduce and contrast Bayesian analysis with conventional frequentist inference and then distinguish two types of Bayesian analysis in political science. First, Bayesian analysis is used to merge historical information with current data in an analysis of likely election outcomes in Florida in 2000; particular attention is paid to the sensitivity of the results to the choice of prior (i.e., how much confidence one places in the historical information). Second, a more ``modern'' style of Bayesian analysis is reviewed, relying on Markov chain Monte Carlo algorithms to generate computationally intensive ``random tours'' of the high dimensional posterior distributions that are the focus of many contemporary Bayesian analyses; the example used is a central problem in political science, the analysis of legislators' preferences using roll call data.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104706},
  keywords     = {Bayesian statistics, sensitivity analysis, Markov chain Monte Carlo, roll call analysis, legislative ideal points},
}

@Article{JacksonKollman2010,
  Title                    = {A Formulation of Path Dependence with an Empirical Example},
  Author                   = {Jackson, John E. and Kollman, Ken},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00010001},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {257--289},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {We develop the empirical implications of Page's (Page 2006) definition of path dependence as a process where the sequence of historical events affects the final outcome. A critical necessary condition for path dependence in common dynamic models is a time-varying autoregressive parameter whose value becomes 1 at some point. Failure to meet this condition results in a path independent process whose equilibrium outcome is only a function of the current exogenous conditions. This condition is illustrated with a discrete Markov Chain model and with a computational model with continuous variables, which are illustrated with models of partisan change. A Monte Carlo simulation shows how non-linear least-squares estimation can recover the parameters that distinguish path dependence from path independence. This integration of modeling and an estimation strategy is illustrated with data on civil rights attitudes and macropartisanship. The results have implications for discussions of path dependence in a wide range of social science fields.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00010001}
}

@Article{JacobLefgren2007,
  Title                    = {What Do Parents Value in Education? An Empirical Investigation of Parents' Revealed Preferences for Teachers},
  Author                   = {Jacob, Brian A. and Lefgren, Lars},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1603{--}1637},
  Volume                   = {122},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines revealed preferences of parents for their children's education, using parent requests for individual elementary school teachers and information on teacher attributes, including principal reports of teacher characteristics that are typically unobservable. On average, parents strongly prefer teachers whom principals describe as good at promoting student satisfaction, though they also value teacher ability to raise academic achievement. These aggregate effects mask striking differences across schools. Families in higher poverty schools strongly value student achievement and appear indifferent to the principal's report of a teacher's ability to promote student satisfaction. The results are reversed for families in wealthier schools.}
}

@Article{JacobLevitt2003,
  Title                    = {Rotten Apples: An Investigation of The Prevalence and Predictors of Teacher Cheating},
  Author                   = {Jacob, Brian A. and Levitt, Steven D.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/00335530360698441},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {843--877},
  Volume                   = {118},

  Abstract                 = {We develop an algorithm for detecting teacher cheating that combines information on unexpected test score fluctuations and suspicious patterns of answers for students in a classroom. Using data from the Chicago public schools, we estimate that serious cases of teacher or administrator cheating on standardized tests occur in a minimum of 4{\textendash}5 percent of elementary school classrooms annually. The observed frequency of cheating appears to respond strongly to relatively minor changes in incentives. Our results highlight the fact that high-powered incentive systems, especially those with bright line rules, may induce unexpected behavioral distortions such as cheating. Statistical analysis, however, may provide a means of detecting illicit acts, despite the best attempts of perpetrators to keep them clandestine.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00335530360698441}
}

@Article{Jacobs2008,
  Title                    = {The Politics of When: Redistribution, Investment and Policy Making for the Long Term},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Alan M.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123408000112},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {193--220},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Why do some elected governments impose short-term costs to invest in solving long-term social problems while others delay or merely redistribute the pain? This article addresses that question by examining the politics of pension reform in Britain and the United States. It first reframes the conventional view of the outcomes {\textendash} centred on cross-sectional distribution {\textendash} demonstrating that the politicians who enacted the least radical redistribution enacted the most dramatic intertemporal tradeoffs. To explain this pattern, the article develops and tests a theory of policy choice in which organized interests struggle for long-term advantage under institutional constraints. The argument points to major analytical advantages to studying governments' policy choices in intertemporal terms, for both the identification of comparative puzzles and their explanation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000112}
}

@Article{Jacobs2009,
  Title                    = {How Do Ideas Matter?: Mental Models and Attention in German Pension Politics},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Alan M.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008325283},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {252--279},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {How do ideas affect political decision making? Despite much evidence that ideas matter, relatively little is known about the specific mechanisms through which they influence actors' beliefs, goals, and preferences. Drawing on psychological findings, the article elaborates a cognitive mechanism through which ideational frameworks shape political elites' preferences among options. It argues that actors' mental models of the domains in which they are operating systematically guide their attention within processes of decision making. By leading them to reason about certain causal possibilities and data and to ignore and discount others, politicians' and policy makers' mental models can powerfully shape their causal belief sets and, in turn, their policy preferences. Furthermore, these attentional effects help explain why ideas persist under some conditions but change under others. The argument is empirically probed through an examination of key episodes in German pension politics over seven decades, drawing on detailed records of high-level policy deliberations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325283}
}

@Book{Jacobs2011,
  Title                    = {Governing for the Long Term: Democracy and the Politics of Investment},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Alan M.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-52117177-9},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2011.11.28}
}

@Unpublished{JacobsMatthews2011,
  Title                    = {Who Will Be in Charge? Prospective Responsibility and Citizen Support for Policy Change},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Note                     = {Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, March 31-April 3, 2011.},

  Timestamp                = {2011.11.28}
}

@Article{JacobsMatthews2012,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott},
  title        = {Why Do Citizens Discount the Future? Public Opinion and the Timing of Policy Consequences},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {42},
  number       = {04},
  pages        = {903--935},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123412000117},
  abstract     = {It is widely assumed that citizens are myopic, weighing policies' short-term consequences more heavily than long-term outcomes. Yet no study of public opinion has directly examined whether or why the timing of future policy consequences shapes citizens' policy attitudes. This article reports the results of an experiment designed to test for the presence and mechanisms of time-discounting in the mass public. The analysis yields evidence of significant discounting of delayed policy benefits and indicates that citizens' policy bias towards the present derives in large part from uncertainty about the long term: uncertainty about both long-run processes of policy causation and long-term political commitments. There is, in contrast, little evidence that positive time-preferences (impatience) or consumption-smoothing are significant sources of myopic policy attitudes.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  timestamp    = {2012.10.26},
}

@Article{JacobsWeaver2015,
  Title                    = {When Policies Undo Themselves: Self-Undermining Feedback as a Source of Policy Change},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Alan M. and Weaver, R. Kent},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/gove.12101},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0491},
  Number                   = {4},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {Most studies of policy feedback have focused on processes of self-reinforcement through which programs bolster their own bases of political support and endure or expand over time. This article develops a theoretical framework for identifying feedback mechanisms through which policies can become self-undermining over time, increasing the likelihood of a major change in policy orientation. We conceptualize and illustrate three types of self-undermining feedback mechanisms that we expect to operate in democratic politics: the emergence of unanticipated losses for mobilized social interests, interactions between strategic elites and loss-averse voters, and expansions of the menu of policy alternatives. We also advance hypotheses about the conditions under which each mechanism is likeliest to unfold. In illuminating endogenous sources of policy change, the analysis builds on efforts by both historically oriented and rationalist scholars to understand how institutions change and seeks to expand political scientists{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{o}} theoretical toolkit for explaining policy development over time.}
}

@Article{JacobsDixon2006,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Labor-Management Relations: Detecting the Conditions that Affect Changes in Right-to-Work Laws},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, David and Dixon, Marc},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Problems},
  Doi                      = {10.1525/sp.2006.53.1.118},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {118--137},
  Url                      = {http://www.dartmouth.edu/~socy/pdfs/MDD_Pol_of_Labr_06.pdf},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {To contain the costs of conflicts between labor and management, governments in the advanced democracies have adopted far-reaching provisions that regulate labor-management disputes. This close control means that the legal climate is an important determinant of victory in these struggles, but there is almost no statistical research on the recent politics of labor-management relations despite the theoretical importance of this issue. To begin to fill this void, this study uses a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis that detects the conditions that best explain the presence of right-to-work laws in U.S. states since 1960. Non contingent findings suggest that racial divisions and small business dominance increase the probability that the legal context will favor management instead of labor. Historically contingent results suggest that an accord between labor and large firms that broke down after the early 1970s also influenced these perennial political struggles.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.dartmouth.edu/~socy/pdfs/MDD_Pol_of_Labr_06.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.2006.53.1.118}
}

@Incollection{Jacobs2000,
  Title                    = {Devolved management in {New Zealand} schools},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Kerry},
  Booktitle                = {The Governance of Schooling: Comparative Studies of Devolved Management},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Margaret A Arnot and Charles D Raab},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Pages                    = {180{--}197},
  Publisher                = {Routledge Falmer}
}

@Article{Jacobs1992,
  Title                    = {Institutions and Culture: Health Policy and Public Opinion in the U.S. and {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Lawrence R},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2010446},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {179--209},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that explaining institutional differentiation requires the incorporation of public preferences and understandings into accounts of state development. Using primary evidence concerning policy discussions and public opinion, it suggests that culture determined the specific features of both the British National Health Service Act of 1946 and the American Medicare Act of 1965, as well as the differences between them. Examining the interaction of institutions and culture inserts democratic standards into the top-heavy Weberian discussions of state autonomy and accounts for the seemingly inexplicable failure of policymakers to ensure cost control over the new health programs.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010446}
}

@Article{Jacobs2010,
  Title                    = {Democracy and Capitalism: Structure, Agency, and Organized Combat},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Lawrence R.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365048},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {243--254},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Article{JacobsSoss2010,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Inequality in {America}: A Political Economy Framework},
  Author                   = {Jacobs, Lawrence R. and Soss, Joe},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.041608.140134},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {341--364},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Theories of political economy offer rich intellectual resources for scholars today who hope to explain some of the most striking real-world changes of contemporary American politics, including the dramatic widening of economic inequality since the 1970s, the financial and economic breakdowns since 2008, and the government policies that contributed to these developments. Yet few scholars in American politics have been making use of these resources. This article reviews research on the politics of inequality within the United States and situates it more explicitly within an intellectual framework for the study of political economy. The article traces the decline of political economy research within mainstream scholarship on American politics and reviews the upsurge of interest in the politics of inequality. It develops a typology of distinct frameworks for analyzing the American political economy and for bringing greater intellectual organization to a growing but disparate body of research.}
}

@Article{Jacobsen2005,
  Title                    = {Sand in the machinery? Comparing bureaucrats' and politicians' attitudes toward public sector reform},
  Author                   = {Jacobsen, Dag Ingvar},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00247.x},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {767{--}799},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This article addresses the general notion that bureaucrats may oppose the introduction of reforms in the public sector, and that their views concerning reform will differ from that of politicians. Such a situation may create a sense of conflict between the two spheres, but different views on public sector reform can also follow other conflict dimensions. Two such dimensions are outlined: the one between political parties, and the one between a political-administrative elite and a group of more peripheral politicians and administrators. The hypotheses set forward are tested by comparing local authority politicians' and administrative leaders' views on public sector reform. The data does not support the notion of general conflict between politicians and administrators, or that of conflict of interest between an elite and a more peripheral group. In general, politicians and administrators have rather similar views, but there is a wide difference between political parties. The administration places itself somewhat in the middle between political extremes, being moderately positive towards most reforms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00247.x}
}

@Article{JacobsonOhlsson1994,
  Title                    = {Long-run relations between private and public sector wages in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Jacobson, Tor and Ohlsson, Henry},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Empirical Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF01205942},
  ISSN                     = {0377-7332},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {343--360},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Using a maximum likelihood cointegration approach we find two long-run relationships between central government, local government, and private sector wages in Sweden. This means that there is one common trend for the three sectoral wages. Private sector wages are weakly exogenous for the estimation of the long-run relationships. This suggests that the private sector is the wage leader. Testing linear restrictions on the estimated cointegrating space, we reject stationarity for the three relative wages using likelihood ratio-tests. The hypotheses of homogeneity for the two cointegrating vectors, i.e., that wages do not diverge in the long run, is also rejected.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF01205942},
  Publisher                = {Physica Verlag, An Imprint of Springer-Verlag GmbH}
}

@Article{Jacoby2000,
  author       = {Jacoby, William G.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Issue Framing and Public Opinion on Government Spending},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {750--767},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {The issue of government spending provides an interesting context for testing issue-framing effects in American public opinion. Competing partisan elites clearly portray the spending issue in different ways: Republicans tend to focus on broad, general appeals, while Democrats aim at more specific forms of programmatic expenditures. Their differing arguments undoubtedly arise because the varied issue frames generate different kinds of responses. This study uses data from the 1992 CPS National Election Study to examine the preceding hypothesis. The results from the empirical analysis show that public opinion on government spending does, in fact, vary markedly with the presentation of the issue. This framing effect is powerful enough to induce individual-level opinion change. And, framing effects arise because varying presentations of the government-spending issue activate different sets of influences on citizens' issue attitudes. These findings have broad implications concerning both the magnitude of framing effects and the explicitly political nature of the issue-framing process.},
}

@Article{Jahn2011,
  Title                    = {Conceptualizing Left and Right in comparative politics: Towards a deductive approach},
  Author                   = {Detlef Jahn},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068810380091},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {745--765},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810380091},
  Timestamp                = {2011.11.23}
}

@Article{JahnOberst2012,
  Title                    = {Ideological Party Cohesion in Macro-comparative Politics: The Nordic Social Democratic Parties from a Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Jahn, Detlef and Oberst, Christoph},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00287.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Pages                    = {no--no},

  Abstract                 = {`Party cohesion' is a central concept in the analysis of agenda-setting, veto players and coalition-building as well as in the analysis of policy efficiency and party responsiveness. However, there is no indicator to measure party cohesion in a systematic manner over time and across parties. As a consequence, most established studies treat political parties as unitary actors although from an analytical point of view they should be considered collective actors. In order to overcome this deficiency, in this article a time-variant and party-specific index of party cohesion is developed which can be used in macro-comparative statistical analysis. The concept of `ideological cohesion' is developed along the Left---Right dimension. This index is applied in order to compare the party cohesion of Nordic social democratic parties (SDs) with their counterparts in 17 additional countries. The results show that the myth of the cohesion of Nordic SDs is only true for the golden age of the welfare state. Currently, most of the Nordic SDs actually have a lower party cohesion than their counterparts in many other countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00287.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Incollection{JakobiMartens2010,
  Title                    = {Expanding and Intensifying Governance: The OECD in Education Policy},
  Author                   = {Jakobi, Anja P. and Martens, Kerstin},
  Booktitle                = {Mechanisms of OECD Governance: International Incentives for National Policy-Making?},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Editor                   = {Jakobi, Anja P. and Martens, Kerstin},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199591145.003.0008}
}

@Article{JamesEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {The role of the chair of the school governing body in {England}},
  Author                   = {James, Chris and Jones, Jeff and Connolly, Michael and Brammer, Steve and Fertig, Mike and James, Jane},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {School Leadership \& Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13632434.2011.642356},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--19},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {The research reported here analysed the role of the chair of the school governing body in England, drawing on a national survey of governors and the study of governing in 30 schools. The role encompassed: being a governor; appointing and working with the head teacher; acting as a change agent; active participation in the school; organising the governing body; dealing with complaints; working with parents; and chairing meetings. We discuss the role and the way it is experienced and conclude that the position of chair is substantially under-played; given insufficient status; and is a significant educational and community leadership responsibility.}
}

@Article{Janson1928,
  Title                    = {Minority Governments in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Janson, Florence E},
  Date                     = {1928},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1945478},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {407{--}413},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1945478}
}

@Article{JaspersonEtAl1998,
  author       = {Jasperson, Amy E. and Shah, Dhavan V. and Watts, Mark and Faber, Ronald J. and Fan, David P.},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  title        = {Framing and the Public Agenda: Media Effects on the Importance of the Federal Budget Deficit},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609809342366},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {205--224},
  url          = {https://www.journalism.wisc.edu/~dshah/PC1998a.pdf},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {What explains the shift in public opinion over time on the issue of the 1996 U.S. federal budget? Public opinion polls demonstrate dramatic shifts in the percentage of people considering the budget issue to be the most important problem facing the country from November 1994 through April 1996. In this article, we model Roper Center opinion polls against a prediction of opinion from media content to investigate how media coverage affects the importance assigned to the budget issue. We identify four dominant frames present in media coverage of the budget issue and argue that a model combining the theories of agenda setting and framing provides a better explanation for the shifts in aggregate opinion than either theory on its own. By combining framing with the traditional agenda-setting approach, we take into account the nuances of cover age within the issue, in addition to the sheer amount of cover age, for a more complete explanation of media effects on public opinion on the issue of the federal budget.},
}

@Online{JayLynn1980,
  Title                    = {Yes Minister --- Jobs for the Boys},
  Author                   = {Jay, Antony and Lynn, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Url                      = {http://bobnational.net/record/193176},
  Note                     = {Series 1, Episode 7},
  Urldate                  = {2014-12-18}
}

@Article{Jayadev2008,
  Title                    = {The class content of preferences towards anti-inflation and anti-unemployment policies},
  Author                   = {Jayadev, Arjun},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {International Review of Applied Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02692170701880643},
  ISSN                     = {0269-2171},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {161--172},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {This paper assesses class-based preferences towards anti-inflationary and anti-unemployment policy. Using a consistent cross-country social survey, I find that the working class broadly defined, and those with lower occupational skill and status are more likely to prioritize combating unemployment rather than inflation. The result that the working class is less `relatively inflation averse' is robust to the inclusion of several plausible controls. In addition, I find that those respondents who exhibit a broadly pro-business and anti-redistributionary attitude are more relatively inflation averse. The finding that inflation and unemployment aversion have a distinct class character has implications for current debates on the implications of macroeconomic policies such as inflation targeting.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02692170701880643},
  Booktitle                = {International Review of Applied Economics},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Jefferys1987,
  Title                    = {British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War},
  Author                   = {Jefferys, Kevin},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Historical Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2639308},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {123--144},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2639308}
}

@Article{JenkinsEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Social segregation in secondary schools: how does {England} compare with other countries?},
  Author                   = {Jenkins, Stephen P. and Micklewright, John and Schnepf, Sylke V.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03054980701542039},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {21--37},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {New evidence is provided about the degree of social segregation in England's secondary schools, employing a cross-national perspective. Analysis is based on data for 27 industrialised countries from the 2000 and 2003 rounds of the Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA). We allow for sampling variation in the estimates. England is shown to be a middle-ranking country, as is the USA. High segregation countries include Austria, Belgium, Germany and Hungary. Low segregation countries include the four Nordic countries and Scotland. In explaining England's position, we argue that its segregation is mostly accounted for by unevenness in social background in the state school sector. Cross-country differences in segregation are associated with the prevalence of selective choice of pupils by schools.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.12}
}

@Article{Jensen2008,
  Title                    = {Worlds of welfare services and transfers},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2008-05-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928707087591},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {151--162},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {The discussion on the existence and nature of the welfare regimes of Western democracies has been ongoing for more than 15 years, and many significant contributions have been made. The scholarly work has, however, had a tendency to focus on the transfer component of welfare states, thereby losing sight of the welfare service component. This article argues two aspects. First, the transfer component and welfare service component are two distinct dimensions of welfare regimes. Second, great differences exist between health care and social care services; health care is characterized by very uniform levels of expenditure across countries, while expenditure on social care services conforms to the regime typology of Esping-Andersen. This is taken to indicate that the welfare service component consists of two different types of services distinguished by the importance of the two ideological dimensions of familiarism and statism during the formative years of these welfare service sectors.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928707087591}
}

@Article{Jensen2010,
  Title                    = {Conditional contraction: Globalisation and capitalist systems},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01925.x},

  Abstract                 = {The effect of globalisation on social spending is one of the most intensely studied issues in the political economy literature. Until recently, conventional wisdom held that globalisation leads governments to expand social spending to compensate workers for increasing risk exposure. The latest research shows, however, that globalisation has become strongly associated with spending cutbacks since the late 1980s. This article adds to this research by arguing that the negative impact of globalisation is conditioned on the capitalist system in different countries. In coordinated market economies (CMEs), employers are dependent on the willingness of the workforce to invest in specific skills and therefore become supportive of extensive social spending. Not so in liberal market economies (LMEs), where employers are much less dependent on social spending because the workforce in general invests less in specific skills. Employers in LMEs are therefore likely to use increasing globalisation as a means to push through retrenchment, whereas employers in CMEs are not. This argument is tested in a time-series cross-section regression analysis, which clearly supports it.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01925.x}
}

@Article{Jensen2011,
  Title                    = {Determinants of welfare service provision after the Golden Age},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Social Welfare},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2397.2009.00667.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2397},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {125--134},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {The welfare state literature exhibits a `transfer bias' in the sense that very little research exists on welfare services or benefits in-kind. This article presents one of the first systematic studies on the determinants of welfare service provision since the end of the Golden Age of welfare expansion. The article concludes that partisan factors do not drive change, although historically they may have been pivotal. Instead, new factors, including deindustrialisation, female labour force participation and rising public attention appear to be highly significant. It is argued that new studies need to take seriously both the individual characteristics of services as well as the changing social demands that the services are supposed to meet.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2009.00667.x},
  Keywords                 = {welfare services, public expenditure, partisan effects, new politics, change, social welfare, social work},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{Jensen2011a,
  Title                    = {Capitalist Systems, Deindustrialization, and the Politics of Public Education},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414010393475},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {412--435},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Recent years have seen a number of studies on the determinants of educational spending. Almost all of the existing work emphasizes the importance of left-wing governments as a motor of expansion because such expansion allegedly ensures both redistribution and the facilitation of a supply-side economy. The existing literature thereby corroborates the power resource theory. Against this common wisdom the article presents an argument building on the varieties of capitalism approach. It is argued that education is a poor instrument for redistribution because access is universal and high-income groups have a tendency to use education even more than low-income groups. Instead, we argue that deindustrialization is the main driver of educational spending because deindustrialization constitutes one of the most salient threats to workers in modern societies. As deindustrialization rises workers risk ending up with redundant skills, especially in countries where the average skills specificity is high, that is, coordinated market economies. The expectations find empirical support in a time-series cross-section regression analysis of 18 Western countries in the years 1980-2000.}
}

@Article{Jensen2011b,
  Title                    = {Marketization via Compensation: Health Care and the Politics of the Right in Advanced Industrialized Nations},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123411000159},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = oct,
  Pages                    = {907--926},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {A novel theory of the healthcare policy of right-wing governments is presented in this article. It posits that the politics of health care is inherently different from the politics of a social policy related to the labour market. Health care protects against risks that are in the main uncorrelated with the income distribution. This implies that median voters will favour public provision, while high-income voters will not. This generates a unique challenge to right-wing governments that have to balance the interests of the two. The solution is marketization via compensation, where public spending is expanded but where public support of private market solutions is given special priority.},
  Numpages                 = {20}
}

@Article{Jensen2012,
  Title                    = {Two sides of the same coin? Left-wing governments and labour unions as determinants of public spending},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwr015},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {217--240},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {The social policy literature normally perceives left-wing governments and labour unions as pursuing the same policies, namely generous social protection. This paper investigates whether or not this is accurate. Due to their different criteria of organizational success, it argues that unions and left-wing governments prioritize social programmes differently. Unions give priority to labour market-related programmes like unemployment protection; left-wing governments prioritize family services and old-age pensions. The paper thereby adds considerable nuance to the literature on labour movements and the welfare state.}
}

@Article{JensenMortensen2014,
  author       = {Jensen, Carsten and Mortensen, Peter B.},
  title        = {Government Responses to Fiscal Austerity: The Effect of Institutional Fragmentation and Partisanship},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {47},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {143--170},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414013488536},
  abstract     = {How does the institutional context affect government responses to fiscal austerity? Despite the ``institutional turn'' in political science, we still possess an incomplete understanding of the relationship between a core aspect of the institutional setting of countries --- namely institutional fragmentation --- and the policy consequences of fiscal pressure. The article advances research on this question by integrating theories on the blame-avoidance effect of institutional fragmentation with theories on the effect of party constituencies on social policies. The result is a set of novel hypotheses about the conditional effects of institutional fragmentation that are tested empirically on quantitative time series data on unemployment protection from 17 advanced democracies. The analyses show that institutional fragmentation is an important determinant of government responses to fiscal austerity, but the effect depends on the partisan composition of the government.},
}

@Article{JensenSvendsen2011,
  Title                    = {Giving money to strangers: {Europe}an welfare states and social trust},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Carsten and Svendsen, Gert Tinggaard},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Social Welfare},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2397.2009.00668.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2397},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--9},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Why would you give money to strangers? That is the fundamental question posed by a new body of research into the relationship between social trust and willingness to accept high taxes and extensive welfare states. The literature argues that generalised trust causes and upholds universal welfare state institutions, an entirely plausible explanation of the Scandinavian social democratic welfare states. However, it cannot explain the presence of very large welfare states in Continental Europe, where the level of generalised trust is much lower than in Scandinavia. The article adds to the existing literature by arguing that the `bumblebee' of conservative welfare states is characterised by particularistic trust and familiaristic welfare institutions, which are functional equivalents to the mechanisms found in Scandinavia. Future research into the trust--welfare state relationship should therefore focus on the trust profile of a country to understand how the welfare state provides its citizens with benefits.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2009.00668.x},
  Keywords                 = {social trust, welfare state, redistribution},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.19}
}

@Article{JensenEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Who Calls for a Common EU Foreign Policy? Partisan Constraints on CFSP Reform},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Christian B. and Slapin, Jonathan and K{\"o}nig, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2007-09-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116507079547},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {387--410},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {What drove the preferences over institutional choices of EU Constitutional Convention delegates in the area of foreign policy? We examine delegate preferences and find strong evidence that partisan identity rather than government positions drove delegates' preferences for both the role of the Commission and the voting rule in the Council. We also find evidence that delegates' party positions on an EU foreign policy are better predictors than delegates' personal preferences of their preferred role for the Commission and the voting rule in the Council. If government and national interests would dominate any policy area, it would be foreign policy. We contend that our finding in this critical case underscores the importance of partisan effects in European integration.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116507079547}
}

@Article{Jensen2003,
  Title                    = {Democratic Governance and Multinational Corporations: Political Regimes and Inflows of Foreign Direct Investment},
  Author                   = {Jensen, Nathan M.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818303573040},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {587{--}616},
  Url                      = {http://law.wisc.edu/gls/documents/foreign_investment_recommended5.pdf},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Foreign direct investment (FDI) is an important element of the global economy and a central component of economic development strategies of both developed and developing countries. Numerous scholars theorize that the economic benefits of attracting multinational corporations come at tremendous political costs, arguing that democratic political systems attract lower levels of international investment than their authoritarian counterparts. Using both cross-sectional and time-series cross-sectional tests of the determinants of FDI for more than 100 countries, I generate results that are inconsistent with these dire predictions. Democratic political systems attract higher levels of FDI inflows both across countries and within countries over time. Democratic countries are predicted to attract as much as 70 percent more FDI than their authoritarian counterparts. In a final empirical test, I examine how democratic institutions affect country credibility by empirically analyzing the link between democracy and sovereign debt risk for about eighty countries from 1980 to 1998. These empirical tests challenge the conventional wisdom on the preferences of multinationals for authoritarian regimes.}
}

@Article{JohannessonEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {An Inevitable Progress?: Educational restructuring in {Finland}, {Iceland} and {Sweden} at the turn of the millennium},
  Author                   = {Johannesson, Ingolfur Asgeir and Lindblad, Sverker and Simola, Hannu},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0031383022000005706},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {325--339},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {The article discusses how current changes in the system of reasoning about education in Finland, Iceland and Sweden are characterised by culturally woven patterns where marketisation strategies, for instance budget reform, are introduced as technically effective devices both for educating the best and to increase inclusion. This system of reason presupposes that the neo-liberalist restructuring changes are inevitable global phenomena and that they are a progress compared with the old arrangements, but is silent about socio-economic issues and the equity goals of the 1960s-1980s. The article also argues that school-based self-evaluation as a practice and as a language is a normalising technique that ensures that school actors will identify the obstacles encountered in the restructuring transition so that neither state nor other authorities intervene.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031383022000005706}
}

@Article{JohansenEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Politics in wage setting: does government colour matter?},
  Author                   = {Johansen, K{\aa}re and Mydland, {\O}rjan and Str{\o}m, Bjarne},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s10101-006-0029-5},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {95--109},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the relationship between wage formation and the political colour of the government in an economy with a centralized wage bargaining system. Ideological, organizational and personal ties between the central trade union and the social democratic political party suggest that the trade union may behave significantly different in wage negotiations under a social democratic than under a conservative government. Using time series data for Norway, we estimate that changing from a conservative to a social democratic central government significantly reduces manufacturing wages and makes wages more responsive to unemployment. This result is consistent with a wage bargaining model augmented by political preferences of the union leaders and suggests that the effect of bargaining coordination depends on the political colour of the government. The estimated effects are both robust with respect to model specification and stable over time.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10101-006-0029-5}
}

@Article{JohansenStrom2001,
  Title                    = {Wages and Politics: Evidence from the Norwegian Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Johansen, K{\aa}re and Str{\o}m, Bjarne},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0084.00223},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0084},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {311--331},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0084.00223},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Incollection{Johansen1988,
  Title                    = {{Denmark}},
  Author                   = {Johansen, Lars N\orby},
  Booktitle                = {Growth to Limits: The Western European Welfare States Since World War II},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Editor                   = {Peter Flora},
  ISBN                     = {0899252664},
  Location                 = {Berlin},
  Publisher                = {Walter de Gruyter \& Co.},
  Volume                   = {1}
}

@Misc{Johansson2013,
  Author                   = {Johansson, Ylva},
  Date                     = {2013},
  HowPublished             = {Telephone interview},
  Note                     = {March 28}
}

@Book{John2012,
  Title                    = {Analyzing Public Policy},
  Author                   = {John, Peter},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-415-47627-0},
  Location                 = {Abingdon, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{JohnEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Policy Agendas in British Politics},
  Author                   = {John, Peter and Bertelli, Anthony and Jennings, Will and Bevan, Shaun},
  Date                     = {2013}
}

@Article{JohnCole2000,
  Title                    = {When Do Institutions, Policy Sectors, and Cities Matter?: Comparing Networks of Local Policy Makers in {Britain} and {France}},
  Author                   = {John, Peter and Cole, Alistair},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414000033002004},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {248--268},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the relative influence of policy sectors, political institutions, and urban contexts on the operation of contemporary governance. The research compared the membership, structure, governing capacity, and change of local economic development and secondary education policy networks in four cities: Lille and Rennes in France and Leeds and Southampton in the United Kingdom. The main finding is that the type of policy sector mediates the impact of political institutions. There are strong differences between French and British education policy networks but similarities between the economic policy networks. There is variation by city in economic development networks but much less in secondary education. The implication of the findings is that some sectors, such as economic development, tend to be similar across nation-states and permit subnational variation, whereas others retain strong country differences and maintain intrastate uniformity, a finding that is consistent with the longevity of state traditions. In the transition from government to governance, institutional, sectoral, and urban processes become contingent on each other and on their contexts.}
}

@Article{JohnMargetts2003,
  author       = {John, Peter and Margetts, Helen},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  title        = {Policy punctuations in the UK: fluctuations and equilibria in central government expenditure since 1951},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9299.00354},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {411--432},
  volume       = {81},
  abstract     = {Jones and Baumgartner's punctuated equilibrium model of agenda change has reinvigorated decision-making theory; moreover their US budget project offers a set of techniques to apply to UK data. We replicate the method by plotting percentage budget changes in central government budgets to see whether the distribution is normally distributed as predicted by the incrementalist account or leptokurtic as hypothesized by the punctuated equilibrium model. Taking the period 1951-96, we create 405 data points from budget changes from the National Income Accounts ('Blue Book') on agriculture, defence, social security, education, health, housing, industry, law and order and transport, all adjusted using the GDP deflator at factor cost. We find that the budget changes form a leptokurtic distribution. Such a pattern appears in most policy sectors.},
}

@Unpublished{JohnsBowler2015,
  Title                    = {Sauce for the gander? UK Independence, Scottish Independence and motivated versus analogical reasoning},
  Author                   = {Rob Johns and Shaun Bowler},
  Date                     = {2015-06},
  Note                     = {Paper presented to the Eastern Arc Research Consortium Political Psychology Workshop, University of Kent}
}

@Article{Johnsen2006,
  Title                    = {{Norway}},
  Author                   = {Jan Roth Johnsen},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Systems in Transition},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--158},
  Volume                   = {8}
}

@Article{Johnson1997,
  Title                    = {Changes in Earnings Inequality: The Role of Demand Shifts},
  Author                   = {Johnson, George E.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.11.2.41},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {41--54},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {That the relative demand for labor in the upper segment of the skill distribution has been shifting is a widely accepted 'stylized fact' in the literature on the increase in earnings inequality that has occurred since the late 1970s. Explanations of the causes of the relative demand shifts range from effects of increased integration of the world economy to skill-based technological change (reflecting, in part, the computerization of production processes). However, relative demand for skilled labor has been increasing fairly steadily since 1940, a fact having implications about the causes of both the demand shifts and recent increases in inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.11.2.41},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{Johnson2006,
  Title                    = {Consequences of Positivism: A Pragmatist Assessment},
  Author                   = {Johnson, James},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414005282982},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {224-252},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {The aim of this article is to highlight the baleful consequences of positivism in contemporary political science. The author focuses on Gary King, Robert Keohane, and Sidney Verba's Designing Social Inquirybecause it clearly and consistently articulates positivist commitments that tacitly and so often inconsistently, animate much work in the discipline. The author first establishes the positivist commitments that animate King, Keohane, and Verba's argument and then shows that precisely because of those commitments, their theory of inquiry generates two highly regrettable consequences: It hinders our ability to make sense of successful quantitative analysis generally and of causal explanation in particular. More diffusely, but no less important given King, Keohane, andVerba's practical aims, their theory of inquiry is self-defeating in its efforts to impart intellectual unity to the discipline of political science.}
}

@Book{JohnsonKwak2010,
  Title                    = {13~{B}ankers: The Wall Street Takeover and the Next Financial Meltdown},
  Author                   = {Johnson, Simon and Kwak, James},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {978-0307379054},
  Publisher                = {Random House}
}

@Book{Johnson1972,
  Title                    = {Professions and Power (Study in Sociology S.)},
  Author                   = {Johnson, Terence James},
  Date                     = {1972},
  ISBN                     = {0333134303},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan}
}

@Unpublished{JohnstonvanWijnbergen2009,
  Title                    = {Private Involvement in Compulsory Education},
  Author                   = {Johnston, Alison and van Wijnbergen, Christa},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the ECPR Joint Sessions workshop on `The Politics of Skill Formation: Institutions, Actors, and Change', Lisbon, April 14-18, 2009}
}

@Article{Johnston1992,
  author       = {Johnston, Richard},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Party Identification Measures in the Anglo-{America}n Democracies: A National Survey Experiment},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {542--559},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {This paper stakes a prima facie claim that cross-national variation in party identification, at least among the Anglo-American democracies, is largely a measurement artifact, a product of the uniqueness of the American National Election Studies (NES) in prompting respondents directly for nonpartisanship. The heart of the analysis is a CATI experiment in a Canadian national survey. Respondents were randomly administered one of three variants of the party identification item. Respondents were also asked how they voted in the 1984 election and were randomly assigned to vote-before and vote-after treatments. When prompted for nonpartisanship, Canadians volunteer such response at roughly the same rate that U.S. respondents do. Response to the traditional Canadian item, which gives no nonpartisan prompt, is highly labile in the face of change in question order. Response to the alternative versions that prompt nonpartisanship is not affected at all by question order.},
}

@Article{Johnston2006,
  author       = {Johnston, Richard},
  title        = {Party identification: Unmoved mover or sum of preferences?},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {9},
  pages        = {329--351},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170523},
  abstract     = {Are party identifications relatively fixed features on the political landscape in the United States and elsewhere? If they are relatively fixed, do identifications move substantive issue preferences, perceptions of candidates, and perceptions of the link between candidates and issues? Early studies in the United States answered these questions in the affirmative. The track record for other systems is spotty, and each question occasioned repeated controversy in the decades since the 1960s. Much of the apparent lability and cross-national variation in party ties can be laid at the feet of measurement error, but not all. The claim that party identification moves other features on the political landscape is remarkably robust.},
}

@Book{JohnstonEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {The 2000 presidential election and the foundations of party politics},
  Author                   = {Johnston, Richard and Hagen, Michael G. and Jamieson, Kathleen Hall},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Jones2010,
  Title                    = {Climbing the Greasy Pole: Promotion in British Politics},
  Author                   = {Jones, Bill},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2010.02132.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {616--626},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {This article addresses the subject of ministerial promotion and is based on memoirs and interviews. It seeks to discern the essential qualities which motivate political ambition; for example extremes of energy, confidence, optimism and family support. The talent pool for office is held to be worryingly shallow though allowing wider access, via the Lords, has not so far proved a huge success. Deciding upon appointments is also analysed as is the means politicians use to advertise their suitability for office. It concludes that, natural ability notwithstanding, luck and courage are often the chief attributes of success.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2010.02132.x},
  Keywords                 = {promotion appointments, self-marketing, ministerial skills, talent pool},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Jones2003,
  Title                    = {Bounded Rationality and Political Science: Lessons from Public Administration and Public Policy},
  Author                   = {Jones, Bryan D.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jpart/mug028},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {395--412},
  Url                      = {http://www.esf.edu/es/felleman/696am bounded rationality.Pdf},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {By 1958, a model of human behavior capable of serving as the microlevel foundation for organizational and policy studies was in place. The scientific soundness of that model is unquestioned, yet the fundamentals of that behavioral model of choice have not yet been incorporated into political science. Much analysis relies on models of rational maximization despite the availability of a more scientifically sound behavioral base. In this article I examine the reasons for and ramifications of this neglect of sound science in political science, focusing primarily on public policy and public administration. While neither approach can lay claim to major successes in prediction, the behavioral model of choice predicts distributions of organizational and policy outputs in a superior fashion.}
}

@Article{JonesBaumgartner2005,
  author       = {Jones, Bryan D. and Baumgartner, Frank R.},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  title        = {A Model of Choice for Public Policy},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mui018},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {325--351},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y3nhh7cy},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {Punctuated equilibrium is supposed to be a viable alternative to incrementalism, and, indeed, the authors of the model have sometimes made such claims. But punctuated equilibrium was developed to explain change in policy subsystems and does not serve as a complete model of policy choice in the same way that incrementalism has served. This article develops a full-blown and viable model of choice for public policy based on disproportionate information processing. Its dynamics are based in the allocation of political attention to policy topics and the manner in which political systems process information. The model leads directly to outcomes that are consistent with punctuated equilibrium and are not generally consistent with incrementalism. Incrementalism, however, may be deduced from the model as a special case. The model is best tested using stochastic process approaches. Incrementalism logically must yield a normal distribution of outcomes, but disproportionate information processing yields leptokurtic outcomes. Adding institutional constraints only makes the stochastic process implications more severe. To support our arguments, we present both static and dynamic simulations of these processes. We also show that these simulations are consistent with observations of U.S. government budgets.},
}

@Article{JonesBaumgartner2012,
  author       = {Jones, Bryan D. and Baumgartner, Frank R.},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Policy Studies Journal},
  title        = {From There to Here: Punctuated Equilibrium to the General Punctuation Thesis to a Theory of Government Information Processing},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1541-0072.2011.00431.x},
  issn         = {1541-0072},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--20},
  url          = {https://fbaum.unc.edu/articles/01-Jones-Baumgartner.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {In this introduction to the Policy Study Journal's special issue on punctuated equilibrium, we provide an overview of the approach, how it evolved, some of the major critiques directed at it, and some of the major developments it has spawned. We argue that the most important aspect of a theory or framework is not whether it is right or wrong, but the extent to which it is fruitful; that is, the extent to which it stimulated further research. Finally, we review the articles in this issue and put them in context.},
}

@Article{JonesEtAl2009,
  author       = {Jones, Bryan D. and Baumgartner, Frank R. and Breunig, Christian and Wlezien, Christopher and Soroka, Stuart and Foucault, Martial and Fran\c{c}ois, Abel and Green-Pedersen, Christoffer and Koski, Chris and John, Peter and Mortensen, Peter B. and Varone, Fr{\'e}d{\'e}ric and Walgrave, Stefaan},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {A General Empirical Law of Public Budgets: A Comparative Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00405.x},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {855--873},
  url          = {http://fbaum.unc.edu/articles/AJPS_2009_Budgets/AJPS2009GeneralLawOfBudgets.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {We examine regularities and differences in public budgeting in comparative perspective. Budgets quantify collective political decisions made in response to incoming information, the preferences of decision makers, and the institutions that structure how decisions are made. We first establish that the distribution of budget changes in many Western democracies follows a non-Gaussian distribution, the power function. This implies that budgets are highly incremental, yet occasionally are punctuated by large changes. This pattern holds regardless of the type of political system -- parliamentary or presidential -- and for level of government. By studying the power function's exponents we find systematic differences for budgetary increases versus decreases (the former are more punctuated) in most systems, and for levels of government (local governments are less punctuated). Finally, we show that differences among countries in the coefficients of the general budget law correspond to differences in formal institutional structures. While the general form of the law is probably dictated by the fundamental operations of human and organizational information processing, differences in the magnitudes of the law's basic parameters are country- and institution-specific.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
}

@Article{JonesEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Policy Punctuations: U.S. Budget Authority, 1947-1995},
  Author                   = {Jones, Bryan D. and Baumgartner, Frank R. and True, James L.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2647999},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}33},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Baumgartner and Jones (1993) described a process of punctuated equilibrium in their study of policymaking in the United States since World War II Evidence was drawn from a series of particular issue-areas, but the model has implications for all areas of policymaking In this paper, we explore the validity of this approach with a new dataset that tabulates congressional budget authority at the Office of Management and Budget subfunction level across all areas of the federal budget for the entire postwar period We find that government spending is characterized by much greater change than is typically portrayed in the literature, even if there is great stability for most categories most of the time In addition, overall patterns of spending have been affected by two large-scale punctuations These punctuations divide national spending into three epochs one of postwar adjustment, lasting until FY 1956; one of robust growth, lasting from 1956 through 1974, and one of restrained growth, beginning in FY 1976 We test the epoch hypothesis against three plausible rival hypotheses: changes in the robustness of the postwar economy; partisan divisions; and public opinion The epoch hypothesis survives all of these rivals whether modeled individually or together This paper provides empirical evidence that punctuations occur, not just in some programs or subsystems, but also throughout government.}
}

@Article{JonesEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Does Incrementalism Stem from Political Consensus or from Institutional Gridlock?},
  Author                   = {Jones, Bryan D. and True, James L. and Baumgartner, Frank R.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1319{--}1339},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Theory: Wildavsky (1992) indicated that consensual politics lead to incremental budget results and that dissensual politics result in large and rapid budget changes. Yet it is also possible that dissensual politics could result in policy gridlock with budgets changing very little. Hypotheses: By associating increased dissensus with divided governments and by measuring the long-term trend in budget volatility, we can test (1) whether the trend is toward more or less incremental budgeting, (2) whether divided government increases or decreases budget volatility, and thus infer (3) whether incremental budget results stem from political consensus of institutional gridlock. Methods: We use OLS regression to study the intersextile ranges of annual percentage changes in budget authority for the domestic subfunctions of the Budget of the United States Government from Fiscal Year 1947 through 1995. A model including the exponential decay of this robust measure of budget variability and a dummy variable for years of divided government is estimated. We then add two additional measures of dissensus: percentage of bills vetoed by the president, and the polarization of the congressional parties (based on the divergence in their respective ADA scores). A variety of alternative hypotheses are also tested. Results: Variability in relative changes in national government spending is trending downward, and divided government increases budget volatility. Neither additional measure is independently related to volatility. We infer that volatility thus indicates dissensus and that budgeting was more volatile and probably less consensual in the past than in the supposedly rancorous present.}
}

@Article{JonesEtAl2016,
  Title                    = {A River Runs Through It: A Multiple Streams Meta-Review},
  Author                   = {Jones, Michael D. and Peterson, Holly L. and Pierce, Jonathan J. and Herweg, Nicole and Bernal, Amiel and Lamberta Raney, Holly and Zahariadis, Nikolaos},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Studies Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/psj.12115},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0072},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {13--36},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This study uses content analysis of recent Multiple Streams Approach (MSA) research to determine the scope of MSA applications, examining the consistency, and coherence with which concepts of MSA are applied. Our analysis examines peer-reviewed articles testing MSA concepts available in English published from 2000 through 2013 (N?=?311). Among other findings, we observe that MSA is applied to study 65 different countries, at multiple levels of governance, across 22 different policy areas, and by researchers spanning the globe. Our findings suggest that while MSA is prolific, consistency across applications --- in terms of operationalization of MSA core concepts --- is needed to facilitate theoretical development of the approach.},
  Keywords                 = {multiple streams, meta-review, theories of the policy process}
}

@Article{JonesCullis1997,
  Title                    = {In-Kind Versus Cash Transfers: Assessing Disbursement},
  Author                   = {Jones, Philip R and Cullis, John G},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Finance Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/109114219702500102},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--43},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {One advantage of in-kind transfers is that they can focus assistance on low-income(eligible) beneficiaries by appearing relatively unattractive to high-income (ineligible) individuals. This article attempts to identify the conditions under which an in-kind transfer performs selectively. Central to the analysis is the question of whether an in-kind transfer is disbursed in a way that permits resale. In the United Kingdom, recent "privatization" schemes have transferred durable consumption goods to the private sector. Such schemes permit in-kind assistance to be encashed and create "perverse" income redistribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/109114219702500102}
}

@Article{JonesEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Share issue privatizations as financial means to political and economic ends},
  Author                   = {Jones, Steven L. and Megginson, William L. and Nash, Robert C. and Netter, Jeffry M.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Financial Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0304-405X(99)00021-5},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {217{--}253},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines how political and economic factors affect the offer price, share allocation, and other terms governments choose when they privatize state-owned enterprises via a public share offering. Using a 59 country sample of 630 share issue privatizations (SIPs) with total proceeds of over $446 billion during the period 1977--1997, we find that governments consistently underprice SIP offers, tilt their share allocation patterns to favour domestic investors, impose control restrictions on privatized firms, and typically use fixed-price offers rather than book building or competitive tender offers, all to further political and economic policy objectives.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0304-405X(99)00021-5}
}

@Article{JonssonMills1993,
  Title                    = {Social Class and Educational Attainment in Historical Perspective: A Swedish-English Comparison Part I},
  Author                   = {Jonsson, Jan O and Mills, Colin},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {213--247},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This is Part I of a pair of articles describing changing social class inequalities in educational attainment in England and Sweden during the twentieth century. The organization and reorganization of the educational systems in the two nations are described and comparable branching points in the typical educational career are identified. Nationally representative data sets are used firstly to describe the overall pattern of educational expansion as it is produced by changing propensities to 'survive' these branching points. Secondly, these propensities are plotted for different social classes. Class differences in absolute rates tend in general to decrease at the earliest branching point. This is more marked in Sweden, where the equalization is mainly due to the increasing attainment of farmers' and workers' children who faced extremely poor educational opportunities at the beginning of the century. In England too, the gap between the offspring of workers and service-class children has narrowed.}
}

@Article{JonssonMills1993b,
  Title                    = {Social Class and Educational Attainment in Historical Perspective: A Swedish-English Comparison Part II},
  Author                   = {Jonsson, Jan O and Mills, Colin},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {403--428},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Nationally representative data sets are used to compare the pattern of social class inequality in educational attainment in England and Sweden during the twentieth century. Logit models are estimated to test hypotheses about change in class inequalities at crucial branching points in the educational system. Our analyses show that equalizations are apparent in both nations at the first branching point, where traditionally inequalities were most severe. Working-class children increased their odds of clearing the first educational hurdle relative to offspring of the service class. In Sweden, children of farmers reduced their great initial disadvantage. Surprisingly, the trends involving the working classes are remarkably similar in England and Sweden. We find little evidence that any general causal mechanism was behind the equalization, and it cannot be interpreted unambiguously as the result of specific educational reforms or expansion programmes.}
}

@Article{JonssonRudolphi2011,
  Title                    = {Weak Performance --- Strong Determination: School Achievement and Educational Choice among Children of Immigrants in Sweden},
  Author                   = {Jonsson, Jan O. and Rudolphi, Frida},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcq021},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {487--508},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {We ask how the advantages and disadvantages in the educational careers of children of immigrants in Sweden are produced, making a theoretical distinction between mechanisms connected with school performance on one hand, and educational choice on the other. Using a new data set, covering six full cohorts of Swedish-born ninth-graders in 19982003 (N = 612,730), with matched school-Census information, we show that children of non-European immigrant origin are disadvantaged in their school performance but advantaged in their choice of academic upper secondary education. They have lower and more often incomplete grades, which force a sizeable proportion --- 1020 per cent --- into non-meritorious tracks or lead them to leave school. Given grades, children of non-European background make heterogeneous choices: many do not enrol in upper secondary education, but among those who do the propensity is high that they choose academic studies before vocational. In contrast, children of the `old' (chiefly Nordic) labour immigrants are similar to the majority group in their equal preference for these two routes. A school system where choice plays a significant role appears to be advantageous for the often high-aspiring second-generation immigrant students, but greater efforts to reduce early achievement differences may still alleviate ethnic minority disadvantages.}
}

@Article{Joppke1998,
  Title                    = {Why Liberal States Accept Unwanted Immigration},
  Author                   = {Joppke,Christian},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S004388710000811X},
  ISSN                     = {1086-3338},
  Issue                    = {2},
  Month                    = {1},
  Pages                    = {266--293},
  Url                      = {http://web.pdx.edu/~mev/pdf/Joppke.pdf},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores why liberal states accept unwanted immigration, discussing the cases of illegal immigration in the United States and family immigration in Europe. Rejecting the diagnosis of state sovereignty undermined by globalization, the author argues that self-limited sovereignty explains why states accept unwanted immigration. One aspect of self-limited sovereignty is a political process under the sway of interest-group politics (``client politics,'' as Gary Freeman says). The logic of client politics explains why the United States accepts illegal immigration. The case of family immigration in Europe suggests two further aspects of self-limited sovereignty: legal-constitutional constraints on the executive, and moral obligations toward historically particular immigrant groups. However, these legal and moral constraints are unevenly distributed across Europe, partially reflecting the different logics of guest worker and postcolonial immigration regimes.}
}

@Article{Jordan1990,
  Title                    = {Sub-governments, policy communities and networks: refilling the old bottles?},
  Author                   = {Jordan, Grant},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {319--338},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This article discusses the relationship between the new British literature on policy communities and the older US sub-government approach. It notes the importance of the difference between *stable* and *ad hoc* networks, and points to the need to develop further a range of types of policy-making structures.}
}

@Incollection{Jost2001,
  Title                    = {Outgroup favoritism and the theory of system justification: A paradigm for investigating the effects of socioeconomic success on stereotype content},
  Author                   = {Jost, John T.},
  Booktitle                = {Cognitive Social Psychology: The Princeton Symposium on the Legacy and Future of Social Cognition},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Gordon B. Moskowitz},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Pages                    = {89--102},
  Url                      = {http://www.psych.nyu.edu/jost/Jost (2001) Outgroup favoritism and the theory of system justification1.pdf}
}

@Article{JostBanaji1994,
  Title                    = {The role of stereotyping in system-justification and the production of false consciousness},
  Author                   = {Jost, John T. and Banaji, Mahzarin R.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Social Psychology},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.2044-8309.1994.tb01008.x},
  ISSN                     = {2044-8309},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--27},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Although the concept of justification has played a significant role in many social psychological theories, its presence in recent examinations of stereotyping has been minimal. We describe and evaluate previous notions of stereotyping as ego-justification and group-justification and propose an additional account, that of system-justification, which refers to psychological processes contributing to the preservation of existing social arrangements even at the expense of personal and group interest. It is argued that the notion of system-justification is necessary to account for previously unexplained phenomena, most notably the participation by disadvantaged individuals and groups in negative stereotypes of themselves, and the consensual nature of stereotypic beliefs despite differences in social relations within and between social groups. We offer a selective review of existing research that demonstrates the role of stereotypes in the production of false consciousness and develop the implications of a system-justification approach.}
}

@Article{JostEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {A Decade of System Justification Theory: Accumulated Evidence of Conscious and Unconscious Bolstering of the Status Quo},
  Author                   = {Jost, John T. and Banaji, Mahzarin R. and Nosek, Brian A.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Psychology},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2004.00402.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9221},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {881--919},
  Url                      = {http://www.researchgate.net/publication/227620703_A_Decade_of_System_Justification_Theory_Accumulated_Evidence_of_Conscious_and_Unconscious_Bolstering_of_the_Status_Quo/file/d912f50bd3219e4e35.pdf},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Most theories in social and political psychology stress self-interest, intergroup conflict, ethnocentrism, homophily, ingroup bias, outgroup antipathy, dominance, and resistance. System justification theory is influenced by these perspectives --- including social identity and social dominance theories --- but it departs from them in several respects. Advocates of system justification theory argue that (a) there is a general ideological motive to justify the existing social order, (b) this motive is at least partially responsible for the internalization of inferiority among members of disadvantaged groups, (c) it is observed most readily at an implicit, nonconscious level of awareness and (d) paradoxically, it is sometimes strongest among those who are most harmed by the status quo. This article reviews and integrates 10 years of research on 20 hypotheses derived from a system justification perspective, focusing on the phenomenon of implicit outgroup favoritism among members of disadvantaged groups (including African Americans, the elderly, and gays/lesbians) and its relation to political ideology (especially liberalism-conservatism).},
  Keywords                 = {ideology, system justification, intergroup relations, implicit bias},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.}
}

@Article{JostEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Social inequality and the reduction of ideological dissonance on behalf of the system: evidence of enhanced system justification among the disadvantaged},
  Author                   = {Jost, John T. and Pelham, Brett W. and Sheldon, Oliver and {Ni Sullivan}, Bilian},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Social Psychology},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/ejsp.127},
  ISSN                     = {1099-0992},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {13--36},
  Url                      = {http://www.bm.ust.hk/~mgmt/staff/papers/Bilian/EuroJSocPsy_2003_33_13.pdf},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {According to system justification theory, people are motivated to preserve the belief that existing social arrangements are fair, legitimate, justifiable, and necessary. The strongest form of this hypothesis, which draws on the logic of cognitive dissonance theory, holds that people who are most disadvantaged by the status quo would have the greatest psychological need to reduce ideological dissonance and would therefore be most likely to support, defend, and justify existing social systems, authorities, and outcomes. Variations on this hypothesis were tested in five US national survey studies. We found that (a) low-income respondents and African Americans were more likely than others to support limitations on the rights of citizens and media representatives to criticize the government; (b) low-income Latinos were more likely to trust in US government officials and to believe that ``the government is run for the benefit of all'' than were high-income Latinos; (c) low-income respondents were more likely than high-income respondents to believe that large differences in pay are necessary to foster motivation and effort; (d) Southerners in the USA were more likely to endorse meritocratic belief systems than were Northerners and poor and Southern African Americans were more likely to subscribe to meritocratic ideologies than were African Americans who were more affluent and from the North; (e) low-income respondents and African Americans were more likely than others to believe that economic inequality is legitimate and necessary; and (f) stronger endorsement of meritocratic ideology was associated with greater satisfaction with one's own economic situation. Taken together, these findings are consistent with the dissonance-based argument that people who suffer the most from a given state of affairs are paradoxically the least likely to question, challenge, reject, or change it. Implications for theories of system justification, cognitive dissonance, and social change are also discussed.}
}

@Article{JungEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {How are the Eurosystem's Monetary Policy Decisions Prepared? A Roadmap},
  Author                   = {Jung, Alexander and Mongelli, Francesco Paolo and Moutot, Philippe},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02054.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {319--345},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {The monetary policy framework of the Eurosystem has received considerable attention in recent years: there is a well-established and rich literature on the price stability objective, as well as the two-pillar strategy of the ECB. This is less the case for the regular monetary policy preparations and the decision-making process. This article provides an insider's roadmap to the procedures to prepare monetary policy decisions by the Governing Council of the ECB. The architecture of the Eurosystem permits the processing and analysis of a vast amount of national and aggregate economic, financial and monetary data and assists the Governing Council in taking monetary policy decisions --- and this each month. Our aim is to describe the role of a variety of committees and sub-committees that prepare and support the monetary policy decision-making process. A federal organization is at the heart of this process. At the top of the pyramid of information there is a two-tiered committee structure with the Executive Board taking the lead in bringing together most of the economic, financial and monetary analyses, and the Governing Council utilizing that information, for its monthly economic and monetary analyses.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02054.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Kahl2005,
  Title                    = {The Religious Roots of Modern Poverty Policy: Catholic, Lutheran, and Reformed Protestant Traditions Compared},
  Author                   = {Kahl, Sigrun},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003975605000044},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {91--126},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {This paper shows that religion is a basic principle that underlies modern poverty policy. However, it has played out in very different ways in societies according to the relative predominance of Catholic, Lutheran, and Calvinist heritages. Though religion is but one explanation for why we deal with the poor as we do today, systematically accounting for denominational differences in poor relief traditions can help to answer a series of otherwise perplexing cross-national differences in poverty policy and enrich existing explanations of the welfare state.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003975605000044}
}

@Article{KaldorVejvoda1997,
  author       = {Kaldor, Mary and Vejvoda, Ivan},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Internatioanal Affairs},
  title        = {Democratization in East and Central European Countries},
  doi          = {10.2307/2623550},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {59--83},
  url          = {https://is.muni.cz/el/1490/jaro2015/CZS01/um/8-2_Kaldor-Vejvoda.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {73},
}

@Article{Kaltenthaler2003,
  Title                    = {Managing the Euro},
  Author                   = {Kaltenthaler, Karl},
  Date                     = {2003-09-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/14651165030043004},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {329--349},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {For a year following the launch of the euro, the European Central Bank (ECB) seemed indifferent to the currency's depreciation. Then the ECB changed to a policy position of trying to bolster the external value of the euro. This paper seeks to explain these patterns of positions on the ECB's external monetary policy. I argue that the ECB's policy on the exchange rate is a function of its commitment to domestic price stability in the euro zone. In other words, the ECB's concern with the euro's exchange rate centers solely on what that exchange rate can do to inflation. This focus on price stability is a function of the interests of the ECB in maintaining its own image of competence in European society.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165030043004}
}

@Article{KaltenthalerEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Accountability and Independent Central Banks: {Europe}ans and Distrust of the {Europe}an Central Bank},
  Author                   = {Kaltenthaler, Karl and Anderson, Christopher J. and Miller, William J.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02112.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1261--1281},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores whether Europeans distrust the European Central Bank (ECB) because they dislike its policies or think they cannot control the institution. Distrust of the ECB is a function of individuals believing the bank cannot be counted on to fulfill the duties that Europeans have assigned it.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02112.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{KaltenthalerAnderson2001,
  Title                    = {{Europe}ans and their money: Explaining public support for the common {Europe}an currency},
  Author                   = {Kaltenthaler, Karl C. and Anderson, Christopher J.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00593},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {139--170},
  Url                      = {http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/cja22/Kaltenthaler%20and%20Anderson%202001%20EJPR.pdf},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/cja22/Kaltenthaler%20and%20Anderson%202001%20EJPR.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00593}
}

@Article{Kalyvas1994,
  Title                    = {Hegemony Breakdown: The Collapse of Nationalization in {Britain} and {France}},
  Author                   = {Kalyvas, Stathis N.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {316--348},
  Volume                   = {22}
}

@Book{Kalyvas1996,
  Title                    = {The Rise of Christian Democracy in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Kalyvas, Stathis N.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Location                 = {Ithaca, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{Kalyvas1998,
  Title                    = {From Pulpit to Party: Party Formation and the Christian Democratic Phenomenon},
  Author                   = {Kalyvas, Stathis N.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {293{--}312},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {A simple model of party formation supplies microfoundations for Lipset and Rokkan's classic theory and explains the formation of confessional parties as the contingent and unwanted by-product of strategic choices made by the church and conservative political elites under constraints. By mobilizing lay Catholics as Catholics, the church and conservative elites created a new political actor, the confessional party, with its own preferences. This process of party formation has far-reaching consequences, and the distinctive and puzzling characteristics of contemporary Christian Democracy can be traced back to it.}
}

@Article{Kalyvas1998a,
  Title                    = {Democracy and Religious Politics: Evidence from {Belgium}},
  Author                   = {Kalyvas, Stathis N.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414098031003002},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {292--320},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {This article questions a widely shared assumption that posits the incompatibility of religious politics and democracy. Using evidence from an analytically significant case, Belgium, it explores the political and institutional conditions under which religiously motivated aliberal political actors integrate successfully into democratic institutions. The interaction of three factors is shown to be crucial: a political shift affecting the religious actor negatively, the existence of competitive institutions, and a centralized religious structure. The main theoretical implication is that democratic consolidation can be the contingent outcome of self-interested political strategy rather than the result of the pursuit of normative principles. The article underlines the institutional and political context in which religious movements are embedded (as opposed to their political theologies) and the centrality of agency and strategic calculation. It advocates placing the study of religion and politics in a more broad theoretical perspective and the study of democratization in a wider historical context.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031003002}
}

@Book{KamFranzese2007,
  Title                    = {Modeling And Interpreting Interactive Hypotheses in Regression Analysis},
  Author                   = {Kam, Cindy D. and Franzese, Jr., Robert J.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780472069699},
  Location                 = {Ann Arbor, MI},
  Publisher                = {University of Michigan Press}
}

@Article{KamSimas2010,
  author       = {Kam,Cindy D. and Simas,Elizabeth N.},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Risk Orientations and Policy Frames},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381609990806},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {02},
  pages        = {381--396},
  volume       = {72},
  abstract     = {In this article, we examine the effect of citizens' risk orientations on policy choices that are framed in various ways. We introduce an original risk orientations scale and test for the relationship between risk orientations and policy preferences using an original survey experiment. We find that individuals with higher levels of risk acceptance are more likely to prefer probabilistic outcomes as opposed to certain outcomes. Mortality and survival frames influence the choices citizens make, but so does our individual-difference measure of risk acceptance. Finally, using a unique within-subject design, we find that risk acceptance undercuts susceptibility to framing effects across successive framing scenarios. The findings suggest that citizens' risk orientations are consequential in determining their policy views and their susceptibility to framing effects.},
  month        = apr,
}

@Article{Kandiah1995,
  author       = {Michael David Kandiah},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Contemporary British History},
  title        = {The Conservative Party and the 1945 General Election},
  doi          = {10.1080/13619469508581326},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {22--47},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {The Conservative Party went into the 1945 election with a number of liabilities: its organisation had atrophied, and it had not developed a coherent set of policies during the war. Its election campaign failed at all levels and it did not convince the electorate, which was deeply concerned about post-war reconstruction, that it would follow through in its promises. However, the scale of the party's defeat was exaggerated by the electoral system and the post-war world proved to be highly conducive to its rejuvenation.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469508581326},
}

@Article{KaneStaiger2002,
  Title                    = {The Promise and Pitfalls of Using Imprecise School Accountability Measures},
  Author                   = {Kane, Thomas J and Staiger, Douglas O},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {91--114},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years, most states have constructed elaborate accountability systems using school-level test scores. However, because the median elementary school contains only 69 children per grade level, such measures are quite imprecise. We evaluate the implications for school accountability systems. For instance, rewards or sanctions for schools with scores at either extreme primarily affect small schools and provide weak incentives to large ones. Nevertheless, we conclude that accountability systems may be worthwhile. Even in states with aggressive financial incentives, the marginal reward to schools for raising student performance is a small fraction of the potential labor market value for students.}
}

@Article{KanellopoulosPsacharopoulos1997,
  Title                    = {Private education expenditure in a `free education' country: The case of {Greece}},
  Author                   = {Kanellopoulos, Costas and Psacharopoulos, George},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Educational Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0738-0593(96)00030-2},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {73{--}81},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses data from the 1988 Family Expenditure Survey to estimate and analyze the private expenditure on education in Greece. Such expenditure amounts to 111,624 million drs per year or 2.1\% of total household expenditure. The aggregate expenditure of households is roughly half of what the state is spending on education. The dominant type of expenditure is for foreign languages and private crammer schools (frontisteria). There are sharp differences in private expenditure on education depending on the location of the household (spending in Athens is two-and-a-half times that of small towns and villages), the household's total expenditure, as well as the occupation and educational level of the head of the household. The findings are discussed in the context of the equity and efficiency of current education provision and financing policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0738-0593(96)00030-2}
}

@Article{Kangas1992,
  author       = {Kangas,Olli},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  title        = {The Politics of Universalism: The Case of Finnish Sickness Insurance},
  doi          = {10.1017/S004727940002064X},
  eprint       = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S004727940002064X},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {25--52},
  volume       = {21},
  abstract     = {This study identifies the general structural, political and institutional configurations which conditioned the emergence of national health insurance in Finland. Due to late industrialisation, the Finnish case allows the evaluation of the importance of the agrarian versus working class interests in the emergence of the Scandinavian model. The study also seeks to answer how the contending theoretical approaches of the development of the welfare state serve to explain the characteristics of Finnish sickness provisions. After the historical overview, the results of the historical processes are examined by comparing the quality of Finnish sickness insurance with the Swedish, German and British cases, each representing different ideal types of the modern welfare state.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S004727940002064X},
}

@Article{Kangas2004,
  Title                    = {Institutional Development of Sickness Cash-benefit Programmes in 18 OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Kangas, Olli},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9515.2004.00385.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {190--203},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This article traces past and present trends in the institutional development of sickness daily allowance schemes in eighteen OECD countries. We are interested whether there still are-or if there ever have been-distinctive models in sickness benefits. The historical part of the study inspects the development of coverage and generosity benefits. Thereafter the extent to which sickness benefits have been targets for retrenchment will be analysed. The study shows that up until 1985 the Nordic programmes guaranteed better benefits than corporatist schemes, but the situation has since changed, and the Nordic countries do not any longer provide higher compensations. In this respect, these two groups of countries have clearly converged and simultaneously their distance from the countries with basic security or targeted schemes has increased. When it comes to coverage, the Scandinavian schemes have to a great extent preserved their universality, whereas the other groups of countries have lost a bit in their coverage. Thus, in this dimension at least, we can still depict a clear Scandinavian pattern. However, there are indications of convergence towards the corporatist or labour market-based model.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2004.00385.x}
}

@Article{Kangas1995,
  Title                    = {Attitudes on Means-Tested Social Benefits in {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Kangas, Olli E},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Sociologica},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/000169939503800402},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {299{--}310},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines the attitudes of different socio-economic groups toward means- testing. By using data from an opinion survey of 1,117 Finns, the study seeks to answer the following questions: Are universal social benefits more popular than selective ones? Who are the most vigorous opponents of means-testing, the middle classes or blue-collar workers? Results give some support to the hypothesis that selective benefits are the most unpopular. The study also shows that opinions on selectivity do not cluster in one dimension, but that there are several aspects of selectivity and that the attitudes of socio- economic groups vary depending on which aspect of selectivity is at stake. The working class and Social Democrats have more reservations toward selectivity which targets the needy, whereas they are more eager to introduce selectivity into universal welfare programs by discriminating against high-income earners. Salaried employees and voters of the Conservative Party are more reluctant to exclude well-to-do people from universal benefits, whereas they accept tighter means-testing in currently means- or income-tested schemes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169939503800402}
}

@Book{Kaplan2013,
  Title                    = {Globalisation and Austerity Politics in Latin America},
  Author                   = {Kaplan, Stephen B.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{KaplanRauh2013,
  author       = {Kaplan, Steven N. and Rauh, Joshua},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {It's the Market: The Broad-Based Rise in the Return to Top Talent},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.27.3.35},
  issn         = {0895-3309},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {35--55},
  volume       = {27},
  abstract     = {One explanation that has been proposed for rising inequality is that technical change allows highly talented individuals, or "superstars" to manage or perform on a larger scale, applying their talent to greater pools of resources and reaching larger numbers of people, thus becoming more productive and higher paid. Others argue that managerial power has increased in a way that allows those at the top to receive higher pay, that social norms against higher pay levels have broken down, or that tax policy affects the distribution of surpluses between employers and employees. We offer evidence bearing on the different theories explaining the rise in inequality in the United States over recent decades. First we look the increase in pay at the highest income levels across occupations. We consider the income share of the top 1 percent over time. And we turn to evidence on inequality of wealth at the top. In looking at the wealthiest Americans, we find that those in the Forbes 400 are less likely to have inherited their wealth or to have grown up wealthy. The Forbes 400 of today also are those who were able to access education while young and apply their skills to the most scalable industries: technology, finance, and mass retail. We believe that the US evidence on income and wealth shares for the top 1 percent is most consistent with a ``superstar''-style explanation rooted in the importance of scale and skill-biased technological change. It is less consistent with an argument that the gains to the top 1 percent are rooted in greater managerial power or changes in social norms about what managers should earn.},
}

@Article{KarakocBaskan2012,
  Title                    = {Religion in Politics: How Does Inequality Affect Public Secularization?},
  Author                   = {Karako\c{c}, Ekrem and Ba\c{s}kan, Birol},
  Date                     = {2012-12-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414012453027},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1510--1541},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. The literature suggests that modernization may weaken traditional bonds with religious adherence and the state can assume an important role in this endeavor through mass education, industrialization, and other factors. However, this explanation is incomplete in light of the resurgence of religious movements. This study argues that economic inequality increases the positive evaluation of the role of religion in politics through its effect on religiosity and participation in religious organizations. Employing a multilevel analysis on 40 countries, this study demonstrates that inequality decreases attitudes toward support for two dimensions of public secularization: the secularization of public office holders and the influence of religious leaders in politics. Simultaneously, the effect of modernization on these attitudes varies. The results also suggest that although inequality diminishes secular attitudes of all socioeconomic groups, its effect is nonlinear, with a greater effect on the poor.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414012453027},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{KarrethEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Catchall or Catch and Release? The Electoral Consequences of Social Democratic Parties' {March} to the Middle in Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Karreth, Johannes and Polk, Jonathan T. and Allen, Christopher S.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414012463885},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {791--822},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Although the move to the center of many European Social Democratic parties in the 1990s was first rewarded with victories, these parties have since faced a remarkable electoral drought. What explains the seeming inability of these catchall parties to cast a wider but sustainable net for voters? Incorporating a temporal dimension helps explain when and why the broadening of party platforms fails and produces counterintuitive electoral outcomes. Our empirical study analyzes the votes of individuals in three European countries in the past three decades. The individual level allows us to track changes in parties' voter structures, which are necessarily omitted from studies using aggregate vote shares. Our findings indicate that current analyses of the electoral effects of strategy shifts are misleading inasmuch as they fail to account for individual-level motivations for vote switching.}
}

@Article{Karsten1999,
  Title                    = {Neoliberal Education Reform in The {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Karsten, Sjoerd},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03050069927847},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {303--317},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Until recently the Dutch education system was determined by the historic compromise of 1917, after which private schools were supported by the state on an equal financial footing to state schools. The consequence of this compromise was a mainly privatised and centralised system with a corporatist policy structure. In the mid-1980s The Netherlands, like other countries, came under the spell of the 'neoliberal revolution'. This article explores the extent to which the management reform carried out under a neoliberal flag has brought about radical changes to the Dutch education system. It especially looks at four key issues set out in that reform: increased autonomy, freedom of choice, privatization and quality control.}
}

@Incollection{KarstenTeelken1996,
  Title                    = {School Choice in the {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Karsten, Sjoerd and Teelken, Christine},
  Booktitle                = {School Choice and the Quasi-market},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Geoffrey Walford},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Wallingford},
  Pages                    = {17{--}32},
  Publisher                = {Triangle}
}

@Article{KaryotisEtAl2014,
  author       = {Georgios Karyotis and Wolfgang R{\"u}dig and David Judge},
  title        = {Representation and Austerity Politics: Attitudes of Greek Voters and Elites Compared},
  journaltitle = {South European Society and Politics},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {19},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {435--456},
  doi          = {10.1080/13608746.2014.977478},
  abstract     = {Drawing on surveys of voters and MPs in Greece, this article analyses elite--mass interaction on key policy (austerity, European integration, immigration) and ideological issues after the 2012 elections. We find that while for the government parties, New Democracy and PASOK, the level of congruence is quite high, MPs from opposition parties (SYRIZA, Golden Dawn) place themselves in more exposed positions in comparison with their voters. The observed substantial variation in the intensity and direction of congruence, across parties and issue preferences in Greece, reinforces the view that the dimensionality of political contestation is not reducible to a single ideological dimension.},
}

@Article{KaspersenLindvall2008,
  Title                    = {Why No Religious Politics? The Secularization of Poor Relief and Primary Education in {Denmark} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Kaspersen,Lars Bo and Lindvall,Johannes},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003975608000039},
  ISSN                     = {1474-0583},
  Issue                    = {01},
  Month                    = apr,
  Pages                    = {119--143},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {In many European democracies, religion was an important political cleavage throughout the twentieth century. But in Denmark and Sweden, religious differences have not been translated into political competition. Instead, class conflict has dominated. This article attempts to explain why. Our argument is that in the first decades of the twentieth century, the issue that mattered most for the politicization of religion elsewhere in Europe --- the role of churches in the provision of poor relief and education --- was already settled. The main reason was that in the nineteenth century, the secular state had captured the organizational infrastructure that churches used to provide these services.}
}

@Article{KassRaftery1995,
  Title                    = {{Bayes} Factors},
  Author                   = {Kass, Robert E and Raftery, Adrian E},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2291091},
  Number                   = {430},
  Pages                    = {773--795},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {In a 1935 paper and in his book Theory of probability, Jeffresy developed a methodology for quantifying the evidence in favor of a scientific theory. The centerpies was a number, now called the Bayes factor, which is the posterior odds of the null hypothesis when the prior probability on the null is one-half. Although there has been much discussion of Bayesian hypothesis testing in the context of criticism of P-values, less attention has been given to the Bayes as a practical tool of applied statistics. In this article we review and discuss the uses of Bayes factors in the context of five scientific applications in genetics, sports, ecology, sociology, and psychology. We emphasize the following points: From Jeffrey's Bayesian viewpoint, the purpose of hypothesis testing is to evaluate the evidence in favor of a scientific theory. Bayes factors offer a way of evaluating evidence in favor of a null hypothesis. Bayes factors provide a way of incorporating external information into the evaluation of evidence ...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2291091}
}

@Article{KastellecLeoni2007,
  author       = {Kastellec, Jonathan P. and Leoni, Eduardo L.},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Using Graphs Instead of Tables in Political Science},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592707072209},
  issn         = {1541-0986},
  issue        = {04},
  pages        = {755--771},
  volume       = {5},
  abstract     = {When political scientists present empirical results, they are much more likely to use tables than graphs, despite the fact that graphs greatly increases the clarity of presentation and makes it easier for a reader to understand the data being used and to draw clear and correct inferences. Using a sample of leading journals, we document this tendency and suggest reasons why researchers prefer tables. We argue that the extra work required in producing graphs is rewarded by greatly enhanced presentation and communication of empirical results. We illustrate their benefits by turning several published tables into graphs, including tables that present descriptive data and regression results. We show that regression graphs emphasize point estimates and confidence intervals and that they can successfully present the results of regression models. A move away from tables towards graphs would improve the discipline's communicative output and make empirical findings more accessible to every type of audience.},
  month        = {12},
}

@Article{Kato1996,
  Title                    = {Institutions and Rationality in Politics - Three Varieties of Neo-Institutionalists},
  Author                   = {Kato, Junko},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {553{--}582},
  Volume                   = {26}
}

@Article{KatsimiMoutos2010,
  Title                    = {EMU and the Greek crisis: The political-economy perspective},
  Author                   = {Katsimi, Margarita and Moutos, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2010.08.002},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {568--576},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {We describe the political--economic environment that precipitated the Greek crisis. Involved were collaborations between private interests and the formally elected and appointed custodians of the public interest, and a captured politicized government bureaucracy. The confluence of these forces resulted in the pilfering of public funds, rampant tax evasion, and deterioration in the quality of publicly provided goods. From a macroeconomic perspective, the failure of successive Greek governments to reverse the decline in the national saving rate, and not the government budget deficit per se, was the main reason for the crisis. There was misrepresentation of official Greek national statistics but the inability or unwillingness of EMU authorities to react to visible portents of Greek failure, such as ongoing large current account deficits that were not hidden by `Greek statistics', exposes a major fault line in the EMU's design and implementation through the Stability and Growth Pact.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2010.08.002},
  Keywords                 = {Greece, Monetary union, Fiscal policy, Stability and Growth Pact, Political capture, Bureaucracy, Rents},
  Timestamp                = {2012.06.06}
}

@Article{Katz1993,
  author       = {Katz, Harry C.},
  title        = {The Decentralization of Collective Bargaining: A Literature Review and Comparative Analysis},
  journaltitle = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  date         = {1993},
  volume       = {47},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {3--22},
  abstract     = {The author reviews evidence that the bargaining structure is becoming more decentralized in Sweden, Australia, the former West Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States, although in somewhat different degrees and ways from country to country. He then examines the various hypotheses that have been offered to explain this significant trend. Shifts in bargaining power, as well as the diversification of corporate and worker interests, have played a part in this change, he concludes, but work reorganization has been more influential still. He also explores how the roles of central unions and corporate industrial relations staffs are challenged by bargaining structure decentralization, and discusses the research gaps on this subject that need to be filled.},
}

@Article{KatzMair1995,
  Title                    = {Changing Models of Party Organization and Party Democracy: The Emergence of the Cartel Party},
  Author                   = {Katz, Richard S and Mair, Peter},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068895001001001},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--28},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Many recent discussions of the decline of party are predicated on the assumption that the Duverger/socialist mass-party model is the only model for parties. We contend that this assumption is misconceived, that the mass-party model is only one, temporally limited and contingent model, and that it is necessary to differentiate notions of adaptation and change from notions of decline or failure. Following an analysis of how various models of party can be located in terms of the relationship between civil society and the state, we contend that the recent period has witnessed the emergence of a new model of party, the cartel party, in which colluding parties become agents of the state and employ the resources of the state (the party state) to ensure their own collective survival. Finally, we suggest that the recent challenge to party is in fact a challenge to the cartel that the established parties have created for themselves.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001001001}
}

@Article{KatzMair2009,
  Title                    = {The Cartel Party Thesis: A Restatement},
  Author                   = {Katz, Richard S. and Mair, Peter},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592709991782},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0986},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = dec,
  Pages                    = {753--766},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {We restate and clarify the idea of the ``cartel party,'' a concept that has found considerable traction in studies of parties throughout the democratic world, including those far from the original research site and data on which the cartel model was based. The cartel party thesis holds that political parties increasingly function like cartels, employing the resources of the state to limit political competition and ensure their own electoral success. The thesis has been subject to varied empirical testing and to substantial theoretical evaluation and criticism. Against this background, we look again at the cartel party thesis in order to clarify ambiguities in and misinterpretations of the original argument. We also suggest further refinements, specifications and extensions of the argument. Following a background review of the original thesis, we break it down into its core components, and then clarify the terms in which it makes sense to speak of cartelization and collusion. We then go on to explore some of the implications of the thesis for our understanding of contemporary democracies and patterns of party organization and party competition and we identify a possible agenda for future research in party scholarship.}
}

@Book{Katzenstein1985,
  Title                    = {Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Katzenstein, Peter J.},
  Date                     = {1985},
  ISBN                     = {0801493269},
  Location                 = {Ithaca, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press}
}

@Incollection{Katznelson1985,
  Title                    = {Working-Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century {England} in {America}n Perspective},
  Author                   = {Katznelson, Ira},
  Booktitle                = {Bringing the State Back In},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Editor                   = {Evans, Peter, B. and Rueschemeyer, Dietrich and Skocpol, Theda},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Pages                    = {257--284},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/p8ol6wt},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-03}
}

@Book{Kaufman1976,
  Title                    = {Are Government Organizations Immortal?},
  Author                   = {Kaufman, Herbert},
  Date                     = {1976},
  ISBN                     = {0815748396},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Publisher                = {The Brookings Institution}
}

@Article{Kaufman2009,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Redistribution: Some Continuing Puzzles},
  Author                   = {Kaufman, Robert R.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096509990060},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {657--660},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {An unequal distribution of income and wealth is an inherent feature of all complex societies, and up to a point, a desirable one. A highly skewed distribution, however, raises questions of serious moral and practical concern: To what extent does socioeconomic inequality undermine the principle of political equality on which democratic societies are based? Under what conditions does it lead to lead to political polarization that retards economic growth or threatens the stability of democratic institutions? And under what circumstances do distributive struggles become the basis for violent social protest or rebellion?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096509990060},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Book{KauttoEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Nordic Social Policy},
  Author                   = {Kautto, Mikko and Heikkil{\"a}, Matti and Hvinden, Bj{\o}rn and Marklund, Steffan and Ploug, Niels},
  Date                     = {1999},
  ISBN                     = {0415208750},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Kay2001,
  Title                    = {Path dependency and the CAP},
  Author                   = {Kay, Adrian},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176032000085379},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {405--420},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Current frameworks for understanding the development of the CAP all suffer from having a static rather than a dynamic perspective. This paper considers whether the concept of path dependency can provide a corrective. However, the large majority of the empirical applications of the concept have been to institutional development at a macro, constitutional level rather than to specific public policies. This paper by defining the CAP as an institution and using the concept of path dependency is an attempt to test the boundary of the existing literature. The advantages and difficulties of the concept with regard to understanding the CAP are critically assessed. The main difficulty is extending explanations of path dependency to accommodate major CAP reforms. However, in certain cases, the mechanisms of feedback loops and cumulative consequences which derive from a path dependency approach can be useful for explaining significant shifts in policy direction. Overall, the conclusion is that the concept can enrich our understanding of the development of the CAP.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176032000085379},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Kay2005,
  Title                    = {A Critique of the Use of Path Dependency in Policy Studies},
  Author                   = {Kay, Adrian},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0033-3298.2005.00462.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {553--571},
  Volume                   = {83},

  Abstract                 = {Path dependency is an important notion in diachronic approaches to understanding social and political processes. The first section of this paper examines the application of path dependency to policy studies; the advantages of the concept in understanding policy development are highlighted by examples from pension policy and social housing policy in the UK, and the EU budget. The next section considers several criticisms of path dependency: (1) it is a fashionable label for the intuition that {\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\`{o}}history matters{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\^{o}} without a clear and convincing account of decision-making over time; (2) it explains only stability and not change; (3) its normative implications are confused and mostly left unexplored. The final section concludes that path dependency, despite being theoretically inchoate and difficult to operationalize empirically, is a valid and useful concept for policy studies. However, its proper application demands sensitivity from scholars to other temporal dynamics that may operate in policy development.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd/Inc.}
}

@Article{KayAckrill2007,
  Title                    = {Financing social and cohesion policy in an enlarged EU: plus \c{c}a change, plus c'est la m{\^e}me chose?},
  Author                   = {Kay, Adrian and Ackrill, Robert},
  Date                     = {2007-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928707081067},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {361--374},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The development of the Open Method of Coordination, agreement on the Lisbon Agenda and EU enlargement offered the prospect of a new and substantial EU social policy agenda. This article considers EU social and cohesion policies in the context of the recent negotiation of the EU budget for 2007--13. We find the Commission's wish to redistribute EU spending in favour of these policy areas and new member states was thwarted by key political features of EU budget making: CAP spending levels which are downwardly sticky; institutional arrangements which provide for budget making as, at best, a zero-sum game; and the preferences of contributor member states in the EU-15 to contain overall spending while preserving their net budget positions. Questions are thus raised as to the ability of the EU to make any progress, from a budgetary perspective, on the social and cohesion policy agenda in an enlarged EU.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928707081067}
}

@Article{Kayser2005,
  Title                    = {Who Surfs, Who Manipulates? The Determinants of Opportunistic Election Timing and Electorally Motivated Economic Intervention},
  Author                   = {Kayser, Mark Andreas},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {17--27},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, I develop a career concerns model of government policy choice within a dynamic optimal stopping framework to predict the degree of surfing (opportunistic timing) and manipulation (politically motivated economic intervention) under alternate institutional structures. Among other results, I find that the likelihood of opportunistic elections rises with exogenous economic performance, with longer maximum term lengths, with future electoral uncertainty, and with economic volatility but diminishes in the value of office-holding; manipulation increases with the maximum term length and with the value of office-holding but decreases with exogenous economic performance and with economic volatility. The model suggests that single-party governments should be highly opportunistic in calling elections and that countries that allow opportunistic election timing should experience less economically distortionary political intervention than their fixed-timing counterparts.}
}

@Article{Kayser2007,
  Title                    = {How Domestic Is Domestic Politics? Globalization and Elections},
  Author                   = {Kayser, Mark Andreas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.080605.135728},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {341--362},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of how economic globalization influences domestic politics have disproportionately focused on questions of policy rather than politics. Recently, however, a number of studies have examined how economic globalization influences politics - specifically electoral politics. This article surveys these new studies, which have often appeared in disparate research areas, and argues that they constitute considerable evidence that international economic integration influences seemingly domestic political processes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.080605.135728},
  Keywords                 = {economic voting, election timing, dominant party systems}
}

@Article{Kayser2009,
  Title                    = {Partisan Waves: International Business Cycles and Electoral Choice},
  Author                   = {Kayser, Mark Andreas},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00410.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {950--970},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {Pundits have often claimed, but scholars have never found, that partisan swings in the vote abroad predict electoral fortunes at home. Employing semiannual Eurobarometer data on vote intention in eight European countries, this article provides statistical evidence of international comovement in partisan vote intention and its provenance in international business cycles. Electoral support for ``luxury parties,'' those parties associated with higher spending and taxation, covaries across countries together with the business cycle. Both the domestic and international components of at least one economic aggregate --- unemployment --- prove a strong predictor of shifts in domestic vote intention. Globalization, by driving business cycle integration, is also synchronizing partisan cycles.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Unpublished{KayserGrafstrom2014,
  Title                    = {The Luxury Goods Vote: Why the Left Loses from Asymmetric Electoral Accountability},
  Author                   = {Kayser, Mark Andreas and Grafstr{\"o}m, Cassandra},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Note                     = {Presented at the Hertie School of Governance, 9 October 2014},

  Abstract                 = {Voters often punish incumbent parties for poor economic performance; whether they treat left and right governments differently is less clear. The literature hosts multiple disconnected and often contradictory theories of partisan accountability. We leverage both observational and survey experiment data to establish an empirical regularity: voters, on average, punish left-of-center incumbents more severely for economic downturns than their counterparts on the right. A luxury-goods model of voting best explains this regularity. When times get tough, voters prioritize social spending for basic economic security over spending on socially desirable but less necessary luxury goods policies. Parties associated with luxury goods policies, mostly left parties, are shunned in downturns. Thus, many incumbent parties of the left face double jeopardy: voters punish all incumbents for a weak economy; they punish many left incumbents additionally for their policies.}
}

@Article{KayserLeininger2015,
  Title                    = {Vintage errors: do real-time economic data improve election forecasts?},
  Author                   = {Kayser, Mark Andreas and Leininger, Arndt},
  Date                     = {2015-07},
  Journaltitle             = {Research \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/2053168015589624},
  Number                   = {3},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {Economic performance is a key component of most election forecasts. When fitting models, however, most forecasters unwittingly assume that the actual state of the economy, a state best estimated by the multiple periodic revisions to official macroeconomic statistics, drives voter behavior. The difference in macroeconomic estimates between revised and original data vintages can be substantial, commonly over 100\% (two-fold) for economic growth estimates, making the choice of which data release to use important for the predictive validity of a model. We systematically compare the predictions of four forecasting models for numerous US presidential elections using real-time and vintage data. We find that newer data are not better data for election forecasting: forecasting error increases with data revisions. This result suggests that voter perceptions of economic growth are influenced more by media reports about the economy, which are based on initial economic estimates, than by the actual state of the economy.}
}

@Article{KayserPeress2012,
  author       = {Mark Andreas Kayser and Michael Peress},
  title        = {Benchmarking across Borders: Electoral Accountability and the Necessity of Comparison},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {106},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {661--684},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055412000275},
  url          = {http://mark-kayser.com/papers/KayserPeress_APSR2012.pdf},
  abstract     = {When the economy in a single country contracts, voters often punish the government. When many economies contract, voters turn against their governments much less frequently. This suggests that the international context matters for the domestic vote, yet most research on electoral accountability assumes that voters treat their national economies as autarkic. We decompose two key economic aggregates --- growth in real gross domestic product and unemployment --- into their international and domestic components and demonstrate that voters hold incumbents more electorally accountable for the domestic than for the international component of growth. Voters in a wide variety of democracies benchmark national economic growth against that abroad, punishing (rewarding) incumbents for national outcomes that underperform (outperform) an international comparison. Tests suggest that this effect arises not from highly informed voters making direct comparisons but from {\textquotedblleft}pre-benchmarking{\textquotedblright} by the media when reporting on the economy. The effect of benchmarked growth exceeds that of aggregate national growth by up to a factor of two and outstrips the international component of growth by an even larger margin, implying that previous research may have underestimated the strength of the economy on the vote.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Online{KayserPeress2015,
  Title                    = {The Media, the Economy and the Vote},
  Author                   = {Kayser, Mark Andreas and Peress, Michael},
  Date                     = {2015-06},
  Url                      = {https://www.sas.upenn.edu/polisci/sites/www.sas.upenn.edu.polisci/files/PRAPC_Peress.pdf},
  Note                     = {Presented at the annual meeting of the European Political Science Association (Vienna, June 2015).},
  Urldate                  = {2016-08-19},

  Abstract                 = {What role does the media play in forming voters perception of the economy and their choice of which party to vote for? Previous studies have suggested a variety of (sometimes conflicting) answers based on limited data --- often no more than two sources and a single country --- usually the United States. This paper introduces a large project designed to test the basic relationship between the media, partisanship, and voting cross-nationally. Having collected over 2 million articles related to the economy from 32 newspapers in 16 developed countries, we present preliminary results on three relationships: (1) How well does newspaper sentiment reflect the economy? (2) Does media partisanship bias reporting on the economy? and (3) Does newspaper reporting mediate the economic vote?}
}

@InCollection{Keating1992,
  author     = {Keating, Michael},
  booktitle  = {The Social Origins of Nationalist Movements},
  date       = {1992},
  title      = {Do the workers really have no country? Peripheral nationalism and socialism in the {United Kingdom}, {France}, {Italy} and {Spain}},
  chapter    = {4},
  editor     = {John Coakley},
  location   = {London, UK},
  pages      = {62--80},
  publisher  = {Sage},
  annotation = {Partisanship effects on decentralization decisions.},
}

@Incollection{Keating1999,
  Title                    = {Politics and the State in Western Europe: Conceptions of the State},
  Author                   = {Keating, Michael},
  Booktitle                = {The Politics of Modern Europe},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {Keating, Michael},
  Location                 = {Cheltenham},
  Publisher                = {Edward Elgar}
}

@InCollection{Keating1997,
  author     = {Keating, Michael},
  booktitle  = {The Political Economy of Regionalism},
  date       = {1997},
  title      = {The Political Economy of Regionalism},
  chapter    = {1},
  editor     = {Michael Keating and John Loughlin},
  location   = {London, UK},
  pages      = {17--40},
  publisher  = {Frank Cass},
  annotation = {Have print out.},
}

@Book{Keating1998,
  author     = {Keating, Michael},
  date       = {1998},
  title      = {The New Regionalism in Western {Europe}: Territorial Restructuring and Political Change},
  publisher  = {Edward Elgar},
  annotation = {Chapter 3, "Regions in the Welfare State" on paper and highlighted.},
}

@Unpublished{Kedar2007,
  Title                    = {Balancing Strong (and Weak) Presidents: A Comparative Study},
  Author                   = {Kedar, Orit},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.},

  Abstract                 = {In almost all presidential systems, the party winning the presidency loses support in subsequent legislative elections. The magnitude of the loss varies across polities, suggesting various candidate explanations. Using electoral data from presidential and legislative elections in most democracies since the war and leveraging on institutional variation, I analyze electoral cycles and their causes. I demonstrate that the more constitutionally powerful is the presidency, the greater the loss of support for the president{\textquoteright}s party in nonconcurrent legislative elections. However, presidential power is not associated with vote-share gap in concurrent presidential and legislative elections. The findings support a compensatory-vote logic: voters compensate for post-electoral bargaining between the executive and the legislature and thus shun strong presidents more than they do weak ones. The results hold controlling for other factors such as the electoral system, economic performance, turnout differential, and the surprise of the presidential race.}
}

@Article{KeeferStasavage2002,
  Title                    = {Checks and Balances, Private Information, and the Credibility of Monetary Commitments},
  Author                   = {Keefer, Philip and Stasavage, David},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081802760403766},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {751{--}774},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403766}
}

@Article{KeeferStasavage2003,
  Title                    = {The Limits of Delegation: Veto Players, Central Bank Independence, and the Credibility of Monetary Policy},
  Author                   = {Keefer, Philip and Stasavage, David},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055403000777},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {407{--}423},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Abstract                 = {Governments unable to make credible promises hinder economic development and effective policymaking. Scholars have focused considerable attention on checks and balances and the delegation of authority to independent agencies as institutional solutions to this problem. The political conditions under which these institutions enhance credibility, rather than policy stability, are still unclear, however. We show that checks --- multiple veto players --- enhance credibility, depending on the extent of uncertainty about the location of the status quo, on how agenda control is allocated among the veto players, and on whether veto players have delegated policymaking authority to independent agencies. In the context of monetary policy and independent central banks, we find evidence supporting the following predictions: Delegation is more likely to enhance credibility and political replacements of central bank governors are less likely in the presence of multiple political veto players; this effect increases with the polarization of veto players.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055403000777}
}

@Unpublished{KeeleDeBoef2004,
  Title                    = {Not Just for Cointegration: Error Correction Models with Stationary Data},
  Author                   = {Keele, Luke and De Boef, Suzanna},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Nuffield College Working Papers in Politics, 2005-W7},

  Abstract                 = {The error correction model is generally thought to be isomorphic to integrated data and the modeling of cointegrated processes, and as such, is considered inappropriate for stationary data. Given that many political time series are not integrated, analysts are unable to take advantages of the error correction model's ability to capture both long and short-term dynamics in a single statistical model. We use analytical results to demonstrate that error correction models are appropriate for stationary data. We use simulated data to then demonstrate the equivalency between auto-distributed lag models and error correction models. Finally, we re-estimate a model of Supreme Court approval from the literature to demonstrate how the use of an error correction model enhances our understanding of political dynamics.}
}

@Article{Keeler1996,
  author       = {Keeler, John T. S.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Agricultural Power in the {Europe}an Community: Explaining the Fate of {CAP} and {GATT} Negotiations},
  doi          = {10.2307/421978},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {127--149},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {The European Community's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has long been criticized for burdening consumers and taxpayers, stimulating surplus production, and distorting international agricultural trade. As the agricultural population has declined, acceptance of these negative economic effects has appeared increasingly baffling to critics. The EC farm lobby has exerted power to block or dilute liberal reforms and to jeopardize GATT accords largely because of its asymmetrical interest in the CAP, organizational clout, and disproportionate enfranchisement in the EC and nationally. The traditional pillars of support for the CAP have recently been weakened, but agro-power in the EC remains formidable.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421978},
  month        = jan,
  publisher    = {Ph.D. Program in Political Science of the City University of New York},
}

@Article{KeiserEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Lipstick and Logarithms: Gender, Institutional Context, and Representative Bureaucracy},
  Author                   = {Keiser, Lael R. and Wilkins, Vicky M. and Meier, Kenneth J. and Holland, Catherine A.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055402000321},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = sep,
  Pages                    = {553--564},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {According to the theory of representative bureaucracy, passive representation among public employees will lead to active representation in bureaucratic outputs. Existing research demonstrates that the link between passive and active representation exists for race but not for sex. Past research on this topic has not, however, taken into account the contextual environment that affects whether sex will translate into gender and lead to active representation in the bureaucracy. In this paper, we create a framework that specifies the conditions that affect whether passive representation results in active representation for sex and then test this framework using the case of education. We find that passive representation of women in education leads to active representation and that the institutional context affects the extent to which this link between passive and active representation occurs.}
}

@Article{Kelemen2010,
  Title                    = {Globalizing {Europe}an Union environmental policy},
  Author                   = {Kelemen, R. Daniel},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501761003662065},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {335--349},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This contribution explores the European Union's (EU) efforts to `globalize' EU environmental regulation. EU leadership on global environmental governance emerged as a result of the combined effects of domestic politics and international regulatory competition. The growing power of environmental interests in Europe from the late 1980s, coupled with dynamics of EU policy-making, led the EU to commit to ambitious environmental policies. Given this commitment, it was in the EU's international competitive interests to support international agreements that would pressure other jurisdictions to adopt similar environmental regulations. Promoting treaties that spread EU environmental norms internationally also served to legitimize EU rules and to shield them from legal challenges before world trade bodies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501761003662065},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Keliher1990,
  Title                    = {Core Executive Decision Making on High Technology Issues: The Case of the Alvey Report},
  Author                   = {Keliher, Leo},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1990.tb00746.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {61{--}82},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {Existing accounts of core executive decision making underestimate the limitations of information and technical expertise which significantly constrain the ability of the Prime Minister or Cabinet to appraise or control complex initiatives originating in diverse, specialized policy communities. This paper explores these limits in relation to a single high technology issue, the launching of the f350 million Alvey project in 1982, designed to gear up the British information technology industry to compete more effectively in world markets. The project involved the government injecting large-scale public funding in order to foster precompetitive research and development in the industry, and was administered by a joint government-industry directorate. This initiative therefore directly contradicted new right prescriptions against government interference in industry and corporatist patterns of decision making, yet it nonetheless secured cabinet and prime ministerial approval. The article shows how core executive actors were technologically incompetent to assess the proposal; how the focus of their attention consequently fastened on to a few tangential aspects of the issue; and how the policy modifications resulting from Thatcher's interventions in particular were either counter-productive in terms of the PM'S own objectives or were quickly evaded by the bureaucracy and organized interests at the implementation stage.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1990.tb00746.x}
}

@Article{KellerSorries1999,
  Title                    = {The New {Europe}an Social Dialogue: Old Wine in New Bottles?},
  Author                   = {Keller, Berndt and S{\"o}rries, Bernd},
  Date                     = {1999-05-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879900900202},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {111--125},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the Protocol on Social Policy and its Agreement and the social chapter of the Amsterdam Treaty not only in a legal, but mainly in an empirical perspective. The first part consists of a short summary of the basics of the new procedural rules (qualified majority voting versus unanimity, consultation and negotiations of the social partners) and the status of the corporate actors (ETUC, UNICE). In the second part, the first attempts at using the provisions of the Protocol are examined (European Works Councils, parental leave, burden of proof of sex discrimination, part-time work, information and consultation). Different problems emerging in the implementation processes of the results of legal enactment and voluntary agreements are the focus of the following analysis (interpretation and application of differing legal provisions, representativity of the signatory parties, problems of package deals, democratic legitimization). In the concluding section, the main findings are summarized (scope of ambivalent results), and a more or less pessimistic outlook on future perspectives is given.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879900900202}
}

@Article{Kelley1998,
  Title                    = {The Kentucky School-Based Performance Award Program: School-Level Effects},
  Author                   = {Kelley, Carolyn},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {305--324},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines the implementation of the Kentucky school-based performance award program in 16 elementary, middle, and high schools in the fall of 1996. Distinct differences were found between award- and non award-winning schools. Alignment of school goals and resources, including curriculum, professional development, and principal leadership were key enabling conditions associated with award schools. The state intervention strategy for helping initially unsuccessful schools enabled these schools to develop organizational conditions associated with award-winning schools. The data suggest a model of teacher motivation that builds on previous research in education and on empirical research on employee motivation.}
}

@Article{KelleyEvans1993,
  Title                    = {The Legitimation of Inequality: Occupational Earnings in Nine Nations},
  Author                   = {Kelley, Jonathan and Evans, {M. D. R.}},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2781956},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--125},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {Comprehensive data on public beliefs about the legitimacy of income inequality gathered from large, representative national sample surveys in nine nations conducted by the International Social Survey Programme show: (1) broad agreement on the legitimate pay of low-status, ordinary jobs, (2) agreement that high-status, elite occupations should be paid more than the minimum, but (3) disagreement over how much more they should get. This disagreement is linked to politics and social structure, with older, high SES, politically conservative respondents preferring markedly higher pay for elite occupations, but usually not preferring lower pay for ordinary jobs.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Online{Kellner2014,
  author       = {Kellner, Peter},
  title        = {Immigration is key to Britons' growing hostility to {Europe}},
  date         = {2014-11-03},
  url          = {http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/03/immigration-key-britons-growing-hostility-europe},
  urldate      = {2014-12-18},
  journaltitle = {The Guardian},
}

@Article{Kelly2000,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Crime},
  Author                   = {Kelly, Morgan},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465300559028},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {530--539},
  Url                      = {http://irserver.ucd.ie/bitstream/handle/10197/523/kellym_article_pub_004.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-02-28},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers the relationship between inequality and crime using data from urban counties. The behavior of property and violent crime are quite different. Inequality has no effect on property crime but a strong and robust impact on violent crime, with an elasticity above 0.5. By contrast, poverty and police activity have significant effects on property crime, but little on violent crime. Property crime is well explained by the economic theory of crime, while violent crime is better explained by strain and social disorganization theories.},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{Kelly2005,
  Title                    = {Political Choice, Public Policy, and Distributional Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Kelly, Nathan J},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Pages                    = {865--880},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {I address the functioning of the U.S. governing system by analyzing distributional outcomes from 1947 to 2000. The key question is whether public policy influences distributional outcomes. The macropolitics model and power resource theory suggest that left policies should equalize the distribution of income. I utilize single equation error correction models to assess the impact of policy on income inequality through two mechanisms ? market conditioning and redistribution. Since nearly every government action influences markets in some way, I examine policy in the aggregate rather than focusing only on policies explicitly designed to redistribute income. The analysis indicates that policy influences inequality through both mechanisms, with left policy producing more equality. The results are consistent with power resource theory and strongly support the macropolitics model. Furthermore, I find that market conditioning is as important as, and works in tandem with, explicit redistribution.}
}

@Article{KellyEnns2010,
  Title                    = {Inequality and the Dynamics of Public Opinion: The Self-Reinforcing Link Between Economic Inequality and Mass Preferences},
  Author                   = {Kelly, Nathan J. and Enns, Peter K.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00472.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {855--870},
  Url                      = {http://web.utk.edu/~nkelly/papers/inequality/KellyEnns_preprint.pdf},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article assesses the influence of income inequality on the public's policy mood. Recent work has produced divergent perspectives on the relationship between inequality, public opinion, and government redistribution. One group of scholars suggests that unequal representation of different income groups reproduces inequality as politicians respond to the preferences of the rich. Another group of scholars pays relatively little attention to distributional outcomes but shows that government is generally just as responsive to the poor as to the rich. Utilizing theoretical insights from comparative political economy and time-series data from 1952 to 2006, supplemented with cross-sectional analysis where appropriate, we show that economic inequality is, in fact, self-reinforcing, but that this is fully consistent with the idea that government tends to respond equally to rich and poor in its policy enactments.}
}

@Article{KemanPennings1995,
  author       = {Keman, Hans and Pennings, Paul},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Managing Political and Societal Conflict in Democracies: Do Consensus and Corporatism Matter?},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {471--481},
  volume       = {25},
  annotation   = {Critique of Lijphart and Crepaz (1991).},
}

@Article{Kemeny1980,
  Title                    = {Home ownership and privatization},
  Author                   = {Kemeny, Jim},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2427.1980.tb00812.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2427},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {372--388},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Kemeny1995,
  Title                    = {Theories of Power in the Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism},
  Author                   = {Kemeny, Jim},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879500500201},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {87{--}96},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism has been very influential in comparative social policy because he develops a power analysis of welfare state formation. However, the analysis of political power that underpins his thesis has been widely misunder stood. In particular, the concept of welfare regime has lots its original conceptual meaning as a system of power stratification that upholds different types of welfare state. Instead it is widely misused merely to refer to particular types of welfare system.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879500500201}
}

@Article{Kemeny2005,
  Title                    = {``The Really Big Trade-Off'' between Home Ownership and Welfare: Castles' Evaluation of the 1980~{T}hesis, and a Reformulation 25 Years on},
  Author                   = {Kemeny, Jim},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing, Theory and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/14036090510032727},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/14036090510032727},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {59--75},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {25 years ago, on the basis of very general statistics I argued that countries with high rates of home ownership tended to be countries with poorly-developed welfare states. Nearly 20 years later, in 1998 this thesis was tested by Frank Castles who, using more sophisticated statistical techniques and a larger number of countries, found the thesis to have some validity. He dubbed the phenomenon ``The really big trade-off'' between home ownership and public welfare. Both the original thesis and Castles' analysis are reviewed, and a way of testing the thesis a quarter of a century after its formulation is proposed. It is argued that if those countries that still today enjoy a functioning integrated rental market and have low rates of home ownership begin to experience major declines in welfare --- especially among the elderly --- we can expect them to begin to transform into monotenural home owning societies. Sweden is taken as an illustrative example of a country with potential for such a transformation. Housing researchers will hopefully monitor such changes in all countries with integrated rental markets to see if declines in welfare can explain increases in home ownership as a means of coping with poverty and ill health in old age. But more important, housing research needs to broaden its focus from housing studies to relating housing to broader issues of welfare and society.}
}

@Article{KemenyLowe1998,
  Title                    = {Schools of Comparative Housing Research: From Convergence to Divergence},
  Author                   = {Kemeny, Jim and Lowe, Stuart},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039883380},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {161{--}176},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Comparative housing research has become a major field of investigation in the last two decades, and it is now possible to discern distinct approaches. In this paper we present an overview of the literature, distinguishing between three dominant perspectives. At one extreme are particularistic approaches which are conceptually unexplicated and highly empirical and in which each country is seen as unique. At the other extreme are universalistic approaches in which all countries are seen as being subjected to the same overriding imperatives, whether this is 'the logic of industrialism', capitalist market failures, the structural drive to increasingly comprehensive welfare states or its opposite, the privatisation and recommodification of welfare. In between these two extremes are studies which attempt to develop what might be called 'theories of the middle range' and to discern typologies of housing systems.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039883380}
}

@Article{Kemp1990,
  Title                    = {Income-related Assistance with Housing Costs: a Cross-national Comparison},
  Author                   = {Kemp, Peter},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {795{--}808},
  Volume                   = {27}
}

@Article{Kenny2005,
  Title                    = {The public choice of educational choice},
  Author                   = {Kenny, Lawrence W},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-005-4762-z},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {205--222},
  Volume                   = {124},

  Abstract                 = {The very small literature explaining (i) how citizens have voted in two California voucher referenda, (ii) how legislators have voted on voucher bills in the State of Florida and the US Congress, and (iii) the variation across states in charter school provisions is summarized. New empirical evidence documenting the cross-state variation in the success of voucher referenda and voucher bills is examined. Voucher bill characteristics and state characteristics play important roles. Voucher bills have been passed only in the more conservative Republican states, and almost all of the successful voucher programs have been targeted at large, struggling school districts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-005-4762-z}
}

@Article{Kenworthy1995,
  Title                    = {Equality and efficiency: The illusory tradeoff},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1995.tb00637.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {225--254},
  Url                      = {http://www.u.arizona.edu/~lkenwor/ejpr1995.pdf},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars and policy makers have traditionally assumed that nations face a tradeoff between income equality and economic efficiency. Greater equality is believed to reduce investment and dampen work incentives. A heterodox view suggests that a more egalitarian distribution of income may have beneficial efficiency effects by augmenting consumer demand and/or encouraging workers to cooperate in upgrading competitiveness. This paper offers an empirical assessment of the relationship between equality and efficiency, based on cross-sectional data from 17 advanced industrialized economies over the period 197490. The comparative evidence indicates no adverse impact of greater equality on investment or work effort, nor on growth of productivity or output, trade balances, inflation, or unemployment. On the contrary, higher levels of equality are associated with stronger productivity growth and trade performance, and possibly with higher investment and lower inflation.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Kenworthy2001,
  Title                    = {Wage-Setting Measures: A Survey and Assessment},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.2001.0023},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {57--98},
  Url                      = {http://www.u.arizona.edu/~lkenwor/wp2001.pdf},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Wage setting has been one of the most heavily studied institutions in the field of comparative political economy over the past two decades, and quantitative measures of wage-setting arrangements have played a major role in this research. Yet the proliferation of such measures in recent years presents researchers with a sizable array from which to choose. In addition, some scholars are rather skeptical about the validity and/or reliability of these measures. This article offers a survey and assessment of fifteen wage-setting measures. It attempts to answer questions about (1) how these indicators differ from one another in conceptualization and measurement strategy; (2) which are the most valid and reliable; (3) the strengths and weaknesses of measures of wage centralization versus those of wage coordination; (4) particular countries or time periods for which there are noteworthy discrepancies in scoring; (5) how sensitive empirical findings are to the choice of wage-setting measure.}
}

@Article{Kenworthy2003,
  Title                    = {Do Affluent Countries Face an Incomes-Jobs Trade-Off?},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414003257647},
  Number                   = {10},
  Pages                    = {1180--1209},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {According to an influential view, in the United States pay for less skilledworkers is lowand government benefits are stingy, but this facilitates the creation of newjobs and encourages such individuals to take those jobs. Inmuch of WesternEurope, relative pay levels are higher for those at the bottom and benefits are more generous, but this is said to discourage job creation and job seeking. This article offers a comparative assessment of this trade-off viewbased on pooled timeseries cross-section analyses of 14 countries in the 1980s and 1990s. The findings suggest that greater pay equality and a higher replacement rate do reduce employment growth in lowproductivity, private-sector service industries and in the economy as a whole. However, these effects are relatively weak. The results point to a variety of viable options for countries wishing to maintain or move toward a desirable combination of jobs and equality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003257647}
}

@Book{Kenworthy2004,
  Title                    = {Egalitarian Capitalism: Jobs, Incomes, and Growth in Affluent Countries},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {0871544512},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{Kenworthy2006,
  Title                    = {Institutional coherence and macroeconomic performance},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {69--},
  Volume                   = {4}
}

@Article{Kenworthy2007,
  Title                    = {Toward Improved Use of Regression in Macrocomparative Analysis},
  Author                   = {Lane Kenworthy},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Social Research},
  Pages                    = {343--350},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Timestamp                = {2013.02.20}
}

@Online{Kenworthy2008,
  Title                    = {Has {Ireland}'s Rising Tide Benefited Its Poor?},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Url                      = {http://lanekenworthy.net/2008/05/18/has-irelands-rising-tide-benefited-its-poor/},
  Month                    = may,

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://lanekenworthy.net/2008/05/18/has-irelands-rising-tide-benefited-its-poor/},
  HowPublished             = {Consider the Evidence},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Online{Kenworthy2008a,
  Title                    = {Top Incomes in the U.S. and Abroad},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Url                      = {http://lanekenworthy.net/2008/05/11/top-incomes-in-the-us-and-abroad/},
  Month                    = may,

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://lanekenworthy.net/2008/05/11/top-incomes-in-the-us-and-abroad/},
  HowPublished             = {Consider the Evidence},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Online{Kenworthy2008b,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality, Spending Inequality, Wealth Inequality},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/cbwm3c9},
  Month                    = feb,

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/cbwm3c9},
  HowPublished             = {Consider the Evidence},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Online{Kenworthy2008c,
  Title                    = {Is the U.S. a High-Inequality Country if Mobility Is Taken into Account?},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/d88dvo4},
  Month                    = jul,

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/d88dvo4},
  HowPublished             = {Consider the Evidence},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Online{Kenworthy2008d,
  Title                    = {Can Mobility Offset an Increase in Inequality?},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/ceaca65},
  Month                    = jul,

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/ceaca65},
  HowPublished             = {Consider the Evidence},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Book{Kenworthy2008e,
  Title                    = {Jobs With Equality},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9780199550593},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2011.09.27}
}

@Article{Kenworthy2009,
  Title                    = {The effect of public opinion on social policy generosity},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwp014},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {727--740},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Based on analysis of cross-country and over-time patterns in affluent countries in the late 1980s and the 1990s, Brooks and Manza contend that public opinion is a key cause of social policy generosity. A closer look at the evidence suggests reason for skepticism about this inference.}
}

@Article{Kenworthy2010,
  Title                    = {Business Political Capacity and the Top-Heavy Rise in Income Inequality: How Large an Impact?},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329210365049},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {255--265},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Misc{Kenworthy2010a,
  author       = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {The best inequality graph, updated},
  doi          = {10/07},
  howpublished = {Consider the Evidence},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://lanekenworthy.net/2010/07/20/the-best-inequality-graph-updated/},
  month        = jul,
  timestamp    = {2011.09.22},
}

@Article{Kenworthy2011,
  Title                    = {Step Away From the Pool},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Newsletter of the APSA section on Qualitative and Multi-Method Research},
  Number                   = {Fall},
  Url                      = {http://www.u.arizona.edu/~lkenwor/2011stepawayfromthepool.pdf},

  Timestamp                = {2013.02.20}
}

@Article{KenworthyMalami1999,
  Title                    = {Gender Inequality in Political Representation: A Worldwide Comparative Analysis},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane and Malami, Melissa},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Forces},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {235--269},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the determinants of cross-national variation in the share of parliamentary seats held by women in 1998. The findings of prior research on this issue have differed sharply. Studies focusing on the most affluent longstanding democracies have emphasises the importance of political factors, whereas three of the four studies to include less developed nations found that only socioeconomic and/or cultural factors matter. Our analysis uses improved variable measures, a more complete set of variables, and a larger sample of countries than has heretofore been examined. We find that political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors are each important. Specifically, electoral system structure, left party government, the timing of women's suffrage, the share of women in professional occupations, and cultural attitudes toward the role of women in politics each play a role in accounting for variation in the degree of gender inequality in political representation around the world.}
}

@Article{KenworthyMcCall2008,
  Title                    = {Inequality, public opinion and redistribution},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane and McCall, Leslie},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwm006},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {35--68},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {According to the median-voter' hypothesis, greater inequality in the market distribution of earnings or income tends to produce greater generosity in redistributive policy. We outline the steps in the causal chain specified by the hypothesis and attempt to assess these steps empirically. Prior studies focusing on cross-country variation have found little support for the median-voter model. We examine over-time trends in eight nations during the 1980s and 1990s. Here too the median-voter hypothesis appears to have little utility.}
}

@Incollection{KenworthyOwens2011,
  Title                    = {The Surprisingly Weak Effect of Recession on Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane and Owens, Lindsay A.},
  Booktitle                = {The Great Recession},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Grusky, David B. and Western, Bruce and Wimer, Christopher},
  Chapter                  = {7},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Pages                    = {196--219},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{KenworthyPontusson2005,
  Title                    = {Rising Inequality and the Politics of Redistribution in Affluent Countries},
  Author                   = {Kenworthy, Lane and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592705050292},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {449--471},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {We use data from the Luxembourg Income Study to examine household market inequality, redistribution, and the relationship between market inequality and redistribution in affluent OECD countries in the 1980s and 1990s. We observe sizeable increases in market household inequality in most countries. This development appears to have been driven largely, though not exclusively, by changes in employment: in countries with better employment performance, low-earning households benefited relative to high-earning ones; in nations with poor employment performance, low-earning households fared worse. In contrast to widespread rhetoric about the decline of the welfare state, redistribution increased in most countries during this period, as existing social-welfare programs compensated for the rise in market inequality. They did so in proportion to the degree of increase in inequality, producing a very strong positive association between changes in market inequality and changes in redistribution. We discuss the relevance of median-voter theory and power resources theory for understanding differences across countries and changes over time in the extent of compensatory redistribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592705050292},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Keohane1982,
  Title                    = {The Demand for International Regimes},
  Author                   = {Keohane, Robert O},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {325{--}355},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {International regimes can be understood as results of rational behavior by the actors{--}principally states{--}that create them. Regimes are demanded in part because they facilitate the making of agreements, by providing information and reducing transactions costs in world politics. Increased interdependence among issues{--}greater "issue density"{--}will lead to increased demand for regimes. Insofar as regimes succeed in providing high quality information, through such processes as the construction of generally accepted norms or the development of transgovernmental relations, they create demand for their own continuance, even if the structural conditions (such as hegemony) under which they were first supplied, change. Analysis of the demand for international regimes thus helps us to understand lags between structural change and regime change, as well as to assess the significance of transgovernmental policy networks. Several assertions of structural theory seem problematic in light of this analysis. Hegemony may not be a necessary condition for stable international regimes; past patterns of institutionalized cooperation may be able to compensate, to some extent, for increasing fragmentation of power.}
}

@Book{Keohane1989,
  author     = {Keohane, Robert O},
  date       = {1989},
  title      = {International Institutions and State Power: Essays in International Relations Theory},
  location   = {London, UK},
  publisher  = {Westview Press},
  annotation = {Chapters 1 and 4 on file.},
}

@Book{KeohaneNye1977,
  author     = {Keohane, Robert O and Nye, Joseph S},
  date       = {1977},
  title      = {Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition},
  edition    = {First},
  publisher  = {Little Brown},
  annotation = {Chapter 1 (and part of chapter 2) from the second edition on file.},
}

@Article{KeohaneNye1987,
  Title                    = {Power and Interdependence Revisited},
  Author                   = {Keohane, Robert O. and Nye, Joseph S. Jr},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {725{--}753},
  Volume                   = {41}
}

@Article{KeohaneNye2000,
  Title                    = {Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)},
  Author                   = {Keohane, Robert O and Nye, Joseph S.,Jr},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Foreign Policy},
  Number                   = {118},
  Pages                    = {104{--}119},

  Abstract                 = {More than two decades before "globalization" became a buzzword, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye shed new light on transnational relations and the intensification of cross-border interactions in their seminal book, Power and Interdependence. Now, they take another long look at the interdependent world around them and discover what a difference two decades has made.}
}

@Book{KerchnerMitchell1988,
  Title                    = {The Changing Idea of a Teachers' Union},
  Author                   = {Kerchner, Charles Taylor and Mitchell, Douglas E},
  Date                     = {1988},
  ISBN                     = {1850003335},
  Publisher                = {Falmer Press Ltd}
}

@Article{Kerckhoff2001,
  Title                    = {Education and Social Stratification Processes in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Kerckhoff, Alan C},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {Extra Issue: Current of Thought: Sociology of Education at the Dawn of the 21st Century},
  Pages                    = {3--18},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {This article describes three characteristics of educational systems that have been used to explain social stratification processes: stratification, standardization, and vocational specificity. These characteristics have been viewed as the basis for educational systems' varied "capacity to structure" students' entry into the labor force. Another important characteristic that has received less systematic attention is also suggested: student choice. The ways in which these characteristics affect the movement of students through school and into the labor force are described for France, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States. The discussion emphasizes the need to examine the trajectories that young people follow during a full "transition period," rather than a single move from school to work. The author suggests that more information is needed about the ways in which both formal institutional structures and informal social processes generate regularities in the trajectories followed during the transition period.}
}

@Article{vanKersbergenEtAl2014,
  author       = {{van Kersbergen}, Kees and Vis, Barbara and Hemerijck, Anton},
  title        = {The Great Recession and Welfare State Reform: Is Retrenchment Really the Only Game Left in Town?},
  journaltitle = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {883--904},
  issn         = {1467-9515},
  doi          = {10.1111/spol.12063},
  abstract     = {By 2010, when the Greek sovereign debt crisis changed into an existential crisis of the euro, all developed democracies entered a phase in which they had to consolidate their budgets, typically implying a politics of austerity. The scholarly literature, as well as the popular press, suggests that --- consequently --- welfare retrenchment and cost containment became the only games left in town. In this article, we study the welfare state reform measures taken between 2010 and 2012 in four countries characteristic of mature welfare state regimes (liberal, UK; conservative, Germany; social democratic, Denmark; and hybrid, the Netherlands) to examine empirically whether austerity has indeed become the only item left on the policy menu. Our analysis reveals that retrenchment features prominently on the agenda everywhere, but nowhere by itself. While compensation for income loss is rare since 2010, this still happens. More unexpectedly, reforms in line with a social investment agenda (like expansion of child care or active labour market policies) are still being pursued in all our four cases.},
  keywords     = {Welfare state reform, Triple crisis, Retrenchment, Cost containment, Social investment, Comparative analysis},
}

@Incollection{KeuneEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Introduction: liberalisation, privatisation and the labour market},
  Author                   = {Keune, Maarten and Leschke, Janine and Watt, Andrew},
  Booktitle                = {Privatisation and liberalisation of public services in Europe: An analysis of economic and labour market impacts},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Editor                   = {Andrew Watt, Janine Leschke, and Maarten Keune},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Brussels},
  Pages                    = {13--34},
  Publisher                = {ETUI}
}

@Book{Key1966,
  Title                    = {The Responsible Electorate: Rationality in Presidential Voting},
  Author                   = {V.O. Key},
  Date                     = {1966},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Key1968,
  Title                    = {The Responsible Electorate: Rationality in Presidential Voting, 1936--1960},
  Author                   = {Key, V.O.},
  Date                     = {1968},
  Publisher                = {Vintage Books}
}

@Article{Khemani2007,
  Title                    = {Party Politics and Fiscal Discipline in a Federation: Evidence from the States of {India}},
  Author                   = {Khemani, Stuti},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006290110},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {691--712},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Theoretical and empirical analysis suggests that federations are prone to fiscal indiscipline, because of intergovernmental bargaining over the allocation of national resources. What role do political parties play in mediating this bargain? If the national government is dominated by a single political party, does the party discipline those states where its affiliates are in power? If the national government consists of a coalition of political parties, do states ruled by coalition partners bargain for higher deficits? This article provides evidence on these questions from India, a large federation in the developing world that serves as a valuable laboratory for this purpose. The authors find that those state governments that belong to the same party as that leading the national government run higher than average deficits; correspondingly, states governed by rival political parties have lower deficits, even if these parties are members of a coalition government at the center.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006290110}
}

@Book{Kiewiet1983,
  Title                    = {Macroeconomics and Micropolitics: The Electoral Effects of Economic Issues},
  Author                   = {Kiewiet, D. Roderick},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{KimFording1998,
  Title                    = {Voter ideology in Western Democracies, 1946--1989},
  Author                   = {Kim, Heemin and Fording, Richard C.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1006882806861},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {73--97},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {We propose a measure of voter ideology which combines party manifesto data compiled by Budge, Robertson, Heari, Klingemann, and Volkens (1992) and updated by Volkens (1995), with election return data. Assuming the comparability and relevance of left- right ideology, we estimate the median voter position in 15 Western democracies throughout most of the postwar period. The plausibility of our assumptions, and therefore the validity of our measure, is supported by the results of several validity tests. With this new measure we are able to make cross-national comparisons of voter ideology among these countries as well as cross- time comparisons within individual countries. We discuss the potential application of our measure to various debates in political science.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1006882806861}
}

@Article{KimFording2002,
  Title                    = {Government partisanship in Western democracies, 1945-1998},
  Author                   = {Kim, Heemin and Fording, Richard C.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00009},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {187--206},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, we put forward a continuous measure of government partisanship, which allows meaningful comparisons across countries and across time, for 17 Western democracies for the period of 1945 through 1998. Our measure is predicated upon a manifesto-based measure of party ideology recently developed by Kim and Fording (1998), along with yearly cabinet post data. After discussing the validity of our measure, we replicate one of the most cited works in comparative political economy over the last ten years - Alvarez, Garrett and Lange's (1991) analysis of economic performance - by utilizing our own measure of government partisanship. We conclude that comparativists need to exercise greater caution in interpreting and evaluating the past findings of a large number of multivariate studies in comparative politics.}
}

@Article{KimFording2003,
  Title                    = {Voter ideology in Western democracies: An update},
  Author                   = {Kim, Heemin and Fording, Richard C.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00076},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {95--105},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, we update and expand the measure of voter ideology we originally proposed in this journal in 1998. Our new measure combines party manifesto data most recently updated by Budge et al. (2001) with election return data. Assuming the comparability and relevance of left-right ideology, we estimate the median voter position in 25 Western democracies throughout most of the postwar period. With this measure, we are able to make cross-national comparisons of voter ideology among these countries, as well as cross-time comparisons within individual countries.}
}

@Article{KimFerree1981,
  Title                    = {Standardization in Causal Analysis},
  Author                   = {Kim, Jae-On and Ferree, G. Donald},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/004912418101000203},
  Eprint                   = {http://smr.sagepub.com/content/10/2/187.full.pdf+html},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {187--210},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {In comparative study, it is argued that (1) the standardization of variables and scales should be separated from the habitual use of standardized coefficients; (2) the use of standardized coefficients implies standardizing every variable using group specific standards, and, therefore, it is not appropriate even if some variables have group specific metrics or some variables do not possess commonly accepted metrics; and (3) the explicit standardization of some or all variables can be fruitfully combined with the use of unstandardized coefficients.}
}

@Article{KinderKiewiet1981,
  Title                    = {Sociotropic Politics: The {American} Case},
  Author                   = {Kinder, Donald R. and Kiewiet, D. Roderick},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {129--161},
  Volume                   = {11}
}

@Article{King1975,
  Title                    = {Overload: Problems of Governing in the 1970{s}},
  Author                   = {King, Anthony},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Pages                    = {285--296},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{KingLeigh2009,
  Title                    = {Beautiful Politicians},
  Author                   = {King, Amy and Leigh, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Kyklos},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6435.2009.00452.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-6435},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {579--593},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {Are beautiful politicians more likely to be elected? To test this, we use evidence from Australia, a country in which voting is compulsory, and in which voters are given How-to-Vote cards, depicting photos of the major party candidates, as they arrive to vote. Using raters chosen to be representative of the electorate, we assess the beauty of political candidates from major political parties, and then estimate the effect of beauty on voteshare for candidates in the 2004 federal election. Beautiful candidates are indeed more likely to be elected, with a one standard deviation increase in beauty associated with a 1.5-2 percentage point increase in voteshare. Our results are robust to several specification checks: adding party fixed effects, dropping well-known politicians, using non-Australian beauty raters, omitting candidates of non-Anglo appearance, controlling for age, and analyzing the beauty gap between candidates running in the same electorate. The marginal effect of beauty is larger for male candidates than for female candidates, and appears to be approximately linear. Consistent with the theory that returns to beauty reflect discrimination, we find suggestive evidence that beauty matters more in electorates with a higher share of apathetic voters.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{King1995,
  Title                    = {Actively Seeking Work?},
  Author                   = {King, Desmond},
  Date                     = {1995},
  ISBN                     = {0226436225},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{KingRueda2008,
  Title                    = {Cheap Labor: The New Politics of `Bread and Roses' in Industrial Democracies},
  Author                   = {King, Desmond and Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592708080614},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {279--297},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {In this article we aim to return labor (particularly the most vulnerable members of the labor market) to the core of the comparative political economy of advanced democracies. We formulate a framework with which to conceptualize cheap labor in advanced democracies. We propose that to understand the politics of cheap labor, the weakest members of the labor market need to be divided into two structural groups: those in standard and those in nonstandard employment. Standard cheap labor includes ``regular jobs'' while nonstandard cheap labor includes low-cost, flexible, and temporary jobs. We show that the use of cheap labor is significant in all industrialized democracies but that there are important contrasts in how different economies use cheap labor. We argue that there is a trade-off between standard and nonstandard cheap labor. Countries that satisfy their need for cheap labor through standard employment do not develop large nonstandard sectors of their economies. Countries that do not promote cheap labor in the standard sector, on the other hand, end up relying on an army of nonstandard workers to meet their cheap labor needs.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592708080614}
}

@Incollection{King1992,
  Title                    = {The establishment of work--welfare programs in the {United States} and {Britain}: Politics, ideas, and institutions},
  Author                   = {King, Desmond S},
  Booktitle                = {Structuring Politics: Historical institutionalism in comparative perspective},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {217--250},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{King1987,
  Title                    = {The New Right: Politics, Markets and Citizenship},
  Author                   = {King, Desmond S.},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {0333420748},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Macmillan}
}

@Article{KingRothstein1993,
  Title                    = {Institutional Choices and Labor Market Policy: A British-Swedish Comparison},
  Author                   = {King, Desmond S. and Rothstein, Bo},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414093026002001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {147--177},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Focusing on employment exchange systems, the authors explain how early labor market institutions established by British and Swedish governments affected the possibilities for subsequent policy. They demonstrate how the way in which labor exchanges were implemented in Britain and Sweden limited and facilitated, respectively, active labor market policy after 1945. The absence of institutional legitimacy in the legacy of the British labor exchange system contrasts with the legitimacy achieved by the Swedish system. The authors identify the reasons for this comparative pattern and analyze its significance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026002001}
}

@Article{KingSen2013,
  author       = {King,Gary and Sen,Maya},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  title        = {How Social Science Research Can Improve Teaching},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1049096513000619},
  issn         = {1537-5935},
  issue        = {03},
  pages        = {621--629},
  url          = {http://gking.harvard.edu/files/gking/files/teaching.pdf},
  volume       = {46},
  abstract     = {We marshal discoveries about human behavior and learning from social science research and show how these can be used to improve teaching and learning. The discoveries are easily stated as three social science generalizations: (1) social connections motivate, (2) teaching teaches the teacher, and (3) instant feedback improves learning. We show how to apply these generalizations via innovations in modern information technology inside, outside, and across university classrooms. We also give concrete examples of these ideas from innovations we have experimented with in our own teaching.},
  month        = jul,
}

@Article{KingEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Making the Most of Statistical Analyses: Improving Interpretation and Presentation},
  Author                   = {King, Gary and Tomz, Michael and Wittenberg, Jason},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {341--355},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Social Scientists rarely take full advantage of the information available in their statistical results. As a consequence, they miss opportunities to present quantities that are of greatest substantive interest for their research and express the appropriate degree of certainty about these quantities. In this article, we offer an approach, built on the technique of statistical simulation, to extract the currently overlooked information from any statistical method and to interpret and present it in a reader-friendly manner. Using this technique requires some expertise, which we try to provide herein, but its application should make the results of quantitative articles more informative and transparent. To illustrate our recommendations, we replicate the results of several published works, showing in each case how the authors' own conclusions can be expressed more sharply and informatively, and, without changing any data or statistical assumptions, how our approach reveals important new information about the research questions at hand. We also offer very easy-to-use Clarify software that implements our suggestions.}
}

@Article{King1997,
  author       = {King, Mervyn},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  title        = {Changes in UK monetary policy: Rules and discretion in practice},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {81--97},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {In October 1992, following sterling's departure from the Exchange Rate Mechanism, Britain adopted a new framework for monetary policy. That comprised two components: first, an explicit target for inflation, and, second, institutional changes designed to give greater influence to the Bank of England by increasing the transparency and openness of the process by which interest rates are set. This paper analyses those changes from the perspective of the debate on rules versus discretion, and argues that an appropriate design of institutional arrangements can provide incentives for central bankers to pursue the first-best state-contingent monetary policy.},
  annotation   = {"Inflation nutter"},
}

@Book{Kingdon2010,
  Title                    = {Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies},
  Author                   = {Kingdon, John W.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {978-0205000869},
  Location                 = {Harlow, UK},
  Publisher                = {Pearson}
}

@Article{Kinsella2005,
  author       = {Kinsella,David},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {No Rest for the Democratic Peace},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055405051774},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {453--457},
  volume       = {99},
  abstract     = {Proponents of the democratic peace are accustomed to criticism. early refutations of the research program's findings focused on questions of measurement and statistical inference. skepticism about such matters has not fully subsided, but many more now accept the democratic peace as an empirical regularity. the aim of recent complaints has shifted to democratic peace theory. the typical approach has been to highlight select historical events that appear anomalous in light of the theory and the causal mechanisms it identifies. sebastian rosato's (2003) is one such critique, noteworthy for the range of causal propositions held up for scrutiny and the unequivocal rejection of them all. but rosato fails to appreciate the dyadic logic central to democratic peace theory, and much of his criticism is therefore misdirected. those cases that remain unexplained by the theory are not especially problematic for this progressively evolving research program.},
  month        = {8},
  numpages     = {5},
}

@Article{KirchgassnerWolters1993,
  Title                    = {Does the DM Dominate the Euro Market? An Empirical Investigation},
  Author                   = {Gebhard Kirchg{\"a}ssner and J{\"u}rgen Wolters},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2110039},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {773--778},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {Starting point is the ``German Dominance Hypothesis,'' according to which Germany has a dominant position within the EMS. This makes it impossible for other member countries to pursue their own monetary policies. Using monthly data of three-month Euro market rates from 1980 to 1988, for the U.S., Germany, the U.K., the Netherlands, France and Italy, we test this hypothesis in a multivariate cointegration framework. We find that Germany has a strong position in Europe, which is not restricted to the EMS. Concerning long-run development, one might speak of a dominant position. However, there are short-run relations between European countries which are not linked to relations with Germany.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2110039}
}

@Article{KirjavainenLoikkanent1998,
  Title                    = {Efficiency differences of finnish senior secondary schools: An application of DEA and Tobit analysis},
  Author                   = {Kirjavainen, Tanja and Loikkanent, Heikki A},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Education Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0272-7757(97)00048-4},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {377--394},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {We studied efficiency differences among Finnish senior secondary schools by Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). Four model variants were used. Average efficiencies in the most extensive models were 82-84 per cent. When parents' educational level was treated as an additional input, average efficiency increased to 91 per cent. The efficiency rankings of schools changed to some extent when simplest quantitative inputs and outputs were augmented by measures of teacher quality and national matriculation examination results. As a second stage after DEA analysis, we explained the degree of inefficiency (100-efficiency score) by a statistical Tobit model. Schools with small classes and heterogenous student bodies were inefficient whereas school size did not affect efficiency. Surprisingly, private schools were inefficient relative to public schools. When parents' educational level was only included in the Tobit model, it affected efficiency positively.}
}

@Article{KirkpatrickHoque2005,
  Title                    = {The decentralisation of employment relations in the British public sector},
  Author                   = {Kirkpatrick, Ian and Hoque, Kim},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2338.2005.00348.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {100--120},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {The aim of this article is to investigate differences between the British public and private sectors in terms of the decentralisation of employment relations. Drawing on data from the 1998 Workplace Employee Relations Survey, the article arrives at three main conclusions. First, the analysis reveals that while local-level managers in both sectors have similar levels of responsibility for employment relations issues, those in the public sector are, on the whole, significantly less likely to be able to exercise authority. Second, the results indicate some marked variations in practice within the public sector, with managers in education having the greatest level of authority. Finally, the article explores the extent to which differences in local-level authority between the public and private sectors can be explained by higher-level collective bargaining, and the presence of higher-level personnel specialists. These factors have only a partial influence, and do not fully explain why local-level employee relations managers in some areas (notably health) are less able to exercise authority than their counterparts in the private sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2005.00348.x}
}

@Unpublished{Kirst2006,
  Title                    = {Politics of Charter Schools: Competing National Advocacy Coalitions Meet Local Politics},
  Author                   = {Kirst, Michael W},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {This paper identifies supporters and opponents of charter schools at all levels of government and describes their motivations and behaviors.{\~} The author explains that state and local support for charter schools is most often determined by educational needs and material incentives.{\~} Different political contexts produce different charter school policies.{\~} For example, charter school legislation in Michigan{\~} was designed to increase competition among public schools.{\~} Legislation in Georgia{\~} served to deregulate public education after a period of increased state centralization.{\~} The paper concludes that there is no cohesive state or local charter political pattern, given the variations in charter schools and their contexts.{\~} It remains unclear whether national charter school advocates have enough influence to expand the number of charter schools significantly.{\~} Local policymakers in areas with few educational pressures, such as some suburban communities, may resist change.{\~} Charter schools could end up as a marginal reform that impacts small numbers of students in urban centers, or continue their impressive growth, but it is state and local politics that will decide.}
}

@Article{Kitschelt1989,
  Title                    = {The Internal Politics of Parties: The Law of Curvilinear Disparity Revisited},
  Author                   = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00279.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {400--421},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {One of the few efforts to link systemic and organizational determinants of party strategies is provided by what John May dubbed the `law of curvilinear disparity'. According to this law, voters, party activists and leaders have necessarily divergent political ideologies. These systematic differences are attributable to the activists' motivations and the constraints of party competition. This paper argues that the law is empirically valid only under distinctive behavioural, organizational and institutional conditions, which are not specified in its general formulation. Thus, the law is only a special case in a broader theory reconstructing the interaction between constituencies, intra-party politics and party competition. This alternative theory is partially tested with survey data from party activists in the Belgian ecology parties Agalev and Ecolo.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00279.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.15}
}

@Article{Kitschelt1993,
  Title                    = {Class Structure and Social Democratic Party Strategy},
  Author                   = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123400006633},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {299{--}337},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {Arguments that infer the inevitable decline of European socialist and social democratic parties from the changing class structures of advanced capitalist societies have two major flaws. Firstly, they do not adequately reconstruct the link between citizens' experiences in markets, work organizations and the sphere of social reproduction, on the one hand, and the formation of political consciousness, on the other. Secondly, such propositions do not model the strategic terrain of party competition and intra-party decision making on which socialist politicians devise voter appeals. This article will first present a sketch of an alternative theory of preference formation that does not rely on conventional class categories and then analyse party competition as faced by social democrats under advanced capitalism. It will then test 'naive' and 'sophisticated' theories of class politics and account for their shortcomings in terms of the alternative theoretical framework.}
}

@Article{Kitschelt2000,
  Title                    = {Citizens, politicians, and party cartellization: Political representation and state failure in post-industrial democracies},
  Author                   = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1007005219943},
  ISSN                     = {0304-4130},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {149--179},
  Volume                   = {37}
}

@Article{KitscheltRehm2014,
  Title                    = {Occupations as a Site of Political Preference Formation},
  Author                   = {Kitschelt, Herbert and Rehm, Philipp},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414013516066},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1670--1706},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Political preferences are multi-dimensional, covering topics like redistribution, immigration, and abortion. But what accounts for people{\textquoteright}s political preferences? We argue that an individual{\textquoteright}s work experiences on the job play an important part in shaping attitudes. In a process of generalization and transposition, people apply the kinds of reasoning, heuristics, and problem-solving techniques they learn and use at work in all realms of life. In this article, we briefly discuss the dimensionality of the political preference space and then explicate our account that links work experiences with attitudes. We use European Social Survey data to establish correlations between work experiences and attitudes and find evidence that is consistent with our account.}
}

@Article{Kittel2000,
  Title                    = {Trade Union Bargaining Horizons in Comparative Perspective: The Effects of Encompassing Organization, Unemployment and the Monetary Regime on Wage-Pushfulness},
  Author                   = {Kittel, Bernhard},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095968010062004},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {181--202},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Before wage-pushfulness can be empirically related to the organizational structure of trade unions, the framework conditions that determine their perceived set of options must be adequately conceptualized. Although rising union density tends to increase wage pressure, the greater `encompassingness' of labour movements has a moderating effect. In addition, unemployment and the policy choices of the political authorities create incentives and constraints which shape union responses. The counteracting forces of density and concentration are presented in an interactive model based on data from 20 OECD countries for 1970-96. The article presents statistical evidence suggesting that wage-pushfulness depends on the specific constellation of density, concentration and the extent to which the political authorities are prepared to accommodate wage pressure.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968010062004}
}

@Article{KittelObinger2003,
  Title                    = {Political parties, institutions, and the dynamics of social expenditure in times of austerity},
  Author                   = {Kittel, Bernhard and Obinger, Herbert},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176032000046912},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {20--45},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {The containment of social expenditure growth has been a core issue of public policy in advanced industrial countries since the 1980s and has received much academic attention. Among the most extensively discussed explanatory factors of social expenditure are partisan politics and political institutions, as well as the dependency of the real impact of the former on the latter. The paper distinguishes five competing theoretical perspectives and explores their power to explain the empirical variation of social expenditure dynamics during the period 1982-97 in twenty-one OECD countries. By using an interactive model specification, we show that there is empirical evidence for this conditional effect, albeit it is not thoroughly convincing. In total, the evidence first suggests that the effect of politics on social expenditure is rather limited, and, second, tends to support the "growth-to-limits' and the "new politics' perspectives more.}
}

@Article{KittelWinner2005,
  Title                    = {How reliable is pooled analysis in political economy? The globalization-welfare state nexus revisited},
  Author                   = {Kittel, Bernhard and Winner, Hannes},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00228.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {269--293},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyzes various pitfalls that arise in the application of panel data methods in comparative political economy. Empirically, we refer to the debate on the globalization-welfare state nexus by re-assessing a study by Garrett and Mitchell ('Globalization, Government Spending and Taxation in the OECD', European Journal of Political Research 39(1) (2001): 145-177). We discuss the properties of specifications with time invariate political variables, dynamic models with nonstationary data, and autocorrelated residuals. We demonstrate that the findings of previous empirical studies are often driven by mis-specifications. Presenting a statistically well-behaved model, we find evidence that government spending is primarily driven by the state of the domestic economy. Neither partisan effects nor the international economic environment have affected public expenditure considerably.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00228.x}
}

@Unpublished{Kjellberg2008,
  Title                    = {Union density and specialist/professional unions in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Kjellberg, Anders},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the International Workshop on `European Trade Unionism in Transition?', Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin f{\"u}r Sozialforschung, 9--10 September.}
}

@Article{Klarner2003,
  Title                    = {The Measurement of the Partisan Balance of State Government},
  Author                   = {Klarner, Carl},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {State Politics \& Policy Quarterly},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {309--319},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {This note examines problems associated with measuring the partisan balance of state government. A description of a new publicly available dataset is given, as well as of the methods used to collect these data. The results of three data analyses using different measures of state government partisan balance demonstrate that sometimes measurement error on this variable can influence substantive findings.}
}

@Article{Klein2011,
  Title                    = {The 2012 election: Why it matters more than most},
  Author                   = {Klein, Ezra},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Washington Post},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {September 13th},
  Url                      = {http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/the-2012-election-why-it-matters-more-than-most/2011/09/12/gIQA5gt2NK_story.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/the-2012-election-why-it-matters-more-than-most/2011/09/12/gIQA5gt2NK_story.html}
}

@Article{Klein1984,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Ideology vs. the Reality of Politics: The Case of {Britain}'s National Health Service in the 1980{s}},
  Author                   = {Klein, Rudolf},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly. Health and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3349893},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {82--109},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {In 1979 the British people elected a government that explicitly repudiated the basis of post-war political consensus; Americans did likewise in the following year. New policies, it was expected, would be shaped by a new ideology. Britain's National Health Service offers an opportunity to examine the nature of this relationship. Political, professional, and corporate ideologies about resource allocations are inevitably constrained by the prevailing public philosophy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3349893}
}

@Book{Klein1989,
  Title                    = {The Politics of the National Health Service},
  Author                   = {Klein, Rudolph},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  ISBN                     = {0582031311},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Longman}
}

@Unpublished{Klitgaard2007,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Introducing Vouchers in {America}n and Swedish Schools},
  Author                   = {Klitgaard, Michael Baggesen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.},

  Abstract                 = {Public school vouchers might seem a natural for the liberal welfare model of the United States and American society generally. But school vouchers might also seem a contradiction for social democratic welfare states in Scandinavia with their state and public sector dominated principles of welfare provision. Nevertheless, school vouchers have faced severe resistance in the United States and the program has so far been prevented from being adopted as a national educational reform, while sporadic and limited state level developments can be observed. In the early 1990s the social democratic welfare state of Sweden adopted on the other hand a national covering and universal public voucher scheme, and the ambition of the present paper is to explain this counter intuitive and counter theoretical empirical puzzle. It is argued, that the varying output from political processes on school vouchers in the United States and Sweden is to be explained by the different ways political institutions affect political decision-making in these two countries.}
}

@Article{Klitgaard2007a,
  Title                    = {Why are they doing it? Social democracy and market-oriented welfare state reforms},
  Author                   = {Klitgaard, Michael Baggesen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380601019753},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {172--194},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {Comparative research emphasises social democratic parties as leading political forces when universal welfare states are reformed in accordance with market-oriented principles. This is surprising considering the many portrayals of universal welfare states as an institutional feature, which favours the social democrats in political terms. Thus, this article raises a question contemporary research so far has left unanswered; why are they doing it? This question is answered through comparisons of reforms in labour market policy and primary school policy in Sweden and Denmark since the late 1980s, and the theoretical argument is as follows: social democratic governments decide upon reforms when the party elite perceive policy problems as a threat to the legitimacy of the universal welfare state. Political institutions, i.e. welfare policies, functioning as power resources, need to be legitimate otherwise they may work against basic political interests. This argument emphasises strategic and intentional actors as well as institutional politics as explanatory variables and is, with some modifications, empirically supported.}
}

@Article{Klitgaard2007b,
  Title                    = {Do Welfare State Regimes Determine Public Sector Reforms? Choice Reforms in {America}n, Swedish and German Schools},
  Author                   = {Klitgaard, Michael Baggesen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2007.00188.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {444{--}468},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {The idea that modern welfare states can be grouped into distinct regimes dominates contemporary studies of welfare state restructuring, and several studies have concluded welfare state reforms to be correlated with regime structures. These studies build, however, on analyses of only cash-benefit programmes whereas social services are almost neglected in current welfare state research. Thus, the aim of this article is to test the explanatory capacity of the welfare state regime perspective in relation to reforms in the service dimension of advanced welfare states - normally termed {\textquoteleft}public sector reforms{\textquoteright}. For this purpose, the author has conducted a focused comparison of the degree to which archetypical examples of the liberal regime (United States), the social democratic regime (Sweden) and the conservative regime (Germany) have introduced vouchers and parental choice into their public primary schools. Schools and education have ranked high on the public sector reform agenda since the 1980s, while the school choice issue signifies core aspects of the rationale of the reform movement: re-arranging public provision of services into quasi-markets. The article identifies, however, a clear lack of correlation between adoption of the school-choice policy and welfare state regimes. Instead, the reforms undertaken in all three countries seem closely related to the institutional rules of political decision making.}
}

@Article{Klitgaard2008,
  Title                    = {School Vouchers and the New Politics of the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Klitgaard, Michael Baggesen},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2008.00410.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {479--498},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {School vouchers might seem a natural feature of the liberal welfare model of the U.S. and American society generally. However, for social democratic welfare states in Scandinavia, school vouchers would seem to be a contradiction. Nevertheless, school vouchers have faced severe resistance in the USA, and the program has so far not been adopted as a national educational reform, although sporadic and limited state-level developments can be observed. In Sweden, however, the social democratic welfare state adopted a national, universal public voucher scheme in the early 1990s. The goal of this article is to explain this counter-theoretical empirical puzzle. It is argued that the varying output from political processes on school vouchers in the USA and Sweden is to be explained by the different ways in which political institutions affect political decision making in the two countries.}
}

@Article{KlorShayo2010,
  Title                    = {Social identity and preferences over redistribution},
  Author                   = {Klor, Esteban F. and Shayo, Moses},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2009.12.003},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = apr,
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {269--278},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {We design an experiment to study the effects of social identity on preferences over redistribution. The experiment highlights the trade-off between social identity concerns and maximization of monetary payoffs. Subjects belonging to two distinct natural groups are randomly assigned gross incomes and vote over alternative redistributive tax regimes, where the regime is chosen by majority rule. We find that a significant subset of the subjects systematically deviate from monetary payoff maximization towards the tax rate that benefits their group when the monetary cost of doing so is not too high. These deviations cannot be explained by efficiency concerns, inequality aversion, reciprocity, social learning or conformity. Finally, we show that behavior in the lab helps explain the relationship between reported income and stated preferences over redistribution observed in survey data.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2009.12.003},
  Keywords                 = {Social identity, Social preferences, Income redistribution, Experimental economics},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{Klosko1987,
  author       = {George Klosko},
  date         = {1987},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {The Principle of Fairness and Political Obligation},
  doi          = {10.1086/292843},
  issn         = {00141704, 1539297X},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {353--362},
  url          = {https://uva.theopenscholar.com/files/george-klosko/files/principle of fairness and political obligation.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-08-21},
  volume       = {97},
  publisher    = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{Knack2004,
  Title                    = {Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?},
  Author                   = {Knack, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00299.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {251--266},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Aid potentially can contribute to democratization in several ways: (1) through technical assistance focusing on electoral processes, the strengthening of legislatures and judiciaries as checks on executive power, and the promotion of civil society organizations, including a free press; (2) through conditionality; and (3) by improving education and increasing per capita incomes, which research shows are conducive to democratization. This study provides a multivariate analysis of the impact of aid on democratization in a large sample of recipient nations over the 1975--2000 period. Using two different democracy indexes and two different measures of aid intensity, no evidence is found that aid promotes democracy. This result is robust to alternative model specifications and estimation techniques, including the use of exogenous instruments for aid. Results are similar if the analysis is confined to the post-Cold War period (1990--2000), despite the reduced dependence of the U.S. and other donors on pro-Western authoritarian regimes among aid recipient nations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00299.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Online{Kneafsey2015,
  Title                    = {Media Ownership and the Tone of News Coverage of Labour Unions: Evidence from a Quasi-Experimental Approach},
  Author                   = {Kneafsey, Liam},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Url                      = {http://www.ucc.ie/en/media/academic/government/psai/PSAIConferencePaperKneafsey.pdf},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Political Studies Association of Ireland Annual Conference, University College Cork.},
  Urldate                  = {2016-08-23}
}

@Book{Knight1990,
  Title                    = {The Making of Tory Education Policy in Post-war {Britain}, 1950-86},
  Author                   = {Knight, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1990},
  ISBN                     = {1850006768},
  Publisher                = {Falmer Press Ltd}
}

@Book{Knight1992,
  Title                    = {Institutions and Social Conflict},
  Author                   = {Knight, Jack},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {9780521421898},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Many of the fundamental questions in social science entail an examination of the role played by social institutions. Why do we have so many social institutions? Why do they take one form in one society and quite different ones in others? In what ways do these institutions originally develop? And when and why do they change? Institutions and Social Conflict addresses these questions in two ways. First it offers a thorough critique of a wide range of theories of institutional change, from the classical accounts of Smith, Hume, Marx and Weber to the contemporary approaches of evolutionary theory, the theory of social conventions and the new institutionalism. Second, it develops a new theory of institutional change that emphasizes the distributional consequences of social institutions. The emergence of institutions is explained as a by-product of distributional conflict in which asymmetries of power in a society generate institutional solutions to conflicts. The book draws its examples from an extensive variety of social institutions.}
}

@Article{KnillLenschow1998,
  Title                    = {Coping with {Europe}: the impact of British and German administrations on the implementation of EU environmental policy},
  Author                   = {Knill, Christoph and Lenschow, Andrea},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501769880000041},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {595--614},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {A central problem for improving the implementation effectiveness of European legislation lies in the impact of national administrative traditions. The dependence on national administrations for implementing European policies implies that the formal transposition and practical application of supranational policies are crucially influenced by administrative traditions prevalent in a certain policy field, which may differ substantially from country to country. Focusing on the implementation of EU environmental policy in Britain and Germany, it is the objective of this article to investigate the interplay of national administrative traditions and European policy implementation in closer detail. The main argument is that the extent to which administrative traditions affect implementation effectiveness is less dependent on the `real' costs of adaptation than on the level of embeddedness of existing structures.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769880000041},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Knutsen2005,
  Title                    = {The impact of sector employment on party choice: A comparative study of eight West {Europe}an countries},
  Author                   = {Knutsen, Oddbj{\o}rn},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00240.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {593--621},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, the impact of sector employment on party choice in eight West European countries is examined. The empirical analysis is organised into three parts. First, the impact of sector on party choice treated as a nominal-level variable is analysed. Then the impact of sector within various social classes is focused upon, and finally sector employment is considered in relation to the division between socialist and non-socialist parties. The impact of sector employment is large in Denmark; moderate in Britain, France and Italy; small in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands; and insignificant in Ireland. The impact of sector employment is much greater within the service class than any of the other social classes. The party families of the left, and also the greens, get stronger support from the public employees, while the main party families among the non-socialist parties, apart from the Christian Democrats, get strongest support from private-sector employees. Sector employment is most strongly correlated with socialist/non-socialist party division in Denmark followed by France and Britain, with only minor or insignificant correlation in the other countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00240.x}
}

@Book{Knutsen2006,
  Title                    = {Class Voting in Western {Europe}: A Comparative Longitudinal Study},
  Author                   = {Knutsen, Oddbj{\o}rn},
  Date                     = {2006},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-7391-1095-9},
  Location                 = {Lanham, MD},
  Publisher                = {Lexington Books},

  Timestamp                = {2012.11.25}
}

@Article{Koenig-Archibugi2004,
  Title                    = {Explaining Government Preferences for Institutional Change in EU Foreign and Security Policy},
  Author                   = {Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818304581055},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {137--174},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Some member-states of the European Union (EU) want a supranational foreign and security policy, while other member-states oppose any significant limitation of national sovereignty in this domain. What explains this variation? Answering this question could help us to better understand not only the trajectory of European unification, but also the conditions and prospects of consensual political integration in other regional contexts and territorial scales. The main research traditions in international relations theory suggest different explanations. I examine the roles of relative power capabilities, foreign policy interests, Europeanized identities, and domestic multilevel governance in determining the preferences of the fifteen EU member governments concerning the institutional depth of their foreign and security policy cooperation. I find that power capabilities and collective identities have a significant influence, but the effect of ideas about the nature and locus of sovereignty, as reflected in the domestic constitution of each country, is particularly remarkable.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818304581055},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{KohliEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {The Role of Theory in Comparative Politics: A symposium},
  Author                   = {Kohli, Atul and Evans, Peter and Katzenstein, Peter J and Przeworski, Adam and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber and Scott, James C and Skocpol, Theda},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--49},
  Volume                   = {48}
}

@Article{KoleMulherin1997,
  Title                    = {The Government as a Shareholder: A Case from the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Kole, Stacey R. and Mulherin, J. Harold},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/467364},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--22},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {We study a sample of U.S. corporations in which the federal government held 35{\textendash}100 percent of the outstanding common stock for between 1 and 23 years during and following World War II. We find that although the firms experienced abnormally high turnover among corporate board members, the tenure of senior management was relatively stable. Moreover, the performance of the government-owned companies was not significantly different than that of private-sector firms in the same industry. Hence, the interim government custodianship of the firms in our case does not have the effects normally attributed to government ownership.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/467364}
}

@Article{KomamuraYamada2004,
  Title                    = {Who bears the burden of social insurance?: Evidence from {Japan}ese health and long-term care insurance data},
  Author                   = {Komamura, Kohei and Yamada, Atsuhiro},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the Japanese and International Economies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jjie.2004.08.004},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {565--581},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Using the society-managed health insurance data, which is cross-sectional time-series and covers 1670 health insurance societies for seven years (FY1995{\textendash}2001), we found for the first time in Japan that the majority of the employers' contribution to health insurance is shifting back onto the employees in the form of wage reduction. On the other hand, we cannot find such evidence for the contribution to long-term care insurance using a two-year (FY2000{\textendash}2001) panel data set. The difference can be theoretically explained by how employees value the contribution relative to social security benefits they enjoy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2004.08.004}
}

@Article{KoneWinters1993,
  Title                    = {Taxes and Voting: Electoral Retribution in the {America}n States},
  Author                   = {Kone, Susan L. and Winters, Richard F.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2132226},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {22--40},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the impacts of legislated changes in and new programs of general sales and personal income tax policies on the electoral support for the gubernatorial nominee of the responsible party in 407 gubernatorial elections in the 50 American states from 1957--1985. We propose a taxpayer retribution hypothesis in the context of a general model of retrospective voting. We estimate the effects of several tax policy variables while controlling for rival political and economic factors that are believed to influence voting at this level --- state and national economic conditions, partisan strength, national trends, and coterminous contests. Results indicate weak overall negative electoral effects of taxation; only changes in the general sales tax programs appear to have significant impacts. Further, while voters may punish taxing governors, there appears to be no complementary reward for governors who decrease taxes.}
}

@Article{Kono2006,
  Title                    = {Optimal Obfuscation: Democracy and Trade Policy Transparency},
  Author                   = {Kono, Daniel Y.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055406062241},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {369--384},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {A growing body of research shows that democracies have more liberal trade policies than do autocracies. I argue, in contrast, that democracy has contradictory effects on different types of trade policies because electoral competition generates more information about some than about others. It generates considerable information about policies whose effects on consumer welfare are easy to explain to voters, but less information about policies whose effects are more complex. By increasing the transparency of some policies relative to others, democracy induces politicians to reduce transparent trade barriers but also to replace them with less transparent ones. I test this hypothesis by examining the impact of democracy on tariffs, `core' nontariff barriers (NTBs) such as quotas, and `quality' NTBs such as product standards in 75 countries in the 1990s. I find that democracy leads to lower tariffs, higher core NTBs, and even higher quality NTBs. I conclude that democracy promotes `optimal obfuscation' that allows politicians to protect their markets while maintaining a veneer of liberalization.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055406062241},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{KonoMontinola2009,
  Title                    = {Does Foreign Aid Support Autocrats, Democrats, or Both?},
  Author                   = {Kono, Daniel Y. and Montinola, Gabriella R.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381609090550},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {704--718},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {Does foreign aid prop up recipient governments? Although many people argue that it does, there is little systematic evidence to support this claim. We argue that aid's effects on government survival depend on both the recipient's regime type and the analyst's time horizons. In the long run, continued aid helps autocrats more than democrats because the former can stockpile this aid for use against future negative shocks. However, because large stocks of aid reduce the marginal impact of current aid, current aid helps democrats more than autocrats. We test and find support for our argument with a survival analysis of 621 leaders in 123 countries from 1960 to 1999. Our results imply that donors should make both the nature of aid and the use of aid conditionality contingent on the domestic regime type of aid recipients.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381609090550},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{KoopmansEtAl2012,
  author       = {Koopmans, Ruud and Michalowski,, Ines and Waibel, Stine},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Citizenship Rights for Immigrants: National Political Processes and Cross-National Convergence in Western Europe, 1980--2008},
  issn         = {0002-9602},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1202--1245},
  url          = {http://dare.ubvu.vu.nl/bitstream/handle/1871/48840/297727.pdf},
  volume       = {117},
  abstract     = {Immigrant citizenship rights in the nation-state reference both theories of cross-national convergence and the resilience of national political processes. This article investigates European countries' attribution of rights to immigrants: Have these rights become more inclusive and more similar across countries? Are they affected by EU membership, the role of the judiciary, the party in power, the size of the immigrant electorate, or pressure exerted by anti-immigrant parties? Original data on 10 European countries, 1980--2008, reveal no evidence for cross-national convergence. Rights tended to become more inclusive until 2002, but stagnated afterward. Electoral changes drive these trends: growth of the immigrant electorate led to expansion, but countermobilization by right-wing parties slowed or reversed liberalizations. These electoral mechanisms are in turn shaped by long-standing policy traditions, leading to strong path dependence and the reproduction of preexisting cross-national differences.},
}

@Article{Kornhaber2004,
  Title                    = {Appropriate and Inappropriate Forms of Testing, Assessment, and Accountability},
  Author                   = {Kornhaber, Mindy L},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45--70},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {Policy makers have focused on promoting test-based accountability systems as a tool for correcting a wide variety of educational problems, including low standards, weak motivation, poor curriculum and instruction, inadequate learning, and educational equity. This article argues that the appropriateness of testing, or any other form of assessment, as a solution to such problems should be guided by one primary motivation: whether it enables all students to function at the highest possible level in the wider world. This motivation provides a standard for evaluating the effectiveness of assessment policies. The article looks for evidence that test-based accountability systems, when applied to various educational problems, enhance or impede diverse students{\textquoteright} ability to use their minds well. The evidence is, at best, mixed. This article argues for a more balanced use of assessments that can incorporate instructionally timely and useful information about students{\textquoteright} performance and concludes with guidelines and recommendations for appropriate test use.}
}

@Article{Korpi1980,
  Title                    = {Social Policy and Distributional Conflict in the Capitalist Democracies: A Preliminary Comparative Framework},
  Author                   = {Korpi, Walter},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {296--316},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this paper is to take preliminary steps towards the development of a theoretical framework for the comparison of social policies in the industrialized nations, which combine a capitalistic economic system with political democracy.{\~} It is a part of a larger research project attempting to compare social policies in these countries against a background of the structure, organisation and relative power of their main classes and the role of shifting distributions of power between classes for the patterns and forms of class conflict in these societies.}
}

@Book{Korpi1983,
  Title                    = {Democratic Class Struggle},
  Author                   = {Korpi, Walter},
  Date                     = {1983},
  ISBN                     = {0710094361},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Korpi1989,
  author       = {Korpi, Walter},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Power, Politics, and State Autonomy in the Development of Social Citizenship: Social Rights During Sickness in Eighteen OECD Countries Since 1930},
  issn         = {0003-1224},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {309--328},
  volume       = {54},
  abstract     = {The extension of social citizenship via modern social policies is a fundamental macrolevel social change of the past hundred years. This paper attempts to reorient the empirical study of social policy development from its present concentration on aggregated social expenditures to a focus on the multidimensional aspects of the development of welfare states, social rights, and social citizenship. On the basis of a new data set describing the development of citizens' social rights in the main social insurance programs in 18 OECD countries since 1930, causal hypotheses derived from pluralist industrial, neo-Marxist, popular protest, state autonomy, and power resources approaches are tested. On the crucial issue of the role of left government participation in the extension of social rights, the hypotheses of the power resources approach are supported.},
  publisher    = {American Sociological Association},
}

@Article{Korpi2001,
  Title                    = {Contentious Institutions: An Augmented Rational-Action Analysis of the Origins and Path Dependency of Welfare State Institutions in Western Countries},
  Author                   = {Korpi, Walter},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Rationality and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/104346301013002005},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {235--283},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Welfare states in Western countries have shared similar goals, yet the choice of institutions to approach these shared goals has generated protracted power struggles among major interest groups and great cross-country variation in institutional structures. Relating recent debates on new institutionalism to earlier debates on power, this paper outlines an augmented rational-action approach to the explanation of the origins of welfare state institutions and of variations in their degree of path dependence. With a differentiated concept of power costs and the degree of power asymmetry among actors as a central variable, this augmented approach partly combines some salient characteristics of the rational-choice, historical, and sociological versions of new institutionalism. The augmented rational-action approach proves fruitful in understanding conflicts characterizing the emergence and change of major social insurance institutions in 18 rich Western countries since the late 19th century and up to the present. It complements rational-choice institutionalism focused on voluntary cooperation, contracts and conventions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104346301013002005}
}

@Article{Korpi2006,
  Title                    = {Power Resources and Employer-Centered Approaches in Explanations of Welfare States and Varieties of Capitalism: Protagonists, Consenters, and Antagonists},
  Author                   = {Korpi, Walter},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--206},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {The power resources approach, underlining the relevance of socioeconomic class and partisan politics in distributive conflict within capitalist economies, is challenged by employer-centered approaches claiming employers and cross-class alliances to have been crucial in advancing the development of welfare states and varieties of capitalism. Theoretically and empirically these claims are problematic. In welfare state expansion, employers have often been antagonists, under specific conditions consenters, but very rarely protagonists. Well-developed welfare states and coordinated market economies have emerged in countries with strong left parties in long-term cabinet participation or in countries with state corporatist institutional traditions and confessional parties in intensive competition with left parties.}
}

@Article{KorpiPalme1998,
  author       = {Korpi, Walter and Palme, Joakim},
  title        = {The Paradox of Redistribution and Strategies of Equality: Welfare State Institutions, Inequality, and Poverty in the Western Countries},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  date         = {1998},
  volume       = {63},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {661{--}687},
  doi          = {10.2307/2657333},
  abstract     = {Debates on how to reduce poverty and inequality have focused on two controversial questions: Should social policies be targeted to low-income groups or be universal? Should benefits be equal for all or earnings-related? Traditional arguments in favor of targeting and flat-rate benefits, focusing on the distribution of the money actually transferred, neglect three policy-relevant considerations: (1) The size of redistributive budgets is not fixed but reflects the structure of welfare state institutions. (2) A trade-off exists between the degree of low-income targeting and the size of redistributive budgets. (3) Outcomes of market-based distribution are often more unequal than those of earnings-related social insurance programs. We argue that social insurance institutions are of central importance for redistributive outcomes. Using new data, our comparative analyses of the effects of different institutional types of welfare states on poverty and inequality indicate that institutional differences lead to unexpected outcomes and generate the paradox of redistribution: The more we target benefits at the poor and the more concerned we are with creating equality via equal public transfers to all, the less likely we are to reduce poverty and inequality.},
}

@Article{KorpiPalme2003,
  Title                    = {New Politics and Class Politics in the Context of Austerity and Globalization: Welfare State Regress in 18~{C}ountries, 1975-95},
  Author                   = {Korpi, Walter and Palme, Joakim},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055403000789},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {425{--}446},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Abstract                 = {The relevance of socioeconomic class and of class-related parties for policymaking is a recurring issue in the social sciences. The ``new politics'' perspective holds that in the present era of austerity, class-based parties once driving welfare state expansion have been superseded by powerful new interest groups of welfare-state clients capable of largely resisting retrenchment pressures emanating from postindustrial forces. We argue that retrenchment can fruitfully be analyzed as distributive conflict involving a remaking of the early postwar social contract based on the full employment welfare state, a conflict in which partisan politics and welfare-state institutions are likely to matter. Pointing to problems of conceptualization and measurement of the dependent variable in previous research, we bring in new data on the extent of retrenchment in social citizenship rights and show that the long increase in social rights has been turned into a decline and that significant retrenchment has taken place in several countries. Our analyses demonstrate that partisan politics remains significant for retrenchment also when we take account of contextual indictors, such as constitutional veto points, economic factors, and globalization.}
}

@Article{KorpiShalev1979,
  Title                    = {Strikes, Industrial Relations and Class Conflict in Capitalist Societies},
  Author                   = {Korpi, Walter and Shalev, Michael},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/589523},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {164--187},
  Volume                   = {30}
}

@Article{Kosack2013,
  Title                    = {The Logic of Pro-Poor Policymaking: Political Entrepreneurship and Mass Education},
  Author                   = {Kosack, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123412000695},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues against the scholarly consensus that governments make pro-poor policies when they are democratic. In democracies and autocracies, a government's strongest incentive is to serve citizens who are organized, and poor citizens face collective-action disadvantages. But a `political entrepreneur' can help poor citizens organize and attain power with their support; to stay in power, the political entrepreneur's incentive is to maintain poor citizens' support with pro-poor policies. Politics and education are analyzed over half-a-century in countries with little in common --- Ghana, Taiwan, and Brazil. Governments that expanded education for the poor were more often autocratic than democratic, but were always clearly associated with political entrepreneurs. The results suggest an alternative understanding of government incentives to serve poor citizens.}
}

@Article{KovrasLoizides2014,
  Title                    = {The Greek Debt Crisis and Southern {Europe}: Majoritarian Pitfalls?},
  Author                   = {Kovras, Iosif and Loizides, Neophytos},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041514813623164},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--20},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Although widely debated in broader socioeconomic terms, the Eurozone crisis has not received yet adequate scholarly attention with regard to the impact of alternative political systems. This article revisits the debate on majoritarian and consensus democracies drawing on recent evidence
from the Eurozone debacle. Greece is particularly interesting both with regard to its potential `global spillover effects' and choice of a majoritarian political system. Despite facing comparable challenges as Portugal and Spain, the country has become polarized socially and politically,
seeing a record number of MP defections, electoral volatility and the rise of the militant extreme right. The article points to the role of majoritarian institutions to explain why Greece entered the global financial crisis in the most vulnerable position while subsequently faced insurmountable
political and institutional obstacles in its management.}
}

@Article{Kramer1971,
  Title                    = {Short-Term Fluctuations in U.S. Voting Behavior, 1896--1964},
  Author                   = {Kramer, Gerald H.},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1955049},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {1},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {131--143},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {This study is an attempt to employ some simple statistical models, motivated by certain assumptions about voting akin to those discussed by Downs and others, in an attempt to explain short-term fluctuations in the division of the national vote for the U. S. House of Representatives, over the period 1896--1964. The models will yield quantitative estimates of the impact of economic conditions on congressional elections, and of the effects of incumbency and presidential ``coattails'' as well. The notion that a vote represents a decision or rational choice between alternatives is an important theme in democratic theory. However, this rationality hypothesis has proved to be difficult to test empirically, particularly with survey data, from which most of our recent knowledge of individual voting behavior is drawn. The present study is an attempt to put a modified form of the rationality hypothesis to a different and in some respects more direct test than is readily possible with survey data. The analysis bears directly on the substantive question of the relationships between economic conditions and U. S. national election results.},
  Numpages                 = {13}
}

@Article{Kramer1983,
  Title                    = {The Ecological Fallacy Revisited: Aggregate- versus Individual-level Findings on Economics and Elections, and Sociotropic Voting},
  Author                   = {Kramer, Gerald H.},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {92--111},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {Several aggregate-level studies have found a relationship between macroeconomic conditions and election outcomes, operating in intuitively plausible directions. More recent survey-based studies, however, have been unable to detect any comparable relationship operating at the individual-voter level. This persistent discrepancy is puzzling. One recently proposed explanation for it is that voters actually behave in an altruistic or @'sociotropic@' fashion, responding to economic events only as they affect the general welfare, rather than in terms of self-interested @'pocketbook@' considerations. It is argued here that the discrepancies between the macro- and microlevel studies are a statistical artifact, arising from the fact that observable changes in individual welfare actually consist of two unobservable components, a government-induced (and politically relevant) component, and an exogenous component caused by life-cycle and other politically irrelevant factors. Because of this, individual level cross-sectional estimates of the effects of welfare changes on voting are badly biased and are essentially unrelated to the true values of the behavioral parameters of interest: they will generally be considerable underestimates and may even be of the wrong sign. An aggregate-level time-series analysis, on the other hand, will often yield reasonably good (if somewhat attenuated) estimates of the underlying individual-level effects of interest. Therefore, in this case, individual behavior is best investigated with aggregate- rather than individual-level data. It is also shown that the evidence for sociotropic voting is artifactual, in the sense that the various findings and evidence which ostensibly show sociotropic behavior are all perfectly compatible with the null hypothesis of self-interested, pocketbook voting.}
}

@InCollection{Krasner1995,
  author     = {Krasner, Stephen D.},
  booktitle  = {Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions},
  date       = {1995},
  title      = {Power politics, institutions, and transnational actors},
  chapter    = {8},
  editor     = {Thomas Risse-Kappen},
  location   = {Cambridge, UK},
  pages      = {257--279},
  publisher  = {Cambridge University Press},
  annotation = {On file.},
}

@Article{Krasner1976,
  Title                    = {State Power and the Structure of International Trade},
  Author                   = {Krasner, Stephen D.},
  Date                     = {1976},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2009974},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {317{--}347},
  Url                      = {http://www.indiana.edu/~gradipe/docs/krasner.pdf},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {The structure of international trade, identified by the degree of openness for the movement of goods, can best be explained by a state-power theory of international political economy. This theory begins with the assumption that the nature of international economic movements is determined by states acting to maximize national goals. Four goals{--}aggregate national income, political power, social stability, and economic growth{--}can be systematically related to the degree of openness in the international trading system for states of different relative sizes and levels of development. This analysis leads to the conclusion that openness is most likely to exist when there is a hegemonic distribution of potential economic power. Time-series data on tariff levels, trade proportions, regional concentration, per capita income, national income, share of world trade, and share of world investment are then presented. The first three are used to describe the degree of openness in the trading system; the last four, the distribution of state power. The data suggest that the state-power theory should be amended to take into consideration domestic political constraints on state action.}
}

@Article{Krasner1982,
  Title                    = {Structural Causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as Intervening Variables},
  Author                   = {Krasner, Stephen D.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {185{--}205},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {International regimes are defined as principles, norms, rules, and decision making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area. As a starting point, regimes have been conceptualized as intervening variables, standing between basic causal factors and related outcomes and behavior. There are three views about the importance of regimes: conventional structural orientations dismiss regimes as being at best ineffectual; Grotian orientations view regimes as an intimate component of the international system; and modified structural perspectives see regimes as significant only under certain constrained conditions. For Grotian and modified structuralist arguments, which endorse the view that regimes can influence outcomes and behavior, regime development is seen as a function of five basic causal variables: egoistic self-interest, political power, diffuse norms and principles, custom and usage, and knowledge.}
}

@Book{Krasner1999,
  Title                    = {Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy},
  Author                   = {Krasner, Stephen D.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Krehbiel1988,
  Title                    = {Spatial Models of Legislative Choice},
  Author                   = {Krehbiel, Keith},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/439787},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {259--319},
  Url                      = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/439787},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Two classes of models that reflect how legislators make collective choices have become increasingly sophisticated in the last decade. Structure-induced equilibrium models explain stable outcomes in terms of the structural attributes of the legislature. Recent game-theoretic models offer explanations of some nonobvious regularities in legislative behavior in terms of uncertainty about procedures and differential access to information. The increasing realism and attendant complexity of these models enable them to address interesting substantive questions and to offer theoretical explanations that are subject to empirical verification.}
}

@Article{Krehbiel1996,
  Title                    = {Institutional and Partisan Sources of Gridlock: A Theory of Divided and Unified Government},
  Author                   = {Krehbiel, Keith},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951692896008001002},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {7--40},
  Url                      = {http://faculty-gsb.stanford.edu/krehbiel/My%20PDFs/96%20JTP%20Gridlock.pdf},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {A spatial theory of the comparative consequences of unified and divided government clarifies the relationship between institutions, partisanship and gridlock. Under formally specified conditions, executive and legislative institutions are shown to inhibit but not prohibit the convergence of public policies to those most preferred by the legislative median voter. Extensions illustrate the theoretical robustness of the primary empirical expectation. Under all but extreme conditions, gridlock is a predictable consequence of super-majoritarian procedures. Gridlock occurs in divided and unified government alike, and in the presence of any degree of party strength. Concluding discussions speculate on the effects of alternative assumptions and on applications of the theoretical framework to settings other than US national government.}
}

@Book{Krehbiel1998,
  Title                    = {Pivotal Politics},
  Author                   = {Krehbiel, Keith},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {9780226452722},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press},

  Abstract                 = {Politicians and pundits alike have complained that the divided governments of the last decades have led to legislative gridlock. Not so, argues Keith Krehbiel, who advances the provocative theory that divided government actually has little effect on legislative productivity. Gridlock is in fact the order of the day, occurring even when the same party controls the legislative and executive branches. Meticulously researched and anchored to real politics, Krehbiel argues that the pivotal vote on a piece of legislation is not the one that gives a bill a simple majority, but the vote that allows its supporters to override a possible presidential veto or to put a halt to a filibuster. This theory of pivots also explains why, when bills are passed, winning coalitions usually are bipartisan and supermajority sized. Offering an incisive account of when gridlock is overcome and showing that political parties are less important in legislative-executive politics than previously thought, Pivotal Politics remakes our understanding of American lawmaking.}
}

@Article{Krieg2008,
  Title                    = {Are Students Left Behind? The Distributional Effects of the No Child Left Behind Act},
  Author                   = {Krieg, John M},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Finance and Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/edfp.2008.3.2.250},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {250--281},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The No Child Left Behind Act imposes sanctions on schools if the fraction of students demonstrating proficiency on a high-stakes test falls below a statewide pass rate. While the motivation behind this system is improved public school performance, it also provides incentives for schools to focus educational resources on the marginal student rather than those on the tails of the ability distribution. Using statewide, student-level panel data, students on the tails of the ability distribution, especially high-ability students, are demonstrated to score below expectations if their school is in danger from No Child Left Behind sanctions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/edfp.2008.3.2.250}
}

@Article{Kriesi2012,
  Title                    = {The Political Consequences of the Financial and Economic Crisis in Europe: Electoral Punishment and Popular Protest},
  Author                   = {Kriesi, Hanspeter},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Swiss Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/spsr.12006},
  ISSN                     = {1662-6370},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {518--522},
  Volume                   = {18}
}

@Article{KriesiEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Globalization and the transformation of the national political space: Six {Europe}an countries compared},
  Author                   = {Kriesi, Hanspeter and Grande, Edgar and Lachat, Romain and Dolezal, Martin and Bornshier, Simon and Frey, Timotheos},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00644.x},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {921--956},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This article starts from the assumption that the current process of globalization or denationalization leads to the formation of a new structural conflict in Western European countries, opposing those who benefit from this process against those who tend to lose in the course of the events. The structural opposition between globalization 'winners' and 'losers' is expected to constitute potentials for political mobilization within national political contexts, the mobilization of which is expected to give rise to two intimately related dynamics: the transformation of the basic structure of the national political space and the strategic repositioning of the political parties within the transforming space. The article presents several hypotheses with regard to these two dynamics and tests them empirically on the basis of new data concerning the supply side of electoral politics from six Western European countries (Austria, Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland). The results indicate that in all the countries, the new cleavage has become embedded into existing two-dimensional national political spaces, that the meaning of the original dimensions has been transformed, and that the configuration of the main parties has become triangular even in a country like France.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00644.x}
}

@Article{Kristal2013,
  Title                    = {The Capitalist Machine: Computerization, Workers Power, and the Decline in Labors Share within U.S. Industries},
  Author                   = {Kristal, Tali},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0003122413481351},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {361--389},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {This article addresses an important trend in contemporary income inequalitya decline in labors share of national income and a rise in capitalists profits share. Since the late 1970s, labors share declined by 6 percent across the U.S. private sector. As I will show, this overall decline was due to a large decline (5 to 14 percent) in construction, manufacturing, and transportation combined with an increase, albeit small (2 to 5 percent), in labors share within finance and services industries. To explain the overall decline and the diverse trends across industries, I argue that the main factor leading to the decline in labors share was the erosion in workers positional power, and this erosion was partly an outcome of class-biased technological change, namely computerization that favored employers over most employees. I combine data from several sources to test for the independent effects of workers positional power indicators (i.e., unionization, capital concentration, import penetration, and unemployment) and the direct and indirect effects of computer technology on changes in labors share within 43 nonagricultural private industries and 451 manufacturing industries between 1969 and 2007. Results from error correction models with fixed-effect estimators support the studys arguments.}
}

@Article{KristovEtAl1992,
  Title                    = {Pressure groups and redistribution},
  Author                   = {Kristov, Lorenzo and Lindert, Peter and McClelland, Robert},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0047-2727(92)90024-A},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {135--163},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {The simple pressure group model of political redistribution can predict more with less restrictive assumptions. Instead of ready-made pressure groups composed of individuals who vote their pocketbooks, we posit heterogeneous agents each of whom decides which group to join and how much effort to expend on political activity. Our model then examines `social affinity' conditions that foster pressure group formation. Political sympathies based on social affinity imply testable effects of growth rate and income distribution on progressive transfers, effects that prove substantial in pooled time-series cross-section regressions for 13 OECD countries, 1960--1981.}
}

@Article{KropfEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Representative Bureaucracy and Partisanship: The Implementation of Election Law},
  Author                   = {Kropf, Martha and Vercellotti, Timothy and Kimball, David C.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-6210.2012.02654.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-6210},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {242--252},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of representative bureaucracy argue that public administrators hold attitudes that are generally representative of the public and will implement policy in accordance with those attitudes. However, studies of representative bureaucracy generally have not considered the partisanship of local administrators. Many local election officials affiliate with a political party, and there is concern that partisan officials will manipulate election procedures to help their party. The authors analyze a survey of local election officials about their attitudes toward provisional voting. Findings show that Democratic local election officials have significantly more positive attitudes toward provisional voting programs in highly Democratic jurisdictions and significantly less positive attitudes in highly Republican jurisdictions. No such relationship occurs for Republican administrators. In addition, positive attitudes toward provisional voting are associated with more provisional votes being cast and counted in the 2004 presidential election. This work questions whether representative bureaucracy --- when it concerns partisanship --- is always a desirable outcome.}
}

@Article{Krueger1999,
  Title                    = {Experimenal Estimates of Education Production Functions},
  Author                   = {Krueger, Alan B.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Pages                    = {497--532},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes data on 11,600 students and their teachers who were randomly assigned to different size classes from kindergarten through third grade. Statistical methods are used to adjust for nonrandom attrition and transitions between classes. The main conclusions are (1) on average, performance on standardized tests increases by four percentile points the first year students attend small classes; (2) the test score advantage of students in small classes expands by about one percentile point per year in subsequent years; (3) teacher aides and measured teacher characteristics have little effect; (4) class size has a larger effect for minority students and those on free lunch; (5) Hawthorne effects were unlikely.}
}

@Article{KruegerLindahl2001,
  author       = {Krueger, Alan B. and Lindahl, Mikael},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  title        = {Education for Growth: Why and For Whom?},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1101--1136},
  volume       = {39},
  annotation   = {"Our survey of the literature indicates that Jacob Mincer's (1974) formulation of the log-linear earnings-education relationship fits the data rather well. Each additional year of schooling appears to raise earnings by about 10 percent in the United States, although the rate of return to education varies over time as well as across countries." (p1101) "our analysis suggests that both the change and initial level of education are positively correlated with economic growth... These extensions indicate that the positive effect of the initial level of education on economic growth is sensitive to econometric restrictions that are rejected by the data." (p1102)},
}

@Article{KruegerZhu2004,
  Title                    = {Another Look at the New York City School Voucher Experiment},
  Author                   = {Krueger, Alan B. and Zhu, Pei},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0002764203260152},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {658--698},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {This article reexamines data from the New York City school choice program, the largest and best-implemented private school scholarship experiment yet conducted. In the experiment, low-income public school students in kindergarten to Grade 4 were eligible to participate in a series of lotteries for a private school scholarship in May 1997. Data were collected from students and their parents at baseline and in the spring of each of the next 3 years. Students with missing baseline test scores, which encompasses all those who were initially in kindergarten and 11\% of those initially in Grades 1 to 4, were excluded from previous analyses of achievement, even though these students were tested in the follow-up years. In principle, random assignment would be expected to lead treatment status to be uncorrelated with all baseline characteristics. In addition, it was found that the effect of vouchers was sensitive to the particular way race/ethnicity was defined.}
}

@Article{Krugman1993,
  Title                    = {The Uncomfortable Truth about NAFTA: It's Foreign Policy, Stupid},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Foreign Affairs},
  Url                      = {http://www.pkarchive.org/trade/ForeignPolicyStupid.html},
  Volume                   = {November/December},

  Abstract                 = {To the United States, the labor and environmental costs of NAFTA would be minimal and the economic benefits real, but small. The trade agreement is really about helping a friendly and important neighbor in its yet uncompleted economic and political reform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.pkarchive.org/trade/ForeignPolicyStupid.html}
}

@Unpublished{Krugman1996,
  Title                    = {Ricardo's Difficult Idea},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {Paper for Manchester conference on free trade.},
  Url                      = {http://www.pkarchive.org/trade/ricardo.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.pkarchive.org/trade/ricardo.html}
}

@Article{Krugman1997,
  Title                    = {A Raspberry for Free Trade: Protectionists serve up tainted fruit and red herrings},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Slate},
  Month                    = nov,
  Note                     = {Thursday, Nov. 20},
  Url                      = {http://web.mit.edu/krugman/www/berries.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://web.mit.edu/krugman/www/berries.html}
}

@Article{Krugman1997a,
  Title                    = {In Praise of Cheap Labor: Bad jobs at bad wages are better than no jobs at all},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Slate},
  Note                     = {March 20th},
  Url                      = {http://web.mit.edu/krugman/www/smokey.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://web.mit.edu/krugman/www/smokey.html}
}

@Article{Krugman2011,
  author       = {Krugman, Paul},
  title        = {Can {Europe} Be Saved?},
  journaltitle = {The New York Times},
  date         = {2011},
  month        = jan,
  note         = {Published 2011/01/12},
  url          = {http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/16/magazine/16Europe-t.html},
}

@Book{Krugman2012,
  Title                    = {End this Depression Now!},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton}
}

@Article{Krugman2013,
  Title                    = {How the Case for Austerity Has Crumbled},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul},
  Date                     = {2013-06-06},
  Journaltitle             = {New York Review of Books},
  Url                      = {http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2013/jun/06/how-case-austerity-has-crumbled/},
  Urldate                  = {2015-04-20}
}

@WWW{Krugman2015,
  author       = {Paul Krugman},
  title        = {The Austerity Delusion},
  date         = {2015-04-29},
  url          = {http://www.theguardian.com/business/ng-interactive/2015/apr/29/the-austerity-delusion},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2016-05-17},
}

@Article{KrugmanWells2010,
  author       = {Krugman, Paul and Wells, Robin},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {New York Review of Books},
  title        = {The Slump Goes On: Why?},
  doi          = {10/sep},
  month        = sep,
}

@Article{KrugmanWells2010a,
  author       = {Krugman, Paul and Wells, Robin},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {New York Review of Books},
  title        = {The Way Out of the Slump},
  doi          = {10/oct},
  month        = oct,
}

@Book{KrugmanObstfeld2006,
  Title                    = {International Economics: Theory And Policy},
  Author                   = {Krugman, Paul R and Obstfeld, Maurice},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Edition                  = {Seventh},
  ISBN                     = {0321293835},
  Publisher                = {Addison-Wesley}
}

@Article{Kuchapski1998,
  Title                    = {Conceptualizing Account ability: A Liberal Framework},
  Author                   = {Kuchapski, Renee},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {191--202},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article provides the basis for a framework that conceptualizes accountability as an abstraction of political ideology. By linking accountability processes and mechanisms to both visions of the public good and to the principles and elements that undergird the concept of accountability, a more comprehensive understanding of the activities and the associated rhetoric that have been subsumed under the accountability rubric is developed.}
}

@Unpublished{KucikChaudoin2007,
  Title                    = {The Impact of Incumbency on Government Spending},
  Author                   = {Kucik, Jeffrey R and Chaudoin, R. Stephen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.},

  Abstract                 = {Previous studies on the determinants of national budget deficits in democracies focus on one of two traditional explanations: (1) the ideological positioning of the dominant party, or (2) the character of electoral institutions. However, existing econometric analyses designed to compare these theories yield conflicting, or at least inconclusive, results. We offer an alternative explanation of deficit spending that considers the fiscal priorities of incumbent governments in the electoral cycles that immediately follow exogenous economic shocks. After experiencing an economic shock, governments are compelled to increase spending above the preexisting optimal threshold. We develop a model in which the likelihood that these inflated deficits endure varies with the outcome of subsequent elections. The model predicts that when incumbents win in the next electoral cycle, spending will remain high as governments use their electoral mandate to protect their expanded fiscal priorities. Conversely, when the opposition wins, the public sanction of fiscal irresponsibility pushes levels of spending down toward the pre-shock level.{\~} The extent to which budgets converge on previous levels is determined by the magnitude of the change in electoral mandate. We test these hypotheses by considering the impact of electoral outcomes on changes in budget deficits while controlling for the two traditional explanations. We find results consistent with our predictions even when taking into account the ideological positioning of dominant parties and electoral institutions.}
}

@Article{Kuhnle2000,
  Title                    = {The Scandinavian welfare state in the 1990{s}: Challenged but viable},
  Author                   = {Kuhnle, Stein},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380008425373},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {209--228},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380008425373}
}

@Article{KuivalainenNiemala2010,
  Title                    = {From universalism to selectivism: the ideational turn of the anti-poverty policies in {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Kuivalainen, Susan and Niemel{\"a}, Mikko},
  Date                     = {2010-07-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928710364432},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {263--276},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {In the universalistic Nordic welfare states, targeted anti-poverty policies have not been considered as specific aims of social policy. The situation has, however, altered in Finland and there is now a new element in Finnish social policy that can be called `anti-poverty policy'. This article explores when, how and why the policy paradigm relating to poverty changed in Finland. It includes an empirical analysis of the documents produced by key actors. Analyses show that the basic idea behind the policy prescriptions for alleviating poverty in Finland has changed from the idea of universalism to the idea of selectivism. The results emphasise that the Church, non-governmental organisations, the European Union's Lisbon agenda as well as an active opposition politics had an important agenda-setting role behind the ideational turn from universalism to the idea of selectivism.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928710364432}
}

@Article{KuklinskiEtAl2001,
  author       = {Kuklinski, James H. and Quirk, Paul J. and Jerit, Jennifer and Rich, Robert F.},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Political Environment and Citizen Competence},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {410--424},
  url          = {http://www.jjerit.com/images/KuklinskiQuirkJeritRich_AJPS_2001.pdf},
  volume       = {45},
  abstract     = {The political-heuristics school has credited the political environment with providing easily used informational crutches that enable even poorly informed citizens to make competent political judgments. We develop a more general approach to the environment, arguing that it can either enhance or fail to enhance political judgment and that it shapes performance through the interaction of two factors: information and motivation. Using survey experiments that test citizens' ability to make tradeoffs among competing goals for health-care reform, we find that performance depends heavily on environmental conditions. A combination of general information with increased motivation to act responsibly improves aggregate performance. An extremely favorable informational environment not only enhances performance, but it even eliminates the effects of individual differences in education and political sophistication. The analysis points toward reforming structures that shape the political environment as the most plausible route to improved democratic governance.},
}

@Article{KunkelPontusson1998,
  Title                    = {Corporatism versus social democracy: Divergent fortunes of the {Austria}n and Swedish labour movements},
  Author                   = {Kunkel, Christoph and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402389808425243},
  Pages                    = {1--31},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {In Austria, the social democrats suffered major electoral losses in the 1980s and the first half of the 1990s, and these losses translated primarily into gains for right-wing populism. In Sweden, by contrast, the social democrats have pretty much held their own in recent elections (except for 1991) and protest voting has assumed leftist as well as rightist forms. Commonly regarded as prototypical instances of ``corporatism'', the two countries have also diverged with respect to union density, which fell precipitously in Austria while it rose in Sweden from 1970 to 1990. This dual divergence suggests that strong unions remain an important electoral asset for social-democratic parties. The divergent trajectories of trade-union membership are in turn related to differences between Austrian and Swedish corporatism.}
}

@Article{Kurth1987,
  Title                    = {Teachers' Unions and Excellence in Education: An Analysis of the Decline in {SAT} Scores.},
  Author                   = {Kurth, Michael M},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {351},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {Controversy surrounds the recent finding that college entrance exams are lower today than they were twenty years ago, but little empirical evidence has been offered in the debate. This paper uses cross-sectional regression analysis to examine the decline in SAT scores between 1972 and 1983. Three explanations are tested: the changing social environment, the financial resources devoted to education, and the emergence of militant teacher unions. The results show teacher unionism to be the most significant factor in the decline in scores.}
}

@Article{Kurth1988,
  Title                    = {Teachers' Unions and Excellence in Education: Reply.},
  Author                   = {Kurth, Michael M.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {389{--}394},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {The article presents a response to a comment on an article on teachers' labor unions. Apparently, they believe that insulting verbiage can compensate for weak statistics and obfuscate the real issue, which is how teachers' unions affect the excellence of the children's education. F. Howard Nelson and Jewell C. Gould's misunderstanding is especially baffling because their employer, the AFT, was on the correct side of this issue in 1984. At that time, Secretary of Education Bell cited data showing the level of federal aid to education negatively correlated with state SAT score averages, using this as evidence that federal aid may harm education.}
}

@Unpublished{Kus2012,
  Title                    = {Consumption and Social Welfare Politics: The Effect of Credit and {China}},
  Author                   = {Kus, Basak},
  Date                     = {2012},

  Abstract                 = {Analyzing data from 20 OECD countries over the period of 1995--2007, the present article investigates whether the factors that contributed to households' consumption opportunities have had any impact on the way governments in advanced societies respond to income inequalities. In addressing this question, the article particularly focuses on access to credit, and low-wage imports, from China in particular, as two mechanisms that have contributed to an increase in household consumption opportunities. The results show a highly significant inverse relation between these two factors and social welfare effort. As imports from China and availability of credit increase, the social welfare effort seems to decrease. These findings prompt us to think beyond the established arguments about progressive politics in the neoliberal era. The article also contributes to the burgeoning literature on the political and social implications of credit expansion, and of the rise of China in world trade.}
}

@Article{Kus2012a,
  Title                    = {Financialisation and Income Inequality in OECD Nations: 1995--2007},
  Author                   = {Kus, Basak},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic and Social Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {477--495},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nmzfbxv},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This paper attempts to examine the link between financialisation and income inequality in advanced countries from a comparative perspective using data from 20 OECD countries over a period of 13 years (1995-2007). The initial regression results show an overall strong correlation between several of the financialisation indicators and income inequality net of conventional explanations including economic growth rate, unemployment, globalisation, left party power, social spending, union density, female participation in the labour market, and wage bargaining centralisation. The results also show that although financialisation has a positive association with income inequality in nations with strong as well as weak unions, the association is stronger in the latter.}
}

@Article{KuznekoffTitsworth2013,
  author       = {Kuznekoff, Jeffrey H. and Titsworth, Scott},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Communication Education},
  title        = {The Impact of Mobile Phone Usage on Student Learning},
  doi          = {10.1080/03634523.2013.767917},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {233--252},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {In this study, we examined the impact of mobile phone usage, during class lecture, on student learning. Participants in three different study groups (control, low-distraction, and high-distraction) watched a video lecture, took notes on that lecture, and took two learning assessments after watching the lecture. Students who were not using their mobile phones wrote down 62\% more information in their notes, took more detailed notes, were able to recall more detailed information from the lecture, and scored a full letter grade and a half higher on a multiple choice test than those students who were actively using their mobile phones. Theoretical and pedagogical implications are discussed.},
}

@Article{Kuznets1955,
  author       = {Kuznets, Simon},
  date         = {1955},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Economic Growth and Income Inequality},
  doi          = {10.2307/1811581},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--28},
  url          = {http://courses.nus.edu.sg/course/ecshua/eca5374/Economics%20growth%20and%20income%20inequality_Kuznets_AER55.pdf},
  volume       = {45},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{Kvist1999,
  Title                    = {Welfare reform in the Nordic countries in the 1990{s}: using fuzzy-set theory to assess conformity to ideal types},
  Author                   = {Kvist, Jon},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {231--252},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This article uses a new method for policy analysis, fuzzy-set theory, which is a framework that allows for a precise operationalization of theoretical concepts. Fuzzy-set theory is used to assess the conformity of the Nordic countries to a pre-conceptualized ideal-typical Nordic welfare model. This permits us to assess recent welfare reform and judge whether changes are of a qualitative or quantitative nature, i.e. whether reform amounts to differences in kind or degree. Comparing the development of benefits in kind and cash within three welfare areas (families, the unemployed and the elderly) during the 1990s and across the Nordic countries gives us an opportunity to assess patterns of welfare reform. The patterns of welfare reform are complex, but fuzzy-set theory permits the study of diversity. Despite numerous changes, all the countries still belong to the Nordic welfare model, although to varying degrees. Generally, Finland and Sweden have implemented more cut-backs than Denmark and Norway, and all countries have both expanded and contracted welfare programmes. Resilience at the national level thus masks a differential development between welfare areas and within welfare programmes. Tentatively, it seems that welfare policies operate within upper and lower limits which in turn are likely to vary over long time periods and among different types of welfare states; the most generous programmes are liable to cut-backs and the least generous programmes to improvements.}
}

@Unpublished{KwonPontusson2008,
  Title                    = {Unions, Globalization and the Politics of Social Spending Growth in OECD Countries, 1971-2002},
  Author                   = {Kwon, Hyeok Yong and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Government Partisanship in Comparative Political Economy Workshop, Princeton University, September 26, 2008},

  Abstract                 = {This paper engages in a pooled time series cross-section analysis of the determinants of social spending growth in 16 OECD countries, focusing on the question of whether the salience of government partisanship has diminished, as existing literature alleges. We show that partisan effects on welfare spending in the OECD countries rose from the mid-1970s through the first half of the 1990s. During the latter half of the time period covered by our analysis, we observe significant transitory as well as enduring effects of government partisanship. Furthermore, we discuss the relative explanatory power of different theories as to why partisan effects might change over time, by examining whether and how the effects of government partisanship are contingent upon economic growth, globalization, income inequality, the size of welfare state, and union density.}
}

@Article{KwonPontusson2010,
  Title                    = {Globalization, labour power and partisan politics revisited},
  Author                   = {Kwon, Hyeok Yong and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwp035},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {251--281},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores temporal variation in partisan effects on social spending growth in OECD countries over the period 1971-2002. We argue that partisan effects are jointly conditioned by globalization and the mobilizational capacity of organized labour. We present three main empirical findings. First, we show that partisan effects increased from the mid-1970s to the late 1980s and then disappeared in the 1990s. Second, we show that partisan effects rose with globalization in the 1970s and early 1980s, a period characterized by rising labour strength in many OECD countries, but this is not true for the post-1990 period, characterized by declining labour strength. Third, we show that globalization was associated with declining partisan effects in countries that experienced union decline in the 1980s and 1990s, but it was associated with rising partisan effects in countries in which unions remained strong.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwp035}
}

@Article{Kwon2012,
  Title                    = {Politics of Globalization and National Economy: The German Experience Compared with the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Kwon, Hyeong-ki},
  Date                     = {2012-12-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329212461128},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {581--607},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the globalization process of German core export metalworking industries, to show how the globalization of national corporations has different effects on domestic economies. Contrary to the prevalent views on the globalization of production, this paper holds that the outcomes and patterns of globalization vary, due mainly to the politics of the main actors inside and outside corporations. This paper compares Germany's negotiated globalization with U.S. employer unilateralism. In most U.S. corporations, employers decide how to globalize based on the short-term perspective of shareholder value. By contrast, in Germany, main industrial actors --- including employers, works councils, and trade unions --- collectively negotiate how to globalize. In this conflict-laden process of collective negotiation, German actors have created a political compromise that combines the upgrading of domestic production with globalizing overseas, whereas Americans have failed to do so. Furthermore, this paper emphasizes that divergent patterns of globalization are not predetermined by national institutions. To the contrary, the successful outcomes in German globalization come mainly from actors' proactive readjustments in their traditional model of industrial relations, creating new practices, such as active union involvement in company-level bargaining, and the democratic bottom-up process instead of the traditional top-down process of negotiation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329212461128},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{KydlandPrescott1977,
  Title                    = {Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of Optimal Plans},
  Author                   = {Kydland, Finn E and Prescott, Edward C},
  Date                     = {1977},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {473{--}492},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {Even if there is an agreed-upon, fixed social objective function and policymakers know the timing and magnitude of the effects of their actions, discretionary policy, namely, the selection of that decision which is best, given the current situation and a correct evaluation of the end-of-period position, does not result in the social objective function being maximized. The reason for this apparent paradox is that economic planning is not a game against nature but, rather, a game against rational economic agents. We conclude that there is no way control theory can be made applicable to economic planning when expectations are rational.}
}

@Book{Kymlicka1995,
  Title                    = {Multicultural Citizenship},
  Author                   = {Kymlicka, Will},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Kymlicka2001,
  Title                    = {Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {Kymlicka, Will},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{LuEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Inequity Aversion and the International Distribution of Trade Protection},
  Author                   = {L{\"u}, Xiaobo and Scheve, Kenneth and Slaughter, Matthew J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00589.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {638--654},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {One important puzzle in international political economy is why lower-earning and less-skilled intensive industries tend to receive relatively high levels of trade protection. This pattern of protection holds across countries with vastly different economic and political characteristics and is not well accounted for in existing political economy models. We propose and model one possible explanation: that individual inequity aversion leads to systematic differences in support for trade protection across industries. We conduct original survey experiments in China and the United States and provide strong evidence that individual policy opinions about sector-specific trade protection depend on the earnings of workers in the sector. We also present structural estimates that advantageous and disadvantageous inequality influence support for trade protection in the two countries.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{LaPortaLopez-De-Silanes1999,
  Title                    = {The Benefits of Privatization: Evidence From {Mexico}},
  Author                   = {La Porta, Rafael and Lopez-De-Silanes, Florencio},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355399556250},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1193--1242},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {Critics of privatization argue that the increased profitability of privatized companies comes at the expense of society. Using data from 97 percent of those nonfinancial firms privatized in Mexico during the period 1983-1991, we study two channels for social losses: (1) increased prices, and (2) layoffs and lower wages. Privatization is followed by a 24-percentage-point increase in the mean ratio of operating income to sales as firms catch up with industry-matched control groups. We estimate that higher product prices explain 5 percent of that increase; transfers from laid-off workers, 31 percent; and productivity gains, the remainder.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355399556250}
}

@Article{LaaksoTaagepera1979,
  Title                    = {``Effective'' Number of Parties: A Measure With Application to West Europe},
  Author                   = {Laakso, Markku and Taagepera, Rein},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--27},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/lzcsrko},
  Volume                   = {12}
}

@Booklet{LabourParty2001,
  Title                    = {Ambitions for {Britain}: Labour's manifesto 2001},
  Author                   = {{Labour Party}},
  Date                     = {2001}
}

@Booklet{LabourParty2005,
  Title                    = {The Labour Party Manifesto 2005},
  Author                   = {{Labour Party}},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Location                 = {London, UK}
}

@Article{Ladd2002,
  Title                    = {School Vouchers: A Critical View},
  Author                   = {Ladd, Helen F.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {3--24},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This paper marshals available evidence from both the U.S. and other countries on the effects of private schools, peer effects, and competition to demonstrate that that any gains in overall student achievement from a large scale voucher program are at best likely to be small. Moreover, given the tendency of parents to judge schools in part by the characteristics of a school's students, a universal voucher system would undoubtedly harm large numbers of disadvantaged students. Although the case for a small means tested voucher program is somewhat stronger, it will do little to improve education for low-performing students.}
}

@Article{Ladd2003,
  Title                    = {Comment on Caroline M. Hoxby: School choice and school competition: Evidence from the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Ladd, Helen F.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Swedish Economic Policy Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {67--76},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Caroline Hoxby has presented one interpretation of the US evidence about school choice and school competition. Her interpretation is based largely on her own ambitious and impressive research program on the competitive effects of voucher and charter schools in the US. She concludes that public schools respond to competition by becoming more productive, that students' achievement rises when they attend schools of choice and that, to date, students attending private schools with vouchers or who switch to charter schools are neither more advantaged nor higher achieving than other students and, hence, that cream-skimming is not a problem (Hoxby, 2003, summary and p. 61). I am far less confident than Hoxby about these conclusions. My own research on school choice in New Zealand and on charter schools in the United States has made me deeply skeptical about the benefits for students from market competition in education. Although I favor expanding choice for disadvantaged students through the public school system and providing a limited number of charter schools, my reasons have more to do with equity and empowerment than with the alleged benefits of market competition. My basic skepticism about the benefits of competition makes me want to see evidence from a variety of sources and to have results replicated by several studies before drawing any definitive conclusions. In addition my critical stance reflects a different interpretation of the evidence that Hoxby presents related to the effect of voucher programs on the achievement of students who use them to switch to private schools.}
}

@Article{LaddFiske2001,
  Title                    = {The Uneven Playing Field of School Choice: Evidence from {New Zealand}},
  Author                   = {Ladd, Helen F. and Fiske, Edward B.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {43--64},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {New Zealand's 10-year experience with self-governing schools operating in a competitive environment provides new insights into school choice initiatives now being hotly debated in the United States with limited evidence. This article examines how New Zealand's system of parental choice of schools played out in that country's three major urban areas with particular emphasis on the sorting of students by ethnic and socioeconomic status. The analysis documents that schools with large initial proportions of minorities (Maori and Pacific Island students in the New Zealand context) were at a clear disadvantage in the educational market place relative to other schools and that the effect was to generate a system in which gaps between the successful and the unsuccessful schools became wider. {\textcopyright} 2001 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.}
}

@Article{LaddLenz2009,
  Title                    = {Exploiting a Rare Communication Shift to Document the Persuasive Power of the News Media},
  Author                   = {Ladd, Jonathan McDonald and Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00377.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {394--410},
  Url                      = {http://dl.dropbox.com/u/7536991/exploiting_rare_shift.pdf},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {Using panel data and matching techniques, we exploit a rare change in communication flows2014 the endorsement switch to the Labour Party by several prominent British newspapers before the 1997 United Kingdom general election2014 to study the persuasive power of the news media. These unusual endorsement switches provide an opportunity to test for news media persuasion while avoiding methodological pitfalls that have plagued previous studies. By comparing readers of newspapers that switched endorsements to similar individuals who did not read these newspapers, we estimate that these papers persuaded a considerable share of their readers to vote for Labour. Depending on the statistical approach, the point estimates vary from about 10\% to as high as 25\% of readers. These findings provide rare evidence that the news media exert a powerful influence on mass political behavior.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dl.dropbox.com/u/7536991/exploiting_rare_shift.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00377.x}
}

@Article{Ladewig2006,
  Title                    = {Domestic Influences on International Trade Policy: Factor Mobility in the {United States}, 1963 to 1992},
  Author                   = {Ladewig, Jeffrey W.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818306060036},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {69--103},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {The constituent influences on congressional voting patterns for trade policy have long been an important field of study. A central theoretical component (explicitly or implicitly) of all these studies is the level of factor mobility that defines which constituent coalitions will form and how they will be affected. Yet the recent literature offers contradictory evidence on the current level of factor mobility. Using an original data set of economic demographics of House districts and the roll call votes of U.S. House members on trade policies from 1963 to 1992, I argue that factor mobility was relatively low in the 1960s and 1970s but was rising. The relative level of factor mobility, then, reached a pivot point in the late 1970s and was subsequently relatively high in the 1980s and 1990s. I check the robustness of these results on the expected strength of the political parties in supplying these policies and the effects of divided government.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818306060036},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Laffan2000,
  Title                    = {The big budgetary bargains: from negotiation to authority},
  Author                   = {Laffan, Brigid},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760010014920},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {725--743},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the evolution of the European Union (EU) as a 'negotiated order' from the perspective of the grand budgetary bargains of 1988, 1992 and 1999. The analysis of budgetary negotiations in the EU since the mid1980s highlights two important linkages, between the budgetary bargains and constitutional change, on the one hand, and between budgetary grand bargains and institutional change, on the other. A fundamental characteristic of EU negotiations is the connection between agreement on policy and agreement on 'rules of the game'. The article sets out to analyse four factors, from an institutionalist perspective, that highlight the evolution of the Union as a 'negotiated order'. These are: the significance of crucial junctures, lock-in, institutionalization and embeddedness in the acquis . All four factors were identified as significant in the evolution of EU budgetary negotiations since 1988.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760010014920},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{LagoPenas2004,
  Title                    = {Cleavages and thresholds: the political consequences of electoral laws in the Spanish Autonomous Communities, 1980-2000},
  Author                   = {Lago Penas, Ignacio},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {23--43},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the number of political parties in the Spanish Autonomous Communities in the period 1980-2000 as the outcome of the combination of the permissiveness of the electoral systems and the heterogeneity of the societies. The differences in the number of parties between the Autonomous Communities are more related to the intensity of the regional cleavage than to the permissiveness of the electoral systems. In any case, the addition of these two variables instead of their multiplicative interaction, is the best predictor of the number of competitors in each Community. That is, an Autonomous Community may have a large number of parties either because it maintains an intense cleavage activated by the political elites or because the electoral system is very permissive.}
}

@Incollection{Laitin2000,
  Title                    = {Comparative Politics: The State of the Subdiscipline},
  Author                   = {Laitin, David D},
  Booktitle                = {Political Science: State of the Discipline},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Ira Katznelson and Helen Milner},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Publisher                = {W. W. Norton \& Company}
}

@Incollection{Lake2006,
  Title                    = {International Political Economy: A Maturing Interdiscipline},
  Author                   = {Lake, David A.},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Economy},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Barry R. Weingast and Donald A. Wittman},
  Chapter                  = {42},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {757--777},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},
  Url                      = {http://dss.ucsd.edu/~dlake/documents/LakeOxfordHandbookofPEproofs.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dss.ucsd.edu/~dlake/documents/LakeOxfordHandbookofPEproofs.pdf}
}

@Unpublished{LamoEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Public and Private Sector Wages: Co-Movement and Causality},
  Author                   = {Lamo, Ana and P{\'e}rez, Javier J. and Schuknecht, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Month                    = nov,
  Note                     = {European Central Bank Working Paper no. 963},

  Abstract                 = {This paper looks at public and private sector wages interactions since the 1960s in the euro area, euro area countries and a number of other OECD countries. The paper reports, first, a strong positive annual contemporaneous correlation of public and private sector wages over the business cycle; this finding is robust across methods and measures of wages and quite general across countries. Second, we show evidence of long-run relationships between public and private sector wages in all countries. Finally, causality analysis suggests that feedback effects between private and public wages occur in a direct manner and, importantly also via prices. While influences from the private sector appear on the whole to be stronger, there are direct and indirect feedback effects from public wage setting in a number of countries as well. We show how country-specific institutional features of labour and product markets contain helpful information to explain the heterogeneity across countries of our results on public/private wage leadership.}
}

@Article{Lamont1994,
  author       = {Lamont, Julian},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Philosophical Quarterly},
  title        = {The Concept of Desert in Distributive Justice},
  issn         = {0031-8094},
  number       = {174},
  pages        = {45--64},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2220146},
  volume       = {44},
}

@Article{Lancaster2000,
  Title                    = {The incidental parameter problem since 1948},
  Author                   = {Lancaster, Tony},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Econometrics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0304-4076(99)00044-5},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {391--413},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {This paper was written to mark the 50th anniversary of Neyman and Scott's Econometrica paper defining the incidental parameter problem. It surveys the history both of the paper and of the problem in the statistics and econometrics literature.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0304-4076(99)00044-5}
}

@Article{LandonBaird1971,
  Title                    = {Monopsony in the Market for Public School Teachers},
  Author                   = {Landon, John H and Baird, Robert N},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {966{--}971},
  Volume                   = {61}
}

@Article{LandsbergerEtAl1988,
  Title                    = {Education policy in comparative perspective: similarities in the underlying issues in debate among educational elites in {Britain}, the Federal Republic of {Germany} and the {USA}},
  Author                   = {Landsberger, Henry A and Carlson, John R and Campbell, Richard T},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Research Papers in Education},
  Pages                    = {103--130},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The objectives of this three-country study (England and Wales, West Germany and the USA) are to establish: (1) what general concerns seem to underlie those wide-ranging disputes over more specific issues of which debates over education policy in each of these three countries consist; (2) to what extent the three countries share these general concerns; (3) to what extent comparable groups in each of the three countries take similar positions with respect to these general concerns.}
}

@Incollection{Lane1994,
  Title                    = {{Sweden}: privatization and deregulation},
  Author                   = {Lane, Jan-Erik},
  Booktitle                = {Privatization in Western Europe: Pressures, Problems and Paradoxes},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Editor                   = {Vincent Wright},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {180--197},
  Publisher                = {Pinter Publishers}
}

@Book{Lane2000,
  Title                    = {New Public Management},
  Author                   = {Lane, Jan-Erik},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Incollection{Lange1984,
  Title                    = {Unions, Workers and Wage Restraint: The Rational Bases of Consent},
  Author                   = {Lange, Peter},
  Booktitle                = {Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Editor                   = {Goldthorpe, John H.},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {98--123},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Lange1993,
  Title                    = {Maastricht and the Social Protocol: Why Did They Do It?},
  Author                   = {Lange, Peter},
  Date                     = {1993-03-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329293021001002},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--36},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329293021001002}
}

@Article{LangeGarrett1985,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Growth: Strategic Interaction and Economic Performance in the Advanced Industrial Democracies, 1974--1980},
  Author                   = {Lange,Peter and Garrett,Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2131212},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = aug,
  Pages                    = {791--827},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Much contemporary research in political economy has stressed the importance of the political power of the Left and the organization of labor on economic performance among the advanced industrial democracies. This paper argues that the impact of each variable on performance, operationalized as proportionate change in economic growth rates, 1974--1980, is conditional upon the relative presence or absence of the other. Specifically, encompassing labor organization is only positively associated with growth when accompanied by Left control of government, and Left governments only have a positive impact on economic growth when labor is highly and centrally organized. Conversely, when either variable is only weakly present, the impact of the other on economic growth is negative.}
}

@Article{vanLangenDekkers2001,
  Title                    = {Decentralisation and Combating Educational Exclusion},
  Author                   = {van Langen, Annemarie and Dekkers, Hetty},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {367--384},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {The main question in our study was: which success factors and obstacles can be expected in the Netherlands when implementing a new, decentralised policy relating to educational disadvantage? Part of this research was to look at international experiences of decentralised policies to combat educational disadvantage. Thus three countries were studied in this context and their policies analysed and compared via a literature study and interviews with various experts. In this article we first report on changes in Dutch policy to combat educational disadvantage and then we describe the decentralised educational-disadvantage approach in the three countries chosen: England/Wales, the United States and Australia. Evaluation of the processes and results in these countries leads to predictions of the success of the Dutch policy reforms.}
}

@Article{LangerSagarzazu2015,
  Title                    = {Are All Policy Decisions Equal? Explaining the Variation in Media Coverage of the UK Budget},
  Author                   = {Langer, Ana Ines and Sagarzazu, I{\~n}aki},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Studies Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/psj.12119},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0072},

  Abstract                 = {A country's budget is one of the most important public policy instruments, as it establishes the government's policy priorities and has the potential to determine winners and losers. The budget, however, is a mixture of different components and these get varying degrees of attention in the media. Drawing on sociology of news research, this paper seeks to explain this heterogeneous coverage of a budget's policy decisions. To do so, it uses a unique data set of over 5,000 articles of press coverage of six UK budgets (2008--2012). These articles are coded for the presence/absence of each of the budget's policy decision, via automated content analysis. On the basis of a multivariate negative binomial model, we find that the salience of a policy decision in the coverage is determined by its cost, whether it is negative (i.e., tax hikes and spending cuts) or positive, the income group that is the most affected by it, and the level of attention given to it by the government.},
  Keywords                 = {media coverage, UK, budget, policy decisions, newsworthiness}
}

@Article{LanoueHeadrick1994,
  Title                    = {Prime Ministers, Parties, and the Public: The Dynamics of Government Popularity in {Great Britain}},
  Author                   = {Lanoue, David J and Headrick, Barbara},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {191{--}209},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {This article proposes and tests a model of British party support between 1953 and 1987, including prime minister's popularity, economic fluctuations, and short-term noneconomic factors. We argue that public evaluations of the prime minister (PM) have had an increasingly important effect on relative party popularity ("government lead"). We demonstrate that this enhanced link between PM popularity and government lead began in the 1960s, well before the Thatcher era. We also attempt to demonstrate that noneconomic factors (wars, scandals, etc.) exert indirect effects on government lead through voters' evaluations of the prime minister. The results of this test, however, are inconclusive. We discuss the implications of these findings for our understanding of British politics.}
}

@Article{Lansley2006,
  Title                    = {The tax-free lifestyle of {Britain}'s new mega-wealthy is impoverishing us all},
  Author                   = {Lansley, Stewart},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian},
  Note                     = {April 1st},
  Url                      = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2006/apr/01/comment.politics},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2006/apr/01/comment.politics},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{Lansley2012,
  Title                    = {Inequality, the Crash and the Ongoing Crisis},
  Author                   = {Lansley, Stewart},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.02357.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},

  Abstract                 = {The rise in inequality across many rich nations, but especially in the United Kingdom and the United States, was meant to lead to a bigger economic pie from which all would benefit. In fact, the increased concentration of income over the last three decades has led to more fragile and unstable economies making it a key cause of the 2008 Crash and today's lack of recovery. The evidence of the last 100 years is that models of capitalism that fail to share the proceeds of growth more evenly will eventually self-destruct. More equal societies have softer business cycles. In contrast, more unequal economies are associated with more extreme cycles --- they have exaggerated booms, deeper falls and extended troughs. The scale of inequality is not just an issue about fairness and proportionality, it is therefore integral to economic health.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.02357.x},
  Keywords                 = {Inequality, wages, profits, wealth, recession},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.26}
}

@Unpublished{Larcinese2005,
  Title                    = {Voting over redistribution and the size of the welfare state: the role of turnout},
  Author                   = {Larcinese, Valentino},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Note                     = {Forthcoming in 'Political Studies'.},

  Abstract                 = {Political economy models of redistribution inspired by the Downsian model receive little support from empirical investigation. In this paper I argue that, among other possible reasons, this is the consequence of neglecting the role of electoral turnout. Empirical evidence shows quite clearly that higher income citizens are more likely to vote: office-seeking candidates should therefore include this probability in their objective function. As a consequence, the pivotal voter is not the median in the income distribution, but will generally be richer. Moreover, an increase in income inequality does not unambiguously increase the political demand for redistribution, as most literature takes for granted. Including turnout in the model restores the compatibility of the Downsian model with current empirical evidence. A regression analysis on panel data for 41 countries in the period 1972-1998 confirms the importance of turnout as an explanatory variable for social spending.}
}

@Article{Larcinese2007,
  Title                    = {Voting over Redistribution and the Size of the Welfare State: The Role of Turnout},
  Author                   = {Larcinese, Valentino},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00658.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {568--585},
  Url                      = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/LARCINES/LarcinesePS.pdf},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {Theories of redistribution inspired by the Downsian model receive little support from empirical investigation. In this article I argue that one of the possible explanations is that the standard Downsian theory, and the empirical specifications derived from it, ignore electoral turnout. Empirical evidence consistently shows that higher-income citizens are more likely to vote; office-seeking candidates should therefore include this probability in their objective function. As a consequence, the pivotal voter is not the median in the income distribution, but is generally richer. Moreover, an increase in income inequality does not unambiguously increase the political demand for redistribution, as most literature takes for granted. Including turnout in the model restores the compatibility of the Downsian theory with current empirical evidence. A regression analysis on panel data for 41 countries in the period 1972-98 confirms the importance of turnout as an explanatory variable for social spending.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/LARCINES/LarcinesePS.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00658.x}
}

@Article{Larcinese2009,
  Title                    = {Information Acquisition, Ideology and Turnout: Theory and Evidence From {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Larcinese, Valentino},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951629808100765},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {237{--}276},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {The amount of political information that voters decide to acquire during an electoral campaign depends, among other things, on prior ideological beliefs about parties and/or candidates. Voters that are ex ante indifferent about the candidates attach little value to information because they perceive that voting itself will have little value. Voters that are ex ante very ideological also attach little value to information because they think that the news will hardly change their opinion. Thus, high incentives to be informed can be found at intermediate levels of partisanship. Moreover, the impact of increased political knowledge on turnout is asymmetric: new information increases the probability of voting of indifferent voters but decreases that of very ideological voters. These results are derived within a decision theoretical model of information acquisition and turnout that combines the Riker{--}Ordeshook (1968) approach to voting behaviour with the Becker (1965) approach to personal production functions. These predictions are then tested on survey data from the 1997 British Election Study (Heath et al., 1999). Our empirical findings are compatible with all the results of the theoretical exercise.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629808100765}
}

@Article{LarcineseEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Partisan bias in economic news: Evidence on the agenda-setting behavior of U.S. newspapers},
  Author                   = {Larcinese, Valentino and Puglisi, Riccardo and Snyder, Jr., James M.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2011.04.006},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Number                   = {9--10},
  Pages                    = {1178--1189},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {We study the agenda-setting political behavior of a large sample of U.S. newspapers during the 1996--2005 period. Our purpose is to examine the intensity of coverage of economic issues as a function of the underlying economic conditions and the political affiliation of the incumbent president, focusing on unemployment, inflation, the federal budget and the trade deficit. We investigate whether there is any significant correlation between the endorsement policy of newspapers, and the differential coverage of bad/good economic news as a function of the president's political affiliation. We find evidence that newspapers with pro-Democratic endorsement pattern systematically give more coverage to high unemployment when the incumbent president is a Republican than when the president is Democratic, compared to newspapers with pro-Republican endorsement pattern. This result is robust to controlling for the partisanship of readers. We find similar but less robust results for the trade deficit. We also find some evidence that newspapers cater to the partisan tastes of readers in the coverage of the budget deficit. We find no evidence of a partisan bias --- or at least of a bias that is correlated with the endorsement or reader partisanship --- for stories on inflation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2011.04.006},
  Booktitle                = {Special Issue: The Role of Firms in Tax Systems},
  Keywords                 = {News, Mass media, Information, Media bias}
}

@Article{LarcineseEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Allocating the U.S. Federal Budget to the States: The Impact of the President},
  Author                   = {Larcinese, Valentino and Rizzo, Leonzio and Testa, Cecilia},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00419.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {447{--}456},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00419.x}
}

@Article{Larsen2007,
  Title                    = {How Welfare Regimes Generate and Erode Social Capital: The Impact of Underclass Phenomena},
  Author                   = {Larsen, Christian Albrekt},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041507X12911361134479},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {83--101},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Comparative studies of social capital, operationalized as social trust between citizens, have revealed two major puzzles. First, why has social capital eroded in the U.S. and other liberal welfare regimes, while it is stable in social democratic and conservative welfare regimes? Second, why does the group of social democratic regimes have extremely high levels of social trust? The answer to both puzzles lies in the presence or absence of a poor and culturally distinct underclass. The social democratic welfare regimes hinder, while the liberal welfare regimes generate, such underclass phenomena.}
}

@Article{Larsen2008,
  Title                    = {The Institutional Logic of Welfare Attitudes: How Welfare Regimes Influence Public Support},
  Author                   = {Larsen, Christian Albrekt},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006295234},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--168},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Why are people who live in liberal welfare regimes so reluctant to support welfare policy? And why are people who live in social democratic welfare regimes so keen to support welfare policy? This article seeks to give an institutional account of these cross-national differences. Previous attempts to link institutions and welfare attitudes have not been convincing. The empirical studies have had large difficulties in finding the expected effects from regime-dependent differences in self-interest, class interest, and egalitarian values. This article develops a new theoretical macro{--}micro link by combining the literature on deservingness criteria and the welfare regime theory. The basic ideas are that three regime characteristics, (a) the degree of universalism in welfare policy, (b) the differences in economic resources between "the bottom" and "the majority," and (c) the degree of job opportunities, have a profound impact on the public deservingness discussion and thereby on public support for welfare policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006295234}
}

@Misc{Larsson2012,
  Author                   = {Larsson, Ann-Christin},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {May 9}
}

@Article{Lassen2005,
  Title                    = {The Effect of Information on Voter Turnout: Evidence from a Natural Experiment},
  Author                   = {Lassen, David Dreyer},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00113.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {103--118},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Do better-informed people vote more? Recent formal theories of voter turnout emphasize a positive effect of being informed on the propensity to vote, but the possibility of endogenous information acquisition makes estimation of causal effects difficult. I estimate the causal effects of being informed on voter turnout using unique data from a natural experiment Copenhagen referendum on decentralization. Four of fifteen districts carried out a pilot project, exogenously making pilot city district voters more informed about the effects of decentralization. Empirical estimates based on survey data confirm a sizeable and statistically significant causal effect of being informed on the propensity to vote.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00113.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing, Inc.}
}

@Article{LassibilleGomez2000,
  Title                    = {Organisation and Efficiency of Education Systems: Some Empirical Findings},
  Author                   = {Lassibille, Gerard and Gomez, Lucia Navarro},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {7--19},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {Using a sample of countries chosen for their similar level of development, this article shows the extent to which the organisation of primary and secondary education differs from one country to another, notably with respect to the way in which systems differentiate and select pupils for specialised curricula. It also explores the question of whether an education system that sorts pupils at a very early age is more cost-effective than a system that does not sort pupils during compulsory education. The stylised description of national education systems is based on various sources of information. The data used in the cost analysis come from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Due to data limitations, the analysis of system performance is based on student achievement only in mathematics and science. The data are drawn from the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) conducted in 1994-1995 by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA).}
}

@Book{Lasswell1958,
  author    = {Lasswell, Harold D.},
  date      = {1958},
  title     = {Politics: Who Gets What, When, How},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Meridian Books},
  url       = {https://tinyurl.com/y6lzdql7},
  urldate   = {2020-09-08},
  abstract  = {... is the classic analysis of power and manipulation by ruling elites and counter-elites. The themes that occur throughout this essay have become the guideposts for most modern research in techniques of propaganda and political organization.},
}

@Article{LauEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Correct Voting Across Thirty-Three Democracies: A Preliminary Analysis},
  Author                   = {Lau, Richard R. and Patel, Parina and Fahmy, Dalia F. and Kaufman, Robert R.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123412000610},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Month                    = mar,

  Abstract                 = {This article extends Lau and Redlawsk's notion of correct voting --- whether voters, under conditions of uncertainty, choose the alternative they would have chosen had they been fully informed about the issues and candidates in that election --- to sixty-nine elections in thirty-three established and emerging democracies around the world. At the individual level, political sophistication, political experience and motivation all significantly predict the probability of casting a correct vote. However several institutional factors proved to be even more important. In particular, elections with more parties running --- and settings that encourage candidate-centred voting --- decrease the probability of correct voting, while more ideologically distinctive alternatives, clearer lines of responsibility and greater media access to information are associated with higher rates of correct voting.}
}

@Book{LauRedlawsk2006,
  Title                    = {How voters decide: Information processing in election campaigns},
  Author                   = {Lau, Richard R. and Redlawsk, David P.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Lauderdale2012,
  Title                    = {Compound Poisson-Gamma Regression Models for Dollar Outcomes That Are Sometimes Zero},
  Author                   = {Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mps018},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {387--399},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Political scientists often study dollar-denominated outcomes that are zero for some observations. These zeros can arise because the data-generating process is granular: The observed outcome results from aggregation of a small number of discrete projects or grants, each of varying dollar size. This article describes the use of a compound distribution in which each observed outcome is the sum of a Poisson-distributed number of gamma distributed quantities, a special case of the Tweedie distribution. Regression models based on this distribution estimate loglinear marginal effects without either the ad hoc treatment of zeros necessary to use a log-dependent variable regression or the change in quantity of interest necessary to use a tobit or selection model. The compound Poisson-gamma regression is compared with commonly applied approaches in an application to data on high-speed rail grants from the United States federal government to the states, and against simulated data from several data-generating processes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps018}
}

@Article{Lauen2007,
  Title                    = {Contextual Explanations of School Choice},
  Author                   = {Lauen, Lee Lauen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/003804070708000301},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {179--209},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Participation in school-choice programs has been increasing across the country since the early 1990s. While some have examined the role that families play in the school-choice process, research has largely ignored the role of social contexts in determining where a student attends school. This article improves on previous research by modeling the contextual effects of elementary schools and neighborhoods on high school enrollment outcomes using population-level geocoded administrative data on an entire cohort of eighth graders from one of the largest urban school districts in the United States. The results of hierarchical multinomial logistic models suggest that the contextual effects of percentage black, poverty, and neighborhood concentrated disadvantage reduce the likelihood of students attending private or elite public high schools. Students in schools with high average achievement are less likely to attend selective-enrollment magnet schools, perhaps because of a frog pond effect. Finally, the study found evidence of peer effects on attending non-neighborhood schools. Together, these findings suggest a new way of conceptualizing the causes of school choice at a time when such programs are becoming more prevalent.}
}

@Article{Lauglo1995,
  Title                    = {Forms of Decentralisation and Their Implications for Education},
  Author                   = {Lauglo, Jon},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--29},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {The paper argues the case for disaggregating the concept of 'decentralisation', and presents a range of types which differ as to their rationale. Under the rubric of 'political' rationales there are: federalism, populist localism, participatory democracy, and liberalism. Under rationales that mainly concern quality and efficiency, there are: pedagogic professionalism, management by objectives, the market mechanism, and deconcentration. These different forms are described and compared with special reference to their implications for the distribution of authority in education, and for evaluation of schools.}
}

@Article{Lauglo1995a,
  Title                    = {Populism and Education in {Norway}},
  Author                   = {Lauglo, Jon},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {255--279},
  Volume                   = {39}
}

@Article{LaverEtAl2003,
  author       = {Laver, Michael and Benoit, Kenneth and Garry, John},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055403000698},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {311--331},
  url          = {http://www.kenbenoit.net/pdfs/WORDSCORESAPSR.pdf},
  volume       = {97},
  abstract     = {We present a new way of extracting policy positions from political texts that treats texts not as discourses to be understood and interpreted but rather, as data in the form of words. We compare this approach to previous methods of text analysis and use it to replicate published estimates of the policy positions of political parties in Britain and Ireland, on both economic and social policy dimensions. We ?export? the method to a non-English-language environment, analyzing the policy positions of German parties, including the PDS as it entered the former West German party system. Finally, we extend its application beyond the analysis of party manifestos, to the estimation of political positions from legislative speeches. Our ?language-blind? word scoring technique successfully replicates published policy estimates without the substantial costs of time and labor that these require. Furthermore, unlike in any previous method for extracting policy positions from political texts, we provide uncertainty measures for our estimates, allowing analysts to make informed judgments of the extent to which differences between two estimated policy positions can be viewed as significant or merely as products of measurement error.},
}

@Article{Lavy2010,
  Title                    = {Effects of Free Choice Among Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Lavy, Victor},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-937X.2009.00588.x},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {1164--1191},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, I investigate the impact of a programme in Tel-Aviv, Israel, that terminated an existing inter-district busing integration programme and allowed students free choice among public schools. The identification is based on difference-in-differences and regression discontinuity designs that yield various alternative comparison groups drawn from untreated tangent neighbourhoods and adjacent cities. Across identification methods and comparison groups, the results consistently suggest that choice significantly reduces the drop-out rate and increases the cognitive achievements of high-school students. It also improves behavioural outcomes such as teacher--student relationships and students' social acclimation and satisfaction at school, and reduces the level of violence and classroom disruption.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-937X.2009.00588.x},
  Owner                    = {tim},
  Timestamp                = {2010.03.27}
}

@Book{Lawn1987,
  Title                    = {Servants of the State: Contested Control of Teaching, 1900-30},
  Author                   = {Lawn, Martin},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {1850002584},
  Publisher                = {Falmer Press Ltd}
}

@Article{Lawrence2010,
  Title                    = {Recasting Workers' Power: Social Democracy, Institutional Change, and Corporate Governance Worldwide},
  Author                   = {Lawrence, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041510X12911363509837},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {351--370},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Not only is the global economy in crisis, but so too is the social democratic response to it. These crises necessitate a reappraisal of the record of social democracy and a rethinking of core aspects of its project --- including its party-based and parliamentary orientation, its geographical and historical scope, and its coalition of interests. In different ways, each of the works under review suggests a creative `re-vision' of social democracy, whether referring to welfare state development in the global periphery, institutional change in the global core, or corporate governance worldwide.}
}

@Article{Lawson1970,
  Title                    = {The Political Foundations of German Education},
  Author                   = {Lawson, Robert F},
  Date                     = {1970},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {193--204},
  Volume                   = {6}
}

@Incollection{LawtonEtAl2000a,
  Title                    = {Introduction: Looking Beyond the Confines},
  Author                   = {Lawton, Thomas C and Rosenau, James N and Verdun, Amy C},
  Booktitle                = {Strange Power: Shaping the parameters of international relations and international political economy},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Thomas C. Lawton, James N. Rosenau, and Amy C. Verdun},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Aldershot, UK},
  Publisher                = {Ashgate}
}

@Unpublished{Layard2003,
  Title                    = {Happiness: Has Social Science A Clue? Lecture 1 - What is happiness? Are we getting happier?},
  Author                   = {Layard, Richard},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Note                     = {Lionel Robbins Memorial Lectures 2002/3.}
}

@Unpublished{Layard2003a,
  Title                    = {Happiness: Has Social Science A Clue? Lecture 2 - Income and happiness: rethinking economic policy},
  Author                   = {Layard, Richard},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Note                     = {Lionel Robbins Memorial Lectures 2002/3.}
}

@Unpublished{Layard2003b,
  Title                    = {Happiness: Has Social Science A Clue? Lecture 3 - What would make a happier society?},
  Author                   = {Layard, Richard},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Note                     = {Lionel Robbins Memorial Lectures 2002/3.}
}

@Article{LayardNickell1990,
  Title                    = {Is Unemployment Lower if Unions Bargain Over Employment?},
  Author                   = {Layard, Richard and Nickell, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {773{--}787},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {We consider an economy in which all firms are unionized and bargain with their own union. (1) If unions bargain over employment as well as wages, employment will be the same as if they bargain over wages only, provided that the production function is Cobb-Douglas. (Employment will be higher if the elasticity of substitution between labor and capital is smaller than unity.) (2) If we start from a fully competitive labor market and then move to one of efficient bargaining (over wages and employment), employment falls. This is so even if the marginal utility of income is constant, so that bargaining is "strongly efficient."}
}

@Article{Layne1994,
  author       = {Layne, Christopher},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {International Security},
  title        = {Kant or Cant: The Myth of the Democratic Peace},
  doi          = {10.2307/2539195},
  issn         = {0162-2889},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {5--49},
  url          = {http://web.stanford.edu/class/polisci243b/readings/v0002542.pdf},
  volume       = {19},
}

@Article{Lazear2001,
  Title                    = {Educational Production},
  Author                   = {Lazear, Edward P},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {777--803},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {Classroom education has public good aspects. The technology is such that when one student disrupts the class, learning is reduced for all other students. A disruption model of educational production is presented. It is shown that optimal class size is larger for better-behaved students, which helps explain why it is difficult to find class size effects in the data. Additionally, the role of discipline is analyzed and applied to differences in performance of Catholic and public schools. An empirical framework is discussed where the importance of sorting students, teacher quality, and other factors can be assessed.}
}

@Article{LeDonne2014,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an Variations in Socioeconomic Inequalities in Students Cognitive Achievement: The Role of Educational Policies},
  Author                   = {Le Donn{\'e}, No{\'e}mie},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcu040},

  Abstract                 = {In the light of past sociological research in education, we analyze socioeconomic inequalities in cognitive competences among students reaching the end of compulsory schooling, in a time and European comparative perspective. Using the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2000, 2003, 2006, and 2009 data sets, we examine a broad set of institutional parameters that might play a role in the generation of social differentials in cognitive achievement. Analyzing PISA data for 22 European countries is particularly advantageous for pursuing our concerns, as they allow applying multilevel analyses (student; school; country) and assessing the interaction effects between the characteristics of the educational system on the one hand and students and schools socioeconomic backgrounds on the other hand. We find descriptive evidence that institutional parameters that foster freedom in education, such as an early selection with numerous tracks of study, a great significance of public selective schools, as well as of private schools with fees, jointly amplify socioeconomic inequalities in performances between students essentially by magnifying the effect of schools social composition on students competences. We find ambiguous results concerning the effect of grade retention, which challenge past and current researches showing negative short-term effects of grade retention. Our hypotheses about the equalizing effect of national support measures, such as financial aids for disadvantaged students, are not empirically confirmed.}
}

@Book{LeGrand1982,
  Title                    = {The Strategy of Equality},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {1982},
  ISBN                     = {0043360742},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {George Allen \& Unwin}
}

@Article{LeGrand1990,
  author       = {{Le Grand}, Julian},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {Equity Versus Efficiency: The Elusive Trade-Off},
  issn         = {0014-1704},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {554--568},
  volume       = {100},
  month        = apr,
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{LeGrand1991,
  Title                    = {Quasi-Markets and Social Policy},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {408},
  Pages                    = {1256--1267},
  Volume                   = {101}
}

@Article{LeGrand1991b,
  Title                    = {The Theory of Government Failure},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {423--442},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This article outlines a theory of government failure that parallels the more well-established theory of market failure. It builds on the work of the public choice school concerning the behaviour of governments under the assumption that all relevant agents pursue their self-interest. It examines the theoretical consequences for efficiency and equity of three kinds of government activity: provision, subsidy and regulation. The conclusion is reached that all three may create inefficiency and inequity, but that the form and magnitude of the failure will differ with the type of activity; hence it is important that the three are distinguished. It is also emphasised that the extent of government failure in each case (and whether it is greater or smaller than the corresponding areas of market failure) is ultimately an empirical question, not a theoretical one.}
}

@Article{LeGrand1997,
  Title                    = {Knights, Knaves or Pawns? Human Behaviour and Social Policy},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0047279497004984},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {149--169},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {There are two fundamental changes currently under way in the welfare state. These are the development of quasi-markets in welfare provision, and the supplementation of {\textquoteleft}fiscal{\textquoteright} welfare by {\textquoteleft}legal{\textquoteright} welfare: policies that rely on redistributing income through regulation and other legal devices, instead of through the tax and social security system. This article argues that these changes are in part the result of a fundamental shift in policy-makers' beliefs concerning human motivation and behaviour. People who finance, operate and use the welfare state are no longer assumed to be either public spirited altruists (knights) or passive recipients of state largesse (pawns); instead they are all considered to be in one way or another self-interested (knaves). However, since neither the {\textquoteleft}new{\textquoteright} nor the {\textquoteleft}old{\textquoteright} set of assumptions are based on evidence, policies based on the new set are as likely to fail as those based on the old. What is needed are {\textquoteleft}robust{\textquoteright} policies that are not dependent on any simple view of human behaviour.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0047279497004984}
}

@Book{LeGrand2003,
  Title                    = {Motivation, Agency and Public Policy: Of Knights and Knaves, Pawns and Queens},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {0199266999},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{LeGrand2007,
  Title                    = {The Other Invisible Hand: Delivering Public Services through Choice and Competition},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-691-12936-5},
  Location                 = {Princeton, New Jersey},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {How can we ensure high-quality public services such as health care and education? Governments spend huge amounts of public money on public services such as health, education, and social care, and yet the services that are actually delivered are often low quality, inefficiently run, unresponsive to their users, and inequitable in their distribution. In this book, Julian Le Grand argues that the best solution is to offer choice to users and to encourage competition among providers. Le Grand has just completed a period as policy advisor working within the British government at the highest levels, and from this he has gained evidence to support his earlier theoretical work and has experienced the political reality of putting public policy theory into practice. He examines four ways of delivering public services: trust; targets and performance management; "voice"; and choice and competition. He argues that, although all of these have their merits, in most situations policies that rely upon extending choice and competition among providers have the most potential for delivering high-quality, efficient, responsive, and equitable services. But it is important that the relevant policies are appropriately designed, and this book provides a detailed discussion of the principal features that these policies should have in the context of health care and education. It concludes with a discussion of the politics of choice.}
}

@Article{LeGrand2007a,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Choice and Competition in Public Services},
  Author                   = {Le Grand, Julian},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00848.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {207--213},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {The politics of choice and competition in public services are complex. Only public service users seem basically to want choice. Providers prefer alternative models of service delivery especially those that rely upon trust. Social democrats prefer voice and trust; conservatives want choice and competition to be exercised in the context of a full private market. Yet, so long as they are properly designed, policies aimed at promoting choice and competition can serve the interests of all these groups better than the alternatives.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00848.x}
}

@Article{Leblang2003,
  Title                    = {To Devalue or to Defend? The Political Economy of Exchange Rate Policy},
  Author                   = {Leblang, David},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1046/j.0020-8833.2003.00278.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {533{--}560},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Speculative currency attacks are a regular feature of the international political economy. Nevertheless, not all speculative attacks result in a devalued currency. In many cases, politicians were willing and able to defend the exchange rate peg. I develop a model of strategic interaction between speculators in currency markets and policymakers in governments. This model indicates that speculative attacks occur when economic fundamentals are weak or when there is uncertainty about the capability and/or willingness of governments to defend the currency peg. I show that the government's decision to defend the peg reflects institutional, electoral, and partisan incentives. I test hypotheses from this model on a sample of 90 developing countries between 1985 and 1998 using a strategic probit model.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.0020-8833.2003.00278.x}
}

@Article{LeboBox-Steffensmeier2008,
  Title                    = {Dynamic Conditional Correlations in Political Science},
  Author                   = {Lebo, Matthew J and Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00337.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {688--704},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Time-varying relationships and volatility are two methodological challenges that are particular to the field of time series. In the case of the former, more comprehensive understanding can emerge when we ask under what circumstances relationships may change. The impact of context2014such as the political environment, the state of the economy, the international situation, etc.2014is often missing in dynamic analyses that estimate time-invariant parameters. In addition, time-varying volatility presents a number of challenges including threats to inference if left unchecked. Among time-varying parameter models, the Dynamic Conditional Correlation (DCC) model is a creative and useful approach that deals effectively with over-time variation in both the mean and variance of time series. The DCC model allows us to study the evolution of relationships over time in a multivariate setting by relaxing model assumptions and offers researchers a chance to reinvigorate understandings that are tested using time series data. We demonstrate the method's potential in the first example by showing how the importance of subjective evaluations of the economy are not constant, but vary considerably over time as predictors of presidential approval. A second example using international dyadic time series data shows that the story of movement and comovement is incomplete without an understanding of the dynamics of their variance as well as their means.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00337.x}
}

@Article{LebovicVoeten2009,
  Title                    = {The Cost of Shame: International Organizations and Foreign Aid in the Punishing of Human Rights Violators},
  Author                   = {Lebovic, James H. and Voeten, Erik},
  Date                     = {2009-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Peace Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022343308098405},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {79--97},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Are violators of international human rights norms punished with lower levels of foreign aid? Despite their abstract preferences, governments often lack the incentive to punish norm violators bilaterally. Multilateral lending institutions, such as the World Bank, could fill the void if they wanted to consider human rights abuses and could bypass restrictions on evaluating the political character of recipients. This article argues that `shaming' in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, through resolutions that explicitly criticized governments for their human rights records, provided substantive information about rights abuses and gave political cover for the World Bank and other liberal multilateral aid institutions seeking to sanction human rights violators. Statistical analyses support these theoretical claims. The adoption of a UNCHR resolution condemning a country's human rights record produced a sizeable reduction in multilateral, and especially World Bank, aid but had no effect on the country's aggregate bilateral aid receipts. The analyses also support predictions that `objective' measures of human rights have no independent effect on multilateral aid allocations. The findings, which are robust to different model techniques and specifications, suggest that punishment for violating international human rights norms is selective, that international organizations play an important role in the selection process and, thus, that seemingly symbolic resolutions of a politically motivated IO can carry tangible consequences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343308098405},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{LeDuc1981,
  Title                    = {The Dynamic Properties of Party Identification: a Four-Nation Comparison},
  Author                   = {LeDuc, Lawrence},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {257--268},
  Volume                   = {9}
}

@Article{LeeStrang2006,
  author       = {Lee, Chang Kil and Strang, David},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {The International Diffusion of Public-Sector Downsizing: Network Emulation and Theory-Driven Learning},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818306060292},
  number       = {04},
  pages        = {883--909},
  volume       = {60},
  abstract     = {We examine change in the size of the public sector between 1980 and 1997 across twenty-six Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) member nations, with particular attention to diffusion dynamics. General method of moments (GMM) analyses demonstrate imitation of shifts in government employment within the United States and mutual influence among nations that are geographically proximate and that trade extensively. Disaggregated analyses show that downsizing is contagious while upsizing is not: proximate downsizers but not upsizers are imitated, and states act on evidence that downsizing is economically beneficial while ignoring evidence that it is harmful. We argue that these asymmetries in emulation and learning are a product of the dominance of neoliberal and managerialist discourses that legitimate and theorize shrinking the public sector.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818306060292},
}

@Article{LeeLemieux2010,
  Title                    = {Regression Discontinuity Designs in Economics},
  Author                   = {Lee, David S. and Lemieux, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jel.48.2.281},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {281--355},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides an introduction and `user-guide' to Regression Discontinuity (RD) designs for empirical researchers. It presents the basic theory behind the research design, details when RD is likely to be valid or invalid given economic incentives, explains why it is considered a `quasi-experimental' design, and summarizes different ways (with their advantages and disadvantages) of estimating RD designs and the limitations of interpreting these estimates. Concepts are discussed using examples drawn from the growing body of empirical research using RD.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.48.2.281}
}

@Article{LeeEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Do Voters Affect or Elect Policies? Evidence from the US House},
  Author                   = {Lee, David S. and Moretti, Enrico and Butler, Matthew J.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/0033553041502153},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {807{--}860},
  Volume                   = {119},

  Abstract                 = {There are two fundamentally different views of the role of elections in policy formation. In one view, voters can affect candidates' policy choices: competition for votes induces politicians to move toward the center. In this view, elections have the effect of bringing about some degree of policy compromise. In the alternative view, voters merely elect policies: politicians cannot make credible promises to moderate their policies, and elections are merely a means to decide which one of two opposing policy views will be implemented. We assess which of these contrasting perspectives is more empirically relevant for the U. S. House. Focusing on elections decided by a narrow margin allows us to generate quasi-experimental estimates of the impact of a "randomized" change in electoral strength on subsequent representatives' roll-call voting records. We find that voters merely elect policies: the degree of electoral strength has no effect on a legislator's voting behavior. For example, a large exogenous increase in electoral strength for the Democratic party in a district does not result in shifting both parties' nominees to the left. Politicians' inability to credibly commit to a compromise appears to dominate any competition-induced convergence in policy.}
}

@Article{LeeRoemer2005,
  Title                    = {The Rise and Fall of Unionised Labour Markets: A Political Economy Approach},
  Author                   = {Lee, Woojin and Roemer, John E.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {500},
  Pages                    = {28--67},
  Volume                   = {115},

  Abstract                 = {Studying a model where trade unions interact with endogenously formed partisan political parties, we explain changing political preferences for and against the unionised labour market regime. We focus on the changes in coalition formation between unskilled and moderately skilled workers, which in turn depend on inequality among workers. When inequality is either very low or very high, moderately skilled workers form a political coalition with unskilled workers to support a unionised labour market regime. In other cases, the economic interest of the moderately skilled workers is more in line with that of highly skilled workers and capital owners to support a competitive labour market regime.}
}

@Article{Leeson2007,
  author       = {Peter T. Leeson},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {An-arrgh-chy: The Law and Economics of Pirate Organization},
  issn         = {0022-3808},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1049--1094},
  url          = {http://www.peterleeson.com/an-arrgh-chy.pdf},
  urldate      = {2015-11-14},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {This article investigates the internal governance institutions of violent criminal enterprise by examining the law, economics, and organization of pirates. To effectively organize their banditry, pirates required mechanisms to prevent internal predation, minimize crew conflict, and maximize piratical profit. Pirates devised two institutions for this purpose. First, I analyze the system of piratical checks and balances crews used to constrain captain predation. Second, I examine how pirates used democratic constitutions to minimize conflict and create piratical law and order. Pirate governance created sufficient order and cooperation to make pirates one of the most sophisticated and successful criminal organizations in history.},
}

@Article{LeggeRainey2003,
  Title                    = {Privatization and Public Opinion in {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Legge, Jr., Jerome S. and Rainey, Hal G.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Organization Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1024216313373},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {127--149},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Privatization has been a major issue around the world, but research on public opinion about it has been scarce. The German Social Survey provides an opportunity to compare citizen opinions from a formerly socialist-authoritarian regime with those from a democratic regime, in their opinions about privatizing banks, electrical power, and hospitals. As do citizens in surveys in other nations, Germans support privatization of the services in the order just given. Citizens from the east, where privatization led to sharp increases in unemployment, oppose privatization much more than do westerners. A LISREL analysis indicates that their opposition is not due to their concerns about its economic effects on themselves or the nation ``economic pessimism'', but more due to perception of the proper role of government ``opposition to government spending'', and sense of political efficacy. The analysis also reflects on the roles of other variables such as ideology, partisanship, gender, being unemployed, education, and preference for taxes versus public services. We discuss implications for theory and research on public opinion about government policies and services, such as the role of direct economic self-interest versus more symbolic and ideological orientations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1024216313373}
}

@Incollection{Lehmbruch1984,
  Title                    = {Concertation and the Structure of Corporatist Networks},
  Author                   = {Lehmbruch, Gerhard},
  Booktitle                = {Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Editor                   = {John H. Goldthorpe},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Oxford},
  Pages                    = {60{--}80},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Incollection{LehtoEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Universal public social care and health services?},
  Author                   = {Lehto, Juhani and Moss, Nina and Rostgaard, Tine},
  Booktitle                = {Nordic Social Policy: Changing welfare states},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {Mikko Kautto, Matti Heikkil{\"a}, Bj{\o}rn Hvinden, Steffan Marklund and Niels Ploug},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {104--132},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Leibenstein1966,
  Title                    = {Allocative Efficiency vs. "X-Efficiency"},
  Author                   = {Leibenstein, Harry},
  Date                     = {1966},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {392--415},
  Volume                   = {56}
}

@Article{Leibfried1994,
  Title                    = {The Social Dimension of the {Europe}an Union: En Route To Positively Joint Sovereignty?},
  Author                   = {Leibfried, Stephan},
  Date                     = {1994-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879400400401},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {239--262},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {This article outlines possible scenarios of Social Europe. First, the status quo of (fragile) welfare state sovereignty and autonomy in the Member States is outlined. Then the major reason for the EU's difficult inheritance of a 'social dimension'is explored: namely, limping labour market integration --- the only EU market that looks like a free trade zone --- and its consequences for delicate European social integration. Without a common labour market chances for a bottom up social dimension are meager. 'Single' and multiple scenarios for a development of Europe's Social Dimension are then fleshed out. They stretch from 'one ge ometry' to 'variable geometries': European de velopment may be shared by all Member States, though there are different models of European development applying to them col lectively. These models are analysed in terms of the interaction between welfare state sover eignty and economic interdependence: 're sovereignization' and regime competition, 'joint sovereignty' of a positive and a trapping variety, and hegemony are the subscenarios discussed. The 'one Europe' about to develop since 1957 may also be shattered, though frag menting into many 'Europes': speaking about a Europe with different tracks and speeds still implies a shared European destination and common institutions, owed to the 'one ge ometry' legacy. But Europe may, and this is quite likely, also spin off into altogether differ ent policy trajectories, and lose its common destination - and also its unitary institutional structure at the European Union level.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879400400401}
}

@Article{Leigh2008,
  Title                    = {Estimating the impact of gubernatorial partisanship on policy settings and economic outcomes: A regression discontinuity approach},
  Author                   = {Leigh, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2007.06.003},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {256{--}268},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {Using panel data from US states over the period 1941-2002, I measure the impact of gubernatorial partisanship on a wide range of different policy settings and economic outcomes. Across 32 measures, there are surprisingly few differences in policy settings, social outcomes and economic outcomes under Democrat and Republican Governors. In terms of policies, Democratic Governors tend to prefer slightly higher minimum wages. Under Republican Governors, incarceration rates are higher, while welfare caseloads are higher under Democratic Governors. In terms of social and economic outcomes, Democratic Governors tend to preside over higher median post-tax income, lower post-tax inequality, and lower unemployment rates. However, for 26 of the 32 dependent variables, gubernatorial partisanship does not have a statistically significant impact on policy outcomes and social welfare. I find no evidence of gubernatorial partisan differences in tax rates, welfare generosity, the number of government employees or their salaries, state revenue, incarceration rates, execution rates, pre-tax incomes and inequality, crime rates, suicide rates, and test scores. These results are robust to the use of regression discontinuity estimation, to take account of the possibility of reverse causality. Overall, it seems that Governors behave in a fairly non-ideological manner.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2007.06.003}
}

@Article{Leigh2009,
  Title                    = {Does the World Economy Swing National Elections?*},
  Author                   = {Leigh, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0084.2008.00545.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0084},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {163--181},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {Do voters reward national leaders who are more competent economic managers, or merely those who happen to be in power when the world economy booms? Using data from 268 democratic elections held between 1978 and 1999, I compare the effect of world growth (luck) and national growth relative to world growth (competence). Both matter, but the effect of luck is larger than the effect of competence. Voters are more likely to reward competence in countries that are richer and better educated; and there is some suggestive evidence that media penetration rates affect the returns to luck and competence.}
}

@Article{LeighleyNagler2007,
  Title                    = {Unions, Voter Turnout, and Class Bias in the U.S. Electorate, 19642004},
  Author                   = {Leighley, Jan E and Nagler, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00541.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {430--441},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses individual-level data to examine the impact of unions on turnout and assesses the consequences of dramatic changes in union strength and in the composition of union membership since 1964 for the composition of the U.S. electorate. We first estimate individual-level models to test for the distinct effects of union membership and union strength on the probabilities of members and nonmembers voting and then test whether the effect of individual union membership and overall union strength varies across income levels. We find that unions increase turnout of both members and nonmembers. By simulating what turnout would be were union membership at its 1964 level, we show that the decline in union membership since 1964 has affected the aggregate turnout of both low- and middle-income individuals more than the aggregate turnout of high-income individuals. However, while class bias has increased as a consequence of the decline, the change is surprisingly small.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00541.x}
}

@Article{LemieuxEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Performance Pay and Wage Inequality},
  Author                   = {Lemieux, Thomas and MacLeod, W. Bentley and Parent, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/qjec.2009.124.1.1},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--49},
  Volume                   = {124},

  Abstract                 = {An increasing fraction of jobs in the U.S. labor market explicitly pay workers for their performance using bonus pay, commissions, or piece-rate contracts. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we show that compensation in performance-pay jobs is more closely tied to both observed and unobserved productive characteristics of workers than compensation in non-performance-pay jobs. We also find that the return to these productive characteristics increased faster over time in performance-pay than in non-performance-pay jobs. We show that this finding is consistent with the view that underlying changes in returns to skill due, for instance, to technological change induce more firms to offer performance-pay contracts and result in more wage inequality among workers who are paid for performance. Thus, performance pay provides a channel through which underlying changes in returns to skill get translated into higher wage inequality. We conclude that this channel accounts for 21\% of the growth in the variance of male wages between the late 1970s and the early 1990s and for most of the increase in wage inequality above the eightieth percentile over the same period.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.2009.124.1.1}
}

@Incollection{Lenschow2007,
  Title                    = {Environmental Policy in the {Europe}an Union: Bridging Policy, Politics, and Polity Dimensions},
  Author                   = {Lenschow, Andrea},
  Booktitle                = {Handbook of European Union Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Knud Erik Jorgensen, Mark A. Pollack and Ben Rosamond},
  Chapter                  = {21},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {413--431},
  Publisher                = {Sage}
}

@Article{LenschowSprungk2010,
  Title                    = {The Myth of a Green {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Lenschow, Andrea and Sprungk, Carina},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02045.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {133--154},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Unlike most nation-states, the EU faces the challenge of actively creating and sustaining myths about its polity. In this article we explore if and under what conditions the story of a `Green Europe' represents a successful new myth on the European project, which is appealing to present and future generations and capable of generating legitimacy for EU politics. Exploring the narratives of policy leaders (storytellers) we trace the functional role of environmental policy for the EU polity as a whole, establish the legitimating role of environmental policy for the EU and search the extent to which the environmental narrative is constructed as an identity-building story. We argue that, while the actual performance of the EU in environmental policy might raise some doubts about the credibility and hence sustainability of the Green Europe myth, `green' has become a brand attribute of the EU to the European public and carries a high level of legitimacy and potential for identification.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02045.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{LensinkMorrissey2000,
  Title                    = {Aid instability as a measure of uncertainty and the positive impact of aid on growth},
  Author                   = {Lensink, Robert and Morrissey, Oliver},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {The Journal of Development Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00220380008422627},
  ISSN                     = {0022-0388},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {31--49},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {This article contributes to the literature on aid and economic growth. We posit that uncertainty, measured as the instability of aid receipts, will influence the relationship between aid and investment, how recipient governments respond to aid, and will capture the fact that some countries are especially vulnerable to shocks. When we account for uncertainty (which is negative and significant), we find that aid has a significant positive effect on growth, largely due to its effect on the volume of investment. The finding that uncertainty of aid receipts reduces the effectiveness of aid is robust. When the regression is estimated for the sub?sample of African countries these findings hold, although the effectiveness of aid appears weaker than for the full sample.},
  Booktitle                = {The Journal of Development Studies},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Lenz2009,
  Title                    = {Learning and Opinion Change, Not Priming: Reconsidering the Priming Hypothesis},
  Author                   = {Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00403.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {821--837},
  Url                      = {http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.175.8385&rep=rep1&type=pdf},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {According to numerous studies, campaign and news media messages can alter the importance individuals place on an issue when evaluating politicians, an effect called priming. Research on priming revived scholarly interest in campaign and media effects and implied, according to some, that campaigns and the media can manipulate voters. There are, however, alternative explanations for these priming findings, alternatives that previous studies have not fully considered. In this article, I reanalyze four cases of alleged priming, using panel data to test priming effects against these alternatives. Across these four cases, I find little evidence of priming effects. Instead, campaign and media attention to an issue creates the appearance of priming through a two-part process: Exposing individuals to campaign and media messages on an issue (1) informs some of them about the parties' or candidates' positions on that issue. Once informed, (2) these individuals often adopt their preferred party's or candidate's position as their own.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{LenzLawson2011,
  Title                    = {Looking the Part: Television Leads Less Informed Citizens to Vote Based on Candidates' Appearance},
  Author                   = {Lenz, Gabriel S. and Lawson, Chappell},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00511.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {574--589},
  Url                      = {http://dl.dropbox.com/u/7536991/looking_the_part.pdf},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {As long as there has been democratic government, skeptics have worried that citizens would base their choices and their votes on superficial considerations. A series of recent studies seems to validate these fears, suggesting that candidates who merely look more capable or attractive perform better in elections. In this article, we examine the underlying process behind the appearance effect. Specifically, we test whether the effect of appearance is more pronounced among those who know little about politics but are exposed to visual images of candidates. To do so, we combine appearance-based assessments of U.S. Senate and gubernatorial candidates with individual-level survey data measuring vote intent, political knowledge, and television exposure. Confirming long-standing concerns about image and television, we find that appealing-looking politicians benefit disproportionately from television exposure, primarily among less knowledgeable individuals.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dl.dropbox.com/u/7536991/looking_the_part.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00511.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{LeuvenEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {The Effect of Extra Funding for Disadvantaged Pupils on Achievement},
  Author                   = {Leuven, Edwin and Lindahl, Mikael and Oosterbeek, Hessel and Webbink, Dinand},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/rest.89.4.721},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {721{--}736},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest.89.4.721}
}

@Article{LevacicHardman1998,
  Title                    = {Competing for Resources: The Impact of Social Disadvantage and Other Factors on English Secondary Schools' Financial Performance},
  Author                   = {Levacic, Rosalind and Hardman, Jason},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {303{--}328},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced a schools' quasi-market intended to reward schools financially for recruiting pupils and to give them a financial incentive for 'good' educational performance. The paper examines this linkage by analysing data on financial performance for over 300 English Local Education Authority (LEA) and Grant Maintained (GM) secondary schools from 1990/91 to 1995/96, correcting for inflation and changes in LEA delegation ratios. On average over 6 LEA areas, real school budgets per pupil declined by 0.6\% a year while examination performance at GCSE improved. Statistical analysis shows that while change in pupil numbers is the most important variable explaining school budget change, half as much is explained by variations in LEA and government financial policy, thus weakening market incentives. It was also found that the proportion of socially disadvantaged pupils, as measured by free school meals, is associated with a loss of pupils over time and hence a decline in budget. GM status had no discernible effect on pupil recruitment, once social disadvantage and other explanatory variables were taken into account. It is suggested that both ecological and open systems theories of how organisations change in response to external environmental pressures explain the differential success of schools in attracting resources.}
}

@Article{Levendusky2013,
  Title                    = {Why Do Partisan Media Polarize Viewers?},
  Author                   = {Levendusky, Matthew S.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12008},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {611--623},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {The recent increase in partisan media has generated interest in whether such outlets polarize viewers. I draw on theories of motivated reasoning to explain why partisan media polarize viewers, why these programs affect some viewers much more strongly than others, and how long these effects endure. Using a series of original experiments, I find strong support for my theoretical expectations, including the argument that these effects can still be detected several days postexposure. My results demonstrate that partisan media polarize the electorate by taking relatively extreme citizens and making them even more extreme. Though only a narrow segment of the public watches partisan media programs, partisan media's effects extend much more broadly throughout the political arena.}
}

@Incollection{Levi1998,
  Title                    = {Conscription: The Price of Citizenship},
  Author                   = {Levi, Margaret},
  Booktitle                = {Analytic Narratives},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {Robert H. Bates, Avner Greif, Margaret Levi, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, and Barry R. Weingast},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Pages                    = {109--147},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{LeviStoker2000,
  Title                    = {Political Trust and Trustworthiness},
  Author                   = {Levi, Margaret and Stoker, Laura},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.475},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {475--507},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {After addressing the meaning of `trust' and `trustworthiness,' we review survey-based research on citizens' judgments of trust in governments and politicians, and historical and comparative case study research on political trust and government trustworthiness. We first provide an overview of research in these two traditions, and then take up four topics in more detail: (a) political trust and political participation; (b) political trust, public opinion, and the vote; (c) political trust, trustworthy government, and citizen compliance; and (d) political trust, social trust, and cooperation. We conclude with a discussion of fruitful directions for future research.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.475},
  Booktitle                = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Publisher                = {Annual Reviews},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Article{Levin1998,
  author       = {Benjamin Levin},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Education},
  title        = {An Epidemic of Education Policy: (what) can we learn from each other?},
  doi          = {10.1080/03050069828234},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {131-141},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {Education policy is in a state of change across the industralized countries. Governments everywhere are re-examining many aspects of the provision of schooling. This paper examines the extent to which countries and their subjurisdictions (such as states in the US or provinces in Canada) are learning from each other about the nature of change and reform in education. It draws on formal policy documents and published policy literature in Canada, the US and Britain and on my experience as a government official in education as well as through visits to and extensive contact with colleagues in the other two countries. I conclude that mutual learning is not necessarily a good description of the movement of policies and suggest that analogies to disease and epidemics may be a useful way of thinking about what is happening.},
}

@Unpublished{LevinSchwartz2006,
  Title                    = {Education Vouchers for Universal Pre-Schools},
  Author                   = {Levin, Henry M and Schwartz, Heather L},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {This article considers two issues regarding pre-school education. First, it provides a brief set of arguments for government funding of universal, pre-school education. Second, it explores the applicability of a voucher plan using a regulated market approach for the funding of universal, pre-school education. Four criteria are used to assess the approach: freedom of choice, equity, productive efficiency, and social cohesion. The analytic framework is then applied to the Georgia{\~} Pre-K{\~} program, a statewide and universal approach based upon market competition that enlists government, non-profit, and for-profit educational providers. We conclude that, according to the four criteria set out, the highly regulated Georgia{\~} pre-school approach appears to produce superior results than one built upon exclusive production of pre-school services by government entities.}
}

@Book{LevineLevine2001,
  Title                    = {Engaging Political Philosophy: From Hobbes to Rawls},
  Author                   = {Levine, Andrew and Levine, John},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {978-0631222286},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers}
}

@Article{LevinePalfrey2007,
  Title                    = {The Paradox of Voter Participation? A Laboratory Study},
  Author                   = {Levine, David K and Palfrey, Thomas R},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055407070013},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {143--158},
  Volume                   = {101},

  Abstract                 = {It is widely believed that rational choice theory is grossly inconsistent with empirical observations about voter turnout. We report the results of an experiment designed to test the voter turnout predictions of the rational choice Palfrey{\textendash}Rosenthal model of participation with asymmetric information. We find that the three main comparative statics predictions are observed in the data: the size effect, whereby turnout goes down in larger electorates; the competition effect, whereby turnout is higher in elections that are expected to be close; and the underdog effect, whereby voters supporting the less popular alternative have higher turnout rates. We also compare the quantitative magnitudes of turnout to the predictions of Nash equilibrium. We find that there is undervoting for small electorates and overvoting for large electorates, relative to Nash equilibrium. These deviations from Nash equilibrium are consistent with the logit version of Quantal Response Equilibrium, which provides a good fit to the data, and can also account for significant voter turnout in very large elections.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055407070013}
}

@Article{Levitt1996,
  Title                    = {How Do Senators Vote? Disentangling the Role of Voter Preferences, Party Affiliation, and Senator Ideology},
  Author                   = {Levitt, Steven D},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {425--441},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops a methodology for consistently estimating the relative weights in senator utility functions, despite the fact that senator ideologies are unobserved. The empirical results suggest that voter preferences are assigned only one quarter of the weight in senator utility functions. The national "party line" also has some influence, but the senator's own ideology is the primary determinant of roll-call voting patterns. These results cast doubt on the empirical relevance of the median voter theorem. Estimation of the model requires only roll-call voting data, making it widely applicable.}
}

@Article{LevittSnyder1995,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and the Distribution of Federal Outlays},
  Author                   = {Levitt, Steven D. and Snyder, James M.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {958--980},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Several models of distributive politics predict a role for parties in determining the allocation of federal outlays. The number of Democratic voters will be positively correlated with federal outlays, even after controlling for demographic and socioeconomic variables. The degree to which a program will be skewed to Democrats will be a function of the amount of variation in program benefits across districts, whether the program is administered by formula, and the extent of one-party control when the program is initiated. Regression analysis of district-level data on election outcomes and federal assistance programs for the period 1984-90. The number of Democratic voters is an important predictor of the amount of federal dollars flowing to a district. Programs with a greater amount of variation across districts are more heavily skewed to Democrats, as are programs administered by formula. Programs initiated in the latter half of the 1970s, a time of solid Democratic control, exhibit the greatest bias towards Democrats; programs started in the Reagan era show no such bias. Our results are consistent with a model in which parties in the United States play an important, but limited role in determining the distribution of federal dollars: given enough time, parties can target types of voters, but they cannot easily target specific districts.}
}

@Article{LevittSnyder1997,
  Title                    = {The Impact of Federal Spending on House Election Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Levitt, Steven D and Snyder, James M},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {30--53},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {While it is widely believed by academics, politicians, and the popular press that incumbent members of Congress are rewarded by the electorate for bringing federal dollars to their district, the empirical evidence supporting that claim is extremely weak. One explanation for the failure to uncover the expected relationship between federal spending and election outcomes is that incumbents who expect to have difficulty being reelected are likely to exert greater effort in obtaining federal outlays. Since it is generally impossible to adequately measure this effort, the estimated impact of spending is biased downward because of an omitted variable bias. We address this estimation problem using instrumental variables. For each House district, we use spending outside the district but inside the state containing the district as an instrument for spending in the district. Federal spending is affected by a large number of actors (e.g., governors, senators, mayors, and other House members in the state delegation), leading to positive correlations in federal spending across the House districts within states. However, federal spending outside of a district is unlikely to be strongly correlated with the strength of that district's electoral challenge. In contrast to previous studies, we find strong evidence that federal spending benefits congressional incumbents: an additional $100 per capita in spending is worth as much as 2 percent of the popular vote. The only category of federal spending that does not appear to yield electoral rewards is direct transfers to individuals.}
}

@Unpublished{LevyTemin2007,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Institutions in 20th Century {America}},
  Author                   = {Levy, Frank and Temin, Peter},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {We provide a comprehensive view of widening income inequality in the United States contrasting conditions since 1980 with those in earlier postwar years. We argue that the income distribution in each period was strongly shaped by a set of economic institutions. The early postwar years were dominated by unions, a negotiating framework set in the Treaty of Detroit, progressive taxes, and a high minimum wage - all parts of a general government effort to broadly distribute the gains from growth. More recent years have been characterized by reversals in all these dimensions in an institutional pattern known as the Washington Consensus. Other explanations for income disparities including skill-biased technical change and international trade are seen as factors operating within this broader institutional story.}
}

@Article{Levy2005,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Public Provision of Education},
  Author                   = {Levy, Gilat},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355305775097489},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1507--1534},
  Volume                   = {120},

  Abstract                 = {Public provision of education is usually viewed as a form of redistribution in kind. However, does it arise when income redistribution is feasible as well? I analyze a two-dimensional model of political decision-making with endogenous political parties. Society chooses both the tax rate and the allocation of the revenues between income redistribution and public education. Agents differ in their income and in their age, where young agents prefer public education and the old prefer income redistribution. I find that when the cohort size of the young is not too large then public education arises as a political compromise between the rich and the young segment of the poor. They collude in order to reduce the size of government (which benefits the rich) and target some of its resources to education (which benefits the young poor). When the cohort size of the young is too large, however, income redistribution crowds out public provision of education in the political equilibrium.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355305775097489}
}

@Article{Levy1999,
  Title                    = {Vice into Virtue? Progressive Politics and Welfare Reform in Continental {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Levy, Jonah D},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329299027002004},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {239--273},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329299027002004}
}

@Book{Lewin1988,
  Title                    = {Ideology and Strategy: A century of Swedish politics},
  Author                   = {Lewin, Leif},
  Date                     = {1988},
  ISBN                     = {0521343305},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Note                     = {Translated by Victor Kayfetz.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Lewin1994,
  Title                    = {The rise and decline of corporatism: The case of {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Lewin, Leif},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb01205.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {59--79},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Corporatism is a method to pacify intense minorities by giving them another opportunity to influence politics when they have no chance in parliament. This possibility helps to keep the system together; minorities get an incentive to stick to the system and social integration is promoted. During the 1980s we have, however, witnessed a gradual decline of this neocorporatist model of interest representation. Europe is approaching the American pluralist model instead. Sweden, once the prototype of the Social Democratic Corporatist State, is the best example of this change.}
}

@Article{Lewin1998,
  Title                    = {Majoritarian and Consensus Democracy: the Swedish Experience},
  Author                   = {Lewin, Leif},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1998.tb00012.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {195--206},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {According to the classical parliamentary doctrine of majoritarian rule, governments should be large, united and accountable to the voters. Since the introduction of proportional representation in the beginning of this century, these requirements have seldom been fulfilled in Continental politics. In this article the Swedish experience of minority parliamentarism is analyzed. The conclusion is drawn that the consensus model of democracy that has been practiced in this country comes closer to the ideal of the Conservatives who a hundred years ago opposed the parliamentary system.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1998.tb00012.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Lewis1952,
  Title                    = {British Planning and Nationalization},
  Author                   = {Lewis, Ben W.},
  Date                     = {1952},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Twentieth Century Fund}
}

@Book{Lewis2003,
  Title                    = {Presidents and the Politics of Agency Design},
  Author                   = {Lewis, David E},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {0804745900},
  Location                 = {Stanford, CA},
  Publisher                = {Stanford University Press}
}

@Article{Lewis2004,
  author       = {Lewis, David E.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Adverse Consequences of the Politics of Agency Design for Presidential Management in the {United States}: The Relative Durability of Insulated Agencies},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123404000109},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {377--404},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {The US Congress has often sought to limit presidential influence over certain public policies by designing agencies that are insulated from presidential control. Whether or not insulated agencies persist over time has important consequences for presidential management. If those agencies that persist over time are also those that are the most immune from presidential direction, this has potentially fatal consequences for the president's ability to manage the executive branch. Modern presidents will preside over a less and less manageable bureaucracy over time. This article explains why agencies insulated from presidential control are more durable than other agencies and shows that they have a significantly higher expected duration than other agencies. The conclusion is that modern American presidents preside over a bureaucracy that is increasingly insulated from their control.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Article{Lewis1992,
  Title                    = {Gender and the Development of Welfare Regimes},
  Author                   = {Lewis, Jane},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879200200301},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {159--173},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This paper builds on the idea that any further development of the concept of `welfare regime' must incorporate the relationship between unpaid as well as paid work and welfare. Consideration of the private/domestic is crucial to a gendered understanding of welfare because historically women have typically gained entitlements by virtue of their dependent status within the family as wives and mothers. The paper suggests that the idea of the male-breadwinner family model has served historically to cut across established typologies of welfare regimes, and further that the model has been modified in different ways and to different degrees in particular countries.}
}

@Article{LewisSchultz2003,
  Title                    = {Revealing Preferences: Empirical Estimation of a Crisis Bargaining Game with Incomplete Information},
  Author                   = {Lewis, Jeffrey B and Schultz, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpg021},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {345{--}367},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {We develop an empirical estimator directly from an extensive-form crisis bargaining game with incomplete information and discuss its features and limitations. The estimator makes it possible to draw inferences about states' payoffs from observational data on crisis outcomes while remaining faithful to the theorized strategic and informational structure. We compare this estimator to one based on a symmetric information version of the same game, using the quantal response equilibrium proposed in this context by Signorino (1999, American Political Science Review 93:279-298). We then address issues of identification that arise in trying to learn about actors' utilities by observing their play of a strategic game. In general, a number of identifying restrictions are needed in order to pin down the distribution of payoffs and the effects of covariates on those payoffs.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg021}
}

@Book{Lewis-Beck1988,
  Title                    = {Economics and Elections: The Major Western Democracies},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Location                 = {Ann Arbor, MI},
  Publisher                = {University of Michigan Press}
}

@Article{Lewis-Beck2006,
  Title                    = {Does Economics Still Matter? Econometrics and the Vote},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00381.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {208--212},
  Url                      = {http://ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1069&context=polisci_pubs},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {Evans and Andersen make the provocative argument that the effects of economic perceptions on political support are greatly exaggerated, owing to the endogeneity of economic perceptions with respect to partisanship. I question their claim, for several reasons. First, the dependent variable measure of popularity is unusual. Second, the causal modeling is based on debatable assumptions that could be behind these surprising results. Third, in the United Kingdom and the United States, evidence suggests that national economic perceptions reflect closely the real economy. There may well be an endogeneity problem in economic voting studies, but it more likely runs from economic perceptions to partisanship, rather than vice versa. Panel studies, available for both the United Kingdom and the United States in national election surveys, offer ideal databases for testing these rival claims in the future. Great care must be given to exogenize properly the partisanship variable.},
  Keywords                 = {Economic Voting},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckEtAl2013,
  author       = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Martini, Nicholas F. and Kiewiet, D. Roderick},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {The nature of economic perceptions in mass publics},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.026},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {524--528},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {Voters who believe that the nation's economy has been worsening are more inclined to vote against the incumbent president than are those who believe it has not been getting worse. This relationship could be present because voters condition their support for the incumbents upon their perceptions of the economy, or, alternatively, because they condition their perceptions of the economy upon their underlying, partisan-based support of the incumbents. If the latter, economic perceptions in mass publics would be more a function of partisan rationalization than of the actual performance of the economy. However, the analyses reported here, based upon a pooled sample of respondents interviewed by the American National Election Studies between 1968 and 2008, provide strong evidence of the former scenario, not the latter. Perceptions of economic trends clearly and accurately track actual changes in \{GDP\} and unemployment. Bias due to partisanship is minor.},
  keywords     = {Economic voting},
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckNadeau2000,
  Title                    = {French electoral institutions and the economic vote},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Nadeau, Richard},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00046-3},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {2--3},
  Pages                    = {171--182},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {The economic vote exists in France, as in other Western democracies. Little is known, however, about how this economic vote is conditioned by their electoral institutions, which have unusual and considerable variation. Here we examine large survey data sets of French elections --- legislative, presidential, and European --- in order to test various institutional hypotheses. We find that economic voting is strongest in a presidential election under unified government. It is weakened when the election takes place under cohabitation, or is of the second order. Further, it is neither strengthed nor weakened on the second ballot. Electoral institutions clearly affect the magnitude and target of the economic vote. The French voter, in considering the economy, appears more sophisticated than naive.},
  Keywords                 = {Economic voting}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckNadeau2009,
  Title                    = {Obama and the Economy in 2008},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Nadeau, Richard},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096509090775},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5935},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = jul,
  Pages                    = {479--483},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {We believe the economy was much on voters' minds in the 2008 presidential election. More formally, a traditional economic retrospective voting theory --- electors disapprove of past economic conditions and vote against the government --- should serve well as an explanation of Obama's victory (Fiorina 1981; Lewis-Beck 1988, 34).},
  Numpages                 = {5}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckNadeau2011,
  author       = {Michael Steven Lewis-Beck and Richard Nadeau},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Economic voting theory: Testing new dimensions},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.09.001},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {288--294},
  volume       = {30},
  abstract     = {Classical economic voting theory has received considerable empirical support. Voters reward the incumbent for good times, punish it for bad. But the success of this paradigm, which views the economy as strictly a valence issue, has crowded out testing of other theoretical dimensions. In particular, positional and patrimonial economic voting have hardly been examined. The former concerns the different preferences voters have on economic policy issues, such as progressive taxation. The latter concerns the place of voters in the economic structure itself, not merely as members of a social class but as actual property owners. Through analysis of a special battery of economic items, from a 2008 \{US\} presidential election survey, we demonstrate that the economy was important to voters in three ways: valence, position, and patrimony. Taken together, these dimensions go far as an explanation of vote choice, at least with respect to the short-term forces acting on this political behavior.},
  keywords     = {Economic voting},
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Economics, Party, and the Vote: Causality Issues and Panel Data},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Nadeau, Richard and Elias, Angelo},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00300.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {84--95},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Conventional wisdom argues that national economic perceptions generally have an important impact on the vote choice in democracies. Recently, a revisionist view has arisen, contending that this link, regularly observed in election surveys, is mostly spurious. According to the argument, partisanship distorts economic perception, thereby substantially exaggerating the real vote connection. These causality issues have not been much investigated empirically, despite their critical importance. Utilizing primarily American, and secondarily British and Canadian, election panel surveys, we confront directly questions of the time dynamic and independent variable exogeneity. We find, after all, economics clearly matters for the vote. Indeed, once these causality concerns are properly taken into account, the impact of economic perceptions emerges as larger than previously thought. As well, the actual impact of partisanship is clearly reduced.},
  Keywords                 = {Economic Voting},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckPaldam2000,
  Title                    = {Economic voting: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Paldam, Martin},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00042-6},
  Number                   = {2{--}3},
  Pages                    = {113{--}121},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794(99)00042-6}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckRice1985,
  Title                    = {Government Growth in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S and Rice, Tom W},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {2{--}30},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {For American politicians, big government is a perennial issue. Scholars, however, have neglected it. In fact, systematic knowledge about the causes of government growth in the United States is virtually absent. Here we first formulate a "hybrid" model of government growth, borrowing from popular theories of public policy. Then, we estimate the model using annual time series data, 1932-80. In general, government size in the United States is viewed as a function of group demands, elite preferences, and mass support. In particular, government in the United States seems to have expanded in response to the influences of national defense commitment, foreign trade, economic hardship, demographic change, Democratic politicians, and a risk-aversive public. Of these influences, the international ones appear especially important. Overall, the ensemble of variables manages to predict the pattern of government growth in twentieth-century America quite well.}
}

@Book{Lewis-BeckRice1992,
  Title                    = {Forecasting Elections},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Rice, Tom W.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Publisher                = {CQ Press}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckStegmaier2000,
  Title                    = {Economic Determinants of Electoral Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Stegmaier, Mary},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.183},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {183--219},
  Url                      = {http://www.u.arizona.edu/~zshipley/pol431/EconomicDeterminants.pdf},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Economic conditions shape election outcomes in the world's democracies. Good times keep parties in office, bad times cast them out. This proposition is robust, as the voluminous body of research reviewed here demonstrates. The strong findings at the macro level are founded on the economic voter, who holds the government responsible for economic performance, rewarding or punishing it at the ballot box. Although voters do not look exclusively at economic issues, they generally weigh those more heavily than any others, regardless of the democracy they vote in.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.183}
}

@Article{Lewis-BeckStegmaier2013,
  Title                    = {The VP-function revisited: a survey of the literature on vote and popularity functions after over 40 years},
  Author                   = {Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Stegmaier, Mary},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-013-0086-6},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3--4},
  Pages                    = {367--385},
  Volume                   = {157},

  Keywords                 = {Economic voting; Elections; Popularity; Vote functions; Government support}
}

@Article{LiResnick2003,
  author       = {Li, Quan and Resnick, Adam},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Reversal of Fortunes: Democratic Institutions and Foreign Direct Investment Inflows to Developing Countries},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818303571077},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {175--211},
  url          = {http://people.tamu.edu/~quanli/research_papers/reprint_files/IO_2003_fdidem.pdf},
  volume       = {57},
  abstract     = {Does increased democracy promote or jeopardize foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to less-developed countries? We argue that democratic institutions have conflicting effects on FDI inflows. On the one hand, democratic institutions hinder FDI inflows by limiting the oligopolistic or monopolistic behaviors of multinational enterprises, facilitating indigenous businesses' pursuit of protection from foreign capital, and constraining host governments&apos; ability to offer generous financial and fiscal incentives to foreign investors. On the other hand, democratic institutions promote FDI inflows because they tend to ensure more credible property rights protection, reducing risks and transaction costs for foreign investors. Hence, the net effect of democracy on FDI inflows is contingent on the relative strength of these two competing forces. Our argument reconciles conflicting theoretical expectations in the existing literature. Empirical analyses of fifty-three developing countries from 1982 to 1995 substantiate our claims. We find that both property rights protection and democracy-related property rights protection encourage FDI inflows; after controlling for their positive effect through property rights protection, democratic institutions reduce FDI inflows. These results are robust against alternative model specifications, statistical estimators, and variable measurements.},
}

@Article{Lian2003,
  Title                    = {Convergence or Divergence? Reforming Primary Care in {Norway} and {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Lian, Olaug S.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Milbank Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0009.t01-2-00055},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {305--330},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {The health care systems in most industrialized countries are being challenged. The challenges are similar because they are shaped by global trends such as decreasing economic growth, escalating costs, aging populations, advances in medical knowledge and technology, heightened expectations, and an increasing dependence on medicine to solve human problems. Together, these partly interrelated factors have brought the current demand for care to a point that it exceeds available resources. In response to these challenges, most countries have begun to change the way their health services are funded and organized. These developments have prompted an exploration of the degree of convergence in the health policies in Western welfare states. To what extent are health care systems becoming more alike? Is there a new paradigm by which health systems are being redefined and reformed? Is there a move away from divergence toward convergence? Many scholars answer yes to these questions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0009.t01-2-00055}
}

@Booklet{LiberalDemocrats2010,
  Title                    = {Liberal Democrat Manifesto 2010},
  Author                   = {{Liberal Democrats}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  HowPublished             = {Chris Fox},
  Location                 = {Westminster, UK},

  ISBN                     = {9781907046193}
}

@Article{Licht2010,
  Title                    = {Coming into Money: The Impact of Foreign Aid on Leader Survival},
  Author                   = {Licht, Amanda A.},
  Date                     = {2010-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002709351104},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {58--87},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Donors are more likely to send aid to leaders facing elevated risks of losing power, but targets' ability to benefit from this assistance is conditioned by regime type and political processes. The institutionalization of winning coalitions' loyalty across regime type follows opposite patterns, supporting opposite temporal dynamics across regime types. Democratic leaders' coalitions are firmest immediately after taking office, and aid is of most assistance to them at that time. As competition and dissatisfaction grow, aid becomes a political liability. In small winning coalition systems, however, coalitions become more solid over time, facilitating increasing benefits from aid. Without a firm coalition, however, external resources are destabilizing to autocratic leaders. Analysis of 4,692 leader years from 1960 to 2001 using a censored probit model supports these expectations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002709351104},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Incollection{Lidstrom2002,
  Title                    = {Local School Choice Policies in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Lidstr{\"o}m, Anders},
  Booktitle                = {Local Education Policies: Comparing Sweden and Britain},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Hudson, Christine and Lidstr{\"o}m, Anders},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Pages                    = {67--90},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Lidstrom1999,
  Title                    = {Local School Choice Policies in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Lidstrom, Anders},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {137--156},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {More choice for parents and students is a major recent change in school policies in most Western countries. In Sweden, these changes coincided with the decentralization of power and responsibilities within primary and secondary education from central to local government. This gave municipalities an important role in the actual implementation of choice policies. The question addressed here is how and why local authorities vary with regard to their promotion of choice in schooling. A theory of local government school choice policies is developed, focusing on the social and political composition of the locality. Four factors are seen as likely to be particularly important: the strength of liberal conservatism, the size of the middle class, ethnic diversity and urban location. The empirical investigation is based on data from the 288 municipalities in Sweden. All four factors turn out to be important, but contrary to previous assumptions, choice policies are not primarily linked to the success of the Moderate (Conservative) Party. Instead, the strength of the middle class is the major explanation. In Sweden, but also in other Western societies, the middle class has emerged as the dominant social stratum. Middle class parents, who themselves are well educated, take a keen interest in their children's education and are more likely to demand greater opportunities for choice. In the final analysis, this is linked to the changing position of the Social Democratic Party and its aim to broaden its electoral basis by appealing to middle class voters.}
}

@Article{Lieberman2002,
  Title                    = {Ideas, Institutions, and Political Order: Explaining Political Change},
  Author                   = {Lieberman, Robert C.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055402000394},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {697--712},
  Url                      = {http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.475.3438&rep=rep1&type=pdf},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {Institutional approaches to explaining political phenomena suffer from three common limitations: reductionism, reliance on exogenous factors, and excessive emphasis on order and structure. Ideational approaches to political explanation, while often more sensitive to change and agency, largely exhibit the same shortcomings. In particular, both perspectives share an emphasis on discerning and explaining patterns of ordered regularity in politics, making it hard to explain important episodes of political change. Relaxing this emphasis on order and viewing politics as situated in multiple and not necessarily equilibrated order suggests a way of synthesizing institutional and ideational approaches and developing more convincing accounts of political change. In this view, change arises out of {\textquotedblleft}friction{\textquotedblright} among mismatched institutional and ideational patterns. An account of American civil rights policy in the 1960s and 1970s, which is not amenable to either straightforward institutional or ideational explanation, demonstrates the advantages of the approach.}
}

@Article{LiefferinkAndersen1998,
  Title                    = {Strategies of the `green' member states in EU environmental policy-making},
  Author                   = {Liefferink, Duncan and Andersen, Mikael Skou},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017698343974},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {254--270},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the strategies of the 'leaders' in EU environmental policy-making. A typology of strategies of influencing EU environmental policy is introduced, distinguishing between different kinds of 'pushers' and 'forerunners'. With the help of this typology, the positions and strategies of the 'green' member states after the accession of Sweden, Finland and Austria are analysed. It is concluded, among other things, that differences in strategies of articulating environmentally progressive positions in the EU may seriously thwart effective alliance-building between the 'leaders'. Denmark is identified as the most activist 'green' member state. In Sweden and Austria, pragmatism now prevails. The Netherlands and Finland have the most constructive approach. Germany has largely abandoned its activism of the 1980s in favour of more defensive tendencies. Because of its political and economic impact, the role of Germany is crucial among the 'green' member states.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017698343974},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Lijphart1971,
  Title                    = {Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method},
  Author                   = {Lijphart, Arend},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {682--693},
  Volume                   = {65}
}

@Article{Lijphart1990,
  Title                    = {The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws, 1945-85},
  Author                   = {Lijphart, Arend},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {481--496},
  Volume                   = {84},

  Abstract                 = {A systematic analysis of the relationships between the main electoral system variables (electoral formula, district magnitude, and ballot structure) and electoral outcomes (the degrees of disproportionality and multipartism) in the 20 Western democracies from 1945 to 1985--representing 32 distinct electoral systems (an electoral system being defined as a set of elections held under basically the same rules)--shows that the effects of both formula and magnitude on proportionality are very strong, much stronger than Douglas W. Rae and subsequent researchers have suggested; that on the other hand, their effects on the number of parties participating in elections is surprisingly weak; and that ballot structure affects the degree of multipartism only in single-member district systems. These findings suggest that strategic behavior by politicians and voters plays a less important role in reducing multipartism than is usually assumed.}
}

@Article{Lijphart1994,
  Title                    = {Democracies: Forms, performance, and constitutional engineering},
  Author                   = {Lijphart, Arend},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb01198.x},
  Pages                    = {1--17},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The conventional wisdom concerning the choice between majoritarian electoral systems and proportional representation (PR) 2013 and, more broadly, between majoritarian and consensus forms of democracy 2013 is that there is a trade-off: PR and consensus democracy provide more accurate representation and better minority representation, but majoritarianism provides more effective government. A comparative analysis of 18 older and well-established democracies, most of which are European democracies, shows that PR and consensus democracy indeed give superior political representation, but that majoritarian systems do not perform better in maintaining public order and managing the economy, and hence that the over-all performance of consensus democracy is superior. This conclusion should also be tested among the growing number of slightly newer non-European democracies, which are already old enough to have proved their viability and can be studied over an extended period of time. If its validity is confirmed 2013 and the evidence so far is very promising 2013 it can have great practical significance for the future of democracy in the world.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb01198.x}
}

@Article{Lijphart1997,
  Title                    = {Unequal Participation: Democracy's Unresolved Dilemma},
  Author                   = {Lijphart, Arend},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2952255},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--14},
  Volume                   = {91},

  Abstract                 = {Low voter turnout is a serious democratic problem for five reasons: (1) It means unequal turnout that is systematically biased against less well-to-do citizens. (2) Unequal turnout spells unequal political influence. (3) U.S. voter turnout is especially low, but, measured as percent of voting-age population, it is also relatively low in most other countries. (4) Turnout in midterm, regional, local, and supranational elections--less salient but by no means unimportant elections--tends to be especially poor. (5) Turnout appears to be declining everywhere. The problem of inequality can be solved by institutional mechanisms that maximize turnout. One option is the combination of voter-friendly registration rules, proportional representation, infrequent elections, weekend voting, and holding less salient elections concurrently with the most important national elections. The other option, which can maximize turnout by itself, is compulsory voting. Its advantages far outweigh the normative and practical objections to it.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952255}
}

@Book{Lijphart1999,
  Title                    = {Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries},
  Author                   = {Lijphart, Arend},
  Date                     = {1999},
  ISBN                     = {0300078935},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Article{LijphartCrepaz1991,
  Title                    = {Corporatism and Consensus Democracy in Eighteen Countries: Conceptual and Empirical Linkages},
  Author                   = {Lijphart, Arend and Crepaz, Markus M.L},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {235--246},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {Our main hypothesis is that corporatism is the interest group system that goes together with the consensual type of democracy an that its opposite, the 'pluralist' interest group system, goes together with majoritarian democracy.}
}

@Article{LinCarroll2006,
  Title                    = {State institutions, political power and social policy choices: Reconstructing the origins of Nordic models of social policy},
  Author                   = {Lin, Ka and Carroll, Eero},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00301.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {345--367},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {The origins of the Nordic social policy model(s) need to be viewed broadly and historically from its late nineteenth-century initiation to the immediate postwar period (1940s to the early 1960s), when a social democratic model began to consolidate. In reference to the alternate social policy traditions of British poor relief and German occupational insurance, this article analyzes the sociopolitical contexts that finally prevented Scandinavian states from developing similarly, instead enabling development of universalistic social policy. The historical narratives are arranged with respect to four analytical aspects: policy development; the configuration of state institutions; the strength of liberal, conservative and leftist power blocs; and intra-Nordic divergence in all these respects. Such an approach integrates state-centred and power-resources-focused analyses of Nordic welfare.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00301.x}
}

@Article{LinTomaskovic-Devey2013,
  Title                    = {Financialization and U.S. Income Inequality, 1970--2008},
  Author                   = {Lin, Ken-Hou and Tomaskovic-Devey, Donald},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1284--1329},
  Volume                   = {118},

  Abstract                 = {Focusing on U.S. nonfinance industries, we examine the connection between financialization and rising income inequality. We argue that the increasing reliance on earnings realized through financial channels decoupled the generation of surplus from production, strengthening owners and elite workers negotiating power relative to other workers. The result was an incremental exclusion of the general workforce from revenue-generating and compensation-setting processes. Using time-series cross-section data at the industry level, we find that increasing dependence on financial income, in the long run, is associated with reducing labors share of income, increasing top executives share of compensation, and increasing earnings dispersion among workers. Net of conventional explanations such as deunionization, globalization, technological change, and capital investment, the effects of financialization on all three dimensions of income inequality are substantial. Our counterfactual analysis suggests that financialization could account for more than half of the decline in labors share of income, 9.6\% of the growth in officers share of compensation, and 10.2\% of the growth in earnings dispersion between 1970 and 2008.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Lindbeck1968,
  author       = {Lindbeck, Assar},
  date         = {1968},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Theories and Problems in Swedish Economic Policy in the Post-War Period},
  doi          = {10.2307/1808521},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1--87},
  volume       = {58},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1808521},
  month        = jun,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{Lindbeck1997,
  Title                    = {The Swedish Experiment},
  Author                   = {Lindbeck, Assar},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {1273--1319},
  Volume                   = {35}
}

@Article{LindbladEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Education Governance in Transition: an introduction},
  Author                   = {Lindblad, Sverker and Johannesson, Ingolfur Asgeir and Simola, Hannu},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {237--245},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this article is to present concepts and research problems dealing with education governance and social inclusion and exclusion. Education restructuring, as a recent international movement, is regarded as a combination of transitions in governing and new managerialism. Social inclusion and exclusion is conceived of as a duplet concept, mutually defining each other. The relation between new governance - deregulation, decentralisation, privatisation and steering by goals and results - and social inclusion/exclusion is conceptualised as an equity problematic and a knowledge problematic. It is argued that there is a need to understand the system of reason in order to capture the implications of education governing in transition.}
}

@Article{LindbladEtAl2002b,
  Title                    = {Educating for the New {Sweden}?},
  Author                   = {Lindblad, Sverker and Lundahl, Lisbeth and Lindgren, Joakim and Zackari, Gunilla},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {283--303},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Here we focus on Sweden as an advanced welfare state with a centralised educational system stressing modernisation and democratisation that was rapidly restructured into a deregulated, decentralised system based on vouchers and parental choice. The design was based on the collection of different kinds of data: policy texts, public statistics, in depth interviews with policy makers and administrators at different levels (n = 12) and teachers and headteachers (n = 42), surveys of students in Grade 9 in comprehensive schools (n = 413) in different contexts. In the interviews we found different recurrent themes in the narratives dealing with changes in education governance and on the subjects, students and teachers, in the system. By means of this we could portray a field of different conceptions of relations between education governance and social inclusion and exclusion among actors in different positions in Swedish education. The study showed large differences in the context of schools in terms of social and cultural backgrounds among students. We also found distinct differences between students in different cultural contexts. Those in contexts dominated by students of 'foreign background' were more loyal to traditional schooling cultures compared to more sceptical students from other contexts. In sum, our studies show a transition in the education culture in Sweden. This was conceptualised as a change in hegemony in the former welfare state where no alternatives are present in the current discourse on restructuring.}
}

@Article{Lindblom1959,
  Title                    = {The Science of `Muddling Through'},
  Author                   = {Lindblom, Charles E.},
  Date                     = {1959},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/973677},
  Pages                    = {79--88},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nal37lt}
}

@Article{Lindblom1979,
  Title                    = {Still Muddling, Not Yet Through},
  Author                   = {Lindblom, Charles E.},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/976178},
  Pages                    = {517--527}
}

@Article{Lindbom1998,
  Title                    = {Institutional Legacies and the Role of Citizens in the Scandinavian Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Lindbom, Anders},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {109--128},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, I attempt to explain the different roles of Swedish and Danish citizens when they encounter the welfare state. The case chosen is primary education, the area with the greatest variation. My thesis is that the differences are primarily explained by the different institutional legacies in the two countries, rather than the often-suggested alternatives, i.e., the different strength of the labor movements and the importance of Grundtvigian ideas in Denmark. I argue that in the first decades of the 20th century, Sweden and Denmark established two very different systems of school administration. Once established, these have shown a high, though by no means total, stability and the development has been path dependent. Due to the different institutional legacies, the same political ideas have often resulted in different decisions and measures in the two countries.}
}

@Article{Lindbom2001,
  Title                    = {Dismantling Swedish Housing Policy},
  Author                   = {Lindbom, Anders},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0952-1895.00171},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {503{--}526},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Today it is often argued that welfare state retrenchment is more or less impossible. Even politicians who advocate radical cuts in principle do not manage to execute them in the face of the strong opposition such proposals meet. However, Swedish housing policy has experienced radical change, resulting in big savings for the state budget and dramatically increased housing costs for citizens. In comparison with changes in other parts of the welfare state, the reforms have been radical. This article argues that Swedish housing policy is very complex and technical. Reforms met little resistance because the general public did not understand their effects. Even today, when the effects are known, citizens' knowledge about the policy area is too meager to allow them to understand that the increased cost of their housing is an effect of political decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0952-1895.00171}
}

@Article{Lindbom2001a,
  Title                    = {Dismantling the Social Democratic Welfare Model? Has the Swedish Welfare State Lost Its Defining Characteristics?},
  Author                   = {Lindbom, Anders},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00052},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {171--193},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {The Swedish welfare state was often seen as the most highly developed welfare state and a model for others to follow. In the early 1990s, however, the Swedish economy was in big trouble; the state budget had enormous deficits which the government had to cover by loans in the finance market, exposing the Swedish welfare state model to the evaluation of international capital. This article describes what happened to the welfare state in the 1990s. Was it dismantled? The Swedish experience can shed some light on two competing hypotheses. Globalisation is often seen as an irresistible force that dismantles national autonomy and particularly the possibility of generous welfare arrangements. Another line of thought, however, points out that the welfare state is highly resilient to cutbacks. Cuts are very unpopular among voters and are therefore very dangerous for politicians or parties that aspire to be re-elected. I argue that my data show that although the Swedish welfare state was reformed in many ways in the 1990s and some cutbacks were made, the welfare state has not been dismantled. Its major attributes when compared with other countries -- e.g. its generosity, universality and developed welfare services -- are almost as prominent as before the crisis. This result is in line with the thesis of the welfare state's resilience and contradicts the globalisation thesis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00052}
}

@Article{Lindbom2010,
  Title                    = {School Choice in {Sweden}: Effects on Student Performance, School Costs, and Segregation},
  Author                   = {Lindbom, Anders},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00313831.2010.522849},
  ISSN                     = {0031-3831},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {615--630},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents empirical analyses of the effects of independent schools in Sweden. The most important result is that the impact --- both the positive and the negative --- is relatively marginal. This said, there are now a number of studies that show that when independent schools are established the pupils in municipal schools perform better. Municipal school costs will, however, tend to rise marginally. The effects on school segregation are complex, but the tentative overall result is that independent schools may have added somewhat to the much more significant effect of increasing residential segregation.},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Unpublished{LindgrenVernby2014,
  Title                    = {The Electoral Impact of Unemployment: Evidence Using District-Level Data from the Financial Crisis},
  Author                   = {Lindgren, Karl-Oskar and Vernby, K\r{a}re},
  Date                     = {2014},
  HowPublished             = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (Washington, DC)},
  Url                      = {http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2455646},

  Abstract                 = {Do economic downturns increase voter support for left parties? Or will they benefit parties of the right? The financial crisis provides us with the op- portunity to make several methodological improvements over the previous literature. In our empirical analysis, we combine fine-grained registry-data on the economic impact of the crisis and how it varied across 5000 electoral districts, with district-level data on vote-shares for all major parties in Swedish parliamentary elections before and after the crisis. Because the economic impact was so diverse across districts, we can estimate the elec- toral impact of unemployment more efficiently than most previous studies. Moreover, because the crisis was an external and unexpected shock to the Swedish economy, we argue that the selection bias that is usually inherent in estimating the electoral impact of unemployment is mitigated. Accord- ing to our results, the electoral impact of crisis-induced unemployment was large, benefiting traditional right parties.}
}

@Article{LindnerRittberger2003,
  Title                    = {The Creation, Interpretation and Contestation of Institutions --- Revisiting Historical Institutionalism},
  Author                   = {Lindner, Johannes and Rittberger, Berthold},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00430},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {445--473},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {One shortcoming of much of the historical institutionalist literature is its alleged lack of testable propositions and the elusive notion of `unintended consequences' of initial institutional choices. This article, which offers an historical institutionalist explanation of institutional creation and operation, aims to overcome these shortcomings. We develop a set of propositions and demonstrate their plausibility by exploring the creation of the European Community's budgetary treaty in 1970 and the operation of the enacted treaty provisions. We demonstrate that, under specific conditions, actors may be doomed to opt for `dysfunctional' institutions at the moment of their creation. Furthermore, we show that the notion of `unintended consequences' does not necessarily help us to understand the reason for the contestation of treaty provisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00430},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Science Ltd}
}

@Article{LindquistVilhelmsson2006,
  Title                    = {Is the Swedish central government a wage leader?},
  Author                   = {Lindquist, J. and Vilhelmsson, Roger},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Applied Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00036840500407124},
  Number                   = {14},
  Pages                    = {1617--1625},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Is the Swedish central government a wage leader? This question is studied empirically in a vector error-correction model using a unique, high quality data set. It is first shown that salaries of white-collar workers in the private sector and central government are cointegrated. It is then found that private sector salaries are weakly exogenous to the system of equations. This means that the private sector is the wage leader in the long-run model. It is also found that changes in central government salaries do not Granger cause changes in private sector salaries. Together, these findings clearly demonstrate that the central government is not placing undue pressure on salaries in the private sector. The central government is not acting as a wage leader.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036840500407124},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{LindqvistOstling2010,
  Title                    = {Political Polarization and the Size of Government},
  Author                   = {Lindqvist, Erik and {\"O}stling, Robert},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055410000262},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {543--565},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, we study the relationship between political polarization and public spending using the dispersion of self-reported political preferences as our measure of polarization. Political polarization is strongly associated with smaller government in democratic countries, but there is no relationship between polarization and the size of government in undemocratic countries. The results are robust to a large set of control variables, including gross domestic product per capita and income inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055410000262}
}

@Online{Lindsay2011,
  Title                    = {We don't give out foreign aid to make people look like us},
  Author                   = {Lindsay, James},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/09/we-dont-give-out-foreign-aid-to-make-people-like-us/245856/},
  Note                     = {Published online by `The Atlantic', September 29th},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/09/we-dont-give-out-foreign-aid-to-make-people-like-us/245856/},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Book{Lindsey1962,
  Title                    = {Socialized Medicine in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Lindsey, Almont},
  Date                     = {1962},
  Location                 = {Chapel Hill, NC},
  Publisher                = {University of North Carolina Press}
}

@Article{Lindvall2009,
  Title                    = {The Real But Limited Influence of Expert Ideas},
  Author                   = {Lindvall, Johannes},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0043887109990104},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {703--730},
  Volume                   = {61}
}

@Article{Lindvall2010,
  author       = {Lindvall, Johannes},
  date         = {2010-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  title        = {Power Sharing and Reform Capacity},
  doi          = {10.1177/0951629810369524},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {359--376},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {In this paper I argue that reform capacity, defined as the extent to which political institutions facilitate the adoption of socially efficient reforms, is not primarily determined by the number of veto players in the political system, but by the availability of institutional mechanisms that allow political agents to solve commitment problems associated with bargaining over reform. Specifically, I argue that power sharing is compatible with high reform capacity if policy areas involved in package deals are all controlled by the central government (or whatever level of government makes the reform), and if the `losers' are confident that they will remain veto players in the future.},
}

@Article{Lindvall2014,
  Title                    = {The Electoral Consequences of Two Great Crises},
  Author                   = {Lindvall, Johannes},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.12055},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {747--765},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {Who benefits from deep economic crises: the left, the right or neither? On the basis of evidence from elections in 1929-1933 and 2008-2013 in all states that were democracies in both periods, it is argued in this article that the electoral consequences of the Great Depression and the Great Recession were surprisingly similar: in both periods, right-wing parties were at first more successful than left-wing parties, although this effect only lasted for a few years. The manner in which a crisis develops over time should be taken into account when examining the effects of deep economic downturns on the electoral fortunes of the left and the right.}
}

@Article{LindvallRothstein2006,
  Title                    = {{Sweden}: The Fall of the Strong State},
  Author                   = {Lindvall, Johannes and Rothstein, Bo},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2006.00141.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--63},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {From the 1930s to the 1980s, Swedish politics was based on the assumption that social change could be accomplished through a specific political and administrative process. National politicians decided the aims of policy, government commissions of inquiry engaged experts who compiled available knowledge, Parliament turned the resulting proposal into law, a civil service agency implemented the policy and local authorities put it into effect. This rationalistic model of social steering can be called 'the strong state'. This article documents the fall of the strong state. It also argues that these changes to the output side of government have troubling im-plications for the operation of democracy. The reason is that the strong state model provided citizens with a reasonably clear idea of how public policies were - or should be - produced and implemented. As a result of the strong state's decline, the link from elections to policy is partly obscure, partly broken. The question for the future is whether the strong state will be replaced by some new model that provides the necessary focal points for debates on public policy, or whether stable norms will remain absent due to an inherently obscure division of labour within Sweden's policy-making and administrative structures.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2006.00141.x}
}

@Article{LindvallSebring2005,
  Title                    = {Policy reform and the decline of corporatism in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Lindvall, Johannes and Sebring, Joakim},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380500311814},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1057--1074},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This article describes the development of corporatism in Sweden from the 1970s onwards. We demonstrate that the Swedish case differs a great deal from other small European countries, such as the Netherlands and Sweden's neighbour Denmark, where corporatism is alive and well and often credited with providing for economic success in recent years. We study corporatism indirectly rather than directly, in the sense that we start from public policy changes in labour market policy, pensions, and immigrant policy, and follow the policy-making chain backwards in order to identify the norms, institutions, and actors that have mattered for policy choices, and how they mattered. Our conclusion is that Sweden has not only experienced decorporatisation in terms of formal institutional changes, but also in terms of a decline in the norms regarding social partnership that previously guided policy making and the interaction of interest organisations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380500311814}
}

@Article{LinkLandon1975,
  Title                    = {Monopsony and Union Power in the Market for Nurses},
  Author                   = {Link, Charles R and Landon, John H},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Journaltitle             = {Southern Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {649{--}659},
  Volume                   = {41}
}

@Article{Linn2000,
  Title                    = {Assessments and Accountability},
  Author                   = {Linn, Robert L},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Researcher},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {4--16},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {Use of tests and assessments as key elements in five waves of educational reform during the past 50 years are reviewed. These waves include the role of tests in tracking and selection emphasized in the 1950s, the use of tests for program accountability in the 1960s, minimum competency testing programs of the 1970s, school and district accountability of the 1980s, and the standards-based accountability systems of the 1990s. Questions regarding the impact, validity, and generalizability of reported gains, and the credibility of results in high-stakes accountability uses are discussed. Emphasis is given to three issues regarding currently popular accountability systems. These are (a) the role of content standards, (b) the dual goals of high performance standards and common standards for all students, and (c) the validity of accountability models. Some suggestions for dealing with the most severe limitations of accountability are provided.}
}

@Article{LinosWest2003,
  Title                    = {Self-interest, Social Beliefs, and Attitudes to Redistribution. Re-addressing the Issue of Cross-national Variation},
  Author                   = {Linos, Katerina and West, Martin},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/19.4.393},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {393--409},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Stefan Svallfors' 1997 conclusion that patterns of attitudes towards redistribution are essentially the same across welfare-state regimes rests on a questionable treatment of missing data and on poor operationalization of the theoretical determinants of public opinion. Using demographic variables to improve the model specification, we identify cross-country differences in the social bases of support for redistribution that confirm predictions of welfare-state scholarship. The gap between married and unmarried people is unimportant in universalist regimes; the insider/outsider cleavage is more important in conservative and specific skills systems; class matters more in liberal regimes. We find additional cross-national variation when we examine whether popular support for redistribution is related to beliefs about social mobility. Specifically, beliefs about why people get ahead in society are key determinants of attitudes towards redistribution in the United States and Australia, but play a more limited role in Norway and Germany.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.20}
}

@Book{Linz2000,
  Title                    = {Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes},
  Author                   = {Linz, Juan},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Lyne Ryner}
}

@Article{Lipset1959,
  author       = {Lipset, Seymour Martin},
  date         = {1959},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy},
  doi          = {10.2307/1951731},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {69{--}105},
  url          = {http://homepages.wmich.edu/~plambert/comp/lipset.pdf},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {The conditions associated with the existence and stability of democratic society have been a leading concern of political philosophy. In this paper the problem is attacked from a sociological and behavioral standpoint, by presenting a number of hypotheses concerning some social requisites for democracy, and by discussing some of the data available to test these hypotheses. In its concern with conditions---values, social institutions, historical events---external to the political system itself which sustain different general types of political systems, the paper moves outside the generally recognized province of political sociology. This growing field has dealt largely with the internal analysis of organizations with political goals, or with the determinants of action within various political institutions, such as parties, government agencies, or the electoral process. It has in the main left to the political philosopher the larger concern with the relations of the total political system to society as a whole.},
}

@Article{Lipset1995,
  Title                    = {Trade Union Exceptionalism: The {United States} and {Canada}},
  Author                   = {Lipset, Seymour Martin},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Pages                    = {115--130},
  Volume                   = {538},

  Abstract                 = {Trade unionism and social democratic parties are significantly stronger in Canada than in the United States. While many factors have been suggested to account for these differences, this article emphasizes the impact of cross-national variations in values: Tory/communitarian, group oriented, and statist in the north; more individualistic, meritocratic, and antistatist in the south.}
}

@Book{LipsetRokkan1967,
  Title                    = {Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives},
  Author                   = {Lipset, Seymour Martin and Rokkan, Stein},
  Date                     = {1967},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {The Free Press}
}

@Article{LipskyDrotning1973,
  Title                    = {The Influence of Collective Bargaining on Teachers' Salaries in New York State},
  Author                   = {Lipsky, David B. and Drotning, John E.},
  Date                     = {1973},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {18{--}35},
  Volume                   = {27}
}

@Book{Lipsky2010,
  Title                    = {Street Level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Service},
  Author                   = {Lipsky, Michael},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {978-0871545442},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{List2004,
  Title                    = {A Model of Path-Dependence in Decisions over Multiple Propositions},
  Author                   = {List, Christian},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055404001303},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {495--513},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {I model sequential decisions over multiple interconnected propositions and investigate path-dependence in such decisions. The propositions and their interconnections are represented in propositional logic. A sequential decision process is path-dependent if its outcome depends on the order in which the propositions are considered. Assuming that earlier decisions constrain later ones, I prove three main results: First, certain rationality violations by the decision-making agent --- individual or group --- are necessary and sufficient for path-dependence. Second, under some conditions, path-dependence is unavoidable in decisions made by groups. Third, path-dependence makes decisions vulnerable to strategic agenda setting and strategic voting. I also discuss escape routes from path-dependence. My results are relevant to discussions on collective consistency and reason-based decision-making, focusing not only on outcomes, but also on underlying reasons, beliefs, and constraints.}
}

@Article{LiuCarless2006,
  author       = {Ngar-Fun Liu and David Carless},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Teaching in Higher Education},
  title        = {Peer feedback: the learning element of peer assessment},
  doi          = {10.1080/13562510600680582},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {279--290},
  volume       = {11},
  abstract     = {This paper focuses on peer feedback in relation to assessment processes. It examines the rationale for peer feedback, emphasizing its potential for enhanced student learning. We draw on relevant literature to argue that the dominance of peer assessment processes using grades can undermine the potential of peer feedback for improving student learning. The paper throws further light on the issue by drawing on a large-scale questionnaire survey of tertiary students (1740) and academics (460) in Hong Kong, supplemented by interview data. The findings indicate that a significant number of academics and students resist peer assessment using grades and that the majority report that students never or rarely grade each other in assessment activities. This paper explores why there is resistance, in particular, by academics to peer assessment and argues the case for a peer feedback process as an end in itself or as a precursor to peer assessment involving the awarding of marks. It also recommends some strategies for promoting peer feedback, through engaging students with criteria and for embedding peer involvement within normal course processes.},
}

@Online{Lizoain2012,
  author  = {Lizoain, David},
  date    = {2012},
  title   = {Catalonia and the Trilemma},
  note    = {Published online by 'Social Europe Journal'},
  urldate = {2012-10-09},
  doi     = {10/catalonia},
  quality = {1},
}

@Article{LizzeriPersico2001,
  Title                    = {The Provision of Public Goods under Alternative Electoral Incentives},
  Author                   = {Lizzeri, Alessandro and Persico, Nicola},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {225{--}239},
  Volume                   = {91},

  Abstract                 = {Politicians who care about the spoils of office may underprovide a public good because its benefits cannot be targeted to voters as easily as pork-barrel spending. We compare a winner-take-all system-where all the spoils go to the winner-to a proportional system-where the spoils of office are split among candidates proportionally to their share of the vote. In a winner-take-all system the public good is provided less often than in a proportional system when the public good is particularly desirable. We then consider the electoral college system and show that it is particularly subject to this inefficiency.}
}

@Article{Lo2012,
  Title                    = {Reading About the Financial Crisis: A Twenty-One-Book Review},
  Author                   = {Lo, Andrew W.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jel.50.1.151},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {151--178},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {The recent financial crisis has generated many distinct perspectives from various quarters. In this article, I review a diverse set of twenty-one books on the crisis, eleven written by academics, and ten written by journalists and one former Treasury Secretary. No single narrative emerges from this broad and often contradictory collection of interpretations, but the sheer variety of conclusions is informative, and underscores the desperate need for the economics profession to establish a single set of facts from which more accurate inferences and narratives can be constructed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.50.1.151}
}

@Online{LocalSchoolsNetwork2011,
  Title                    = {Revealed: Academies Exclude 82\% More Students},
  Author                   = {{Local Schools Network}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.localschoolsnetwork.org.uk/2011/02/revealed-academies-exclude-82-more-students/},
  Urldate                  = {2015-02-19}
}

@Book{Locke1689,
  Title                    = {Second Treatise on Government},
  Author                   = {Locke, John},
  Date                     = {1689},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/7370},
}

@Article{Koivu2015,
  author       = {Kendra L. Koivu},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {In the Shadow of the State},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414015600464},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {155--183},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {Since Charles Tilly made the comparison between state making and organized crime, it has often been assumed that illicit markets necessarily contain parallel, coercive governance structures: mafias. I argue that some illicit markets have mafias while others do not, and identify as the source of this variation the costliness of the use of force and the imperatives of territorial control. When the use of force is too costly and there is no need to control territory to conduct business, illicit entrepreneurs will not invest in the development of mafias or use violence to protect their property. I evaluate theories of both organized crime and new institutional economics to explain the relationship between the authority structures of the state and the authority structures of illicit markets. Because mafias and their use of violence can undermine state sovereignty and public order, understanding the origins of violent mafias can inform policy choices.},
}

@Article{Lockwood1990,
  Title                    = {Tax Incidence, Market Power, and Bargaining Structure},
  Author                   = {Lockwood, Ben},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Economic Papers},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {187{--}209},
  Volume                   = {42}
}

@Unpublished{Lockwood2005,
  Title                    = {Fiscal Decentralization: A Political Economy Perspective},
  Author                   = {Lockwood, Ben},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Note                     = {Warwick Economic Research Paper No. 721.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper surveys recent contributions to the study of fiscal decentralization which adopt a political economy approach. It is argued that this approach can capture, in a variety of formal models, the plausible and influential ideas (increasingly, supported by empirical evidence) that fiscal decentralization can lead to improved preference-matching and accountability of government. In particular, recent work on centralized provision of public good provision via bargaining in a legislature shows how centralization reduces preference-matching, and recent work using "electoral agency" models formalizes the accountability argument. These models also provide insights into when decentralization may fail to deliver these benefits.}
}

@Unpublished{Lockwood2007,
  Title                    = {Voting, Lobbying, and the Decentralization Theorem},
  Author                   = {Lockwood, Ben},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {This paper revisits the fiscal "decentralization theorem", by relaxing the role of the assumption that governments are benevolent, while retaining the assumption of policy uniformity. If instead, decisions are made by direct majority voting, (i) centralization can welfare-dominate decentralization even if there are no externalities and regions are heterogenous ; (ii) decentralization can welfare-dominate centralization even if there are positive externalities and regions are homogenous. The intuition is that the insensitivity of majority voting to preference intensity interacts with the different inefficiencies in the two fiscal regimes to give second-best results. Similar results obtain when governments are benevolent, but subject to lobbying, because now decisions are too sensitive to the preferences of the organised group.}
}

@Article{LockwoodMakris2006,
  Title                    = {Tax incidence, majority voting and capital market integration},
  Author                   = {Lockwood, Ben and Makris, Miltiadis},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2005.06.005},
  Number                   = {6-7},
  Pages                    = {1007--1025},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {We re-examine, from a political economy perspective, the standard view that higher capital mobility results in lower capital taxes {\textemdash} a view, in fact, that is not confirmed by the available empirical evidence. We show that when a small economy is opened to capital mobility, the change of incidence of a tax on capital{\textendash}from capital owners to owners of the immobile factor{\textendash}may interact in such a way with political decision-making so as to cause a rise in the equilibrium tax. This can happen whether or not the immobile factor (labour) can be taxed, and whether or not savings can be subsided under capital mobility.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2005.06.005}
}

@Article{LodgeWegrich2011,
  Title                    = {Arguing about Financial Regulation: Comparing National Discourses on the Global Financial Crisis},
  Author                   = {Lodge, Martin and Wegrich, Kai},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096511001351},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {726--730},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {As we write, the world is still in the grips of a financial crisis. Germany was one of the first countries to bail out a bank in July 2007. Then, in September 2007, the United Kingdom (UK) witnessed a run on a building society, Northern Rock, and the subsequent widespread nationalization of its banking sector. In the United States, the crisis led to a number of collapses among financial institutions, most famously Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers, and the bail out of the insurance group, AIG, all in 2008.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096511001351},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.11.16}
}

@Article{LoebEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The State Role in Teacher Compensation},
  Author                   = {Loeb, Susanna and Miller, Luke C and Strunk, Katharine O},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Finance and Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/edfp.2009.4.1.89},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--114},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/edfp.2009.4.1.89}
}

@Article{Lohmann1998,
  Title                    = {An Information Rationale for the Power of Special Interests},
  Author                   = {Lohmann, Susanne},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {809{--}827},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {Political decisions are often biased in favor of special interests at the expense of the general public, and they are frequently inefficient in the sense that the losses incurred by the majority exceed the gains enjoyed by the minority. This article explains the bias in terms of information asymmetries and the free-rider problem. First, incumbents increase their reelection prospects by biasing policy toward groups that are better able to monitor their activities. Second, because smaller groups are better able to overcome the free-rider problem of costly monitoring, policy will be biased in their favor. Third, the effect of asymmetric monitoring on voter welfare is ambiguous. The inefficiencies created by the policy bias are offset by a positively valued selection bias: Incumbents of above-average quality are more likely to survive voter scrutiny than are low-quality types.}
}

@Article{LohmannOHalloran1994,
  Title                    = {Divided government and U.S. trade policy: theory and evidence},
  Author                   = {Lohmann,Susanne and O'Halloran,Sharyn},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818300028320},
  ISSN                     = {1531-5088},
  Issue                    = {4},
  Pages                    = {595--632},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {If different parties control the U.S. Congress and White House, the United States may maintain higher import protection than otherwise. This proposition follows from a distributive politics model in which Congress can choose to delegate trade policymaking to the President. When the congressional majority party faces a President of the other party, the former has an incentive to delegate to but to constrain the President by requiring congressional approval of trade proposals by up-or-down vote. This constraint forces the President to provide higher protection in order to assemble a congressional majority. Evidence confirms that (1) the institutional constraints placed on the President's trade policymaking authority are strengthened in times of divided government and loosened under unified government and (2) U.S. trade policy was significantly more protectionist under divided than under unified government during the period 1949--90.}
}

@Unpublished{LongJusko2006,
  Title                    = {How Electoral Rules and Electoral Contexts Create Incentives to Represent Low-Income Citizens},
  Author                   = {Long Jusko, Karen},
  Date                     = {2006}
}

@Book{LongFreese2006,
  Title                    = {Regression Models for Categorical Dependent Variables Using Stata},
  Author                   = {Long, {J. Scott} and Freese, Jeremy},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  Location                 = {College Station, TX},
  Publisher                = {Stata Press},

  Timestamp                = {2011.06.07}
}

@Article{LordBeetham2001,
  Title                    = {Legitimizing the EU: Is there a `Post-parliamentary Basis' for its Legitimation?},
  Author                   = {Lord, Christopher and Beetham, David},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00298},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {443{--}462},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that its character as a non-state political system makes little difference to how the EU ought to be legitimated. Minimum requirements for the legitimation of the liberal democratic state (performance, democracy and identity) also hold for the legitimation of Union power, both normatively and sociologically. This constrains the application of innovative legitimation strategies to the Union, requiring that post-parliamentary solutions be recast as complements, rather than substitutes, for a system of representative politics in the European arena, if the EU is to meet the core standard of democratic rule, which we take to be public control with political equality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00298}
}

@Book{Loughlin2007,
  Title                    = {Subnational Government: The French Experience},
  Author                   = {Loughlin, John},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {0333994477},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan},

  Abstract                 = {With globalization and the EU, local and regional government in member states have experienced dramatic changes in their operation, responsibilities and organizations. Loughlin presents an overview of the theory and practice of subnational government in France and a detailed examination of the outcomes.}
}

@Article{Lovenheim2009,
  author       = {Lovenheim, Michael F.},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  title        = {The Effect of Teachers' Unions on Education Production: Evidence from Union Election Certifications in Three Midwestern States},
  issn         = {0734-306X},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {525--587},
  volume       = {27},
  abstract     = {Using a unique data set on teachers' union election certifications from Iowa, Indiana, and Minnesota, I estimate the effect of teachers' unions on school district resources and on student educational attainment. My empirical strategy allows for nonparametric leads and lags of union age. I find no impact on teacher pay or per student district expenditures but that unions increase teacher employment by 5%. I find no class size effect because of enrollment increases in unionized districts, and I estimate that unions have no net effect on high school dropout rates. These findings highlight the importance of correctly measuring unionization status.},
  location     = {SIEPR, Stanford U},
  month        = oct,
  timestamp    = {2012.05.18},
}

@Article{Lowe1990,
  Title                    = {The Second World War, Consensus, and the Foundation of the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Lowe, Rodney},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Twentieth Century British History},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/tcbh/1.2.152},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {152{--}182},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/1.2.152}
}

@Article{LoweEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Scaling Policy Preferences From Coded Political Texts},
  Author                   = {Lowe, Will and Benoit, Kenneth and Mikhaylov, Slava and Laver, Michael},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00006.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {123--155},
  Url                      = {http://www.kenbenoit.net/pdfs/Loweetal\_2010\_LSQ.pdf},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars estimating policy positions from political texts typically code words or sentences and then build left-right policy scales based on the relative frequencies of text units coded into different categories. Here we reexamine such scales and propose a theoretically and linguistically superior alternative based the logarithm of odds-ratios. We contrast this scale with the current approach of the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), showing that our proposed logit scale avoids widely acknowledged flaws in previous approaches. We validate the new scale using independent expert surveys. Using existing CMP data, we show how to estimate more different policy dimensions, for more years, than has been possible before, and make this dataset publicly available. Finally, we draw some conclusions about the future design of coding schemes for political texts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.kenbenoit.net/pdfs/Loweetal%5C_2010%5C_LSQ.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00006.x}
}

@Article{LoweryBerry1983,
  Title                    = {The Growth of Government in the {United States}: An Empirical Assessment of Competing Explanations},
  Author                   = {Lowery, David and Berry, William D},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {665{--}694},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {Many studies have pointed to a common post-World War II trend in the scope of government activity among Western industrialized nations: government spending as a percentage of total national output has increased substantially during this period. Numerous explanations of this phenomenon have been suggested; however, they have not been tested or have been tested inappropriately. To resolve this problem, we extract nine explanations from the literature and test them by econometric analysis of U.S. government expenditures from 1948 to 1979. Through these tests, we hope to provide a fair way to evaluate simple explanations of government growth using the same level of analysis, the same period of analysis, and the same estimation procedures. Surprisingly, little support is found for any of the extant explanations of government growth. The empirical findings are incorporated into a discussion on how to theoretically specify a more complex and conceptually satisfying model of government growth.}
}

@Article{Lowi1972,
  Title                    = {Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice},
  Author                   = {Lowi, Theodore J.},
  Date                     = {1972},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {298{--}310},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/l4d7ulz},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{LowryEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Fiscal Policy Outcomes and Electoral Accountability in American States},
  Author                   = {Lowry,Robert C. and Alt,James E. and Ferree,Karen E.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2586302},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {4},
  Month                    = {12},
  Pages                    = {759--774},
  Volume                   = {92}
}

@Article{Lucas1976,
  author       = {Lucas, Robert E},
  date         = {1976},
  journaltitle = {Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy},
  title        = {Econometric policy evaluation: A critique},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0167-2231(76)80003-6},
  pages        = {19--46},
  volume       = {1},
  annotation   = {"The Lucas Critique".},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0167-2231(76)80003-6},
}

@Article{LuciforaMeurs2006,
  Title                    = {The Public Sector Pay Gap in {France}, {Great Britain} and {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Lucifora, Claudio and Meurs, Dominique},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Income and Wealth},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-4991.2006.00175.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-4991},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {43--59},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate public--private pay determination using French, British and Italian microdata. While traditional methods focus on parametric methods to estimate the public sector pay gap, in this paper, we use both non-parametric (kernel) and quantile regression methods to analyze the distribution of wages across sectors. We show that the public--private (hourly) wage differential is sensitive to the choice of quantile and that the pattern of premia varies with both gender and skill. In all countries the public sector is found to pay more to low skilled workers with respect to the private sector, whilst the reverse is true for high skilled workers. When comparing results across countries, we find that where pay formation is more regulated (i.e. as in France and Italy) the public sector pay gap is smaller; whilst where market factors play a larger role in pay determination (i.e. as in Great Britain) the public sector pay gap is larger--particularly in the lower part of the wage distribution--and females are much better off in the public sector as compared to the private sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4991.2006.00175.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Coates2002,
  author       = {Ludlam, Steve and Bodah, Matthew and Coates, David},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  title        = {Trajectories of solidarity: changing union-party linkages in the UK and the {USA}},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {222--244},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {This article analyses the linkage between trade unions and the US Democratic Party and the UK Labour Party in the twentieth century. A typology suited to longitudinal analysis of labour movement union-party linkages is proposed to help characterise and explain his-torical development of these two national movements through earlier types of linkage, into 'New Labour' and 'New Democratic' forms. The paper suggests that, from similar starting points, differences through time in the range of types of linkage in the two movements can be explained by a combination of factors of political economy and electoral strategy, a combination that today points towards weaker relationships.},
  annotation   = {Some micro-level assertions of power resources from unions to Labour (UK) and Democrats (USA) in the 20th century.},
}

@Article{LudlamTaylor2003,
  Title                    = {The Political Representation of the Labour Interest in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Ludlam, Steve and Taylor, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1046/j.1467-8543.2003.00296.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {727--749},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the condition of the labour alliance of the Labour Party and its affiliated unions in the light of a recent typology of union-party links, and of Lewis Minkin's seminal study of the British union-party link. We conclude that, while the link appeared to have stabilized before the general election in 2001, it has become much more volatile since, although the new group of more left-wing leaders of major unions remains determined to reassert the union position inside the party rather than radically change the union-Labour relationship.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1467-8543.2003.00296.x}
}

@Article{Luebbert1987,
  author       = {Luebbert,Gregory M.},
  date         = {1987},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Social Foundations of Political Order in Interwar Europe},
  doi          = {10.2307/2010288},
  issn         = {1086-3338},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {449--478},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {Four types of regimes of historic importance appeared in Europe between the two world wars: pluralist democracy, social or corporatist democracy, traditional dictatorship, and fascism. The vast body of literature that has grown up around them has rarely cast these political orders as historical alternatives to each other, however. When it has done so, it. has normally cast pluralist democracy as the alternative to fascism. Most commonly, this has taken the form of contrasts between Germany and Britain, and has been accompanied by the question, why was Germany not like Britain? Yet, pluralist democracy such as appeared in Britain was actually the least relevant alternative between the wars, for the possibility of stabilizing it where it did not already exist had been foreclosed by World War I. Where liberal parties had failed to establish responsible parliamentary institutions before the war, it would prove impossible to stabilize a pluralist democracy afterward. Henceforth, stabilization would require corporatism -- either its fascist or social democratic variant -- rather than pluralism.},
  month        = {7},
  numpages     = {30},
}

@Book{Luebbert1991,
  Title                    = {Liberalism, Fascism, or Social Democracy},
  Author                   = {Luebbert, Gregory M.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{LuizerThornton1986,
  Title                    = {Concentration in the Labor Market for Public School Teachers},
  Author                   = {Luizer, James and Thornton, Robert},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {573{--}584},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Recent studies that have investigated the relationship between the monopsony power of school districts and teachers' salaries have reached conflicting conclusions. The authors of this paper argue that the discrepancies among previous studies may be due to the arbitrary demarcation of the boundaries of teacher labor markets and the use of faulty measures of monopsony. Using a new procedure for defining teacher labor market boundaries and several alternative indices of concentration, this study finds evidence of monopsonistic activity in local teacher labor markets in Pennsylvania. The monopsony wage effects are small, however, and are present mainly at the mid-to-upper ranges of the bachelor's degree salary scale.}
}

@Misc{Lukes2015,
  Title                    = {Steven Lukes on Power},
  Author                   = {Lukes, Steven},
  Date                     = {2015-06-06},
  Editor                   = {David Edmonds and Nigel Warburton},
  HowPublished             = {Philosophy Bites},
  Url                      = {http://philosophybites.com/2015/06/steven-lukes-on-power.html},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-01}
}

@Book{Lukes1974,
  Title                    = {Power: A Radical View},
  Author                   = {Lukes, Steven},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Book{Lukes2004,
  Title                    = {Power: A Radical View},
  Author                   = {Lukes, Steven},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Edition                  = {2},
  ISBN                     = {978-0333420928},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Article{Lundahl2002,
  Title                    = {{Sweden}: decentralization, deregulation, quasi-markets --- and then what?},
  Author                   = {Lundahl, Lisbeth},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0268093022000032328},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {687--697},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The aims of this article are (1) to describe features of Swedish education politics over a 25 year period, with a focus on the 1990s and the first years of the 21st Century, and (2) to discuss how education politics relate to the socio-economic changes which have taken place during the last 10-15 years. Three time periods, based on the prevailing view of education governance and the role of the State, are identified: 1975-1990, 1991-1998 and 1999-2002, respectively. For each period, the context/agenda, processes and outcomes of education policy are discussed. The article is based on statistical data, public reports, policy documents and interviews with central and local actors in the field of education. It is concluded that access to education has increased at all levels during the last 25 years. However, young people's transition to the labour market takes place later, has become more complicated, and in reality requires successful completion of at least upper-secondary education. In the wake of reductions, decentralization and deregulation of education, the differences and divisions between municipalities, schools and different pupils have increased. It is argued that active efforts to counteract such tendencies were weak in the 1990s, and that education politics may instead have reinforced social division and exclusion.}
}

@Article{Lundahl2002b,
  Title                    = {From Centralisation to Decentralisation: governance of education in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Lundahl, Lisbeth},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {625--636},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {This article draws on interviews with Swedish system actors, at national and local levels, to consider the impact of changes in the governance of education in Sweden, which have been characterised as a shift from centralisation to decentralisation. The respondents discuss their explanations of change, putting emphasis on social and economic developments, and consider alterations in the relationships between the centre, the localities and the institutions. Change is mostly seen as both inevitable and positive: only a minority raise concerns about the impact of deregulation on inequalities.}
}

@Article{Lundahl2006,
  Title                    = {Education Politics and Teachers: {Sweden} and Some Comparisons With {Great Britain}},
  Author                   = {Lundahl, Lisbeth},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Hitotsubashi Journal of Social Studies},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--78},
  Volume                   = {38}
}

@Misc{Lundahl2012,
  Author                   = {Lundahl, Lisbeth},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Telephone interview},
  Note                     = {February 7}
}

@Article{Lundberg1985,
  author       = {Lundberg, Erik},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  title        = {The Rise and Fall of the Swedish Model},
  doi          = {10.2307/2725542},
  issn         = {0022-0515},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--36},
  volume       = {23},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2725542},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{LundbergAmark2001,
  Title                    = {Social Rights and Social Security: The Swedish Welfare State, 1900--2000},
  Author                   = {Urban Lundberg and Klas \r{A}mark},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of History},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/034687501750303837},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {157--176},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/034687501750303837}
}

@Article{Lupia1994,
  Title                    = {Shortcuts Versus Encyclopedias: Information and Voting Behavior in California Insurance Reform Elections},
  Author                   = {Lupia, Arthur},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2944882},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--76},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/3gppa85},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {Voters in mass elections are notorious for their apparent lack of information about relevant political matters. While some scholars argue that an electorate of well-informed voters is necessary for the production of responsive electoral outcomes, others argue that apparently ignorant voters will suffice because they can adapt their behavior to the complexity of electoral choice. To evaluate the validity of these arguments, I develop and analyze a survey of California voters who faced five complicated insurance reform ballot initiatives. I find that access to a particular class of widely available information shortcuts allowed badly informed voters to emulate the behavior of relatively well informed voters. This finding is suggestive of the conditions under which voters who lack encyclopedic information about the content of electoral debates can nevertheless use information shortcuts to vote as though they were well informed.}
}

@Article{LupiaEtAl2007,
  author       = {Lupia, Arthur and Levine, Adam Seth and Menning, Jesse O. and Sin, Gisela},
  title        = {Were Bush Tax Cut Supporters `Simply Ignorant'? A Second Look at Conservatives and Liberals in `Homer Gets a Tax Cut'},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {5},
  number       = {04},
  pages        = {773--784},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592707072210},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
}

@Book{LupiaMcCubbins1998,
  Title                    = {The Democratic Dilemma: Can Citizens Learn What They Need to Know?},
  Author                   = {Lupia, Arthur and McCubbins, Mathew D.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {0521584485},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{LupiaMccubbins2000,
  author       = {Lupia, Arthur and Mccubbins, Mathew D.},
  title        = {Representation or abdication?: How citizens use institutions to help delegation succeed},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {37},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {291--307},
  doi          = {10.1023/A:1007068904236},
  abstract     = {Modern democracy requires delegation. One problem with delegation is that principals and agents often have conflicting interests. A second problem is that principals lack information about their agents. Many scholars conclude that these problems cause delegation to become abdication. We reject this conclusion and introduce a theory of delegation that supports a different conclusion. The theory clarifies when interest conflicts and information problems do (and do not) turn delegation into abdication. We conclude by arguing that remedies for common delegation problems can be embedded in the design of electoral, legislative, and bureaucratic institutions. The culmination of our efforts is a simple, but general, statement about when citizens and legislators can (and cannot) control their agents.},
}

@Article{LupuPontusson2011,
  Title                    = {The Structure of Inequality and the Politics of Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Lupu, Noam and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055411000128},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {316--336},
  Url                      = {http://www.noamlupu.com/structure_inequality.pdf},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {Against the current consensus among comparative political economists, we argue that inequality matters for redistributive politics in advanced capitalist societies, but it is the structure of inequality, not the level of inequality, that matters. Our theory posits that middle-income voters will be inclined to ally with low-income voters and support redistributive policies when the distance between the middle and the poor is small relative to the distance between the middle and the rich. We test this proposition with data from 15 to 18 advanced democracies and find that both redistribution and nonelderly social spending increase as the dispersion of earnings in the upper half of the distribution increases relative to the dispersion of earnings in the lower half of the distribution. In addition, we present survey evidence on preferences for redistribution among middle-income voters that is consistent with our theory and regression results indicating that left parties are more likely to participate in government when the structure of inequality is characterized by skew.}
}

@Article{Luskin1990,
  Title                    = {Explaining political sophistication},
  Author                   = {Luskin, Robert C.},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Behavior},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00992793},
  ISSN                     = {0190-9320},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {331--361},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Debates over the political sophistication of mass publics smolder on. The more fundamental question, however, is why people become as politically sophisticated or unsophisticated as they do. This paper develops a nonlinear simultaneous equation model to weigh explanations of three general sorts: the politicalinformation to which people are exposed, theirability to assimilate and organize such information, and theirmotivation to do so. The estimates suggest that interest and intelligence, representing motivation and ability, have major effects, but that education and media exposure, the big informational variables, do not. I consider the reasons and sketch some implications for the sophistication of mass publics, for the study of sophistication and other ``variables of extent,'' and for democratic theory.}
}

@Article{Luther2003,
  Title                    = {The self-destruction of a right-wing populist party?: The {Austria}n parliamentary election of 2002},
  Author                   = {Luther, Kurt Richard},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380512331341141},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {136--152},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341141}
}

@Article{Lutz2002,
  Title                    = {Historical Consciousness and the Changing of German Political Culture},
  Author                   = {Lutz, Felix Philipp},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/714001307},
  Pages                    = {19--34},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Historical consciousness in unified Germany 13 years after the fall of the German Democratic Republic is undergoing a profound change whose direction is not yet clearly visible. The article describes the status and contents of historical consciousness of the period from autumn 1989 until the end of the twentieth century. Historical consciousness is at the heart of German political culture and derives from existential experiences during the Third Reich and World War II and the period of reconstruction after 1945. However, German unification in 1990 was the starting point for a new foreign policy and an ongoing change in historical consciousness, partly also due to generational change.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001307}
}

@Article{Lyman1965,
  author       = {Lyman, Richard W.},
  date         = {1965},
  journaltitle = {Journal of British Studies},
  title        = {The British Labour Party: The Conflict between Socialist Ideals and Practical Politics between the Wars},
  issn         = {0021-9371},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {140--152},
  volume       = {5},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{Moller1938,
  Title                    = {The Unemployment Policy},
  Author                   = {M{\"o}ller, Gustav},
  Date                     = {1938},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Pages                    = {47{--}71},
  Volume                   = {197}
}

@Unpublished{MorkAhlin2007,
  Title                    = {Effects of decentralization on school resources: {Sweden} 1989-2002},
  Author                   = {M{\"o}rk, Eva and Ahlin, {\AA}sa},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {Sweden has undertaken major national reforms of its school sector which, consequently, has been classified as one of the most decentralized ones in the OECD. This paper investigates whether school resources became more unequally distributed across municipalities in connection with the reforms and if local tax base, grants, and preferences affected local school resources differently as decentralization took place. Using municipal data the paper studies how per pupil spending and the teacher-pupil ratio has evolved over the period 1989{\textendash}2002, separating between three different waves of decentralization. As nothing much has happened with per pupil spending, the teacher-pupil ratio has become more evenly distributed across municipalities. Municipal tax base affects per pupil spending in the same way regardless of whether the school sector is centralized or decentralized, but has a smaller effect on teacher-pupil ratio after the reforms. The less targeted grants are, the fewer teachers per pupil do the municipalities employ. The results for local preferences are less clear cut.}
}

@Incollection{Muller2000,
  Title                    = {{Austria}: Tight Coalitions and Stable Government},
  Author                   = {Wolfgang M{\"u}ller},
  Booktitle                = {Coalition Governments in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Wolfgang M{\"u}ller and Kaare Str\om},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Pages                    = {86--125},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{MaWeiss1995,
  Title                    = {On the Invariance of a Mean Voter Theorem},
  Author                   = {Ma, Barry K. and Weiss, Jeffrey H.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1006/jeth.1995.1041},
  ISSN                     = {0022-0531},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {264--274},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {Under the assumption that preferences can be represented by linear-in parameters utility functions, Caplin and Nalebuff (Econometrica59 (1991), 1-23) have demonstrated that in a super-majority voting problem, the mean voter's choice is unbeatable according to a rule that depends on the distribution and dimensionality of voters' preferences. We show in some cases that the mean voter and the social choice, as well as this rule, are not invariant with respect to transformations of the parameters of the utility functions that preserve the voters' ordinal preferences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jeth.1995.1041}
}

@Article{MacDonald2003,
  Title                    = {Useful Fiction or Miracle Maker: The Competing Epistemological Foundations of Rational Choice Theory},
  Author                   = {MacDonald, Paul K},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {551--565},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Abstract                 = {Rational choice theorists have not clearly articulated their epistemological positions, and for this reason, their arguments in favor of rational choice theory are inconsistent, contradictory, and unpersuasive. To remedy this problem, I describe how two of the main positions in the philosophy of science, instrumentalist-empiricism and scientific-realism, act as competing epistemological foundations for rational choice theory. I illustrate how these philosophical perspectives help political scientists (1) understand what is at stake in the theoretical debates surrounding the rationality assumption, self-interest, and methodological individualism, (2) identify inconsistencies in the epistemological positions adopted by rational choice theorists, and (3) assess the feasibility and desirability of a universal theory based on the rationality assumption.}
}

@Article{Machin2000,
  Title                    = {Union Decline in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Machin, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {631--645},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers the rapid decline in unionization that has occurred in Britain since the late 1970s. The overwhelming factor underpinning falling unionization was a failure to organize new establishments set up in the last twenty years or so, thus confirming that developments since 1990 represent a continuation of the pattern revealed in earlier work for the 1980-90 period. The sharpest falls in unionization occurred in private manufacturing establishments set up after 1980. Finally, there is some evidence that it is age of workplace, rather than age of worker, that is the critical age-based factor behind union decline.}
}

@Unpublished{MachinEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Resources and Standards in Urban Schools},
  Author                   = {Machin, Stephen and McNally, Sandra and Meghir, Costas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {IZA Discussion Paper No. 2653.},

  Abstract                 = {Despite being central to government education policy in many countries, there remains considerable debate about whether resources matter for pupil outcomes. In this paper we look at this question by considering an English education policy initiative {\textendash} Excellence in Cities {\textendash} which has been a flagship policy aimed at raising standards in inner-city secondary schools. We report results showing a positive impact of the extra resources on school attendance and performance in Mathematics (though not for English) but, interestingly, there is a marked heterogeneity in the effectiveness of the policy. Its greatest impact has been in more disadvantaged schools and on the performance of middle and high ability students within these schools. A back-of-envelope cost-benefit calculation suggests the policy to be cost-effective. We conclude that additional resources can matter for children in the poorest secondary schools, particularly when building on a solid educational or ability background. However, small changes in resources have little or no effect on the {\textquoteleft}hard to reach{\textquoteright} children who have not achieved a sufficiently strong prior level.}
}

@Unpublished{MachinVernoit2012,
  Title                    = {Changing School Autonomy: Academy Schools and Their Introduction to {England}'s Education},
  Author                   = {Machin, Stephen and Vernoit, James},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {Centre for the Economics of Education Discussion Paper 123.},
  Url                      = {http://sole-jole.org/13359.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {A small, but growing, literature has begun to explore whether different school types influence pupil achievement. In this paper, we study a high profile example the introduction of academy schools to the English secondary school sector. Our results indicate that, in some settings, academy conversion generated a significant improvement in the quality of pupil intake and pupil performance. The settings associated with beneficial results arise from heterogeneity in the estimated effects, as improvements only occur for schools that have been established as academies for a sufficiently long period and for those experiencing the largest increase in their school autonomy.}
}

@Online{MacKean2012,
  Title                    = {Academies accused of pushing difficult students out},
  Author                   = {MacKean, Liz},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/9674889.stm},
  Note                     = {Reported by BBC Newsnight},
  Urldate                  = {2015-02-19},

  Abstract                 = {Academies, independent state schools whose growth is flourishing under the coalition, are being accused of letting down their most vulnerable pupils.
It is claimed that the pressure of performing well in the league tables is leading to some students being pushed out unofficially, without being permanently excluded, as Newsnight's Liz MacKean reports.}
}

@Article{MaclennanMore1997,
  Title                    = {The future of social housing: Key economic questions},
  Author                   = {Maclennan, Duncan and More, Alison},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039708720914},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {531{--}547},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {The merits of market and non-market, or social, housing provision are often debated on the basis of entrenched conceptions of market and bureaucratic systems. From an economic perspective, this paper challenges the validity of traditional `polar' arguments in support of state or market provision, concluding that there is no ex-ante case favouring one system over the other. In either case, the critical factor in efficient production and management is the design of housing delivery systems, encompassing issues such as external efficiency pressures, internal incentive structures, controls over managerial discretion, and organisational structure. The paper considers key aspects of system design and concludes that appropriately configured not-for-profit producers should be able to operate as efficiently and effectively as profit-making market providers and that they may have policy advantages in periods of adjustment to excess demand for housing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039708720914}
}

@Article{Macpherson1977,
  Title                    = {Do We Need a Theory of the State?},
  Author                   = {Macpherson,C. B.},
  Date                     = {1977},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003975600003210},
  ISSN                     = {1474-0583},
  Issue                    = {2},
  Month                    = {12},
  Pages                    = {222--244},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {My Question is not whether we need a theoretical understanding of the political process in modern states, but whether we need a theory of the state in the grand manner of the acknowledged ,Aeogreat,Aeo theories, ranging in modern times from, say, Bodin and Hobbes to Hegel and the nineteenth century juristic theories of sovereignty, and on to the less `great', but in intention equally grand, theories of Green and Bosanquet and such twentieth century thinkers as Barker and Lindsay and MacIver.}
}

@Article{MacphersonEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Accountability: Research in Prospect},
  Author                   = {Macpherson, Reynold J. S and Cibulka, James G and Monk, David H and Wong, Kenneth K},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {216--229},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This collection of articles has reported international policy research on how power is being used in education to build and discharge obligations between stakeholders: the politics of accountability. The research reported shows well how the politics of education at site and systemic levels have been helping to reconstruct accountability policies. This concluding article offers afresh angle on the research reported by examining the extent to which the processes of reconstructing accountability policies might yet help improve the quality of politics in education. It finds that the politics of accountability need to be respected and developed as part of policy coherence testing in systems and schools and as central to the process of legitimating practices.}
}

@Article{Madeley2003,
  Title                    = {`The Swedish model is dead! Long live the Swedish model!' The 2002 Riksdag election},
  Author                   = {Madeley, John T.S},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380512331341161},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--173},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341161}
}

@Article{Madeley1982,
  Title                    = {A Century of Norwegian Conservatism},
  Author                   = {Madeley, J. T. S.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Eprint                   = {http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/XXXV/2/201.pdf},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {201--217},
  Volume                   = {XXXV}
}

@Article{Maeda2010,
  author       = {Maeda,Ko},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Divided We Fall: Opposition Fragmentation and the Electoral Fortunes of Governing Parties},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000712340999041X},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {419--434},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {This article introduces the concept of opposition fragmentation into the study of the determinants of election results. Empirical studies have demonstrated that anti-government economic voting is likely to take place where the clarity of responsibility (the degree to which voters can attribute policy responsibility to the government) is high. This argument is extended by focusing on the effects of the degree of opposition fragmentation in influencing the extent to which poor economic performance decreases the government electoral fortune is stronger. Opposition fragmentation appears to be as strong a factor as the clarity of responsibility.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S000712340999041X},
}

@Unpublished{Magalhaes2012,
  Title                    = {Economy, Ideology and the Elephant in the Room: A Research note on the Elections of the Great Recession in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Pedro C. Magalh{\~a}es},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Note                     = {Unpublished manuscript.},
  Url                      = {http://ssrn.com/abstract-2122416}
}

@Article{Mahler2004,
  Title                    = {Economic Globalization, Domestic Politics, and Income Inequality in the Developed Countries},
  Author                   = {Mahler, Vincent A.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414004268849},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1025--1053},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {This article assesses the impact of economic globalization and domestic political factors on income inequality and state redistribution in the developed countries over the past two decades, using household-level data from the Luxembourg Income Study that are more detailed, accurate, and cross-nationally comparable than those used in previous empirical work. It examines three major modes of international integration --- trade, direct foreign investment, and international financial flows --- as well as four domestic political variables --- the partisan balance of national cabinets, electoral turnout, union density, and the centralization of wage-setting institutions. The study finds only scattered relationships between global integration and income distribution or redistribution but reasonably strong positive relationships between several domestic political variables and an egalitarian distribution of income and/or extensive state redistribution. These findings are consistent with a growing number of studies that emphasize the resilience of domestic political factors in the face of economic globalization.}
}

@Article{Mahler2008,
  Title                    = {Electoral turnout and income redistribution by the state: A cross-national analysis of the developed democracies},
  Author                   = {Mahler, Vincent A.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00726.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {161{--}183},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the sources of variation in state redistribution across 13 developed democracies over the period 1979-2000, drawing upon data from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the Luxembourg Income Study and the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The discussion begins with the median voter hypothesis, which predicts that the extent of state redistribution in a country will be positively related to the degree of pre-government inequality. In seeking to extend the median voter approach, the article takes into account two additional variables: the level of electoral turnout and the degree to which turnout is skewed by income. The analysis confirms that pre-government inequality is indeed positively related to state redistribution. However, the predictive power of the median voter approach is significantly improved when account is taken of the level of electoral turnout and the extent to which the turnout rate reflects an income skew - variables that are themselves related. The link between turnout and redistribution is especially strong for social transfers as opposed to taxes, and for the lower and middle, as opposed to the upper, part of the income spectrum.}
}

@Article{MahlerJesuit2006,
  Title                    = {Fiscal redistribution in the developed countries: new insights from the {Luxembourg} Income Study},
  Author                   = {Mahler, Vincent A. and Jesuit, David K.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwl003},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {483{--}511},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {This paper offers a detailed discussion of fiscal redistribution in developed countries, employing data that have been computed from the LIS's micro-level database. LIS data are detailed enough to allow us not only to measure overall redistribution but also to explore whether redistribution has been achieved primarily through taxes or transfers; to determine whether it is associated with the size or the internal target efficiency of social benefits; to compare the redistributive effect of the most important individual transfers; to focus separately on households in poverty and those headed by persons of working age; and to explore trends in redistribution between the late 1970s and early 2000s. The paper concludes by demonstrating the practical usefulness of the data presented by conducting an empirical analysis of several proposed explanations for cross-country and over-time variance in fiscal redistribution.}
}

@Article{Mahoney2000,
  Title                    = {Path dependence in historical sociology},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Theory and Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1007113830879},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {507--548},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1007113830879}
}

@Article{Mahoney2000a,
  Title                    = {Rational Choice Theory and the Comparative Method: An emerging synthesis?},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02687472},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {83--94},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02687472},
  Keywords                 = {Case Selection}
}

@Article{Mahoney2000b,
  author       = {Mahoney, James},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  title        = {Strategies of Causal Inference in Small-N Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1177/0049124100028004001},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {387--424},
  url          = {http://www.jamesmahoney.org/articles/Stratagies%20of%20Causal%20Inference%20in%20Small-N%20Analysis.pdf},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {Much debate concerning small-N analysis has centered on the question of whether this research tradition has powerful tools for assessing causality. Yet, recent contributions make it clear that scholars are not in consensus with regard to the more basic issue of which procedures and underlying logic are in fact used in small-N causal assessment. Focusing on the field of comparative-historical analysis, this article attempts to clarify these procedures and logic. Methods associated with three major strategies of small-N causal inference are examined: nominal comparison, ordinal comparison, and within-case analysis. The article argues that the use of these three strategies within particular small-N studies has led scholars to reach radically divergent conclusions about the logic of causal analysis in small-N research. One implication of this argument is that methodologists must sort out the interrelationship between strategies of causal inference before arriving at conclusions about the overall strengths and limitations of small-N analysis.},
  keywords     = {Case Selection},
}

@Article{Mahoney2004,
  Title                    = {Revisiting General Theory in Historical Sociology},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Forces},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {459{--}489},
  Volume                   = {83},

  Abstract                 = {This article revisits the debate over general theory in historical sociology with the goal of clarifying the use of this kind of theory in empirical research. General theories are defined as postulates about causal agents and causal mechanisms that are linked to empirical analysis through bridging assumptions. These theories can contribute to substantive knowledge by helping analysts derive new hypotheses, integrate existing findings, and explain historical outcomes. To illustrate these applications, the article considers five different general theories that have guided or could guide historical sociology: functionalist, rational choice, power, neo-Darwinian, and cultural theories. A key conclusion that emerges is that scholars must evaluate both the overall merits of general theory and the individual merits of specific general theories.}
}

@Article{Mahoney2004a,
  Title                    = {Comparative-Historical Methodology},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.30.012703.110507},
  Pages                    = {81--101},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {The last decade featured the emergence of a significant and growing literature concerning comparative-historical methods. This literature offers methodological tools for causal and descriptive inference that go beyond the techniques currently available in mainstream statistical analysis. In terms of causal inference, new procedures exist for testing hypotheses about necessary and sufficient causes, and these procedures address the skepticism that mainstream methodologists may hold about necessary and sufficient causation. Likewise, new techniques are available for analyzing hypotheses that refer to complex temporal processes, including path-dependent sequences. In the area of descriptive inference, the comparative-historical literature offers important tools for concept analysis and for achieving measurement validity. Given these contributions, comparative-historical methods merit a central place within the general field of social science methodology.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.30.012703.110507},
  Keywords                 = {Case Selection}
}

@Article{Mahoney2007,
  Title                    = {Qualitative Methodology and Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006296345},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {122--144},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Leading methods for pursuing qualitative research in the field of comparative politics are discussed. On one hand, qualitative researchers in this field use a variety of methods of theory development: procedures for generating new hypotheses, tools for pursuing conceptual innovation, and techniques for identifying populations of homogeneous cases. On the other hand, they employ both within-case and cross-case methods of theory testing. Within-case methods include techniques for identifying intervening mechanisms and testing multiple observable implications of theories. Cross-case methods include a host of approaches for assessing hypotheses about necessary and sufficient causes. The article discusses the distinctive leverage offered by qualitative research for addressing questions in comparative politics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006296345},
  Keywords                 = {Case Selection}
}

@Article{Mahoney2008,
  Title                    = {Toward a Unified Theory of Causality},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414007313115},
  Number                   = {4-5},
  Pages                    = {412--436},
  Url                      = {http://www.jamesmahoney.org/articles/Toward%20a%20Unified%20Theory%20of%20Causality.pdf},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {In comparative research, analysts conceptualize causation in contrasting ways when they pursue explanation in particular cases (case-oriented research) versus large populations (population-oriented research). With case-oriented research, they understand causation in terms of necessary, sufficient, INUS, and SUIN causes. With population-oriented research, by contrast, they understand causation as mean causal effects. This article explores whether it is possible to translate the kind of causal language that is used in case-oriented research into the kind of causal language that is used in population-oriented research (and vice versa). The article suggests that such translation is possible, because certain types of INUS causes manifest themselves as variables that exhibit partial effects when studied in population-oriented research. The article concludes that the conception of causation adopted in case-oriented research is appropriate for the population level, whereas the conception of causation used in population-oriented research is valuable for making predictions in the face of uncertainty.}
}

@Article{Mahoney2010,
  Title                    = {After KKV: The New Methodology of Qualitative Research},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.0.0045},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {120--147},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {This article discusses developments in the field of qualitative methodology since the publication of King, Keohane, and Verba's (KKV's) Designing Social Inquiry. Three areas of the new methodology are examined: (1) process tracing and causal-process observations; (2) methods using set theory and logic; and (3) strategies for combining qualitative and quantitative research. In each of these areas, the article argues, the new literature encompasses KKV's helpful insights while avoiding their most obvious missteps. Discussion focuses especially on contrasts between the kind of observations that are used in qualitative versus quantitative research, differences between regression-oriented approaches and those based on set theory and logic, and new approaches for bringing out complementarities between qualitative and quantitative research. The article concludes by discussing research frontiers in the field of qualitative methodology.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0045},
  Keywords                 = {Case Selection}
}

@Article{MahoneyGoertz2004,
  Title                    = {The Possibility Principle: Choosing Negative Cases in Comparative Research},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James and Goertz, Gary},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055404041401},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {653--669},
  Url                      = {http://www.jamesmahoney.org/articles/The%20Possibility%20Principle.pdf},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {A central challenge in qualitative research is selecting the {\textquotedblleft}negative{\textquotedblright} cases (e.g., nonrevolutions, nonwars) to be included in analyses that seek to explain positive outcomes of interest (e.g., revolutions, wars). Although it is widely recognized that the selection of negative cases is consequential for theory testing, methodologists have yet to formulate specific rules to inform this selection process. In this paper, we propose a principle{\textemdash}the Possibility Principle{\textemdash}that provides explicit, rigorous, and theoretically informed guidelines for choosing a set of negative cases. The Possibility Principle advises researchers to select only negative cases where the outcome of interest is possible. Our discussion elaborates this principle and its implications for current debates about case selection and strategies of theory testing. Major points are illustrated with substantive examples from studies of revolution, economic growth, welfare states, and war.},
  Keywords                 = {Case Selection}
}

@Article{MahoneySnyder1999,
  Title                    = {Rethinking agency and structure in the study of regime change},
  Author                   = {Mahoney, James and Snyder, Richard},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02687620},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {3--32},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {The oscillation of the study of political regime change between voluntarist and structural approaches has increasingly led scholars to seek research strategies for synthesizing the two approaches. This article addresses the conceptual and practical difficulties of achieving such a synthesis by evaluating several strategies for integrating voluntarist and structural factors in the analysis of regime change. It examines competing ways of conceptualizing agency and structure and assesses the varied consequences that different conceptualizations have for explaining regime transformation. The article also analyzes three distinct strategies for integrating agency and structure: the funnel, path-dependent, and eclectic strategies. Each integrative strategy isanchored by a different conceptual base and has characteristic strengths and limitations. The conclusion explores future directions for developing integrative strategies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02687620}
}

@Article{Mailand2008,
  Title                    = {The uneven impact of the {Europe}an Employment Strategy on member states' employment policies: a comparative analysis},
  Author                   = {Mailand, Mikkel},
  Date                     = {2008-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928708094893},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {353--365},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {In the mid-1990s, EU member states decided to coordinate their national employment policies through a common European Employment Strategy (EES). Building on a systematic comparative study of four member states, the author argues that the strategy has influenced the member states' employment policies to varying degrees, but that the impact, generally speaking, has been limited. In the article, the author examines the impact of the strategy as a result of `pressure' and key actors' strategic use of the strategy, and shows how these mechanisms work. Factors that can explain why a greater impact is found in Poland and Spain than is found in Denmark and the United Kingdom include: non-compliance with the EES predating the introduction of the strategy; relatively weak labour market performance; the lack of consensus among the main actors in the labour market; Europeanization; and strong economic or political dependence on the EU. Further, the author argues that the EES revisions in 2003 and 2005 have not increased the degree of impact, which instead seems to be diminishing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928708094893}
}

@Article{Majumdar1998,
  Title                    = {Assessing comparative efficiency of the state-owned mixed and private sectors in {India}n industry},
  Author                   = {Majumdar, Sumit K},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1004941023587},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--24},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {This paper evaluates performance differences between government owned, mixed sector and private sector enterprises in India for the period 1973--1974 to 1988--1989. The results establish that enterprises owned by the central government and state governments are less efficient than mixed or private sector enterprises, while mixed sector enterprises are less efficient than those in the private sector. The results contradict extant evidence finding no performance differences between government-owned and private firms in India. There have, however, been inter-temporal efficiency gains for the sector as a whole, perhaps resulting from reforms undertaken towards improving government-owned enterprises' performance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1004941023587}
}

@Article{MalhotraKuo2008,
  Title                    = {Attributing Blame: The Public's Response to Hurricane Katrina},
  Author                   = {Malhotra, Neil and Kuo, Alexander G},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381607080097},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {120--135},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {When government fails, whom do citizens blame? Do these assessments rely on biased or content-rich information? Despite the vast literatures on retrospective voting in political science and attribution in psychology, there exists little theory and evidence on how citizens apportion blame among public officials in the wake of government failure. We designed a survey experiment in which respondents ranked seven public officials in order of how much they should be blamed for the property damage and loss of life in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. We manipulated the information provided to respondents, with some receiving the officials responsibilities. These results have implications for our understanding of the impact of heuristics and information on retrospective evaluations of government performance.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381607080097}
}

@Article{MalhotraMargalit2010,
  author       = {Malhotra, Neil and Margalit, Yotam},
  title        = {Short-Term Communication Effects or Longstanding Dispositions? The Public's Response to the Financial Crisis of 2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {72},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {852--867},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381610000216},
  url          = {http://www.stanford.edu/~neilm/stimulus.pdf},
  abstract     = {Economic interests and party identification are two key, long-standing factors that shape people's attitudes on government policy. Recent research has increasingly focused on how short-term communication effects (e.g., issue framing, media priming) also influence public opinion. Rather than posit that political attitudes reflect one source of considerations more than another, we argue that the two interact in a significant and theoretically predictable manner. To explore this claim, we examine the American public's attitudes towards the government's response to the financial crisis of 2008. We designed three survey experiments conducted on a large national sample, in which we examine the influence of (1) group-serving biases, (2) goal framing, and (3) threshold sensitivity. We find that economic standing and partisanship moderate the impact of communication effects as a function of their content. Our results demonstrate how people's sensitivity to peripheral presentational features interacts with more fundamental dispositions in shaping attitudes on complex policy issues.},
}

@Article{MalloyWohlstetter2003,
  Title                    = {Working Conditions In Charter Schools: What's the Appeal for Teachers?},
  Author                   = {Malloy, Courtney L and Wohlstetter, Priscilla},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Education and Urban Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0013124502239393},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219--241},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {This article synthesizes past research findings on the work of charter school teachers and juxtaposes this research with case studies of forty charter school teachers in six urban charter elementary schools. Charter schools, with increased autonomy over personnel and budget, are given the freedom to make many decisions related to hiring, salary, and working conditions. In general, charter school teachers work longer hours and receive less job security than colleagues in traditional public schools. In some states, charter school teachers earn significantly less than other public school colleagues. The evidence also suggests, however, that teachers generally enjoy their professional lives in charter schools{\textemdash}their colleagues and the school{\textquoteright}s education program. The authors argue that in order to continue to attract and retain teachers, charter schools may need to extend their use of autonomy to improve the working conditions of teachers and ultimately, to extend the life of the school.}
}

@Article{MaloneyEtAl1994,
  Title                    = {Interest Groups and Public Policy: The Insider/Outsider Model Revisited},
  Author                   = {Maloney, William A and Jordan, Grant and McLaughlin, Andrew M},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the place of groups in the consultative process in British policymaking. It stresses the importance of consultation even under the Thatcher government and distinguishes between consultation, bargaining and negotiation. The paper identifies the important divide between the relatively few groups with privileged status and the greater number of groups who find themselves consigned to less influential positions. The discussion revisits the insider/outsider typology often used to differentiate interest group strategies and status in policy development. It suggests that the insider group term is associated with a particular style of policy making, and offers amendments to the existing use of the terms to avoid the difficulties which occur from the conflation of group strategies and group status.}
}

@Article{Malpass2003,
  Title                    = {The Wobbly Pillar? Housing and the British Postwar Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Malpass, Peter},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0047279403007177},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {589--606},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {The image of housing as the wobbly pillar under the welfare state has been widely used in recent years, and is clearly an attractive metaphor in the present period as residualisation deepens and privatisation continues. However, this paper is concerned with the early years of the postwar welfare state, when conditions for a securely founded housing service were, arguably, more conducive than they are today. Accordingly the paper focuses on policy work in the 1940s, drawing on new research on Public Record Office files, to reveal the amount of wartime planning within Whitehall for postwar housing policy, and the extent of continuity between the pre and post 1945 periods. It is shown that under the wartime coalition government there was considerably more planning for housing after the war than is acknowledged in the existing literature, and that this work shaped policy under the Labour government of 1945{\textendash}51. Housing emerged as the wobbly pillar under the welfare state because of the amount of detailed wartime planning and Labour's acceptance of its analysis and prescriptions. Whereas most accounts concentrate on the size of the late 1940s building programme (and judge the government accordingly), the argument here is that to understand how housing emerged as the wobbly pillar it is necessary to look beyond quantity to the question of why a self-proclaimed socialist government failed to challenge the market dominance of housing provision.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0047279403007177}
}

@Article{Malpass2004,
  Title                    = {Fifty Years of British Housing Policy: Leaving or Leading the Welfare State?},
  Author                   = {Malpass, Peter},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Housing Policy},
  Pages                    = {209--227},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {This article seeks to develop a new perspective on the housing\^a??welfare state relationship in Britain. Housing is conventionally seen as part of the post-war welfare state, but as different from other core services because of the persistence of a large market sector. Housing is also seen as having been targeted for change in the post-1975 restructuring of the welfare state, and this has been depicted in terms implying that the housing arm of the welfare state is being amputated or sold off. Social rented housing has declined significantly, both numerically and proportionately, in this period. In the present period the British government sees itself as engaged in a process of modernizing public services, but there is little mention of housing. The argument advanced in this article is that the development of housing policy after 1945 was shaped more by housing market restructuring than by ideas associated with the welfare state, and that from 1954 housing was clearly moving further away. But in more recent times developments in housing have been congruent with the modernization of the wider welfare state and a convergence is apparent, challenging the notion of housing as the wobbly pillar under the welfare state.}
}

@Article{MalpassMullins2002,
  Title                    = {Local Authority Housing Stock Transfer in the UK: From Local Initiative to National Policy},
  Author                   = {Malpass, Peter and Mullins, David},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673030220144402},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {673{--}686},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Since 1988 stock transfer has been transformed from a local initiative into a central part of government policy for housing in the UK. It began as a largely rural and suburban phenomenon, generating substantial capital receipts, but has also become a vehicle for the regeneration of rundown urban estates. The trajectory of this process has continued to be rapid despite changes in government and devolution of housing policy in the late 1990s. This paper traces the development of the process in some detail, considering policy origins and antecedents, the emergence of national policy and its rolling out to embrace a wider range of circumstances. The impact of the policy is considered more briefly, reviewing the impact on the non-profit housing sector, on local authorities and on the key policy issues of rents and access to housing. Future prospects are reviewed in a concluding section.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673030220144402}
}

@Article{Malpezzi1996,
  Title                    = {What Has Happened to the Bottom of the US Housing Market?},
  Author                   = {Malpezzi, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0042098966385},
  Number                   = {10},
  Pages                    = {1807{--}1820},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Housing quality has improved dramatically for most low-income households, but they are paying much larger shares of their income for it. Many discussions of the bottom of the market focus on either the rising costs (the `bad' news) or the rising quality (the `good' news). Both points of view have some merit. This paper takes a positivist approach to the question: what's happening to the bottom of the housing market. We use a variety of indicators to look at whether the supply of low-cost units has fallen. We then focus on whether this dwindling supply reflects a market failure. If the market for low-income housing is indeed failing, we would observe: relatively high prices per unit of housing services provided by low-quality housing; obstructions to the supply of low-cost housing, which arises largely from filtering; and high vacancy rates. We find evidence of market failure in some markets but not in others. Finally, we focus on one possible source of market failure --- excessive regulation --- to see whether it is a common thread across those markets that have difficulty producing low-cost housing.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0042098966385}
}

@Article{ManiEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Poverty Impedes Cognitive Function},
  Author                   = {Mani, Anandi and Mullainathan, Sendhil and Shafir, Eldar and Zhao, Jiaying},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1126/science.1238041},
  ISSN                     = {0036-8075},
  Number                   = {6149},
  Pages                    = {976--980},
  Volume                   = {341},

  Abstract                 = {Lacking money or time can lead one to make poorer decisions, possibly because poverty imposes a cognitive load that saps attention and reduces effort. Mani et al. (p. 976; see the Perspective by Vohs) gathered evidence from shoppers in a New Jersey mall and from farmers in Tamil Nadu, India. They found that considering a projected financial decision, such as how to pay for a car repair, affects people{\textquoteright}s performance on unrelated spatial and reasoning tasks. Lower-income individuals performed poorly if the repairs were expensive but did fine if the cost was low, whereas higher-income individuals performed well in both conditions, as if the projected financial burden imposed no cognitive pressure. Similarly, the sugarcane farmers from Tamil Nadu performed these tasks better after harvest than before. The poor often behave in less capable ways, which can further perpetuate poverty. We hypothesize that poverty directly impedes cognitive function and present two studies that test this hypothesis. First, we experimentally induced thoughts about finances and found that this reduces cognitive performance among poor but not in well-off participants. Second, we examined the cognitive function of farmers over the planting cycle. We found that the same farmer shows diminished cognitive performance before harvest, when poor, as compared with after harvest, when rich. This cannot be explained by differences in time available, nutrition, or work effort. Nor can it be explained with stress: Although farmers do show more stress before harvest, that does not account for diminished cognitive performance. Instead, it appears that poverty itself reduces cognitive capacity. We suggest that this is because poverty-related concerns consume mental resources, leaving less for other tasks. These data provide a previously unexamined perspective and help explain a spectrum of behaviors among the poor. We discuss some implications for poverty policy.},
  Publisher                = {American Association for the Advancement of Science}
}

@Article{Manning1987,
  Title                    = {An Integration of Trade Union Models in a Sequential Bargaining Framework},
  Author                   = {Manning, Alan},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {385},
  Pages                    = {121{--}139},
  Volume                   = {97}
}

@Article{MannoEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Charter School Accountability: Problems and Prospects},
  Author                   = {Manno, Bruno V and Finn, Chester E and Vanourek, Gregg},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {473--493},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Today, public school accountability depends mostly on compliance. This accountability-via-regulation will only make charter public schools like district public schools. A different approach to charter accountability is envisioned, designed to help these schools succeed as genuine education alternatives. This accountability-via-transparency is based on giving charter schools operational, financial, and program autonomy in exchange for holding them accountable for results. Furthermore, rather than bureaucratic control from higher levels within the system, charter accountability is propelled mostly by public marketplaces in which a school{\textquoteright}s clients and stakeholders reward its successes, punish its failures, and send it signals about what must change. In what follows, approaches to accountability in today{\textquoteright}s charter world are reviewed; how a transparent charter accountability system following Generally Accepted Accountability Principles for Education (GAAPE) would work for charter schools, their sponsors, and statewide programs is described; and three accountability dilemmas that charter schools face are discussed in the conclusion.}
}

@Article{ManowEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {{Europe}'s party-political centre of gravity, 1957-2003},
  Author                   = {Manow, Philip and Sch{\"a}fer, Armin and Zorn, Hendrik},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {20--39},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Europe's 'political space', its dimensionality and its impact on European policies have received increased academic attention lately. Yet, one very basic element of this political space, the party composition of EU member states' governments, has never been studied in a systematic way in the rich literature on European integration. In this paper we explain why the EU literature should pay more attention to the analysis of Europe's party-political 'centre of gravity'. We give a systematic overview of the party composition of member governments from 1957 to 2003. This includes analyses of how the support for integration, the left/right political conviction, and the ideological homogeneity or heterogeneity of the member states affected the Council over the course of time. We draw on expert surveys, the data of the Comparative Manifesto Project, and data about government composition.}
}

@Article{MansfieldEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade},
  Author                   = {Mansfield, Edward D. and Milner, Helen V. and Rosendorff, Peter B.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2586014},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {305{--}321},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {Relatively little research has focused on whether countries' political institutions affect their international trade relations. We address this issue by analyzing the relationship between regime type and trade policy. In a formal model of commercial policy, we establish that the ratification responsibility of the legislature in democratic states leads pairs of democracies to set trade barriers at a lower level than mixed country-pairs (composed of an autocracy and a democracy). We test this hypothesis by analyzing the effects of regime type on trade during the period from 1960 to 1990. The results of this analysis accord with our argument: Democratic pairs have had much more open trade relations than mixed pairs.}
}

@Article{MansfieldReinhardt2003,
  Title                    = {Multilateral Determinants of Regionalism: The Effects of {GATT/WTO} on the Formation of Preferential Trading Arrangements},
  Author                   = {Mansfield, Edward D. and Reinhardt, Eric},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818303574069},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {829--862},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) have spread widely over the past fifty years. During the same era, multilateral openness has grown to unprecedented heights, spurred by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO). If the cornerstone of the manifestly successful multilateral regime is nondiscrimination, why have its members increasingly resorted to preferential liberalization? We argue that developments at the heart of GATT/WTO encourage its members to form PTAs as devices to obtain bargaining leverage within the multilateral regime. Specifically, the growth in GATT/WTO membership, the periodic multilateral trade negotiation rounds, as well as participation and, especially, losses in formal GATT/WTO disputes, have led its members to seek entrance into PTAs. Conducting the first statistical tests on the subject, we find strong evidence in support of this argument.}
}

@Article{MansfieldReinhardt2008,
  Title                    = {International Institutions and the Volatility of International Trade},
  Author                   = {Mansfield, Edward D. and Reinhardt, Eric},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818308080223},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {621--652},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {During the past half-century, states have established a large number of international trade institutions, both multilateral and regional in scope. The existing literature on this topic emphasizes that these agreements are chiefly designed to liberalize and increase the flow of overseas commerce. Yet such institutions have another function that has been largely ignored by researchers, namely, reducing volatility in trade policy and trade flows. Exposure to global markets increases the vulnerability of a country's output to terms of trade shocks. Governments seek to insulate their economies from such instability through membership in international trade institutions, particularly the World Trade Organization (WTO) and preferential trading arrangements (PTAs). We hypothesize that these institutions reduce the volatility of overseas commerce. We further hypothesize that, because market actors prefer price stability, trade institutions increase the volume of foreign commerce by reducing trade variability. This article conducts the first large-scale, multivariate statistical tests of these two hypotheses, using annual data on exports for all pairs of countries from 1951 through 2001. The tests provide strong support for our arguments. PTAs and the WTO regime significantly reduce export volatility. In so doing, these institutions also increase export levels.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818308080223},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{Manzano2013,
  Title                    = {Partisanship, Inequality and the Composition of Public Spending on Education},
  Author                   = {Manzano, Dulce},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00963.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {422--441},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the determinants of the configuration of public educational expenditure. Recent contributions to the political economy debate about public education have rightly emphasised that the redistributive consequences of state intervention may vary across levels of education. But they focused mainly on the explanatory role of government partisanship in understanding spending at different levels of education. In this article, I propose a more comprehensive political economy account by considering the interaction of the ideological preferences and electoral motives of governments to explain variation in the allocation of educational budget. Through a time-series cross-sectional analysis of several developed industrial democracies observed in recent decades, the article demonstrates that the ideological orientation of governments and the position of the median voter do influence decisions regarding the distribution of public educational resources between different schooling levels. While right-wing parties prefer to concentrate resources on university, they appear to respond to an economic downturn of the median voter by reducing in a more significant way relative spending on tertiary education.},
  Keywords                 = {education policy, redistribution, partisanship, inequality},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Manzer1970,
  Title                    = {Teachers and Politics: The Role of the National Union of Teachers in the Making of National Educational Policy in {England} and {Wales} Since 1944},
  Author                   = {Manzer, R.A},
  Date                     = {1970},
  ISBN                     = {0719003741},
  Publisher                = {Manchester University Press}
}

@Article{MaozAbdolali1989,
  Title                    = {Regime Types and International Conflict, 1816-1976},
  Author                   = {Maoz, Zeev and Abdolali, Nasrin},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002789033001001},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--35},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {This study replicates and extends previous inquiries on the relations between regime type and conflict involvement of states. It examines the robustness of previous findings with respect to various regime attributes, various conflict involvement measures, and units of analysis. Using two comprehensive datasets on polity characteristics and militarized interstate disputes, the empirical analyses reveal: (1) There are no relations between regime type and conflict involvement measures when the unit of analysis is the individual polity (i.e., a state characterized by a certain regime type over a given time span); this finding is robust in that it holds over most regime characteristics and conflict involvement measures. (2) There is a significant relationship between the regime characteristics of a dyad and the probability of conflict involvement of that dyad: Democracies rarely clash with one another, and never fight one another in war. (3) Both the proportion of democratic dyads and the proportion of autocratic dyads in the international system significantly affect the number of disputes begun and underway. But the proportion of democratic dyads in the system has a negative effect on the number of wars begun and on the proportion of disputes that escalate to war.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002789033001001}
}

@Article{MaozRussett1993,
  author       = {Maoz,Zeev and Russett,Bruce},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946--1986.},
  doi          = {10.2307/2938740},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {624--638},
  url          = {http://www.uky.edu/~clthyn2/PS671/MaozRussett_1993APSR.pdf},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {ABSTRACT Democratic states are in general about as conflict- and war-prone as nondemocracies, but democracies have rarely clashed with one another in violent conflict. We first show that democracy, as well as other factors, accounts for the relative lack of conflict. Then we examine two explanatory models. The normative model suggests that democracies do not fight each other because norms of compromise and cooperation prevent their conflicts of interest from escalating into violent clashes. The structural model asserts that complex political mobilization processes impose institutional constraints on the leaders of two democracies confronting each other to make violent conflict unfeasible. Using different data sets of international conflict and a multiplicity of indicators, we find that (1) democracy, in and of itself, has a consistent and robust negative effect on the likelihood of conflict or escalation in a dyad; (2) both the normative and structural models are supported by the data; and (3) support for the normative model is more robust and consistent.},
  month        = {9},
}

@Article{March1978,
  author       = {March, James G.},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {Bell Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Bounded Rationality, Ambiguity, and the Engineering of Choice},
  doi          = {10.2307/3003600},
  issn         = {0361-915X},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {587--608},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/pnbcpyh},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {Rational choice involves two guesses, a guess about uncertain future consequences and a guess about uncertain future preferences. Partly as a result of behavioral studies of choice over a twenty-year period, modifications in the way the theory deals with the first guess have become organized into conceptions of bounded rationality. Recently, behavioral studies of choice have examined the second guess, the way preferences are processed in choice behavior. These studies suggest possible modifications in standard assumptions about tastes and their role in choice. This paper examines some of those modifications, some possible approaches to working on them, and some complications.},
}

@Article{MarchOlsen1984,
  Title                    = {The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life},
  Author                   = {March, James G and Olsen, Johan P},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {734{--}749},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {Contemporary theories of politics tend to portray politics as a reflection of society, political phenomena as the aggregate consequences of individual behavior, action as the result of choices based on calculated self-interest, history as efficient in reaching unique and appropriate outcomes, and decision making and the allocation of resources as the central foci of political life. Some recent theoretical thought in political science, however, blends elements of these theoretical styles into an older concern with institutions. This new institutionalism emphasizes the relative autonomy of political institutions, possibilities for inefficiency in history, and the importance of symbolic action to an understanding of politics. Such ideas have a resonable empirical basis, but they are not characterized by powerful theoretical forms. Some directions for theoretical research may, however, be identified in institutionalist conceptions of political order.}
}

@Article{MarchOlsen1996,
  Title                    = {Institutional Perspectives on Political Institutions},
  Author                   = {March, James G and Olsen, Johan P},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.1996.tb00242.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {247{--}264},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines some basic assumptions about the nature of political institutions, the ways in which practices and rules that comprise institutions are established, sustained, and transformed, and the ways in which those practices and rules are converted into political behavior through the mediation of interpretation and capability. We discuss an institutional approach to political life that emphasizes the endogenous nature and social construction of political institutions, identities, accounts, and capabilities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1996.tb00242.x}
}

@Article{Mardones2007,
  Title                    = {The Congressional Politics of Decentralization: The Case of {Chile}},
  Author                   = {Mardones, Rodrigo},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006290108},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {333--358},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This article explains why legislators in a centralized polity support decentralizing laws. Using Chile as a case study, it assesses two standard explanations for this support: party nomination procedures, which is disregarded; and electoral strategies, which is accepted. A novel finding is that party ideology is also a predictor of support for decentralization, with parties of the Right less likely to offer it. The author also argues that a legislator with a sub-national rather than national background is more likely to back such reforms in an attempt to enhance his or her reputation within the constituency. The author tests these and other hypotheses by combining qualitative arguments and regression analysis. The latter is performed on an original database of legislator biographical information, party electoral performance, regional GDP figures, and individual legislator support for 46 decentralizing laws approved in Chile between 1990 and 2006.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006290108}
}

@Book{Mares2003,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Social Risk: Business and Welfare State Development},
  Author                   = {Mares, Isabela},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {0521534771},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {When and why have employers supported the development of institutions of social insurance that provide benefits to workers for various employment-related risks? What factors explain the variation in the social policy preferences of employers? This book provides a systematic evaluation of the role played by business in the development of the modern welfare state. Isabela Mares studies these critical questions and demonstrates that major social policies were adopted by cross-class alliances comprising labor-based organizations and key sectors of the business community.}
}

@Article{Mares2003a,
  Title                    = {The Sources of Business Interest in Social Insurance: Sectoral versus National Differences},
  Author                   = {Mares, Isabela},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.2003.0012},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {229--258},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {When and why have employers supported the development of institutions of social insurance that provide benefits to workers during various employment-related risks? The analysis developed in this article challenges the dominant explanations of welfare state development, which are premised on the assumption that business opposes social insurance. The article examines the conditions under which self-interested, profit-maximizing firms support the introduction of a new social policy, and it specifies the most significant variables explaining the variation in employers' social policy preferences. The model is tested in three political episodes of welfare state development in France and Germany, using policy documents submitted by various employers' associations to bureaucratic and parliamentary commissions.}
}

@Article{Mares2005,
  Title                    = {Social Protection Around the World: External Insecurity, State Capacity, and Domestic Political Cleavages},
  Author                   = {Mares, Isabela},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414004274403},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {623--651},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This article develops and tests a political model specifying the conditions under which external risk leads to the introduction of redistributive social policies and argues that external risk sharpens a domestic political cleavage over the design of institutions of social insurance. Workers in sectors facing high volatility of income will support the introduction of social policies characterized by broad levels of insurance coverage and high redistribution of costs across occupations, whereas workers in low-risk sectors will oppose redistributive social policies. The strength of preexisting state institutions also affects policy preferences of various sectors. In the presence of weak, ineffective states that are unable to collect social insurance contributions from sectors that are net contributors to the system, high-risk sectors will find redistributive social policies unattractive. The article tests predictions of the model using new measures of the level of social insurance coverage in more than 100 countries.}
}

@Article{Margalit2012,
  Title                    = {Lost in Globalization: International Economic Integration and the Sources of Popular Discontent},
  Author                   = {Margalit, Yotam},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00747.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {484--500},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {What are the sources of popular opposition to economic globalization? A common answer in the literature is the adverse impact of trade liberalization on some people's labor market standing and earning prospects. Recent studies also note a correlation between nationalist and ethnocentric sentiments and support for trade protectionism, yet do not test whether these non-economic sentiments are actually a cause of the opposition to freer trade. I argue that many individuals fear not only the oft-cited material consequences of trade openness, but also what they perceive to be its social and cultural consequences. I use cross-national survey data and a survey experiment to test this causal claim. The argument also helps explain why less-educated individuals are consistently more apprehensive about international economic integration than more educated individuals, even in the countries in which economic theory predicts otherwise. The findings have implications for the debate over the policy tools for compensating globalization's losers and sustaining popular support for further economic integration.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Margalit2013,
  Title                    = {Explaining Social Policy Preferences: Evidence from the Great Recession},
  Author                   = {Margalit, Yotam},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000603},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {80--103},
  Volume                   = {107},

  Abstract                 = {To what extent do personal circumstances, as compared to ideological dispositions, drive voters preferences on welfare policy? Addressing this question is difficult because a person's ideological position can be an outcome of material interest rather than an independent source of preferences. The article deals with this empirical challenge using an original panel study carried out over four years, tracking the labor market experiences and the political attitudes of a national sample of Americans before and after the eruption of the financial crisis. The analysis shows that the personal experience of economic hardship, particularly the loss of a job, had a major effect on increasing support for welfare spending. This effect was appreciably larger among Republicans than among Democrats, a result that was not simply due to a ``ceiling effect.'' However the large attitudinal shift was short lived, dissipating as individuals employment situations improved. The results indicate that the personal experience of an economic shock has a sizable, yet overall transient effect on voters social policy preferences.}
}

@Article{Margetts1995,
  Title                    = {The Automated State},
  Author                   = {Margetts, Helen},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Policy and Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095207679501000207},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {88--103},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Information systems now run to the heart of the tools of government, with recent technological innovations opening up new possibilities for policy innovation. As government agencies work to narrow the gap between what is technically possible and what is realistically achievable, the history of government computing will constrain and direct the future of the automated state. Innova tions rely on the integration of existing information systems or the addition of new technologies to the technological infrastructure developed over the last 40 years. And control over these innovations will be shaped by the UK government's decision to withdraw from information technology development. The radical outsourcing of government information technology has drawn huge global companies into policy design and development. The core task of the automated state will be to retain information technology as a strategic asset and to control these new players in policy relevant decision making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679501000207}
}

@Incollection{Marginson1996,
  Title                    = {Marketisation in {Australia}n Schooling},
  Author                   = {Marginson, Simon},
  Booktitle                = {School Choice and the Quasi-market},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Geoffrey Walford},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Location                 = {Wallingford},
  Pages                    = {111{--}128},
  Publisher                = {Triangle}
}

@Article{MarksEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an Integration from the 1980{s}: State-Centric v. Multi-level Governance},
  Author                   = {Marks, Gary and Hooghe, Liesbet and Blank, Kermit},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1996.tb00577.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {341--378},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This article takes initial steps in evaluating contending models of EU governance. We argue that the sovereignty of individual states is diluted in the European arena by collective decision-making and by supranational institutions. In addition, European states are losing their grip on the mediation of domestic interest representation in international relations. We make this argument along two tracks. First, we analyse the conditions under which central state executives may lose their grip on power. Next, we divide up the policy process into stages and specify which institutional rules may induce various actors to deepen EU policy-making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1996.tb00577.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{MarksEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I},
  Author                   = {Marks, Gary and Mbaye, Heather A.D and Kim, Hyung Min},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {615{--}635},
  Url                      = {http://www.unc.edu/~gwmarks/assets/doc/marks,%20mbaye,%20kim%20-%20radicalism%20or%20reformism.pdf},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset's prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.unc.edu/~gwmarks/assets/doc/marks,%20mbaye,%20kim%20-%20radicalism%20or%20reformism.pdf}
}

@Article{Markussen2008,
  Title                    = {How the left prospers from prosperity},
  Author                   = {Markussen, Simen},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2007.07.003},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {329--342},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the relationship between fluctuations in economic growth, unemployment, and voting along a left-right axis. I estimate a model that explains how political fluctuations are caused by economic fluctuations in the OECD countries. I find that higher economic growth causes a shift to the left of policy sentiments. I hold the provision of social insurance by the welfare state to be the key to understanding this relationship. I also find that the relationship changes over the sample period. I hold the tax increase needed to finance the expansion of the welfare state to be the reason for this.},
  Keywords                 = {Economic voting, Political economy, Voting behavior, Panel data}
}

@Article{MarmorOberlander2011,
  author       = {Theodore Marmor and Jonathan Oberlander},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Social Science \& Medicine},
  title        = {The patchwork: Health reform, {America}n style},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.10.016},
  issn         = {0277-9536},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {125--128},
  url          = {http://healthsciences.utah.edu/hcr/2012/resources/marmor.oberlander.pdf},
  volume       = {72},
}

@Article{MarmorThomas1972,
  Title                    = {Doctors, Politics and Pay Disputes: `Pressure Group Politics' Revisited},
  Author                   = {Marmor, Theodore R. and Thomas, David},
  Date                     = {1972},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {421{--}442},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{MarmotEtAl1991,
  author       = {M.G. Marmot and S. Stansfeld and C. Patel and F. North and J. Head and I. White and E. Brunner and A. Feeney and M.G. Marmot and G.Davey Smith},
  date         = {1991},
  journaltitle = {The Lancet},
  title        = {Health inequalities among British civil servants: the Whitehall {II} study},
  doi          = {10.1016/0140-6736(91)93068-K},
  issn         = {0140-6736},
  number       = {8754},
  pages        = {1387--1393},
  volume       = {337},
  abstract     = {The Whitehall study of British civil servants begun in 1967, showed a steep inverse association between social class, as assessed by grade of employment, and mortality from a wide range of diseases. Between 1985 and 1988 we investigated the degree and causes of the social gradient in morbidity in a new cohort of 10 314 civil servants (6900 men, 3414 women) aged 35-55 (the Whitehall \{II\} study). Participants were asked to answer a self-administered questionnaire and attend a screening examination. In the 20 years separating the two studies there has been no diminution in social class difference in morbidity: we found an inverse association between employment grade and prevalence of angina, electrocardiogram evidence of ischaemia, and symptoms of chronic bronchitis. Self-perceived health status and symptoms were worse in subjects in lower status jobs. There were clear employmentgrade differences in health-risk behaviours including smoking, diet, and exercise, in economic circumstances, in possible effects of early-life environment as reflected by height, in social circumstances at work (eg, monotonous work characterised by low control and low satisfaction), and in social supports. Healthy behaviours should be encouraged across the whole of society; more attention should be paid to the social environments, job design, and the consequences of income inequality.},
}

@Article{Marsh1991,
  Title                    = {Privatization Under Mrs Thatcher: A Review of the Literature},
  Author                   = {Marsh, David},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1991.tb00915.x},
  Pages                    = {459--480},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {This contribution by David Marsh reviews the 'state of the art' on privatization in Britain. The objective is to draw together the extensive literature in a systematic fashion by identifying key texts and the main research findings. His review examines the origins of privatization, the several meanings of this term, the objectives of government policy, and assesses the extent to which objectives have been realized. He also draws attention to lacunae in the literature and important areas requiring further research. The editors would welcome suggestions for future articles in this series. Any prospective author should contact the editors to discuss the proposed topic and, where feasible, we will provide assistance by obtaining books for review.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1991.tb00915.x}
}

@Book{Marsh2011,
  Title                    = {The Euro: The Battle for the New Global Currency},
  Author                   = {David Marsh},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-300-17674-2},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.03.06}
}

@Article{MarshSmith2000,
  Title                    = {Understanding Policy Networks: towards a Dialectical Approach},
  Author                   = {Marsh, David and Smith, Martin},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00247},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {4--21},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This article has two aims. First, we develop a dialectical model of the role that policy networks play in any explanation of policy outcomes. Our model is based upon a critique of existing approaches and emphasizes that the relationship between networks and outcomes is not a simple, unidimensional one. Rather, we argue that there are three interactive or dialectical relationships involved between: the structure of the network and the agents operating within them; the network and the context within which it operates; and the network and the policy outcome. Second, we use this model to help analyse and understand continuity and change in British agricultural policy since the 1930s. Obviously, one case is not sufficient to establish the utility of the model, but the case does illustrate both that policy networks can, and do, affect policy outcomes and that, in order to understand how that happens, we need to appreciate the role played by the three dialectical relationships highlighted in our model.}
}

@Article{Marsh2009,
  Title                    = {The Blair Governments, Public Sector Reform and State Strategic Capacity},
  Author                   = {Marsh, Ian},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01955.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33--41},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Two books at the end of the Blair era --- by Michael Barber and Julian Le Grand --- offer to redeem the `third way'. Both authors explore the political case for public sector reform and the means by which it can be accomplished. They explore a similar range of reform models: command and control; quasi-markets; and devolution and transparency. But the circle between efficiency, client service and continuous improvement must be squared. Neither author considers the `learning by doing' alternative. No less fundamentally, neither author addresses the political and technical challenges in developing strategy. How are issues to be aired in advance so as to expose evidence and perspectives? How are interests to be engaged and supporting coalitions formed? How are these processes to occur without executive commitment? How are unconventional ideas to be aired without being over-ruled by populist or media sensationalism? These are the practical dilemmas that confounded Blair's efforts. These books invite a strategic conversation that is badly needed. But where in the political system can it be pursued?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01955.x},
  Keywords                 = {British politics, public administration, public sector reform, role of parliament, the third way, strategy in government},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Unpublished{MarshMikhaylov2013,
  Title                    = {A conservative revolution: the electoral response to economic crisis in {Ireland}},
  Author                   = {Marsh, Michael and Mikhaylov, Slava},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Note                     = {Unpublished manuscript.},

  Abstract                 = {The 2011 election was one of the most dramatic elections in European post-war history in terms of net electoral volatility. In some respects the election overturned the traditional party system. Yet it was a conservative revolution, one in which the main players remained the same, and the switch in the major government party was merely one in which one centre right party replaced another. Here, we analyse the 2011 elections and compare them to previous elections in 2002 and 2007. Examining the bases of voting behaviour, we find that the 2011 election looks much like that of 2002 and 2007, and provides a classic illustration of economic voting. Times were bad, and there is evidence that voters blamed FF more when times were bad than they credited the party when times were good. It appears that FF's dominance is unlikely to be repeated, but with a FG/Labour government in place, and FF/SF in opposition, there is little more clarity on offer as yet and the odds are that valence based voting will predominate over substance based positional voting for some time to come.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{MarshTilley2010,
  Title                    = {The Attribution of Credit and Blame to Governments and Its Impact on Vote Choice},
  Author                   = {Marsh, Michael and Tilley, James},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123409990275},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {115--134},
  Url                      = {http://journals.cambridge.org/download.php?file=%2F1991_6A91862B3D7C07349CA1E8F3314DAC40_journals__JPS_S0007123409990275a.pdf&cover=Y&code=2513cea14bd68b209a01ec5fab104dcd},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines how voters attribute credit and blame to governments for policy success and failure, and how this affects their party support. Using panel data from Britain between 1997 and 2001 and Ireland between 2002 and 2007 to model attribution, the interaction between partisanship and evaluation of performance is shown to be crucial. Partisanship resolves incongruities between party support and policy evaluation through selective attribution: favoured parties are not blamed for policy failures and less favoured ones are not credited with policy success. Furthermore, attributions caused defections from Labour over the 1997--2001 election cycle in Britain, and defections from the Fianna F{\'a}il/Progressive Democrat coalition over the 2002--07 election cycle in Ireland. Using models of vote switching and controlling for partisanship to minimize endogeneity problems, it is shown that attributed evaluations affect vote intention much more than unattributed evaluations. This result holds across several policy areas and both political systems.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://journals.cambridge.org/download.php?file=%2F1991_6A91862B3D7C07349CA1E8F3314DAC40_journals__JPS_S0007123409990275a.pdf&cover=Y&code=2513cea14bd68b209a01ec5fab104dcd},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123409990275},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Marshall2016,
  Title                    = {Education and Voting Conservative: Evidence from a Major Schooling Reform in Great Britain},
  Author                   = {John Marshall},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/683848},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {382-395},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {High school education is central to adolescent socialization and has important downstream consequences for adult life. However, scholars examining schooling's political effects have struggled to reconcile education's correlation with both more liberal social attitudes and greater income. To disentangle this relationship, I exploit a major school leaving age reform in Great Britain that caused almost half the population to remain at high school for at least an additional year. Using a fuzzy regression discontinuity design, I find that each additional year of late high school increases the probability of voting Conservative in later life by 12 percentage points. A similar relationship holds when pooling all cohorts, suggesting that high school education is a key determinant of voting behavior and that the reform could have significantly altered electoral outcomes. I provide evidence suggesting that, by increasing an individual's income, education increases support for right-wing economic policies and, ultimately, the Conservative Party.}
}

@Article{Marshall1996,
  Title                    = {The Changing Face of Swedish Corporatism: The Disintegration of Consensus},
  Author                   = {Marshall, Mike},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Issues},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {843--858},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {The article discusses the reasons for the disintegration of the Swedish model of corporatism. Those corporatist institutions that were part of the Swedish model reduced uncertainty, enhanced coordination in the labor market and reduced conflict, hence producing long-term gains through investment and employment creation. Full-employment moved forward through deficit financed public spending, the stimulation of private investment and a redistribution of income from the richer to the poorer sections of the community. The various aspects of the Swedish corporatism created sociopolitical conditions in which full employment could be sustained.}
}

@TechReport{MarshallEtAl2016,
  author      = {Marshall, Monty G. and Gurr, Ted Robert and Jaggers, Keith},
  title       = {Polity IV Project: Dataset Users' Manual},
  institution = {Center for Systemic Peace},
  date        = {2016-05-19},
  url         = {http://www.systemicpeace.org/inscr/p4manualv2015.pdf},
  urldate     = {2017-01-22},
}

@Article{Marshall1989,
  Title                    = {The German Perspective},
  Author                   = {Marshall, Stephanie},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {309--317},
  Volume                   = {25}
}

@Book{MarshallBottomore1991,
  Title                    = {Citizenship and Social Class},
  Author                   = {Marshall, T.H and Bottomore, Tom},
  Date                     = {1991},
  ISBN                     = {074530477X},
  Publisher                = {Pluto Press},
  Series                   = {Pluto Classic}
}

@Article{Marston2000,
  Title                    = {Metaphor, morality and myth: a critical discourse analysis of public housing policy in Queensland},
  Author                   = {Marston, Greg},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Critical Social Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {349{--}373},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents illustrative findings from case study research investigating the function and effects of competing discourses in the policy change process. The specific field of research is the development and implementation of public housing policy in Queensland, Australia. Critical discourse analysis is used to explore discursive constructions of the policy problem and power relations within the policy community. It is argued that positivist approaches to policy analysis have failed to address the way in which policy language constructs welfare identities, legitimates policy interventions and functions as an important site of ideological struggle over the meaning of human services within the welfare state. These themes are discussed using semi-structured interview data and key policy documents collected during the course of research.}
}

@Article{Martimort2001,
  Title                    = {Optimal Taxation and Strategic Budget Deficit Under Political Regime Switching},
  Author                   = {Martimort, David},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-937X.00181},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {573--592},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {I develop a dynamic political economy theory of optimal taxation and budget distortions in a model with partisan politics. Under asymmetric information, politics affects the distribution of utilities in the economy. Political regime switching introduces fluctuations of this distribution. These fluctuations justify strategic budget distortions by governments currently holding office and willing to favour their redistributive concerns against future majority. Under quite general assumptions on preferences, these distortions take the form of budget deficits (resp. surpluses) with leftist (rightist) governments. Endogenizing the probabilities of getting elected may reverse this result.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-937X.00181}
}

@Article{MartinQuinn2002,
  Title                    = {Dynamic Ideal Point Estimation via {Markov} Chain {Monte Carlo} for the U.S. Supreme Court, 1953-1999},
  Author                   = {Martin, Andrew D and Quinn, Kevin M},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/10.2.134},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {134--153},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {At the heart of attitudinal and strategic explanations of judicial behavior is the assumption that justices have policy preferences. In this paper we employ Markov chain Monte Carlo methods to fit a Bayesian measurement model of ideal points for all justices serving on the U.S. Supreme Court from 1953 through 1999. We are particularly interested in determining to what extent ideal points of justices change throughout their tenure on the Court. This is important because judicial politics scholars oftentimes invoke preference measures that are time invariant. To investigate preference change, we posit a dynamic item response model that allows ideal points to change systematically over time. Additionally, we introduce Bayesian methods for fitting multivariate dynamic linear models to political scientists. Our results suggest that many justices do not have temporally constant ideal points. Moreover, our ideal point estimates outperform existing measures and explain judicial behavior quite well across civil rights, civil liberties, economics, and federalism cases.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/10.2.134}
}

@Article{Martin2006,
  Title                    = {Sectional Parties, Divided Business},
  Author                   = {Martin, Cathie Jo},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in American Political Development},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {160{--}184},
  Volume                   = {20}
}

@Article{MartinSwank2004,
  Title                    = {Does the Organization of Capital Matter? Employers and Active Labor Market Policy at the National and Firm Levels},
  Author                   = {Martin, Cathie Jo and Swank, Duane},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {593--611},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {Does the organization of business matter for social policy development in the advanced capitalist democracies? Conventional welfare state analysis has given this significant question scant attention. We argue, however, that the representational power of business, coordination across business interest units, and integration of associations in corporatist policy-making forums, or what we call the social corporatist organization of business, should result in greater support and participation by employers in social policy formation and implementation. We test our arguments with models both of 1980{\textendash}98 pooled time-series data on within- and across-country variation in spending on active labor market programs and of extensive firm-level survey data from Denmark and the United Kingdom. We find that the centralization and coordination of employers as well as the integration of employer organizations in corporatist policy-making forums are strongly associated with shares of national income devoted to active labor market policy. We find, moreover, that the degree of employer organization conditions active labor market policy responses to {\textquotedblleft}de-industrialization{\textquotedblright} and increases in general unemployment. At the firm level, membership in an employer association has a significant positive effect on employer participation in active labor market programs in corporatist Denmark but not in the pluralist United Kingdom.}
}

@Unpublished{MartinSwank2006,
  author     = {Martin, Cathie Jo and Swank, Duane},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {The Political Origins of Coordinated Capitalism: Business Organizations, Party Systems and State Structure in the Age of Innocence},
  annotation = {Presented at the 200 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 31 - September 3, Philadelphia.},
}

@Article{MartinThelen2007,
  Title                    = {The State and Coordinated Capitalism: Contributions of the Public Sector to Social Solidarity in Postindustrial Societies},
  Author                   = {Martin, Cathie Jo and Thelen, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.0.0000},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--36},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the politics of change in coordinated market econo\mies, and explores why some countries (well known for their highly cooperative arrangements) manage to sustain coordination when adjusting to economic transformation, while others fail. the authors argue that the broad category of {\textquotedblleft}coordinated market economies{\textquotedblright} subsumes different types of cooperative engagement: macrocorporatist forms of coordination are characterized by national-level institutions for fostering cooperation and feature a strong role for the state, while forms of coordination associated with enterprise cooperation more typically occur at the level of sector or regional institutions and are often privately controlled. although these diverse forms of coordination once appeared quite similar and functioned as structural equivalents, they now have radically different capacities for self-adjustment. The role of the state is at the heart of the divergence among european coordinated countries. a large public sector affects the political dynamics behind collective outcomes, through its impact both on the state{\textquoteright}s construction of its own policy interests and on private actors{\textquoteright} goals. although a large public sector has typically been written off as an inevitable drag on the economy, it can provide state actors with a crucial political tool for shoring up coordination in a postindustrial economy. the authors use the cases of denmark and germany to illustrate how uncontroversially coordinated market economies have evolved along two sharply divergent paths in the past two decades and to reflect on broader questions of stability and change in coordinated market economies. the two countries diverge most acutely with respect to the balance of power between state and society; indeed, the danish state{\textemdash}far from being a constraint on adjustment (a central truism in neoliberal thought){\textemdash}plays the role of facilitator in economic adjustment, policy change, and continued coordination.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0000}
}

@Article{Martin2010,
  Title                    = {Redistributing toward the Rich: Strategic Policy Crafting in the Campaign to Repeal the Sixteenth Amendment, 1938-1958},
  Author                   = {Martin, Isaac William},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/653597},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--52},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {Beginning in 1938, some American business groups campaigned to repeal the Sixteenth Amendment and limit the federal taxation of income and wealth. Although their proposed upward-redistributive policy would benefit few voters, it won the support of 31 state legislatures. To explain this outcome, this article offers a theory of strategic policy crafting by advocacy groups. Such groups may succeed even in otherwise unfavorable institutional environments if they craft their proposals to fit the salient policy context. Archival evidence and event history analysis support this hypothesis. Public opinion also helps explain legislative support for upward-redistributive policy.}
}

@Article{MartinSimmons1998,
  Title                    = {Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions},
  Author                   = {Martin, Lisa L and Simmons, Beth A},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {729{--}757},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of international institutions, organizations, and regimes have consistently appeared in the pages of International Organization. We review the theoretical and empirical work on international institutions and identify promising directions for the institutionalist research program. Early studies of international institutions were rich with empirical insights and often influenced by theoretical developments in other fields of political science, but lacking an overarching analytical framework they failed to produce a coherent body of scholarship. Current efforts to reinvigorate the study of international institutions draw on a new body of theory about domestic institutions. We argue that the assumptions of this new approach to institutions are more appropriate to international studies than those of earlier attempts to transfer theories across levels of analysis. We suggest that the most productive questions for future research will focus on specifying alternative mechanisms by which institutions can influence outcomes and identify particular sets of questions within this agenda that are especially promising.}
}

@Article{Martinelli2006,
  Title                    = {Would rational voters acquire costly information?},
  Author                   = {Martinelli, C{\'e}sar},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jet.2005.02.005},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {225{--}251},
  Volume                   = {129},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze an election in which voters are uncertain about which of two alternatives is better for them. Voters can acquire some costly information about the alternatives. In agreement with Downs's rational ignorance hypothesis, individual investment in political information declines to zero as the number of voters increases. However, if the marginal cost of information is near zero for nearly irrelevant information, there is a sequence of equilibria such that the election outcome is likely to correspond to the interests of the majority for arbitrarily large numbers of voters. Thus, "rationally ignorant" voters are consistent with a well-informed electorate.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jet.2005.02.005}
}

@Article{MartinezGill2005,
  Title                    = {The Effects of Turnout on Partisan Outcomes in U.S. Presidential Elections 1960-2000},
  Author                   = {Martinez, Michael D and Gill, Jeff},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00359.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1248--1274},
  Volume                   = {67},

  Abstract                 = {It is commonly believed by pundits and political elites that higher turnout favors Democratic candidates, but the extant research is inconsistent in finding this effect. The purpose of this article is to provide scholars with a methodology for assessing the likely effects of turnout on an election outcome using simulations based on survey data. By varying simulated turnout rates for five U.S. elections from 1960 to 2000, we observe that Democratic advantages from higher turnout (and Republican advantages from lower turnout) have steadily ebbed since 1960, corresponding to the erosion of class cleavages in U.S. elections.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00359.x}
}

@Article{MartinsPereira2004,
  Title                    = {Does education reduce wage inequality? Quantile regression evidence from 16 countries},
  Author                   = {Martins, Pedro S and Pereira, Pedro T},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Labour Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {355--371},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Quantile regression estimates of returns to education are used to address the relation between schooling and wage inequality. Empirical evidence for male workers from 16 countries for the mid-1990s suggests a robust stylised fact: Returns to schooling are higher for the more skilled individuals, conditional on their observable characteristics. This suggests that schooling has a positive impact upon within-levels wage inequality. Factors such as over-education, ability{\textendash}schooling interactions and school quality or different fields of study may be driving this result.}
}

@Incollection{Marx2000,
  Title                    = {What is a State?},
  Author                   = {Marx, Karl},
  Booktitle                = {Comparative Politics: Notes and Readings},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Brown, Bernard},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Pages                    = {146--150},
  Publisher                = {Harcourt College Publishers}
}

@Misc{MarxEngels1848,
  Title                    = {The Communist Manifesto},
  Author                   = {Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich},
  Date                     = {1848},
  Eprint                   = {https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/61},
  Url                      = {https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/pdf/Manifesto.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-03-29}
}

@Book{MarxEngels1932,
  Title                    = {The German Ideology},
  Author                   = {Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich},
  Date                     = {1932},
  Url                      = {https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/Marx_The_German_Ideology.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-25}
}

@Article{Marx2014,
  Title                    = {Labour market risks and political preferences: The case of temporary employment},
  Author                   = {Marx, Paul},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.12027},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {139--159},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {The political economy literature has gathered compelling evidence that labour market risks shape political preferences. Accordingly, insecurity fuels support for redistribution and left parties. This article analyses this argument for temporary workers, a so far neglected risk category which has increased dramatically in the past two decades. Temporary workers also have been in the focus of recent insider-outsider debates. Some authors in this line of research have argued that temporary work leads to political disenchantment for example, non-instrumental responses such as vote abstention or protest voting. This contradicts risk-based explanations of political preferences. The article discusses both theoretical perspectives and derives conflicting hypotheses for the empirical analysis of temporary workers' policy and party preferences. The review reveals considerable ambiguity regarding the questions which parties temporary workers can be expected to support and what the underlying motives for party choice are. Synthesising arguments from both perspectives, the article proposes an alternative argument according to which temporary workers are expected to support the new left that is, green and other left-libertarian parties. It is argued that this party family combines redistributive policies with outsider-friendly policy design. Using individual-level data from the European Social Survey for 15 European countries, the article supports this argument by showing that temporary, compared to permanent, workers exhibit higher demand for redistribution and stronger support for the new left. Neither the risk-based nor the insider-outsider explanations receive full support. In particular, no signs of political disenchantment of temporary workers can be found. Thus, the findings challenge central claims of the insider-outsider literature.},
  Keywords                 = {labour-market risk, temporary employment, insider-outsider conflict, party preferences, green parties}
}

@Article{Matland1995,
  Title                    = {Synthesizing the Implementation Literature: The Ambiguity-Conflict Model of Policy Implementation},
  Author                   = {Matland, Richard E.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--174},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {A review of the policy implementation literature finds the field split into two major schools, top-down and bottom-up. Previous attempts to reconcile these models are described, followed by an alternative model. This model reconciles these approaches by concentrating on the theoretical significance of ambiguity and conflict for policy implementation. A number of factors crucial to the implementation process are identified as varyingly dependent on a policy's ambiguity and conflict level. Four policy implementation paradigms are identified and the relevance of the existing literature to these conditions is discussed. The four paradigms are low conflict-low ambiguity (administrative implementation), high conflict-low ambiguity (political implementation), high conflict-high ambiguity (symbolic implementation), and low conflict-high ambiguity (experimental implementation).}
}

@Article{MatlandStudlar1996,
  Title                    = {The Contagion of Women Candidates in Single-Member District and Proportional Representation Electoral Systems: {Canada} and {Norway}},
  Author                   = {Matland, Richard E. and Studlar, Donley T.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {707--733},
  Volume                   = {58}
}

@Article{Matsubayashi2013,
  Title                    = {Do Politicians Shape Public Opinion?},
  Author                   = {Matsubayashi, Tetsuya},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123412000373},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {02},
  Month                    = apr,
  Pages                    = {451--478},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Most research on political representation focuses on how citizens' ideology and partisanship influence their support for political candidates --- leaving the question of whether (and how) elected officials influence citizens' positions on political issues open to debate. The hypothesis tested here --- using a unique, quasi-experimental design with American National Election Study data between 1956 and 2004 --- is that Democratic representatives shift the opinions of constituents in the pro-Democratic and liberal direction, while Republican representatives shift constituents' opinions in the pro-Republican and conservative direction. The findings show that incumbent representatives indeed move their constituents' opinions in a particular direction, and that representatives have a stronger impact on constituents who are more frequently exposed to their messages.},
  Numpages                 = {28}
}

@Article{Matsusaka1995,
  Title                    = {Explaining voter turnout patterns: An information theory},
  Author                   = {Matsusaka, John G.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF01047803},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {91--117},
  Url                      = {http://www-bcf.usc.edu/~matsusak/Papers/Matsusaka_PC_1995.pdf},
  Volume                   = {84},

  Abstract                 = {Voting research is rich in empirical regularities yet a parsimonious theory of voter turnout that can match the facts has proven to be elusive. This paper argues that voter turnout patterns can be explained by extending the traditional rational voter model to include limited information. A model is presented in which utility-maximizing consumers receive higher payoffs from voting the more confident they are of their vote choice. The model provides an explanation for the most important cross-sectional voter turnout patterns. In addition, it suggests a novel explanation for the post-1960 decline in U.S. participation.}
}

@Article{Matsusaka2009,
  Title                    = {Direct Democracy and Public Employees},
  Author                   = {Matsusaka, John G.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.99.5.2227},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {2227--2246},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {In the public sector, employment may be inefficiently high because of patronage, and wages may be inefficiently high because of public employee interest groups. This paper explores whether the initiative process, a direct democracy institution of growing importance, ameliorates these political economy problems. In a sample of 650+ cities, I find that when public employees cannot bargain collectively and patronage could be a problem, initiatives appear to cut employment but not wages. When public employees bargain collectively, driving up wages, the initiative appears to cut wages but not employment. The employment-cutting result is robust; the wage-cutting result survives some but not all robustness tests.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.99.5.2227}
}

@Article{Mattei2012,
  Title                    = {Market accountability in schools: policy reforms in {England}, {Germany}, {France} and {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Mattei, Paola},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03054985.2012.689694},
  ISSN                     = {0305-4985},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {247--266},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This article concentrates on the policy reforms of schools in England, Germany, France and Italy, from 1988 to 2009, with a focus on the introduction of market accountability. Pressing demands for organisational change in schools, shaped by the objectives of `efficiency' and competition, which were introduced in England in the 1980s, have been adopted in other European countries, albeit at a slower pace and within the continuing need for domestic institutional conformity. How does the increasing predominance of market accountability in state schools change traditional bureaucratic and professional accountability relationships between politicians, managers, professionals and users? The article argues that despite some evidence of convergence between different education systems, England remains the outlier and continental European countries have been much more reluctant to adopt choice and competition policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03054985.2012.689694},
  Booktitle                = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{MatthesKohring2008,
  Title                    = {The Content Analysis of Media Frames: Toward Improving Reliability and Validity},
  Author                   = {Matthes, J{\"o}rg and Kohring, Matthias},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.00384.x},
  ISSN                     = {1460-2466},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {258--279},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {The main purpose of this study was to shed light on methodological problems in the content analysis of media frames. After a review of 5 common methods, we will present an alternative procedure that aims at improving reliability and validity. Based on the definition of frames advanced by R. M. Entman (1993), we propose that previously defined frame elements systematically group together in a specific way. This pattern of frame elements can be identified across several texts by means of cluster analysis. The proposed method is demonstrated with data on the coverage of the issue of biotechnology in The New York Times. It is concluded that the proposed method yields better results in terms of reliability and validity compared to previous methods.}
}

@Article{MattliSlaughter1995,
  Title                    = {Law and Politics in the {Europe}an Union: A Reply to Garrett},
  Author                   = {Mattli, Walter and Slaughter, Anne-Marie},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {183{--}190},
  Volume                   = {49}
}

@Article{Matyas1997,
  Title                    = {Proper Econometric Specification of the Gravity Model},
  Author                   = {Matyas, Laszlo},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {World Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9701.00074},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9701},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {363--368},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9701.00074},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{Matznetter2002,
  Title                    = {Social Housing Policy in a Conservative Welfare State: {Austria} as an Example},
  Author                   = {Matznetter, Walter},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00420980120102966},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {265{--}282},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Taking Austria as an example, the article sets out to explore the relationship between a particular type of welfare regime and the kind of social housing policy developed within such an environment. Austria has repeatedly and consistently been classified as the ideal type of a conservative and familialistic welfare regime and as a paradigm case of corporatism. Particular attributes of such a regime (fragmentation, corporatism, familialism, immobilism) do have their repercussions within Austrian housing and may be detected within Austrian housing policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420980120102966}
}

@Article{Mawhinney1998,
  Title                    = {Patterns of Social Control in Assessment Practices in Canadian Frameworks for Accountability in Education},
  Author                   = {Mawhinney, Hanne B},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {98--109},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article identifies institutional patterns and modes of social control evident in assessment practices across the evaluative contexts in Canada's 10 provinces and two territories. Emergent patterns show loose linkage of provincial-level direction with classroom practice, but also assessment as an instrument of normative control, arm's-length oversight promoting system learning, and enhanced accountability and professional autonomy through process evaluation. These emergent institutional patterns suggest that assessment has become a very political and visible part of educational reform in all provinces. Despite strong provincial control over education, there is also clear evidence of a growing national agenda for accountability. Assessment has come to play an equally critical role in the provision for individual and systemic control in many educational policy frameworks. The institutional paterns reflected in changed roles, organizational forms, and technologies associated with new assessment strategies have created an intensified climate of accountability in Canadian education.}
}

@Article{May1973,
  Title                    = {Opinion Structure of Political Parties: The Special Law of Curvilinear Disparity},
  Author                   = {May, John D.},
  Date                     = {1973},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.1973.tb01423.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {135--151},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {A general theory of political party is expounded below. The theory is general in that it covers most parties operating where open, organized, electoral competition is institutionalized, and in that it offers description and explanation. The theory is not general, however, in coverage of party structure. Its primary concern is hierarchical contrasts in substantive opinions. It deals with contrasting opinions not about basic values or extant conditions but about immediate policy alternatives, and with contrasts not in the clarity or intensity of such preferences but in their content. Summarily, our concern is with degrees of attitudinal congruence on substantive issues between echelons of co-partisans as well as between various echelons and public opinion at large. I shall first identify some opinion structures that can be imagined in view of premises to be specified. This culminates in the definition of a configuration that, in its two basic variants and with further variation in degree, is nominated as the most plausible approximation of reality. Subsequent sections will consider evidence of the configuration's descriptive validity and causes of its ubiquity.}
}

@Article{MaydaRodrik2005,
  Title                    = {Why are some people (and countries) more protectionist than others?},
  Author                   = {Mayda, Anna Maria and Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2004.01.002},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1393--1430},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze two cross-country data sets that contain information on attitudes toward trade as well as a broad range of socio-demographic and other indicators. We find that pro-trade preferences are significantly and robustly correlated with an individual's level of human capital, in the manner predicted by the factor endowments model. Preferences over trade are also correlated with the trade exposure of the sector in which an individual is employed: individuals in non-traded sectors tend to be the most pro-trade, while individuals in sectors with a revealed comparative disadvantage are the most protectionist. Third, an individual's relative economic status has a very strong positive association with pro-trade attitudes. Finally, non-economic determinants, in the form of values, identities, and attachments, play an important role in explaining the variation in preferences over trade. High degrees of neighborhood attachment and nationalism/patriotism are associated with protectionist tendencies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2004.01.002}
}

@Article{McAllisterStudlar1989,
  Title                    = {Popular versus Elite Views of Privatization: The Case of {Britain}},
  Author                   = {McAllister, Ian and Studlar, Donley T},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {157{--}178},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Privatization is an idea that is popular among political elites throughout the advanced industrial world. In Britain, it has been the centrepiece of Margaret Thatcher's three Conservative governments, reflected in the sale of publicly-owned industries to the private sector and in the sale of council houses to their tenants. Using survey data, this article tests two models to account for privatization policy. The median voter model argues that it was a policy demanded and initiated by voters, while the elite interests model argues that it stemmed from the government and that little popular demand existed for it. The evidence confirms the elite interests model and shows that public opinion has generally accepted the status quo on the public ownership of industry. In addition, the Conservatives have made modest electoral gains from privatization. However, voters are not consistent in their views about privatizating particular industries, implying the Conservatives may lose votes with future privatization.}
}

@Article{McCallKenworthy2009,
  Title                    = {{America}ns' Social Policy Preferences in the Era of Rising Inequality},
  Author                   = {McCall, Leslie and Kenworthy, Lane},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592709990818},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {459--484},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Rising income inequality has been a defining trend of the past generation, yet we know little about its impact on social policy formation. We evaluate two dominant views about public opinion on rising inequality: that Americans do not care much about inequality of outcomes, and that a rise in inequality will lead to an increase in demand for government redistribution. Using time series data on views about income inequality and social policy preferences in the 1980s and 1990s from the General Social Survey, we find little support for these views. Instead, Americans do tend to object to inequality and increasingly believe government should act to redress it, but not via traditional redistributive programs. We examine several alternative possibilities and provide a broad analytical framework for reinterpreting social policy preferences in the era of rising inequality. Our evidence suggests that Americans may be unsure or uninformed about how to address rising inequality and thus swayed by contemporaneous debates. However, we also find that Americans favor expanding education spending in response to their increasing concerns about inequality. This suggests that equal opportunity may be more germane than income redistribution to our understanding of the politics of inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592709990818},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{McCallPercheski2010,
  author       = {McCall, Leslie and Percheski, Christine},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  title        = {Income Inequality: New Trends and Research Directions},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.soc.012809.102541},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {329--347},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {Rising income inequality from the mid-1990s to the present was characterized by rapid income growth among top earners and new patterns of employment and income pooling across families and households. Research on economic inequality expanded from a more narrow focus on wage inequalities and labor markets to other domains including incentive pay, corporate governance, income pooling and family formation, social and economic policy, and political institutions. We review and provide a critical discussion of recent research in these new domains and suggest areas where sociological research may provide new insight into the character and causes of contemporary income inequality.},
}

@Book{McCartyMeirowitz2007,
  Title                    = {Political Game Theory: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {McCarty, Nolan and Meirowitz, Adam},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780521841078},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{McCartyEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {The Hunt for Party Discipline in Congress},
  Author                   = {McCarty, Nolan and Poole, Keith T and Rosenthal, Howard},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3118241},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {673--687},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze party discipline in the House of Representatives between 1947 and 1998. The effects of party pressures can be represented in a spatial model by allowing each party to have its own cutting line on roll call votes. Adding a second cutting line makes, at best, a marginal improvement over the standard single-line model. Analysis of legislators who switch parties shows, however, that party discipline is manifest in the location of the legislator's ideal point. In contrast to our approach, we find that the Snyder-Groseclose method of estimating the influence of party discipline is biased toward exaggerating party effects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3118241}
}

@Book{McCartyEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Polarized {America}: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches},
  Author                   = {McCarty, Nolan and Poole, Keith T. and Rosenthal, Howard},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{McCashin2012,
  Title                    = {Social security expenditures in {Ireland}, 1981--2007: an analysis of welfare state change},
  Author                   = {McCashin, Anthony},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1332/030557312X645784},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {547--567},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis of welfare state change is bedevilled by controversy about how to define and measure change, and about the role of expenditure data in quantifying change. Using social security in Ireland as an illustration, this article shows that national-level expenditure data, properly decomposed and disaggregated, can identify patterns of change that are masked in highly aggregated, comparative data. Social security in Ireland, when examined through the lens of detailed, national data, has experienced quite varied patterns of change that combine expansion, retrenchment and extension, substantiating the emerging findings that small states are not necessarily prone to general retrenchment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557312X645784},
  Keywords                 = {IRELAND, RETRENCHMENT, SOCIAL SECURITY},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.27}
}

@Article{McClain2003,
  Title                    = {Social Capital and Diversity: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {McClain, Paula D.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {101--102},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Political-science research on social capital has burgeoned in the past few years. Robert Putnam says that the concept has been invented at least six times during the twentieth century, and its definition has been reconceived. Much current research uses Putnam's definition of social capital{\textemdash}{\textquotedblleft}features of social organizations, such as trust, norms, and networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions.{\textquotedblright} Yet political science does not have a corner on the market of research when it comes to studying the concept. Research on social capital has been done{\textemdash}and is being done{\textemdash}in economics, geography, history, demography, sociology, African studies, African American studies, Asian studies, education, ecology, and psychology. In some instances, these disciplines have used the same definition for the term as political science has; in others, that has not been the case. Despite differences in definition, how might other disciplines' research inform our assessment of the effects of social capital? Conversely, what might political science offer to other disciplines to inform their analyses?}
}

@Article{McClellandStJohn2006,
  Title                    = {Social Policy Responses to Globalisation in {Australia} and {New Zealand}, 1980--2005},
  Author                   = {McClelland, Allison and St John, Susan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/10361140600672428},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {177--191},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the changing nature of social policy and social inequality in Australia and New Zealand from the 1980s to the mid-2000s. In response to pressures of globalisation both countries pursued neo-liberal economic policies as they opened up their markets during terms of both conservative and Labor governments. However, poverty and inequality increased more in New Zealand than in Australia. The use of market-oriented policies and the pace of their introduction in New Zealand were more aggressive than in Australia, as was the way in which social policy was used to reinforce rather than ameliorate increased inequality and poverty. By the mid-2000s there were signs that Australia was catching up on both fronts, but in the meantime New Zealand's hardline position had softened. This may suggest that pressures from globalisation are difficult to resist in the long run, but there may be lessons to be learned from the New Zealand experience if more negative outcomes are to be avoided.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140600672428}
}

@Book{McCombs2004,
  Title                    = {Setting the Agenda: The Mass Media and Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {McCombs, Maxwell},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {978-0745623139},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Polity Press}
}

@Article{McCubbinsEtAl1987,
  Title                    = {Administrative Procedures as Instruments of Political Control},
  Author                   = {McCubbins, Mathew D. and Noll, Roger G. and Weingast, Barry R.},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics, \& Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {243{--}277},
  Volume                   = {3}
}

@Article{McCubbinsEtAl1989,
  Title                    = {Structure and Process, Politics and Policy: Administrative Arrangements and the Political Control of Agencies},
  Author                   = {McCubbins, Matthew D. and Noll, Roger G. and Weingast, Barry R.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Virginia Law Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {431{--}482},
  Volume                   = {75}
}

@Article{McCubbinsSchwartz1984,
  author       = {McCubbins, Mathew D. and Schwartz, Thomas},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Congressional Oversight Overlooked: Police Patrols versus Fire Alarms},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {165--179},
  url          = {http://polazzo.com/mccubbins.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {Scholars have often remarked that Congress neglects its oversight responsibility. We argue that Congress does no such thing: what appears to be a neglect of oversight really is the rational preference for one form of oversight--which we call fire-alarm oversight--over another form--police-patrol oversight. Our analysis supports a somewhat neglected way of looking at the strategies by which legislators seek to achieve their goals.},
}

@Article{McCulloch1985,
  Title                    = {Labour, the Left, and the British General Election of 1945},
  Author                   = {McCulloch, Gary},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of British Studies},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {465--489},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{McCulloch1989,
  author              = {McCulloch, Gary},
  date                = {1989},
  journaltitle        = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  title               = {City Technology Colleges: An Old Choice of School?},
  doi                 = {10.2307/3121354},
  issn                = {0007-1005},
  number              = {1},
  pages               = {30--43},
  volume              = {37},
  bdsk-url-1          = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3121354},
  copyright           = {Copyright 1989 Society for Educational Studies},
  jstor_articletype   = {research-article},
  jstor_formatteddate = {Feb., 1989},
  publisher           = {Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Society for Educational Studies},
}

@Article{McDonaldSolow1981,
  Title                    = {Wage Bargaining and Employment},
  Author                   = {McDonald, Ian M and Solow, Robert M},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {896{--}908},
  Volume                   = {71}
}

@Article{McDonaldEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {What Are Elections For? Conferring the Median Mandate},
  Author                   = {McDonald, Michael D and Mendes, Silvia M and Budge, Ian},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123403000322},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {1--26},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123403000322}
}

@Article{McDonaldEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Cross-temporal and cross-national comparisons of party left-right positions},
  Author                   = {McDonald, Michael D. and Mendes, Silvia M. and Kim, Myunghee},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2006.04.005},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {62--75},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the cross-time and cross-nation comparability of party left-right position measurements by expert surveys and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). While expert surveys show party left-right positions to be mostly static, we find the CMP records systematic party movements for one-third of the parties analyzed. On the issue of cross-national comparability, we find cross-national variation in expert surveys is muted. They contain little more than the variation associated with reputations based on party-family affiliation. The CMP measurements, on the other hand, contain variation attributable to national party-system differences. We conclude with thoughts about why all of this is so and about how one might navigate the expert survey limitations depending on the question one wants to answer about democratic politics and policy making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.04.005},
  Keywords                 = {Comparative manifesto project, Expert survey, Left-right, Party family, Party position movement},
  Location                 = {Department of Political Science, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville, P.O. Box 1453, Edwardsville, IL 62026, United States},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.19}
}

@Article{McDonoughDundon2010,
  Title                    = {Thatcherism delayed? The Irish crisis and the paradox of social partnership},
  Author                   = {McDonough, Terrence and Dundon, Tony},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2338.2010.00585.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2338},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {544--562},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {This article reviews the state of Irish industrial relations in light of the current economic crisis. It argues that social partnership, paradoxically, was rooted in the continuation of a tradition of permissive voluntarism with minimal employment rights with both direct and indirect implications for the current Irish economic crisis. As such, Irish industrial relations cannot be understood in isolation from a broader analysis of the rise and fall of social structures of capitalist accumulation. The discussion considers the prognosis for social partnership post-economic crisis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2010.00585.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{McElwain2008,
  Title                    = {Manipulating Electoral Rules to Manufacture Single-Party Dominance},
  Author                   = {McElwain, Kenneth Mori},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00297.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {32--47},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that the LDP manufactured its parliamentary dominance in postwar Japan by strategically altering specific facets of the electoral system. More generally, I demonstrate that intraparty politics play a crucial role in determining when and how electoral rules are changed. Despite widespread evidence that the LDP would win more seats under an SMP electoral formula, party leaders were repeatedly blocked from replacing the postwar MMD-SNTV system by intraparty incumbents, who feared that such a change would harm their individual reelection prospects. However, party leaders had greater leeway in altering rules that generated fewer intraparty conflicts. Between 1960 and 1990, the LDP implemented approximately fifty changes to campaign regulations, most of which were aimed at enhancing the incumbency advantage of all rank-and-file MPs. Statistical tests confirm that absent pro-incumbent revisions to the electoral code, the LDP would have succumbed to declining public popularity and lost its majority at least a decade earlier.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00297.x}
}

@Article{McGinnPereira1992,
  Title                    = {Why States Change the Governance of Education: An Historical Comparison of {Brazil} and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {McGinn, Noel and Pereira, Luzete},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--180},
  Volume                   = {28}
}

@Article{McGuireLindeque2010,
  Title                    = {The Diminishing Returns to Trade Policy in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {McGuire, Steven M. and Lindeque, Johan P.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02115.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1329--1349},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {The notion that the EU is a trade power is central to studies of the Union's international presence. Credible threats to withhold access to Europe's markets are said to provide the Union with leverage in respect of other trade partners. This article queries the continuing ability of the European Union to act effectively this way. The current Doha malaise is a symptom of deeper changes in the international trade system. As emerging markets become more affluent and participate in foreign direct investment, their interest in market access per se become less important relative to other areas of regulation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02115.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Mcintosh2006,
  Title                    = {Further Analysis of the Returns to Academic and Vocational Qualifications},
  Author                   = {Mcintosh, Steven},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Pages                    = {225--251},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses data from the Labour Force Survey over the period 1996 2002 to investigate the returns to a detailed list of academic and vocational qualifications. In particular, the analysis focuses on how these returns have varied over the time period considered, how the returns vary over an individual's lifetime using a pseudo cohort analysis, and how the returns vary according to the highest level of qualification obtained at school.}
}

@Article{McIverEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {The Internet and the right to communicate},
  Author                   = {McIver, William J and Birdsall, William F and Rasmussen, Merrilee},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {First Monday},
  Number                   = {12},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The development of the Internet challenges traditional conceptions of information rights.{\~} The discourse surrounding these rights and the Internet typically deals with each right in isolation and attempt to adapt long established understandings of each right to the new technological environment.{\~} We contend there is a need to address information rights within a comprehensive human rights framework, specifically, a right to communicate.{\~} This paper examines the development of a right to communicate and how it can be defined and implemented.}
}

@Article{McKay1999,
  author       = {McKay, David C.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Political Sustainability of {Europe}an Monetary Union},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123499000216},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {463--485},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {This article synthesizes a large body of work in applied economics on the likely effects of European Monetary Union with an established literature in political science on the political sustainability of intervention by central or federal authorities in the economies of diverse nations, states or regions. Three possible economic scenarios resulting from EMU are identified -- fiscal centralization, monetary discipline and loose money. The greatly enhanced central role implied by the first two would be difficult to legitimize in the context of the absence of a European citizen identity or party system. Historical precedent suggests that, in democracies, both central redistribution in social spending and retrenchment of established social programmes are facilitated by jurisdiction-wide political parties. The loose money scenario, while viable in most member states, would be unlikely to be acceptable in Germany. The article concludes, therefore, that all three scenarios most often predicted by the economics literature carry with them a risk that they will be difficult to sustain politically.},
}

@Article{McKay2005,
  Title                    = {Economic logic or political logic? Economic theory, federal theory and EMU},
  Author                   = {McKay, David C.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760500091810},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {528--544},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {The problems associated with the implementation of the Stability and Growth Pact have inspired a number of economists to suggest recommendations for improvement and reform. The purpose of this paper is to place these recommendations in the context of federal theory and in particular to establish a link between policy choices deemed to be <i>economically</i> sustainable and those that may be <i>politically</i> sustainable. To facilitate this, the paper employs recent perspectives in the rational choice and comparative politics literature on the self-sustainability of federal systems and applies these to European monetary union. The paper concludes that the economic case both for the Stability and Growth Pact in its present form and for those proposals that provide alternative means of imposing fiscal discipline on member states is fraught with problems. In particular, the economists' prescriptions conflict with the conditions necessary for maintaining political sustainability. The paper concludes that, given the problems associated with federal level fiscal rules, fiscal discipline should be reserved to the member state policy level.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760500091810},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{MckelveyPalfrey1998,
  Title                    = {Quantal Response Equilibria for Extensive Form Games},
  Author                   = {Mckelvey, Richard and Palfrey, Thomas},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Experimental Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1009905800005},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {9--41},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the use of standard econometric models for quantal choice to study equilibria of extensive form games. Players make choices based on a quantal-choice model and assume other players do so as well. We define an agent quantal response equilibrium (AQRE), which applies QRE to the agent normal form of an extensive form game and imposes a statistical version of sequential rationality. We also define a parametric specification, called logit-AQRE, in which quantal-choice probabilities are given by logit response functions. AQRE makes predictions that contradict the invariance principle in systematic ways. We show that these predictions match up with some experimental findings by Schotter et al. (1994) about the play of games that differ only with respect to inessential transformations of the extensive form. The logit-AQRE also implies a unique selection from the set of sequential equilibria in generic extensive form games. We examine data from signaling game experiments by Banks et al. (1994) and Brandts and Holt (1993). We find that the logit-AQRE selection applied to these games succeeds in predicting patterns of behavior observed in these experiments, even when our prediction conflicts with more standard equilibrium refinements, such as the intuitive criterion. We also reexamine data from the McKelvey and Palfrey (1992) centipede experiment and find that the AQRE model can account for behavior that had previously been explained in terms of altruistic behavior.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1009905800005}
}

@Article{McKelvey1976,
  author       = {Richard D McKelvey},
  date         = {1976},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  title        = {Intransitivities in multidimensional voting models and some implications for agenda control},
  doi          = {10.1016/0022-0531(76)90040-5},
  issn         = {0022-0531},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {472--482},
  volume       = {12},
}

@Article{McKelveyPalfrey1995,
  Title                    = {Quantal Response Equilibria for Normal Form Games},
  Author                   = {McKelvey, Richard D and Palfrey, Thomas R},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Games and Economic Behavior},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {6--38},
  Volume                   = {10}
}

@Article{McLean2000,
  author       = {McLean, Iain},
  date         = {2000-10},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Review Article: The Divided Legacy of Mancur Olson},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {651--668},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/194289},
  urldate      = {2015-09-03},
  volume       = {30},
  abstract     = {When Condorcet fell foul of the Jacobins in 1793, Robespierre said of him that he was a great mathematician in the eyes of men of letters, and a distinguished man of letters in the eyes of the mathematicians. It took two centuries for the first part of that vicious remark to be proved false and for Condorcet's true stature as a mathematician to be revealed. Soon after Mancur Olson died in February 1998, The Economist said aloud what many in academe had been muttering for years:Had he lived, his theory of collective action might well have won him a Nobel prize in economics, though not a wholly uncontroversial one. Some economists viewed him as a one-idea thinker, and worse, they whispered, his idea had reverberated less loudly within economics than outside of it; for example, in political science. The charge would not have troubled Mr Olson for a moment. He was as disdainful of parochialism in the life of the mind as in the life of a nation.},
  numpages     = {18},
}

@Article{McLean2002,
  Title                    = {William H. Riker and the Invention of Heresthetic(s)},
  Author                   = {McLean, Iain},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123402000224},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = jul,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {535--558},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{McLeanEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Political Science Journals in Comparative Perspective: Evaluating Scholarly Journals in the {United States}, {Canada}, and the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {McLean, Iain and Blais, Andr{\'e} and Garand, James C. and Giles, Micheal W.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096509990205},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {695--717},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {In this article we report the results from a new survey of political scientists regarding their evaluations of journals in the political science discipline. Unlike previous research that has focused on data from the United States, we conducted an Internet survey of political scientists in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. We present data on journal evaluations, journal familiarity, and journal impact, both for our entire sample (N = 1,695) and separately for respondents from each of the three countries. We document the overall hierarchy of scholarly journals among political scientists, though we find important similarities and differences in how political scientists from these three countries evaluate the scholarly journals in the discipline. Our results suggest that there is a strong basis for cross-national integration in scholarly journal communication, though methodological differences among the three countries may be an impediment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096509990205},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{McLeanBustani1999,
  Title                    = {Irish Potatoes and British Politics: Interests, Ideology, Heresthetic and the Repeal of the Corn Laws},
  Author                   = {McLean, Iain and Bustani, Camilla},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00232},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {817--836},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {The Repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 remains one of the most fascinating events in the history of political economy. A parliament securely controlled by the party of agriculture, which was the main beneficiary of protection, abolished protection. Explanations have included the hegemony of Manchester School economics; class conflict; the effectiveness of the Anti-Corn Law League; the personality of Sir Robert Peel; and evangelical religion. We aim to see why the standard ideas from political economy (Chicago and/or Virginia) seem to fit our case so poorly. We use the Aydelotte dataset on rollcalls in the Parliament of 1841{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\`{\i}}7, augmented from primary sources, and the letters and memoranda of the principal actors.}
}

@Article{McLeanEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {None of the Above: The UK House of Commons Votes on Reforming the House of Lords, {February} 2003},
  Author                   = {McLean, Iain and Spirling, Arthur and Russell, Meg},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-923X.00539},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {298--310},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.00539},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{McLeanVoskresenskaya1992,
  Title                    = {Educational Revolution from above: Thatcher's {Britain} and Gorbachev's Soviet Union},
  Author                   = {McLean, Martin and Voskresenskaya, Natalia},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {71--90},
  Volume                   = {36}
}

@Article{McLeod1988,
  Title                    = {City technology colleges --- A study of the character and progress of an educational reform},
  Author                   = {McLeod, John},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Local Government Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03003938808433389},
  ISSN                     = {0300-3930},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--82},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938808433389},
  Booktitle                = {Local Government Studies},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{McMenamin2012,
  author       = {McMenamin,Iain},
  title        = {If Money Talks, What Does It Say? Varieties of Capitalism and Business Financing of Parties},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {64},
  number       = {1},
  issue        = {01},
  pages        = {1--38},
  issn         = {1086-3338},
  doi          = {10.1017/S004388711100027X},
  url          = {https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/11311663.pdf},
  abstract     = {Do business contributions to political parties convey different messages in different countries, and, if so, why? This article presents a pioneering cross-national study of firm behavior in political finance. It argues that motivations for contributions to parties are either ideological or pragmatic. The author infers motivation by quantitatively relating the payments of 960 firms to various political parties in Australia, Canada, and Germany over periods of between seven and seventeen years. In coordinated market economy Germany, a small number of firms made ideological payments; in liberal market economy Australia and Canada, large numbers of firms made pragmatic payments. Australia's left-right party system creates an awareness of policy risk, which motivated ideological payments, but in Canada's unusually nonideological party system no ideological bias in business financing of politics was found. The statistical analysis is supplemented by a qualitative investigation of discrete and reciprocal exchanges between businesses and political parties.},
  numpages     = {38},
}

@InCollection{McPhersonWillms1997,
  author     = {McPherson, Andrew and Willms, J. Douglas},
  booktitle  = {Education: Culture, Economy, and Society},
  date       = {1997},
  title      = {Equalisation and Improvement: Some Effects of Comprehensive Reorganisation in {Scotland}},
  chapter    = {45},
  editor     = {A.H. Halsey, Hugh Lauder, Phillip Brown, Amy Stuart Wells},
  location   = {Oxford},
  pages      = {683{--}702},
  publisher  = {Oxford University Press},
  annotation = {A reprint of an article that originally appeared in 'Sociology', 21 (1987), pp509-539.},
}

@Article{MeadeSheets2005,
  Title                    = {Regional Influences on FOMC Voting Patterns},
  Author                   = {Meade, Ellen E. and Sheets, D. Nathan.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Money, Credit and Banking},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/mcb.2005.0047},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {661--677},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mcb.2005.0047}
}

@Article{Mearsheimer1990,
  author       = {Mearsheimer, John J.},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {International Security},
  title        = {Back to the Future: Instability in {Europe} after the Cold War},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {5--56},
  url          = {https://muse.jhu.edu/article/447238},
  urldate      = {2020-08-24},
  volume       = {15},
}

@Article{Mechanic1975,
  author       = {Mechanic, David},
  date         = {1975},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  title        = {The Comparative Study of Health Care Delivery Systems},
  issn         = {0360-0572},
  pages        = {43--65},
  volume       = {1},
  publisher    = {Annual Reviews},
}

@Article{MechanicRochefort1996,
  Title                    = {Comparative Medical Systems},
  Author                   = {Mechanic, David and Rochefort, David A.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.22.1.239},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {239--270},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {National health systems throughout the world face a number of pressures in common related to demography, epidemiology, developments in science and technology, medical demand, and rising public expectations. These pressures are producing convergence in the objectives and activities of these systems in several key areas, including cost-containment, health promotion, expansion of access, primary health care, patient choice, and the linkage between health and social services. At the same time, it is also necessary to recognize the role of political and governmental processes, as well as clinical and professional variables, in shaping different societal responses to health care challenges.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.22.1.239}
}

@Article{MedcalfeThornton2006,
  Title                    = {Monopsony and Teachers' Salaries in {Georgia}},
  Author                   = {Medcalfe, Simon and Thornton, Robert J},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {537--554},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {Does monopsony power in the labor market for teachers affect teachers' salaries? Prior studies have found mixed evidence of monopsony effects in teacher labor markets. A major problem has been controlling for union wage effects, which potentially mask the wage-depressing effects of monopsony. We use data from the state of Georgia, one of the few states in the United States where no teacher bargaining takes place. We detect no evidence of lower average teacher salaries in less competitive labor markets. We also find limited evidence that salaries of beginning teachers may be about two percent lower in less competitive labor markets, but our findings are not robust with respect to our various measures of monopsony and labor market boundaries. We conclude that even in the absence of unions the effect of monopsony on teachers' salaries appears to be very small.}
}

@Article{MegginsonNetter2001,
  Title                    = {From State to Market: A Survey of Empirical Studies on Privatization},
  Author                   = {Megginson, William L. and Netter, Jeffry M.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2698243},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {321{--}389},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2698243}
}

@Article{MeierBohte2001,
  Title                    = {Structure and Discretion: Missing Links in Representative Bureaucracy},
  Author                   = {Meier, Kenneth J. and Bohte, John},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {455--470},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Studies of representative bureaucracy highlight both passive and active forms of representation. Passive representation refers to similarities in demographic characteristics between bureaucrats and client populations. Active representation refers to situations in which bureaucracies work to further the needs of a particular group of people. In this study, we examine the role employee discretion plays in linking passive and active forms of representation in a sample of six hundred school districts in Texas. Specifically, we argue that active representation is enhanced in organizations that vest greater discretion in their employees. Our study reveals that minority student performance improves under organizational structures that promote, rather than limit, minority teacher discretion.}
}

@Article{MeierNigro1976,
  author       = {Meier, Kenneth J. and Nigro, Lloyd G.},
  date         = {1976},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration Review},
  title        = {Representative Bureaucracy and Policy Preferences: A Study in the Attitudes of Federal Executives},
  issn         = {0033-3352},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {458--469},
  volume       = {36},
}

@Article{MeierEtAl1999,
  author       = {Meier, Kenneth J. and Wrinkle, Robert D. and Polinard, J. L.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Representative Bureaucracy and Distributional Equity: Addressing the Hard Question},
  doi          = {10.2307/2647552},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {04},
  pages        = {1025--1039},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {Research on representative bureaucracy has failed to deal with whether or not representative bureaucracies produce minority gains at the expense of nonminorities. Using a pooled time-series analysis of 350 school districts over six years, this study examines the relationship between representative bureaucracy and organizational outputs for minorities and nonminorities. Far from finding that representative bureaucracy produces minority gains at the expense of nonminorities, this study finds both minority and nonminority students perform better in the presence of a representative bureaucracy. This finding suggests an alternative hypothesis to guide research: that representative bureaucracies are more effective than their nonrepresentative counterparts.},
  month        = nov,
}

@Article{Meijer1969,
  Title                    = {Bureaucracy and Policy Formulation in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Meijer, Hans},
  Date                     = {1969},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1969.tb00522.x},
  Pages                    = {103--116},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1969.tb00522.x}
}

@Article{deMello1997,
  Title                    = {Foreign direct investment in developing countries and growth: A selective survey},
  Author                   = {de Mello, Luiz R.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Development Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00220389708422501},
  ISSN                     = {0022-0388},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--34},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This article surveys the latest developments in the literature on the impact of inward foreign direct investment (FDI) on growth in developing countries. In general, FDI is thought of as a composite bundle of capital stocks, know?how, and technology, and hence its impact on growth is expected to be manifold and vary a great deal between technologically advanced and developing countries. The ultimate impact of FDI on output growth in the recipient economy depends on the scope for efficiency spillovers to domestic firms, by which FDI leads to increasing returns in domestic production, and increases in the value?added content of FDI-related production.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220389708422501},
  Booktitle                = {The Journal of Development Studies},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{MeltzerRichard1981,
  Title                    = {A Rational Theory of the Size of Government},
  Author                   = {Meltzer, Allan H. and Richard, Scott F.},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1830813},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {914--927},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/k228ees},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {In a general equilibrium model of a labor economy, the size of government, measured by the share of income redistributed, is determined by majority rule. Voters rationally anticipate the disincentive effects of taxation on the labor-leisure choices of their fellow citizens and take the effect into account when voting. The share of earned income redistributed depends on the voting rule and on the distribution of productivity in the economy. Under majority rule, the equilibrium tax share balances the budget and pays for the voters' choices. The principal reasons for increased size of government implied by the model are extensions of the franchise that change the position of the decisive voter in the income distribution and changes in relative productivity. An increase in mean income relative to the income of the decisive voter increases the size of government.}
}

@Article{Menard2000,
  Title                    = {Coefficients of determination for multiple logistic regression analysis},
  Author                   = {Menard, Scott},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {The American Statistician},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00031305.2000.10474502},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {17--24},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Coefficients of determination for continuous predicted values (R 2 analogs) in logistic regression are examined for their conceptual and mathematical similarity to the familiar R 2 statistic from ordinary least squares regression, and compared to coefficients of determination for discrete predicted values (indexes of predictive efficiency). An example motivated by substantive concerns and using empirical data from a national household probability sample is presented to illustrate the behavior of the different coefficients of determination in the evaluation of models including dependent variables with different base ratesthat is, different proportions of cases or observations with positive outcomes. One R 2 analog appears to be preferable to the others both in terms of conceptual similarity to the ordinary least squares coefficient of determination, and in terms of its relative independence from the base rate. In addition, base rate should also be considered when selecting an index of predictive efficiency. As expected, the conclusions based on R 2 analogs are not necessarily consistent with conclusions based on predictive efficiency, with respect to which of several outcomes is better predicted by a given model.}
}

@Article{Menon2004,
  Title                    = {From crisis to catharsis: {ESD}P after {Iraq}},
  Author                   = {Menon, Anand},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00408.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2346},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {631--648},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {For many observers, the Iraq crisis spelled the end for EU ambitions in the defence sphere. The profound public and bitter divisions that emerged were seen as illustrative of the insuperable problems confronting ESDP. This article argues, however, that the reverse is in fact the case. Far from sounding the death knell for ESDP, the crisis has had a cathartic effect in compelling the member states to face up to and resolve the major ambiguities that had always threatened to undermine EU defence policies. Consequently, these member states have, in the months following the war, laid the basis not only for a more modest but also for a more effective ESDP.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00408.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Menon2011,
  Title                    = {Power, Institutions and the {CSD}P: The Promise of Institutionalist Theory},
  Author                   = {Menon, Anand},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02130.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {83--100},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {The common security and defence policy (CSDP) represents an institutionalized attempt on the part of European Union Member States to respond to the security challenges they confront. As such, it is perhaps self-evident that theoretical approaches that focus on the role of institutions in shaping social life should have something to say about its nature, role and impact. This article argues that not only can institutionalist approaches enhance our understanding of CSDP, but using it as a case study can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism. In particular, it can indicate the importance of combining insights into the importance of institutional structures in shaping politics and policy with the crucial role power plays in mitigating some institutional effects. This argument is pursued via consideration of the evolution and workings of CSDP.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02130.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Merrifield1999,
  Title                    = {Monopsony Power in the Market for Teachers: Why Teachers Should Support Market-Based Education Reform},
  Author                   = {Merrifield, John},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {377--391},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Tests the hypothesis that teachers' salaries are affected by the competitiveness of their regional labor market. Monopsony in teacher labor markets; Implications of reduced salary competition, district consolidation, and parental choice; An econometric model based on school district data from 48 South Texas and 48 North Texas counties supporting the hypothesis.}
}

@Article{MerrillAdams2002,
  Title                    = {Centrifugal Incentives in Multi-Candidate Elections},
  Author                   = {Merrill, Samuel and Adams, James},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095169280201400301},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {275{--}300},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes factors that affect candidates' position-taking incentives in multi-candidate and multi-party elections. Following Cox (1990), we define centrifugal incentives as those that motivate vote-seeking candidates to take more extreme positions relative to the center of the voter distribution. For a multivariate vote model that includes a Left-Right policy component, a party identification component and an unmeasured term that renders the vote choice probabilistic, we present theoretical and computer simulation results that quantify candidates' incentives to shift their policies away from the center in the direction of their partisan constituencies' mean policy preferences. Centrifugal incentives are found to increase with (1) the salience of policies and party identification, (2) the size of the candidate field, (3) the size of a candidate's partisan constituency and (4) more extreme constituency policy preferences. Thus, ceteris paribus, candidates who represent large constituencies are motivated to present more extreme policies than are candidates who represent small ones.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095169280201400301}
}

@Article{Mershon2001,
  Title                    = {Party factions and coalition government: portfolio allocation in Italian Christian Democracy},
  Author                   = {Mershon, Carol},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0261-3794(00)00049-4},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {555--580},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper I elaborate a recently advanced argument about government formation, and assess it by studying the factions of the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC). I contend that the costs of making and breaking coalitions depend on political institutions and on the configuration of actors in policy space. Comparisons across parties in Italy and other countries support this argument. So also do comparisons across party factions. The Christian Democratic factions that incurred the lowest office costs to build coalitions were those at or near the left{\textendash}right median in Italy's core party. When electoral rules were rewritten in the DC, internal party competition over portfolio allocation changed as well. The paper's conclusion outlines how the argument would guide further research on party factions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794(00)00049-4}
}

@Book{Mershon2002,
  Title                    = {The Costs of Coalition},
  Author                   = {Carol Mershon},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {9780804740838},
  Location                 = {Stanford, CA},
  Publisher                = {Stanford University Press}
}

@Article{Meseguer2004,
  Title                    = {What Role for Learning? The Diffusion of Privatisation in OECD and Latin {America}n Countries},
  Author                   = {Meseguer, Covadonga},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0143814X04000182},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {299{--}325},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Article{BuenodeMesquitaSmith2012,
  Title                    = {Aid: Blame It All on `Easy Money'},
  Author                   = {de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno and Smith, Alastair},
  Date                     = {2012-11-09},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002712464315},

  Abstract                 = {Temporary membership on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has pernicious effects on the political and economic development of nations, particularly in nondemocracies. The leaders of rich democratic states often trade resources for the salient policy favors that UNSC members can deliver. This provides the leaders of temporary UNSC members with access to `easy money' resources. Such resources have deleterious consequences, particularly in nondemocracies, because they provide leaders with the means to pay off their coalition of supporters without reliance on tax revenues. While foreign aid is an important form of easy money bribe, it is but one of many. Empirical tests show loans are a substitute means for bribing UNSC members.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002712464315},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Incollection{Meth-CohnMuller1994,
  Title                    = {Looking reality in the eye: the politics of privatization in {Austria}},
  Author                   = {Meth-Cohn, Delia and M{\"u}ller, Wolfgang C.},
  Booktitle                = {Privatization in Western Europe: Pressures, Problems and Paradoxes},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Editor                   = {Vincent Wright},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {160--179},
  Publisher                = {Pinter Publishers}
}

@Article{Mettler2010,
  Title                    = {Reconstituting the Submerged State: The Challenges of Social Policy Reform in the Obama Era},
  Author                   = {Mettler,Suzanne},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592710002045},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0986},
  Issue                    = {3},
  Month                    = sep,
  Pages                    = {803--824},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {President Barack Obama came into office with a social welfare policy agenda that aimed to reconstitute what can be understood as the ``submerged state'': a conglomeration of existing federal policies that incentivize and subsidize activities engaged in by private actors and individuals. By attempting to restructure the political economy involved in taxation, higher education policy, and health care, Obama ventured into a policy terrain that presents immense obstacles to reform itself and to the public's perception of its success. Over time the submerged state has fostered the profitability of particular industries and induced them to increase their political capacity, which they have exercised in efforts to maintain the status quo. Yet the submerged state simultaneously eludes most ordinary citizens: they have little awareness of its policies or their upwardly redistributive effects, and few are cognizant of what is at stake in reform efforts. This article shows how, in each of the three policy areas, the contours and dynamics of the submerged state have shaped the possibilities for reform and the form it has taken, the politics surrounding it, and its prospects for success. While the Obama Administration won hard-fought legislative accomplishments in each area, political success will continue to depend on how well policy design, policy delivery and political communication reveal policy reforms to citizens, so that they better understand how reforms function and what has been achieved.}
}

@Book{Mettler2011,
  Title                    = {The Submerged State: How Invisible Government Policies Undermine {America}n Democracy},
  Author                   = {Mettler, Suzanne},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {9780226521657},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{MettlerSoss2004,
  author       = {Mettler, Suzanne and Soss, Joe},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {The Consequences of Public Policy for Democratic Citizenship: Bridging Policy Studies and Mass Politics},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592704000623},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {55--73},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {Democracies, and the citizenries that stand at their center, are not natural phenomena; they are made and sustained through politics. Government policies can play a crucial role in this process, shaping the things publics believe and want, the ways citizens view themselves and others, and how they understand and act toward the political system. Yet, while political scientists have said a great deal about how publics influence policies, they know far less about the ways policies influence publics. In this article, we seek to clarify how policies, once enacted, are likely to affect political thought and action in the citizenry. Such effects are hard to locate within the standard framework of approaches to mass behavior, and they are generally ignored by program evaluators and policy analysts. To bridge this gap, we direct attention toward a long and vibrant, but underappreciated, line of inquiry we call the ``political tradition'' of mass behavior research. Drawing this tradition together with recent work on ``policy feedback,'' we outline a framework for thinking about how policies influence mass politics. The major types of such effects include defining membership; forging political cohesion and group divisions; building or undermining civic capacities; framing policy agendas, problems, and evaluations; and structuring, stimulating, and stalling political participation.},
}

@Article{MeunierNicolaidis1999,
  Title                    = {Who Speaks for {Europe}? The Delegation of Trade Authority in the EU},
  Author                   = {Meunier, Sophie and Nicola{\"\i}dis, Kalypso},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00174},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {477--501},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {Although the Member States of the European Union (EU) have long since relinquished their power to act as autonomous actors in international trade negotiations, they have now chosen to regain some of their lost trade sovereignty. Neither the European Court of Justice's (ECJ's) 1994 opinion, nor the 1997 reform of the trade policy process at Amsterdam delegated full negotiating authority to the Commission over the `new trade issues' of services and intellectual property. Instead, Member States settled on a hybrid form of decision-making to enable ad hoc rather than structural delegation of competence. Was this a rollback of EU competence? If so, why has it occurred in the EU's oldest and most successfully integrated, policy sector? A shift in the perceived trade-off between economic interests and ideological bias on the part of key Member States can explain such a change. This article also explores the consequences for the future conduct of the EU's trade policy and its influence in shaping the world political economy, as well as for the evolving pattern of federal allocation of jurisdiction in the EU.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00174},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{MeunierNicolaidis2006,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Union as a conflicted trade power},
  Author                   = {Meunier, Sophie and Nicola{\"\i}dis, Kalypso},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760600838623},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {906--925},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The EU is a formidable power \emph{in} trade. Structurally, the sheer size of its market and its more than forty-year experience of negotiating international trade agreements have made it the most powerful trading bloc in the world. Much more problematically, the EU is also becoming a power \emph{through} trade. Increasingly, it uses market access as a bargaining chip to obtain changes in the domestic arena of its trading partners, from labour standards to development policies, and in the international arena, from global governance to foreign policy. Is the EU up to its ambitions? This article examines the underpinnings of the EU's power through trade across issue-areas and across settings (bilateral, inter-regional, global). It then analyses the major dilemmas associated with the exercise of trade power and argues that strategies of accommodation will need to be refined in each of these realms if the EU is to successfully transform its structural power into effective, and therefore legitimate, influence.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600838623},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{MeyerMeyer2005,
  Title                    = {Relative Risk Aversion: What Do We Know?},
  Author                   = {Meyer, Donald J. and Meyer, Jack},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Risk and Uncertainty},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11166-005-5102-x},
  ISSN                     = {0895-5646},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {243--262},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Keywords                 = {risk aversion; relative risk aversion},
  Publisher                = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}
}

@Article{MianSufi2009,
  Title                    = {The Consequences of Mortgage Credit Expansion: Evidence from the U.S. Mortgage Default Crisis},
  Author                   = {Mian, Atif and Sufi, Amir},
  Date                     = {2009-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/qjec.2009.124.4.1449},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1449--1496},
  Volume                   = {124},

  Abstract                 = {We conduct a within-county analysis using detailed ZIP code-level data to document new findings regarding the origins of the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression. The sharp increase in mortgage defaults in 2007 is significantly amplified in subprime ZIP codes, or ZIP codes with a disproportionately large share of subprime borrowers as of 1996. Prior to the default crisis, these subprime ZIP codes experience an unprecedented relative growth in mortgage credit. The expansion in mortgage credit from 2002 to 2005 to subprime ZIP codes occurs despite sharply declining relative (and in some cases absolute) income growth in these neighborhoods. In fact, 2002 to 2005 is the only period in the past eighteen years in which income and mortgage credit growth are negatively correlated. We show that the expansion in mortgage credit to subprime ZIP codes and its dissociation from income growth is closely correlated with the increase in securitization of subprime mortgages.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.2009.124.4.1449},
  Timestamp                = {2012.02.19}
}

@Unpublished{MianEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of the Subprime Mortgage Credit Expansion},
  Author                   = {Mian, Atif and Sufi, Amir and Trebbi, Francesco},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = jun,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 16107},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w16107.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {We examine how special interests, measured by campaign contributions from the mortgage industry, and constituent interests, measured by the share of subprime borrowers in a congressional district, may have influenced U.S. government policy toward the housing sector during the subprime mortgage credit expansion from 2002 to 2007. Beginning in 2002, mortgage industry campaign contributions increasingly targeted U.S. representatives from districts with a large fraction of subprime borrowers. During the expansion years, mortgage industry campaign contributions and the share of subprime borrowers in a congressional district increasingly predicted congressional voting behavior on housing related legislation. The evidence suggests that both subprime mortgage lenders and subprime mortgage borrowers influenced government policy toward housing finance during the subprime mortgage credit expansion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w16107.pdf}
}

@Article{MiccoEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Bank ownership and performance. Does politics matter?},
  Author                   = {Micco, Alejandro and Panizza, Ugo and Yanez, Monica},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Banking \& Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jbankfin.2006.02.007},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {219--241},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses a new dataset to reassess the relationship between bank ownership and bank performance, providing separate estimations for developing and industrial countries. It finds that state-owned banks located in developing countries tend to have lower profitability and higher costs than their private counterparts, and that the opposite is true for foreign-owned banks. The paper finds no strong correlation between ownership and performance for banks located in industrial countries. Next, in order to test whether the differential in performance between public and private banks is driven by political considerations, the paper checks whether this differential widens during election years; it finds strong support for this hypothesis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbankfin.2006.02.007}
}

@Article{Micheletti1991,
  Title                    = {Swedish Corporatism at a Crossroads: The Impact of New Politics and New Social Movements},
  Author                   = {Micheletti, Michele},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {144--165},
  Volume                   = {14}
}

@Article{Midford1993,
  Title                    = {International Trade and Domestic Politics: Improving on Rogowski's Model of Political Alignments},
  Author                   = {Midford, Paul},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {535{--}564},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Ronald Rogowski's work offers valuable insight into the impact of changing trade exposure on domestic politics. Exploring the political implications of the well-known factor endowments model of international trade theory, Rogowski argues that owners of relatively abundant productive factors will form a free-trading coalition against owners of relatively scarce productive factors, who will align in favor of protection. Rogowski's parsimonious three-factor version of the factor endowments theory -- although offering valuable insight into the politics of less developed economies, including today's developed economies in earlier centuries -- produces significant anomalies when applied to advanced economies. Intuitive logic and empirical research, especially the Leontief paradox, suggest that the highly complex division of labor found in developed countries will confound the simplicity of the three-factor model. Edward Leamer's multifactor model suggests solutions to the anomalies that afflict Rogowski's simpler model when applied to recent politics in the United States and Europe.}
}

@Article{Midtbo1999,
  Title                    = {The impact of parties, economic growth, and public sector expansion: A comparison of long-term dynamics in the Scandinavian and Anglo-{America}n democracies},
  Author                   = {Midtbo, Tor},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1006962306656},
  Pages                    = {199--223},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {This paper discusses (1) the extent to which the partisan composition of government affects economic policies and macroeconomic outcomes, and (2) the interrelationship between public spending, taxation and economic growth. These two issues are connected. Since target variables and instruments affect each other reciprocally, the specification of the partisan model should encompass both a reaction function and an outcome function. A pooled vector autoregressive model suggests that during the last century left-wing governments in the United States, Britain and Canada have reinforced the growth of both public spending and GNP. Only public sector expansion is affected by partisanship in Denmark, Norway and Sweden. In the Anglo-American countries changes in spending occur before changes in economic growth in terms of a lagged crowding out effect. Spending and revenues appear to affect each other reciprocally. By contrast, public sector expansion in Scandinavia stimulates growth, while taxation leads spending.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1006962306656}
}

@Article{Milanovic2000,
  Title                    = {The median-voter hypothesis, income inequality, and income redistribution: an empirical test with the required data},
  Author                   = {Milanovic, Branko},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0176-2680(00)00014-8},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {367--410},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {The median-voter hypothesis has been central to an extensive literature on consequences of income redistribution. For example, it has been proposed that greater inequality is associated with lower growth, because of the greater redistribution that is sought by the median voter when income distribution is less equal. There have however been no proper tests of the median-voter hypothesis concerning redistribution, because of previous absence of data on factor-income distribution (that is, incomes before taxes and transfers) across households, and thus on the gains by poorer households from redistribution. The study reported in this paper is based on the required data, with 79 observations drawn from household budget surveys from 24 democracies. The results strongly support the conclusion that countries with greater inequality of factor income redistribute more to the poor. This is so even when we control for the share of the elderly in the population and for pension transfers. The evidence that the median-voter hypothesis adequately describes the collective-choice mechanism is however considerably weaker. Although middle-income groups gain more/or lose less through redistribution in countries where initial (factor) income distribution is more unequal, this regularity is all but lost when, by excluding pensions, we look only at explicit redistributive social transfers from which middle classes contemporaneously gain little. This leaves us searching for an alternative explanation: do middle-classes gain from transfers in the long run even if not contemporaneously?; or is the median-voter hypothesis, based on direct democracy, a proper representation of the mechanisms of collective decision making in representative democracy?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0176-2680(00)00014-8},
  Keywords                 = {Median voter, Income distribution, Income inequality, Endogenous growth},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Milanovic2002,
  Title                    = {True World Income Distribution, 1988 and 1993: First Calculation Based on Household Surveys Alone},
  Author                   = {Milanovic, Branko},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0297.0j673},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {476},
  Pages                    = {51--92},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {The paper derives world income or expenditure distribution of individuals for 1988 and 1993. It is the first paper to calculate world distribution for individuals based entirely on household surveys from 91 countries, and adjusted for differences in purchasing power parity between countries. Measured by the Gini index, inequality increased from 63 in 1988 to 66 in 1993. The increase was driven more by differences in mean incomes between countries than by inequalities within countries. The most important contributors were rising urban-rural differences in China, and slow growth of rural incomes in South Asia compared to several large developed economies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.0j673},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Science},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Milanovic2010,
  Title                    = {Four critiques of the redistribution hypothesis: An assessment},
  Author                   = {Milanovic, Branko},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2009.10.001},
  ISSN                     = {0176-2680},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {147--154},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {The reformulation of the median voter hypothesis and its testing proposed in Milanovic (2000) has been criticized from four different perspectives. The critiques are discussed and assessed.},
  Keywords                 = {Median voter, Income distribution, Redistribution}
}

@Article{Milanovic2011,
  Title                    = {More or Less: Income inequality has risen over the past quarter-century instead of falling as expected},
  Author                   = {Milanovic, Branko},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Finance \& Development},
  Pages                    = {6--11},
  Url                      = {http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2011/09/pdf/milanovi.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2011/09/pdf/milanovi.pdf},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Misc{Milanovic2011a,
  Title                    = {The Rise of Inequality},
  Author                   = {Milanovic, Branko},
  Date                     = {2011},
  HowPublished             = {IMF Podcast},
  Month                    = aug,
  Note                     = {August 18th},
  Url                      = {http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/so/pvcast.aspx},

  Abstract                 = {Inequality is on the rise. Globally, the gap between the rich and the rest has been growing. This September's Finance and Development magazine takes up the theme of inequality. It includes an article by economist and author of a history of global inequality, Branko Milanovic. He explains some of the reasons for the increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Milesi-Ferretti1995,
  Title                    = {The Disadvantage of Tying Their Hands: On the Political Economy of Policy Commitments},
  Author                   = {Milesi-Ferretti, Gian Maria},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {433},
  Pages                    = {1381{--}1402},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {In order to increase their electoral chances, incumbents may forego policy measures that improve the relative standing of their opponents in the eyes of voters. This paper illustrates the point by focusing on the choice between fixed and floating exchange rates. An inflation-averse government may refrain from choosing fixed exchange rates in order to capitalise on the `inflationary' reputation of its opponent. This incentive is contrasted with the opposite incentive to `tie the hands' of its opponent should the latter win the election. For a more inflationary government, electoral considerations reinforce the incentive to `tie its own hands' with fixed exchange rates.}
}

@Article{Milesi-Ferretti1995a,
  Title                    = {Do Good or Do Well? Public Debt Management in a Two-Party Economy},
  Author                   = {Milesi-Ferretti, Gian Maria},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.1995.tb00104.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {59--78},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Governments facing elections may strategically manipulate policy instruments in order to increase their re-election chances. The incentives for strategic manipulation are studied in the context of a debt management model, in which two parties with different inflation aversion compete in elections. It is shown that the inflation-averse party may issue nominal debt in order to make its opponent "look bad" to voters, thus getting closer to the median voter. Nominal debt artificially enlarges the ex-post inflation tax base, causing higher inflation. Conversely, an inflation-prone government may issue indexed debt in order to reduce inflation incentives.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.1995.tb00104.x}
}

@Article{Milesi-FerrettiSpolaore1994,
  Title                    = {How cynical can an incumbent be?: Strategic policy in a model of government spending},
  Author                   = {Milesi-Ferretti, Gian Maria and Spolaore, Enrico},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0047-2727(94)90084-1},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {121--140},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {When parties with different preferences compete for election, strategic manipulation of state variables for electoral purposes can occur even with rational voters. This paper presents a model in which government resources can be used `productivity', for the benefit of everybody, or `unproductively', for the benefit of the ruling party's constituency. A government more inclined to unproductive spending may choose to collect public resources inefficiently in order to produce the importance of spending decisions in the election. The model highlights the strategic role of policy decisions that affect incentives and constraints faced by future governments, and their impact on election results.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2727(94)90084-1}
}

@Article{MilgromShannon1994,
  Title                    = {Monotone Comparative Statics},
  Author                   = {Milgrom, Paul and Shannon, Chris},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2951479},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {157--180},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {We derive a necessary and sufficient condition for the solution set of an optimization problem to be monotonic in the parameters of the problem. In addition, we develop practical methods for checking the condition and demonstrate its applications to the classical theories of the competitive firm, the monopolist, the Bertrand oligopolist, consumer and growth theory, and general equilibrium analysis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2951479}
}

@Article{MilgromEtAl1990,
  author       = {Milgrom, Paul R. and North, Douglass C. and Weingast, Barry R.},
  title        = {The Role of Institutions in the Revival of Trade: The Law Merchant, Private Judges, and the Champagne Fairs},
  journaltitle = {Economics \& Politics},
  date         = {1990},
  volume       = {2},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--23},
  issn         = {1468-0343},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.1990.tb00020.x},
  url          = {http://economics-files.pomona.edu/Andrabi/Courses/Econ154/milgrom.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-08-18},
  abstract     = {A good reputation can be an effective bond for honest behavior in a community of traders if members of the community know how others have behaved in the past -- even if any particular pair of traders meets only infrequently. In a large community, it would be impossibly costly for traders to be perfectly informed about each other's behavior, but there exist institutions that can restore the effectiveness of a reputation system using much less extensive information. The system of judges used to enforce commercial law before the rise of the state was such an institution, and it successfully encouraged merchants (1) to behave honestly, (2) to impose sanctions on violators, (3) to become adequately informed about how others had behaved, (4) to provide evidence against violators of the code, and (5) to pay any judgments assessed against them, even though each of these behaviors might be personally costly.},
}

@Article{Miliband2011,
  Title                    = {Why is the {Europe}an Left Losing Elections? The Political Quarterly Annual Lecture},
  Author                   = {Miliband, David},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02203.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {131--137},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {The argument of this lecture speaks directly to the history of The Political Quarterly and the London School of Economics. It is that the European left is losing elections on an unprecedented scale because it has lost control of the political agenda to a newly flexible right; but it is also losing key arguments about how to nurture human values in today's connected and competitive global village because it has not responded to changes in economy and society; and that to turn things round it needs to address both its deficit in ideas and organisation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02203.x},
  Keywords                 = {Miliband, D. W. (b. 1965), European left, elections},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Mill1843,
  Title                    = {A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive},
  Author                   = {Mill, John Stuart},
  Date                     = {1843},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {John W. Parker}
}

@Book{Mill1859,
  Title                    = {On Liberty},
  Author                   = {Mill, John Stuart},
  Date                     = {1859},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.feedbooks.com/book/4202/on-liberty}
}

@Article{Miller1988,
  Title                    = {The Ethical Significance of Nationality},
  Author                   = {Miller, David},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Ethics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {647--662},
  Volume                   = {98}
}

@Book{Miller1995,
  Title                    = {On Nationality},
  Author                   = {Miller, David},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{MillerSchofield2003,
  author       = {Miller, Gary and Schofield, Norman},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Activists and Partisan Realignment in the {United States}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055403000650},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {02},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {245--260},
  url          = {https://polisci.wustl.edu/files/polisci/imce/z.91.nsf_.apsrmay2003.pdf},
  volume       = {97},
  abstract     = {In this paper, we contend that party realignments occur due to the interaction of candidates and activists. We examine independent party candidates who are motivated primarily to win elections but who use activist contributions to increase vote shares. In a two-dimensional policy space, such candidates will on occasion engage in flanking moves so as to enlist coalitions of disaffected voters, at the risk of alienating some of their traditional activist supporters. We argue that a result of such flanking moves, in the early part of the century, has been a shift in emphasis from an underlying social dimension to the economic dimension. In recent decades, electoral salience has shifted back to the social dimension. The net result is that the party cleavage line is much as it was a century agobut the parties have switched sides.},
  month        = may,
  numpages     = {16},
}

@Article{MillerMoe1983,
  Title                    = {Bureaucrats, Legislators, and the Size of Government},
  Author                   = {Miller, Gary J and Moe, Terry M.},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {297--322},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {Some recent theories have blamed the growth of government on budget-maximizing bureaucrats who are assumedly capable of imposing their most preferred budget-output combination on legislatures, subject to cost and demand constraints. However, theoretical examination of the range of bargaining outcomes that might occur between bureau and legislature shows that budget-maximizing behavior does not necessarily lead to super-optimal levels of production, nor do the suggested reforms of competition and privatization necessarily improve the situation. In this bargaining model, the central determinants of governmental growth are not budget-maximizing bureaucrats, but the legislature's decisions regarding mode of oversight and form of internal organization.}
}

@Article{Miller2015,
  Title                    = {Elections, Information, and Policy Responsiveness in Autocratic Regimes},
  Author                   = {Miller, Michael K.},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414014555443},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {691-727},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {The responsiveness of policy to election results is a central component of democracy. Do the outcomes of autocratic elections also affect policy choice? Even when the threat of turnover is low, I argue that autocratic elections influence policy by allowing citizens to signal dissatisfaction with the regime. Supplementing existing work, this study explains how this opposition is communicated credibly and then shows that ruling parties use this information to calibrate policy concessions. In the first cross-country analysis of autocratic election outcomes and policy choice, I find that negative electoral shocks to ruling parties predict increases in education and social welfare spending and decreases in military spending following elections. In contrast, there is no policy effect leading up to elections, in response to violent contestation, or in resource-rich regimes, illustrating a potential mechanism for the resource curse.}
}

@Article{MilnerTingley2012,
  Title                    = {The choice for multilateralism: Foreign aid and {America}n foreign policy},
  Author                   = {Milner, HelenV. and Tingley, Dustin},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of International Organizations},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11558-012-9153-x},
  ISSN                     = {1559-7431},
  Pages                    = {1--29},
  Url                      = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/riomilnertingley_0.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-012-9153-x},
  Booktitle                = {The Review of International Organizations},
  Keywords                 = {International institutions, Multilateralism, Domestic politics, Public opinion, Foreign aid, F35, F55, F59},
  Publisher                = {Springer US},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Milner1991,
  Title                    = {The Assumption of Anarchy in International Relations Theory: A Critique},
  Author                   = {Milner, Helen V.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of International Studies},
  Pages                    = {67--85},
  Volume                   = {17}
}

@Book{Milner1997,
  Title                    = {Interests, Institutions and Information: Domestic Politics and International Relations},
  Author                   = {Milner, Helen V.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Milner1998,
  Title                    = {Rationalizing Politics: The Emerging Synthesis of International, {America}n, and Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Milner, Helen V.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081898550743},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {759--786},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898550743}
}

@Article{Milner1999,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of International Trade},
  Author                   = {Milner, Helen V.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.91},
  Pages                    = {91--114},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {One of the most salient changes in the world economy since 1980 has been the move toward freer trade among countries across the globe. How do existing theories about trade policy explain this puzzle? Three sets of explanations are prominent. First, many focus on changes in trade policy preferences among domestic actors, either societal groups or political leaders. Second, scholars examine changes in political institutions to account for such policy change. Third, they seek explanations in changes in the international political system. Large-scale changes in political institutions, especially in the direction of democracy, may be necessary for the kind of massive trade liberalization that has occurred. But changes in preferences cannot be overlooked in explaining the rush to free trade. Moreover, the influence of international institutions has been important. Finally, the reciprocal impact of trade on domestic politics and the international political system is important. If the rush to free trade is sustained, will its impact be benign or malign?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.91}
}

@Article{MilnerJudkins2004,
  Title                    = {Partisanship, Trade Policy, and Globalization: Is There a Left-Right Divide on Trade Policy?},
  Author                   = {Milner, Helen V. and Judkins, Benjamin},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00293.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {95{--}120},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Are there noticeable differences among political parties in a country over their trade policy positions? Do left parties advocate different trade policies than right parties? In the advanced industrial countries where labor tends to be scarce, are left parties more protectionist than right ones, which represent capital owners? Political institutions within these democratic countries may affect the role of partisanship. We also investigate whether increasing globalization has led to more or less partisan polarization over trade policy. We examine 25 developed countries from 1945 to 1998 to see how their parties have competed over trade policy. Controlling for various factors, partisanship matters. Right parties consistently take more free trade stances than do left ones. Globalization and other international forces have also shaped both the nature and the extent of the domestic debate over exposure to international trade.}
}

@Article{MilnerTingley2010,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of U.S. Foreign Aid: {America}n Legislators and the Domestic Politics of Aid},
  Author                   = {Milner, Helen V. and Tingley, Dustin H.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2009.00356.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0343},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {200--232},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Are there systematic political economy factors that shape preferences for foreign aid, a key component of American foreign policy? We analyze votes in the House of Representatives from 1979 to 2003 that would increase or decrease foreign aid by considering the political, economic, and ideological characteristics of legislators and their districts. To understand who supports and opposes foreign aid, we utilize theories of foreign economic policy preferences. By examining different types of aid policy, we show that domestic politics and especially the distributional consequences of economic aid can matter. The economic characteristics of a district and its left--right ideological predispositions influence support for aid in a systematic fashion over the nearly 25-year period. Stolper--Samuelson models along with political ideology can help explain legislators' preferences toward aid.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.2009.00356.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Mincer1958,
  Title                    = {Investment in Human Capital and Personal Income Distribution},
  Author                   = {Mincer, Jacob},
  Date                     = {1958},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/258055},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {281--302},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/258055}
}

@Article{MingatTan1985,
  author       = {Mingat, Alain and Tan, Jee-Peng},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Human Resources},
  title        = {On Equity in Education Again: An International Comparison},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {298--308},
  volume       = {20},
  annotation   = {"Our purpose is to measure the equity implications of patterns of enrollment and in the level of public resources allocated per student at each level of study ... The public resources accruing to an individual student are thus a cumulative result of the entire time spent in the school system." Construct gini coefficients for educational resources attained to each level of education. Developed countries most egalitarian. Highlight the redistributive effect of moving all public expenditure on higher education to lower levels. "The effect of this policy is quite dramatic."},
}

@Other{UndervisningsMinisteriet2000,
  annotation = {Accessed 2007/01/22.},
  author     = {Undervisnings Ministeriet},
  date       = {2000},
  title      = {Financing of Education in {Denmark}},
}

@Article{Minkenberg2000,
  Title                    = {The Renewal of the Radical Right: Between Modernity and Anti-modernity},
  Author                   = {Minkenberg, Michael},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1477-7053.00022},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {170--188},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00022}
}

@Article{Minnich2003,
  Title                    = {Corporatism and income inequality in the global economy: A panel study of 17 OECD countries},
  Author                   = {Minnich, Daniel J},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.00073},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {23--53},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {The conventional wisdom of domestic politics in the global economy holds that that the globalization of the market economy has spelled the imminent collapse of corporatist bargaining institutions and the corporatist goal of economic equality. This conventional wisdom, however, highlights an interesting puzzle: it was the process of internationalization and economic openness itself that generated corporatist institutions. This study examines whether corporatist institutions are still effective in ensuring the corporatist goal of equality in the 'global' economy. Income inequality from the early 1980s to the middle 1990s is used as a measure of institutional effectiveness. It is argued that corporatism, as a form of interest mediation, is a path-dependent institution that generates increasing returns in terms of equality in the most internationalized economies. Results of a panel study of 17 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries indicate that corporatism reduces income inequality and, contrary to the conventional wisdom, income inequality is lowest in the most 'global' national economies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00073}
}

@Article{Mintrom1997,
  Title                    = {Policy Entrepreneurs and the Diffusion of Innovation},
  Author                   = {Mintrom, Michael},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2111674},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {738--770},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/62t8bw3},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {In the literature on policy innovation diffusion, political scientists have paid little attention to how ideas for innovation gain prominence on government agendas. By considering the actions of policy entrepreneurs--political actors who promote policy ideas--we can gain important insights into the process of policy innovation and innovation diffusion. Policy entrepreneurs constitute an identifiable class of political actors. Their presence and actions can significantly raise the probability of legislative consideration and approval of policy innovations. Event history analyses of the determinants of legislative consideration and approval of an idea for education reform--school choice--in the 48 contiguous United States from 1987 through 1992. The data set consists of unique information collected in a mail survey of members of the education policy elite in each state, augmented with published statistics. Policy entrepreneurs were identified as advocates of school choice in 26 states. While controlling for rival hypotheses, the presence and actions of policy entrepreneurs were found to raise significantly the probability of legislative consideration and approval of school choice as a policy innovation. These results suggest policy entrepreneurs should be given more attention in the literature on policy innovation diffusion.}
}

@Article{MintromVergari1998,
  Title                    = {Policy Networks and Innovation Diffusion: The Case of State Education Reforms},
  Author                   = {Mintrom, Michael and Vergari, Sandra},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {126--148},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars in many fields have long recognized the role that social and professional networks play in the diffusion of innovations However, among political scientists, an awkward separation has emerged between scholars investigating policy diffusion processes and those investigating policy networks and, more generally, the role of ideas in politics In this article, we present a theoretical argument for integrating insights from policy network studies into diffusion studies Since they face clear incentives to tap the resources of policy networks, we give policy entrepreneurs a prominent place in this discussion Using event history analysis models of the diffusion of school choice ideas across the United States, we test the empirical relevance of our discussion and find that greater involvement in policy networks significantly increases the likelihood of policy entrepreneurs achieving their legislative goals Based on our theoretical discussion and these empirical results, we suggest that political scientists investigating the diffusion of policy innovations should pay careful attention to the role that policy networks play in this process.}
}

@Incollection{Miron1996,
  Title                    = {School Choice and Quasi-market in Swedish Education},
  Author                   = {Miron, Gary},
  Booktitle                = {School Choice and the Quasi-market},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Geoffrey Walford},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Wallingford},
  Pages                    = {33{--}48},
  Publisher                = {Triangle}
}

@Unpublished{Mishkin2010,
  Title                    = {Over The Cliff: From the Subprime to the Global Financial Crisis},
  Author                   = {Mishkin, Frederic S.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = dec,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 16609},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines what transformed a significant, but relatively mild, financial disruption into a full-fledged financial crisis. It discusses why, although the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy was a key trigger for the global financial crisis, three other events were at least as important: the AIG collapse on September 16, 2008; the run on the Reserve Primary Fund on the same day; and the struggle to get the Troubled Asset Relief Plan (TARP) plan approved by Congress over the following couple of weeks. The paper then looks at the policy responses to the financial crisis to evaluate whether they helped avoid a worldwide depression. The paper ends by discussing the policy challenges raised in the aftermath of the crisis.}
}

@Book{Mitchell1992,
  Title                    = {International Historical Statistics: {Europe} 1770--1988},
  Author                   = {Mitchell, B.R.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  ISBN                     = {0333568729},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Stockton Press}
}

@Article{Mitchell1987,
  author       = {Mitchell, Neil J.},
  title        = {Where traditional Tories fear to tread: Mrs Thatcher's trade union policy},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  date         = {1987},
  volume       = {10},
  pages        = {33--45},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402388708424612},
  abstract     = {This article examines Conservative trade union policy under Mrs Thatcher. It discusses the policy's origins, aims and successes and draws out the theoretical implications of the discussion for policy analysis in the context of pressure group theory. The article argues that trade union policy provides an illustration of the importance of the intentions and discretion of policy-makers and the dependence of groups on policy rather than the other way around.},
}

@Article{ModiglianiModigliani1987,
  Title                    = {The Growth of the Federal Deficit and the Role of Public Attitudes},
  Author                   = {Modigliani, Andre and Modigliani, Franco},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/269052},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {459--480},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {How can the recent explosion in the fiscal deficit of the United States be reconciled with the well-known support of the American public for fiscal conservatism? It is first shown that the reputation for fiscal conservatism is fully supported by public opinion polls dating back over a period of four decades. Solid majorities have consistently opposed tax reductions that might produce an unbalanced budget. Recently, however, the public has also shown strong opposition to increases in taxes to close the fiscal gap, which might appear to imply a new acquiescence to the deficit. But this opposition, too, is shown to have persisted for a long time and to be not logically inconsistent with rejecting tax cuts resulting in deficit. Another fashionable explanation for the deficit holds that the budget process in a democratic society is biased toward deficit because the cost of higher taxes is immediate while the cost of deficit is delayed. But it is inconsistent with the fiscal history of the United States over the last 100 years, which reveals no systematic bias toward deficits, at least until recent years. The major explanation that emerges is that the administration succeeded in misleading the public (and perhaps even itself) into believing that the tax cut would not result in deficit thanks to ``supply'' and ``Laffer curve'' effects.}
}

@Incollection{Moe2001b,
  Title                    = {Teachers Unions and the Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Moe, Terry M.},
  Booktitle                = {A Primer on America's Schools},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Terry M. Moe},
  Chapter                  = {7},
  Location                 = {Stanford, CA},
  Pages                    = {151{--}183},
  Publisher                = {Hoover Press}
}

@InCollection{Moe2003,
  author     = {Moe, Terry M.},
  booktitle  = {Our Schools and our Future: Are We Still at Risk?},
  date       = {2003},
  title      = {The Politics of the Status Quo},
  chapter    = {6},
  editor     = {Paul E. Peterson},
  location   = {Stanford, CA},
  pages      = {177{--}210},
  publisher  = {Hoover Press},
  annotation = {Discussion of the (pernicious) effect that unions have had on education policy and reform. Blocking reforms is the primary tactic of the unions. Suggests that the rise of the "choice" and "accountability" movements are, and will continue to undermine the power of unions, implying a "better" system in the future... possibly far in the future.},
}

@Article{Moe1984,
  author       = {Moe, Terry M.},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The New Economics of Organization},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {739--777},
  url          = {https://academic.csuohio.edu/tebeaum/courses/ssc/Moe.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {Over the last ten years or so, an important new approach to the study of organizations has emerged within economics. It is perhaps best characterized by three elements: a contractual perspective on organizational relationships, a theoretical focus on hierarchical control, and formal analysis via principal-agent models. This paper provides political scientists with an overview of the "new economics of organization" and explores its implications for the study of public bureaucracy.},
}

@Article{Moe1990,
  author       = {Moe, Terry M.},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law, Economics, \& Organization},
  title        = {Political Institutions: The Neglected Side of the Story},
  pages        = {213--253},
  volume       = {6},
  annotation   = {Special Issue: Papers from the Organization of Political Institutions Conference},
}

@Article{Moe2001,
  author       = {Moe, Terry M.},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Education Next},
  title        = {A Union by Any Other Name},
  annotation   = {A denunciation of union influence over education policy in the USA.},
}

@Article{Moe2005,
  author       = {Moe, Terry M.},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Power and Political Institutions},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592705050176},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {215--233},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {Rational choice theory tends to view political institutions as structures of voluntary cooperation that resolve collective action problems and benefit all concerned. Yet the political process often gives rise to institutions that are good for some people and bad for others, depending on who has the power to impose their will. Political institutions may be structures of cooperation, but they may also be structures of power -- and the theory does not tell us much about this. As a result, it gives us a one-sided and overly benign view of what political institutions are and do. This problem is not well understood, and indeed is not typically seen as a problem at all. For there is a widespread sense in the rational choice literature that, because power is frequently discussed, it is an integral part of the theory and just as fundamental as cooperation. Confusion on this score has undermined efforts to right the imbalance. My purpose here is to clarify the analytic roles that power and cooperation actually play in this literature, and to argue that a more balanced theory -- one that brings power from its periphery to its very core -- is both necessary and entirely possible.},
}

@Article{Moe2009,
  author       = {Moe, Terry M.},
  title        = {Collective Bargaining and The Performance of the Public Schools},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {53},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {156--174},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00363.x},
  abstract     = {Students of American politics rarely study public sector unions and their impacts on government. The literature sees bureaucratic power as rooted in expertise, but largely ignores the fact that bureaucrats often join unions to promote their own interests, and that the power of their unions may affect government and its performance. This article focuses on the public schools, which are among the most numerous government agencies in the country, and investigates whether collective bargaining by teachers --- the key bureaucrats --- affects the schools' capacity to educate children. Using California data, analysis shows that, in large school districts, restrictive labor contracts have a very negative impact on academic achievement, particularly for minority students. The evidence suggests, then, that public sector unions do indeed have important consequences for American public education. Whether they are consequential in other areas of government remains to be seen, but it is an avenue well worth pursuing.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
}

@Book{Moe2011,
  Title                    = {Special Interest: Teachers Unions and {America}'s Public Schools},
  Author                   = {Moe, Terry M.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Publisher                = {Brookings Institution Press}
}

@Article{MoeCaldwell1994,
  Title                    = {The Institutional Foundations of Democratic Government: A Comparison of Presidential and Parliamentary Systems},
  Author                   = {Moe, Terry M. and Caldwell, Michael},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics},
  Pages                    = {171--195},
  Url                      = {http://politicalscience.stanford.edu/downloads/moe-The\%20Institutional\%20Foundations\%20of\%20Democratic\%20Government\%20A\%20Comparison\%20of\%20Presidential\%20and\%20Parlimentary\%20Systems.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://politicalscience.stanford.edu/downloads/moe-The%5C%20Institutional%5C%20Foundations%5C%20of%5C%20Democratic%5C%20Government%5C%20A%5C%20Comparison%5C%20of%5C%20Presidential%5C%20and%5C%20Parlimentary%5C%20Systems.pdf}
}

@Article{MoeneWallerstein1997,
  Title                    = {Pay Inequality},
  Author                   = {Moene, Karl Ove and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {403{--}430},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the effects of wage compression through centralized collective bargaining when growth depends on the continual reallocation of labor from older, less productive plants to new, more productive plants. We first study the compression of wage differentials that derive from decentralized bargaining in heterogeneous plants. We then consider wage compression when wage differentials arise from competition among employers over workers of differing quality. We show that wage compression through centralized bargaining can result in higher profits and greater entry of new plants than either decentralized bargaining or a competitive labor market.}
}

@Article{MoeneWallerstein2001,
  author       = {Moene, Karl Ove and Wallerstein, Michael},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Governance},
  title        = {Targeting and political support for welfare spending},
  doi          = {10.1007/PL00011019},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {3--24},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {This paper investigates the political support for social assistance policies in a model in which incomes are stochastic (so that welfare policies have an insurance benefit) and unequal ex ante (so that welfare policies have a redistributive effect). With self-interested voting, narrow targeting may so reduce the probability of receiving benefits for the majority that the majority prefers to eliminate benefits altogether, even though the cost of narrowly targeted benefits is close to zero. In contrast, a majority of self-interested voters always supports positive welfare benefits when the policy is targeted sufficiently broadly. If voters are somewhat altruistic, the impact of targeting on political support for welfare spending diminishes but does not disappear.},
}

@Article{MoeneWallerstein2001a,
  Title                    = {Inequality, Social Insurance, and Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Moene, Karl Ove and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {859{--}874},
  Url                      = {http://dev.wcfia.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/667__wallerstein1.pdf},
  Volume                   = {95},

  Abstract                 = {Is the political support for welfare policy higher or lower in less egalitarian societies? We answer the question using a model of welfare policy as publicly financed insurance that pays benefits in a redistributive manner. When voters have both redistributive and insurance motives for supporting welfare spending, the effect of inequality depends on how benefits are targeted. Greater inequality increases support for welfare expenditures when benefits are targeted to the employed but decreases support when benefits are targeted to those without earnings. With endogenous targeting, support for benefits to those without earnings declines as inequality increases, whereas support for aggregate spending is a V-shaped function of inequality. Statistical analysis of welfare expenditures in advanced industrial societies provides support for key empirical implications of the model.}
}

@Article{MoeneWallerstein2003,
  Title                    = {Earnings Inequality and Welfare Spending: A Disaggregated Analysis},
  Author                   = {Moene, Karl Ove and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.2003.0022},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {485--516},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {The welfare state is generally viewed as either providing redistribution from rich to poor or as providing publicly financed insurance. Both views are incomplete. Welfare policies provide both insurance and redistribution in varying amounts, depending on the design of the policy. The authors explore the political consequences of the mix of redistribution and insurance in the context of studying the impact of income inequality on expenditures in different categories of welfare spending in advanced industrial societies from 1980 to 1995. They find that spending on pensions, health care, family benefits, poverty alleviation and housing subsidies is largely uncorrelated with income inequality, but that spending on income replacement programs such as unemployment insurance, sickness pay, occupational illness and disability are significantly higher in countries with more egalitarian income distributions. They show that this pattern is exactly what a theory of political support for redistributive social insurance programs would predict.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0022}
}

@Article{Molin1966,
  Title                    = {Swedish Party Politics: A Case Study},
  Author                   = {Molin, Bj{\"o}rn},
  Date                     = {1966},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1966.tb00508.x},
  Pages                    = {45--58},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1966.tb00508.x}
}

@Article{MolinaRhodes2002,
  Title                    = {Corporatism: The Past, Present, and Future of a Concept},
  Author                   = {Molina, Oscar and Rhodes, Martin},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.112701.184858},
  Pages                    = {305--331},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {Following a period of almost obsessive academic attention in the 1980s, in the early 1990s the concept of corporatism fell from favor, as its explanatory powers appeared to wane and the Keynesian welfare systems under which it had flourished apparently fell into decline. In the late 1990s, a new interest in corporatism emerged, in line with new patterns of concertation and corporatist behavior in some unexpected places{\textemdash}countries in which the institutional basis for collaborative, bargained methods of policy making and conflict resolution seemed distinctly unpromising. We review the extensive literature on corporatism since the 1970s and consider its applicability in the contemporary period. We argue that an excessively structural-functionalist interpretation of corporatism led many wrongly to predict its demise as a form of policy making, and that an understanding of its persistence and new manifestations today must resurrect and strengthen some early, recently neglected insights into processes of political exchange.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.112701.184858}
}

@Article{MollerEtAl2003,
  author       = {Moller, Stephanie and Huber, Evelyne and Stephens, John D. and Bradley, David and Nielsen, Fran\c{c}ois},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Determinants of Relative Poverty in Advanced Capitalist Democracies},
  doi          = {10.2307/3088901},
  issn         = {0003-1224},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {22--51},
  volume       = {68},
  abstract     = {Using relative poverty measures based on micro-level data from the Luxembourg Income Study, in conjunction with pooled time-series data for 14 advanced capitalist democracies between 1970 and 1997, the authors analyze separately the rate of pre-tax/transfer poverty and the reduction in poverty achieved by systems of taxes and transfers. Socioeconomic factors, including de-industrialization and unemployment, largely explain pre-tax/transfer poverty rates of the working-age population in these advanced capitalist democracies. The extent of redistribution (measured as poverty reduction via taxes and transfers) is explained directly by welfare state generosity and constitutional structure (number of veto points) and the strength of the political left, both in unions and in government.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088901},
  month        = feb,
  publisher    = {American Sociological Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.22},
}

@Article{Momani2004,
  Title                    = {The IMF, the U.S. War on Terrorism, and {Pakistan}},
  Author                   = {Momani, Bessma},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Asian Affairs: An American Review},
  Doi                      = {10.3200/AAFS.31.1.41-51},
  ISSN                     = {0092-7678},
  Month                    = apr,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {41--51},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/AAFS.31.1.41-51},
  Booktitle                = {Asian Affairs: An American Review},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Monogan2013,
  Title                    = {A Case for Registering Studies of Political Outcomes: An Application in the 2010 House Elections},
  Author                   = {Monogan, James E.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mps022},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {21--37},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This article makes the case for the systematic registration of political studies. By proposing a research design before an outcome variable is observed, a researcher commits him- or herself to a theoretically motivated method for studying the object of interest. Further, study registration prompts peers of the discipline to evaluate a studys quality on its own merits, reducing norms to accept significant results and reject null findings. To advance this idea, the Political Science Registered Studies Dataverse (http://dvn.iq.harvard.edu/dvn/dv/registration) has been created, in which scholars may create a permanent record of a research design before completing a study. This article also illustrates the method of registration through a study of the impact of the immigration issue in the 2010 election for the U.S. House of Representatives. Prior to the election, a design for this study was posted on the Society for Political Methodology website (http://polmeth.wustl.edu/mediaDetail.php?docId=1258). After the votes were counted, the study was completed in accord with the design. The treatment effect in this theoretically specified design was indiscernible, but a specification search could yield a significant result. Hence, this article illustrates the argument for study registration through a case in which the result could easily be manipulated.}
}

@Article{Monteils2004,
  Title                    = {The analysis of the relation between education and economic growth},
  Author                   = {Monteils, Marielle},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Compare},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {103--115},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {The debate concerning the various determinants of economic growth has attracted considerable attention. The argument according to which endogenous growth models explain long-term economic growth is often put forward. Particularly, it is held that the production of knowledge by education induces self-sustained growth. In spite of numerous theoretical developments, attempts at empirical verification give contradictory conclusions. The aims of this article are therefore to undertake a critical reading of the theoretical contribution of new growth theories and to present an empirical testing for France in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to justify or invalidate the probable endogenous nature of economic growth induced by education. The results are surprising and in contradiction with the hypothesis of new growth theories: human capital returns are decreasing and knowledge produced by education cannot be the engine of self-maintained economic growth. These results induce new kinds of questions: does that mean that there is no causality link between education and economic growth? Econometric tests seems to invalidate this causality relation.}
}

@Article{MontjoyOToole1979,
  author              = {Montjoy, Robert S. and O'Toole, Laurence J., Jr.},
  date                = {1979},
  journaltitle        = {Public Administration Review},
  title               = {Toward a Theory of Policy Implementation: An Organizational Perspective},
  issn                = {0033-3352},
  language            = {English},
  number              = {5},
  pages               = {465--476},
  volume              = {39},
  copyright           = {Copyright 1979 American Society for Public Administration},
  jstor_articletype   = {research-article},
  jstor_formatteddate = {Sep. - Oct., 1979},
  publisher           = {Wiley on behalf of the American Society for Public Administration},
}

@Book{MooreMcCabe2005,
  Title                    = {Introduction to the Practice of Statistics},
  Author                   = {Moore, David S. and McCabe, George P.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W.H. Freeman}
}

@Book{Moore1966,
  Title                    = {Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World},
  Author                   = {Moore, Jr., Barrington},
  Date                     = {1966},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Beacon Press}
}

@Article{Moore2001,
  Title                    = {Normative Justifications for Liberal Nationalism: Justice, Democracy and National Identity},
  Author                   = {Moore, Margaret},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Nations and Nationalism},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1469-8219.00001},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--20},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The essay examines a prominent normative defence of nationalism, which links shared nationality with the attainment of the goods of liberal justice and democratic governance. The essay first considers the argument that liberal values, and especially the value of social justice, will best be promoted in states whose members share a common nationality. In its strong form, this argument is vulnerable to counter-instances. A weaker version, which claims that in states divided in terms of national identities, social justice may be precarious over the long term, is more plausible. The second part of the essay argues that there is a close relationship between democracy and shared national identity. This section spells out precisely how a common national identity is helpful both for representative institutions to function properly and for widespread participation on the part of ordinary citizens.}
}

@Article{Moore1998,
  author       = {Moore, Nick},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Information, Law, and Technology},
  title        = {Rights and Responsibilities in an Information Society},
  number       = {1},
  volume       = {1998},
  abstract     = {Social, technological and political changes are accelerating the move towards information-intensive societies. With these developments come a new form of citizenship rights: intellectual rights. These follow on from earlier sets of rights: civil rights that were a product of the eighteenth century; political rights that developed in the nineteenth century and social rights that are a twentieth century phenomenon. There are five main types of intellectual rights. Intellectual property rights are concerned with the right to profit from one's intellectual endeavours and the right to prevent others from doing so. Data protection and privacy rights are designed to give individual citizens control over the use of information about them. Freedom of information seeks to give individuals the right of access to information held by governments and corporate bodies. Censorship is the right to be protected from obnoxious information. Finally, we are likely to see the emergence of a right of access to information and advice services. Along with rights of citizenship it is possible to identify new forms of responsibilities that are being imposed on governments, organisations and individuals. The information sector, in particular, is being held responsible for its actions in ways that were uncommon only a few years ago. These new rights and responsibilities can be held to be defining characteristics of new information societies.},
  annotation   = {OII.},
}

@Article{MoorePearce1976,
  Title                    = {Union Growth: A Test of the Ashenfelter-Pencavel Model},
  Author                   = {Moore, William J and Pearce, Douglas K},
  Date                     = {1976},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {244--247},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Examines the ability of the Ashenfelter and Pencavel (1969) model to predict the growth of trade union membership in the United States in the post-World War II period. Use of multiple regression analysis to estimate single behavioral relationship; Empirical findings of the model for 1900-1960; Extension of analysis for the post war era, 1946-1969.}
}

@Article{Moravcsik1991,
  Title                    = {Negotiating the Single {Europe}an Act: national interests and conventional statecraft in the {Europe}an Community},
  Author                   = {Moravcsik, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818300001387},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {19--56},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {The unexpected approval in 1986 of the Single European Act and its program for completing the European Community's internal market by 1992 did not, according to the historical data presented in this article, result from an elite alliance of the European Community Commission, European Parliament, and pan-European business groups. Instead, it rested on interstate bargains involving Britain, France, and Germany, for which the two essential preconditions were the convergence of European economic policy prescriptions following the French turnaround in 1983 and the bargaining leverage that France and Germany gained by threatening to create a Europe and exclude Britain. This suggests that theories stressing supranational factors, including certain variants of neofunctionalism, should be supplanted by an approach combining a realist emphasis on state power and national interests with a proper appreciation of the important role of domestic factors in determining the goals that governments pursue.}
}

@Article{Moravcsik1993,
  Title                    = {Preferences and Power in the {Europe}an Community: A Liberal Intergovernmentalist Approach},
  Author                   = {Moravcsik, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1993.tb00477.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {473--524},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1993.tb00477.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Moravcsik1995,
  Title                    = {Liberal Intergovernmentalism and Integration: A Rejoinder},
  Author                   = {Moravcsik, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1995.tb00554.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {611--628},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1995.tb00554.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Moravcsik1997,
  Title                    = {Taking Preferences Seriously: A Liberal Theory of International Politics},
  Author                   = {Moravcsik, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {513{--}553},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {This article reformulates liberal international relations (IR) theory in nonideological and nonutopian form appropriate to empirical social science. Liberal IR theory elaborates the basic insight that state-society relations{--}the relationship between governments and the domestic and transnational social context in which they are embedded{--}are the most fundamental determinant of state behavior in world politics. In the liberal view state-society relations influence state behavior by shaping `national preferences' --- the fundamental social purposes that underlie state strategies --- not, as realism argues, the configuration of national capabilities and not, as institutionalist regime theory maintains, the configuration of information and institutions. This article codifies this basic liberal insight in the form of three core analytical propositions, derives from these propositions three variants of liberal theory, and demonstrates that the existence of a coherent liberal theory has significant theoretical, methodological, and empirical implications. These implications include the existence of significant omitted variable bias in recent realist and constructivist studies, and the analytical priority of liberal theory, which emerges as the most fundamental among major IR theories because it defines and explains the conditions under which realist and institutionalist, as well as constructivist, factors matter.}
}

@Book{Moravcsik1999,
  Title                    = {The Choice for {Europe}: Social Purpose \& State Power from Messina to Maastricht},
  Author                   = {Moravcsik, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1999},
  ISBN                     = {1857281926},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Moravcsik2002,
  Title                    = {Reassessing Legitimacy in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Moravcsik, Andrew},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00390},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {603{--}624},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Concern about the EU's 'democratic deficit' is misplaced. Judged against existing advanced industrial democracies, rather than an ideal plebiscitary or parliamentary democracy, the EU is legitimate. Its institutions are tightly constrained by constitutional checks and balances: narrow mandates, fiscal limits, super-majoritarian and concurrent voting requirements and separation of powers. The EU's appearance of exceptional insulation reflects the subset of functions it performs - central banking, constitutional adjudication, civil prosecution, economic diplomacy and technical administration. These are matters of low electoral salience commonly delegated in national systems, for normatively justifiable reasons. On balance, the EU redresses rather than creates biases in political representation, deliberation and output.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00390}
}

@Book{Morgan1985,
  Title                    = {Labour in Power 1945-1951},
  Author                   = {Morgan, Kenneth O.},
  Date                     = {1985},
  ISBN                     = {9780192851505},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {This is the only detailed and comprehensive account of the policies, programs, and personalities of the powerful and influential Attlee government. Based on a vast range of previously unpublished material, personal papers, and recently released public records, the book provides in-depth portraits of key figures of the period and compares Britain during these years with other European nations after 1945. In conclusion, Morgan assesses the legacy of this crucial administration for Britain, the western world, the new Commonwealth, and the Labour Party itself.}
}

@Misc{Morgan2012,
  Author                   = {Morgan, Sally},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Telephone interview},
  Note                     = {December 5}
}

@Misc{MORI1997,
  Title                    = {Political Attitudes in {Great Britain}, {January} 1997},
  Author                   = {MORI},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {MORI Political Monitor survey for The Times},
  Url                      = {http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3006/Political-Attitudes-in-Great-Britain-January-1997.aspx},
  Urldate                  = {2014-03-20}
}

@Online{Morris2013,
  Title                    = {Twigg must now focus on how he would deliver his vision of education},
  Author                   = {Morris, Baroness Estelle},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/global/2013/jun/24/stephen-twigg-labour-education-policy},
  Month                    = jun,
  Note                     = {{The Guardian}},
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-27}
}

@Misc{Morris2012,
  Author                   = {Morris, Estelle},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {November 5}
}

@Unpublished{MorrisEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Shaping the Education Bill: Reaching for Consensus},
  Author                   = {Morris, Estelle and Denham, John and Salter, Martin and Whitehead, Alan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  HowPublished             = {Compass},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/pket4ce}
}

@Article{MorrisWestern1999,
  Title                    = {Inequality in Earnings at the Close of the Twentieth Century},
  Author                   = {Morris, Martina and Western, Bruce},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.25.1.623},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {623--657},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Median income in the United States has fallen and the distribution of income has grown markedly more unequal over the past three decades, reversing a general pattern of earnings growth and equalization dating back to 1929. Median trends were not the same for all groups --- women's earnings generally increased --- but the growth in earnings inequality has been experienced by all groups. Even white men employed full-time, year-round --- traditionally the most privileged and secure group --- could not escape wage stagnation and polarization. These patterns suggest research questions that go beyond conventional sociological interest in racial and gender wage gaps, refocusing attention on more general changes in labor market dynamics. The debates over the origins of the rise in US inequality cover a wide range of issues that can be roughly grouped into four categories: the changing demographics of the labor force, the impact of economic restructuring, the role of political context and institutions, and the dynamics of globalization. We review the empirical literature here, and challenge the field of sociology to reconstruct its research agenda on stratification and inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.25.1.623}
}

@Article{Morrison2012,
  Title                    = {Before Hegemony: Adam Smith, {America}n Independence, and the Origins of the First Era of Globalization},
  Author                   = {Morrison,James Ashley},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818312000148},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {395--428},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {While extensive scholarship has shown that it is possible to maintain global economic openness after hegemony, economic liberalization is still thought to be unlikely prior to hegemonic ascent. This assumption is based on the conventional narrative that Great Britain began lowering its trade barriers in the 1820s as it began its hegemonic ascent. This article shows that Britain began pursuing an open trading structure in the 1780s---in precisely the multipolar world that hegemonic stability theorists claimed would be least likely to initiate the shift. This change in commercial strategy depended crucially on the intellectual conversion of a key policymaker---the Earl of Shelburne---from mercantilist foreign economic policy to Adam Smith's revolutionary laissez-faire liberalism. Using the case of ``the world's most important trading state'' in the nineteenth century, this article highlights the importance of intellectuals---as well as their ideas---in shaping states' foreign policy strategies. It also provides further evidence of key individuals' significance and their decisions at ``critical junctures.''},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Morrison2007,
  Title                    = {Natural resources, aid, and democratization: A best-case scenario},
  Author                   = {Morrison, Kevin M.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-9121-1},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {365--386--},
  Url                      = {http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/kmm368/bestcase.pdf},
  Volume                   = {131},

  Abstract                 = {Natural resources and aid give dictators revenue to maintain power. Attempts are being made, therefore, to funnel these resources away from nondemocratic governments and toward their citizens. Using formal analysis and building on existing theories of democratization, I analyze the effects of such institutional solutions when they function perfectly (the best-case scenario). The models show that even with institutional safeguards, these resources diminish chances for democratization. In addition to their practical importance, the results have an important theoretical implication: the political resource curse may not be due to dictators' use of these resources, but simply to their existence in nondemocracies.},
  Booktitle                = {Public Choice},
  Keywords                 = {Democratization, Natural resources, Foreign aid, Redistribution},
  Publisher                = {Kluwer Academic Publishers-Plenum Publishers}
}

@Article{Morrison2012a,
  Title                    = {What Can We Learn about the ``Resource Curse'' from Foreign Aid?},
  Author                   = {Morrison, Kevin M.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {The World Bank Research Observer},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/wbro/lkq013},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {52--73},
  Url                      = {http://www.relooney.info/NS4053e/Aid_12.pdf},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {A large body of literature has arisen in economics and political science analyzing the apparent resource cursethe tendency of countries with high levels of natural resources to exhibit worse economic and political outcomes. The author examines the purported causal mechanisms underlying this curse and shows that they all center on the revenue that these resources generate for the government. As such, it is not surprising that the most recent literature on the topic has demonstrated that, in the hands of a competent government, natural resources have no negative consequences and may actually have positive effects. The important question therefore is: What can be done in countries without effective governments? Policy proposals have centered on (a) taking the resources out of the hands of the government or (b) having the government commit to use the funds in certain ways. Neither of these has been particularly successful, which we might have predicted from research on another important nontax revenue source for developing countries: foreign aid. The close parallels between the foreign aid and resource curse literatures are reviewed, as are the lessons from the aid literature. These lessons suggest the need for an important change in approach toward poorly governed resource-rich countries.}
}

@Article{Mosher2007,
  Title                    = {U.S. Wage Inequality, Technological Change, and Decline in Union Power},
  Author                   = {Mosher, James S},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329207300394},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {225--263},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Wage inequality, including the college/high school education premium, has increased substantially in the United States. A key part of the most widely accepted explanation for this is that skill-biased technological change accelerated during this time. This article suggests that the impact of skill-biased technological change was closer to constant in the second half of the twentieth century. This leaves a large unexplained decrease in the college/high school education premium in the 1940s and a large unexplained increase in the 1980s. The current article provides evidence that the upsurge and decline in union power during those respective periods provide a good explanation for these unexplained wage inequality changes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329207300394}
}

@Article{MosherTrubek2003,
  Title                    = {Alternative Approaches to Governance in the EU: EU Social Policy and the {Europe}an Employment Strategy*},
  Author                   = {Mosher, James S. and Trubek, David M.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00411},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--88},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Recent actions by the European Union reveal a shift away from traditional, top-down, command and control governance. This can be seen in the structure of traditional tools like directives, as many recent directives, especially in social policy-making, tend to be more open and flexible. But the move to more flexible and participatory approaches can best be seen in areas like the European Employment Strategy (EES), which departs radically from traditional regulatory governance approaches. This article explores the increased use of alternative approaches to governance in the EU by examining the EES as an example of this shift.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00411},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Science Ltd}
}

@Article{Mosley2000,
  Title                    = {Room to Move: International Financial Markets and National Welfare States},
  Author                   = {Mosley, Layna},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081800551352},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {737--773},
  Url                      = {http://www.unc.edu/~lmosley/mosleyIO2000.pdf},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {A central research question in international and comparative political economy concerns the influence of international financial markets on government policy outcomes. To what extent does international capital mobility limit government policy choices? Does capital market openness render impossible the public provision of education and health care, income redistribution, and active labor market policies{\textemdash}all hallmarks of the contemporary welfare state?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.unc.edu/~lmosley/mosleyIO2000.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551352}
}

@Article{Mosley2004,
  Title                    = {Government--Financial Market Relations after EMU},
  Author                   = {Mosley, Layna},
  Date                     = {2004-06-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116504042443},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {181--209},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The European Monetary Union (EMU) has generated a variety of changes, including the loss of national monetary policy autonomy and the creation of deeper integrated intra-European markets for goods, services, and financial instruments. This article explores the extent to which EMU has changed the ways in which and the extent to which international financial markets influence national policy choices. There are important reasons to expect that financial markets exert greater influence on governments after EMU; for instance, governments now borrow in what is essentially a foreign currency. This change might serve to heighten the perceived danger of default in Europe. At the same time, however, financial markets appear to reward governments for the fiscal consolidation and increased market liquidity that flow from the single currency. I argue that, as a result of these offsetting trends, there have thus far been no dramatic changes in financial market--government relations. Although governments continue to face external pressures on domestic policy-making, these pressures may be only slightly more severe for EMU than for non-EMU countries. As in the past, domestic politics and institutions will be as important as, if not more important than, financial market pressures in EU governments' policy decisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116504042443}
}

@Article{MosleySinger2009,
  Title                    = {The Global Financial Crisis: Lessons and Opportunities for International Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Mosley, Layna and Singer, David Andrew},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {International Interactions},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03050620903328993},
  ISSN                     = {0305-0629},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {420--429},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620903328993},
  Booktitle                = {International Interactions},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{MosleyUno2007,
  Title                    = {Racing to the Bottom or Climbing to the Top? Economic Globalization and Collective Labor Rights},
  Author                   = {Mosley, Layna and Uno, Saika},
  Date                     = {2007-08-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006293442},
  Number                   = {8},
  Pages                    = {923--948},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the impact of economic globalization on workers' rights in developing countries. The authors hypothesize that the impact of globalization on labor rights depends not only on the overall level of economic openness but also on the precise ways in which a country participates in global production networks. Using a new data set on collective labor rights, the authors test these expectations. Their analysis of the correlates of labor rights in 90 developing nations, from 1986 to 2002, highlights globalization's mixed impact on labor rights. As `climb to the top' accounts suggest, foreign direct investment inflows are positively and significantly related to the rights of workers. But at the same time, trade competition generates downward `race to the bottom' pressures on collective labor rights. The authors also find that domestic institutions and labor rights in neighboring countries are important correlates of workers' rights.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006293442}
}

@Book{Moyo2010,
  Title                    = {Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is another way for {Africa}},
  Author                   = {Moyo, Dambisa},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Publisher                = {Penguin Books},

  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Mudde1999,
  Title                    = {The single-issue party thesis: Extreme right parties and the immigration issue},
  Author                   = {Mudde, Cas},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402389908425321},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {182--197},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the single-issue party thesis for the specific case of contemporary extreme right parties (ERPs) and the immigration issue. I define the single-issue party as (1) having an electorate with no particular social structure; (2) being supported predominantly on the basis of one single issue; (3) lacking an ideological programme; and (4) addressing only one all-encompassing issue. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of electoral studies and party literature the single-issue party thesis is rejected on all counts. At best, immigration has been a catalyst for most ERPs in certain periods of time. Their ideology and broader programe will keep ERPs in the political arena for some time to come, even in the unlikely event that immigration would cease to be an important political issue.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425321}
}

@Article{MuellerOppenheimer2014,
  Title                    = {The Pen Is Mightier Than the Keyboard: Advantages of Longhand Over Laptop Note Taking},
  Author                   = {Mueller, Pam A. and Oppenheimer, Daniel M.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Psychological Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0956797614524581},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1159--1168},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Taking notes on laptops rather than in longhand is increasingly common. Many researchers have suggested that laptop note taking is less effective than longhand note taking for learning. Prior studies have primarily focused on students' capacity for multitasking and distraction when using laptops. The present research suggests that even when laptops are used solely to take notes, they may still be impairing learning because their use results in shallower processing. In three studies, we found that students who took notes on laptops performed worse on conceptual questions than students who took notes longhand. We show that whereas taking more notes can be beneficial, laptop note takers' tendency to transcribe lectures verbatim rather than processing information and reframing it in their own words is detrimental to learning.}
}

@Article{Mukherjee2003,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and the Size of Government in Multiparty Legislatures},
  Author                   = {Mukherjee, Bumba},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414003254240},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {699--728},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {This article tests the effect of an increase in the number of represented political parties and the size of the majority party on the size of government{\textemdash}proxied by central government expenditure as a percentage of GDP{\textemdash}in multiparty legislatures. The author argues that an increase in the number of represented parties leads to higher central government expenditure. Conversely, as the size of the majority party grows from a bare-minimum majority to above the supermajority level, it has a nonlinear, specifically "cube" effect on central government expenditure. Panel data on central government expenditure from 110 countries are used to test these arguments. The results corroborate the theoretical claims and are robust in regression models where fixed-effects were introduced and endogeneity was corrected. Finally, an increase in the number of represented parties leads to higher government spending on subsidies and transfers but to lower spending on public goods.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003254240}
}

@Article{MukherjeeSinger2010,
  Title                    = {International Institutions and Domestic Compensation: The IMF and the Politics of Capital Account Liberalization},
  Author                   = {Mukherjee, Bumba and Singer, David Andrew},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00417.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45--60},
  Url                      = {http://web.mit.edu/dasinger/www/David%20Singer/Publications%20Website/Publication%20PDFs/singer_international_institutions_domestic_compensation_IMF_Politics.pdf},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Certain governments have been faster than others in relaxing their restrictions on the cross-border movement of capital. How can we explain the timing and extent of financial liberalization across countries since the 1970s? We argue that IMF stabilization programs provide a window of opportunity for governments to initiate financial reforms, but that policy makers are more likely to seize this opportunity when welfare expenditures are high. Large loans from the IMF shield policy makers from the costs of financial reform, while welfare expenditures provide credibility to the government's ex ante promises of compensation to individuals who are harmed by the reforms. We test this hypothesis on data for 87 countries from 1975 to 2002. We employ a spatial autoregressive error sample selection model which accounts for the nonrandom participation of countries in IMF programs as well as the processes of international policy diffusion. The results provide strong support for the interactive effect of IMF programs and domestic welfare expenditures on financial liberalization.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{Mule1997,
  Title                    = {Explaining the Party-Policy Link},
  Author                   = {Mul{\'e}, Rosa},
  Date                     = {1997-10-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068897003004003},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {493--512},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Scholarly work on the party-policy link has produced fundamentally different interpretations. The main theoretical division within this field is drawn between the view centred on the role of a party as vote maximizer and the view based on the role of a party as representative of social interests. This paper provides a step towards relaxing the standard dichotomy between these two separate schools of thought, apparently unable to communicate with each other. By drawing upon recent theoretical developments in the literature on party goals, party competition and party organization, this article places limitations upon the role of partisan and electoral politics in the making of party policies. Advances in the theory of party politics suggest that conceiving of parties as miniature political systems provides an altogether richer and more suggestive account of the party-policy link.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068897003004003},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.15}
}

@Article{Mule2002,
  Title                    = {Factional Alliances, Trade Union Bargaining Power and Social Policy in {Australia}},
  Author                   = {Mul{\'e}, Rosa},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068802008003001},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {259--278},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {In explaining why party leaders may alter social security policy, the globalization literature highlights the limits governments face in implementing programmes supportive of social protection. This article calls for greater attention to the role of agency and political leadership in manufacturing social policy changes. Although international competition may set new and complex parameters within which party leaders interact, agency choice is crucial for explaining policy changes. The aim in this article is to introduce the strategic element to analysis of the redistributive impact of ruling parties. To this end, Australia is focused on as a case study and two factors are explored. First, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) is analysed as a multidimensional variable, particularly in terms of ideological coherence, the structure of competition and party organization. The argument rests on the assumption that party leaders enjoy a degree of freedom to act according to their own criteria. Second, the evolution of the bargaining power of trade union leaders and party leaders is examined. The article indicates that discretionary changes to social policy may also be the outcome of strategic considerations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068802008003001}
}

@Article{Muller1989,
  Title                    = {Distribution of income in advanced capitalist states: political parties, labour unions, and the international economy},
  Author                   = {Muller, Edward N},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00200.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {367{--}400},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Hypotheses about determinants of income inequality in advanced capitalist societies are tested with data from the World Bank for 1975-80 across virtually the complete population. The results support most of the propositions of a model that takes into account differences in partisan control of government, the organization strength of labour, and the openness of the economy to international market forces. Hypotheses derived from global models of income distribution are not supported. The major findings are (1) that labour organization has no direct effect on income inequality; (2) that strong socialist parties have a negative effect on the size of the gap between the rich and the poor but no effect on the gap between the rich and the middle class; (3) that the governmental strength of conservative parties is unrelated to the size of the gap between the rich and the poor but has a very strong positive effect on the gap between the rich and the middle class; and (4) that, regardless of partisan control of government, relatively small trade dependent economies are more egalitarian than relatively large economies which are less dependent on international trade.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00200.x}
}

@Article{Mullins1997,
  author       = {Mullins, David},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Housing Studies},
  title        = {From regulatory capture to regulated competition: An interest group analysis of the regulation of housing associations in {England}},
  doi          = {10.1080/02673039708720898},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {301{--}319},
  volume       = {12},
  abstract     = {This paper suggests a framework in which the key influences on the regulation of social housing providers can be understood. It draws on a wider literature to locate and describe the types of regulation found in the English social housing sector. It develops an approach based on interest group theories which see regulation as ``an exercise among groups and between groups and the state'' (Francis, 1993, p. 8). The development of the English regulatory regime is examined over time from the perspective of a number of different interest groups. The regime is shown to have been strongly influenced by the interests of the providers themselves, indicating a degree of `regulatory capture'. However, this relationship has been increasingly challenged by external pressures and interests and the promotion of competition by government. Special issues arising from the proposed, but as yet unimplemented, introduction of competition from profit distributing companies are discussed.},
}

@Article{Munck2001,
  author       = {Munck, Gerardo L},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Game Theory and Comparative Politics},
  pages        = {173--204},
  volume       = {53},
  annotation   = {A critique of game theory / rational choice.},
}

@Article{MunckVerkuilen2002,
  Title                    = {Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy: Evaluating Alternative Indices},
  Author                   = {Munck, Gerardo L. and Verkuilen, Jay},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/001041400203500101},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--34},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {A comprehensive and integrated framework for the analysis of data is offered and used to assess data sets on democracy. The framework first distinguishes among three challenges that are sequentially addressed: conceptualization, measurement, and aggregation. In turn, it specifies distinct tasks associated with these challenges and the standards of assessment that pertain to each task. This framework is applied to the data sets on democracy most frequently used in current statistical research, generating a systematic evaluation of these data sets. The authors' conclusion is that constructors of democracy indices tend to be quite self-conscious about methodological issues but that even the best indices suffer from important weaknesses. More constructively, the article's assessment of existing data sets on democracy identifies distinct areas in which attempts to improve the quality of data on democracy might fruitfully be focused.}
}

@Article{Munro1992,
  Title                    = {Self-Selection and Optimal In-Kind Transfers},
  Author                   = {Munro, Alistair},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {414},
  Pages                    = {1184{--}1196},
  Volume                   = {102}
}

@Book{Murillo2001,
  Title                    = {Labor Unions, Partisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Murillo, Maria Victoria},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {9780521785556},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Why do labor unions resist economic restructuring and adjustment policies in some countries and in some economic sectors while they submit in other cases? And why do some labor leaders fashion more creative and effective roles for labor unions? This book addresses these critical questions in an in-depth elegant comparative study of Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela in the 1990s. In each case, this book studies both the role of national confederations as well as individual unions in specific economic sectors in each country. It demonstrates the importance of the presence and nature of alliances between political parties and labor unions as well as the significance of competition between labor unions for the representation of the same set of workers. This work opens new horizons for appreciating the intellectual and practical importance of the variation in the interactions between workers, unions, political parties, and economic policies.}
}

@Article{Murillo2002,
  Title                    = {Political Bias in Policy Convergence: Privatization Choices in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Murillo, Maria Victoria},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {462{--}493},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {Since the early 1980s privatization has spread in Latin America under both right-wing rulers and populist presidents. This regional convergence toward privatization seemed to announce the end of partisan policy-making. However, not all governments implement privatization in the same way even in the context of policy convergence. Technocrats propose similar policy options in countries where capital dearth creates pressures for convergence. Yet politicians build the electoral and government coalitions that make these policies possible, and their preferences shape the institutions chosen at implementation. The "bias" introduced by politicians depends on their prior beliefs and constituencies, which shape their institutional preferences. Beliefs about economic nationalism and state intervention influence the selection of regulations at the time of privatization, whereas coalition building with political constituencies shapes the definition of selling conditions in privatized companies. This "political bias," which is contingent on the privatizing government, explains that the regional policy convergence toward privatization did not extend to its implementation. That is, although politicians may be losing influence about whether to privatize, they still have a say in the choice of how to privatize. This article analyzes the impact of this "political bias" by focusing on the choice of regulatory institutions and selling conditions in five cases of privatization of electricity and telecommunications in Latin America.}
}

@Article{MurilloMartinez-Gallardo2007,
  Title                    = {Political Competition and Policy Adoption: Market Reforms in Latin {America}n Public Utilities},
  Author                   = {Murillo, Maria Victoria and Mart{\a\'\i}nez-Gallardo, Cecilia},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00241.x},
  Pages                    = {120--139},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {This article shows that political competition generates incentives that affect the pace of adoption of market reforms in the context of policy convergence. Previous work shows the effect of financial and technological pressures in promoting policy convergence and the impact of institutional constraints on shaping the pace of policymaking. Controlling for these effects, this article demonstrates the policy effects of political competition and ideological polarization even at a time when ideological policy differences seem to be fading due to policy convergence. This article studies policy adoption using duration analysis for the 18 countries of Latin America during the 1985--2000 period when most of the market reforms in public utilities were adopted.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00241.x}
}

@Article{MurilloRonconi2004,
  Title                    = {Teachers' strikes in {Argentina}: Partisan alignments and public-sector labor relations},
  Author                   = {Murillo, Maria Victoria and Ronconi, Lucas},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02686316},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77--98},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {In a context of increasing teachers' militancy in Argentina, this article provides the first empirical analysis of teachers' strikes in all twenty-four Argentine provinces during the 1990s. Using a cross-provincial statistical analysis, it explains the wide variation across provinces and across time of Argentine teachers' strikes. It demonstrates that political alignments between provincial governors and teachers' unions explain these patterns better than organizational and institutional variables, which strongly shape public-sector labor relations in other countries. We emphasize the discretion of provincial governors, for both the application of labor regulations and budgetary appropriations in the politicization of provincial public-sector labor relations in Argentina, especially after the decentralization of education resulted in the provincialization of teachers' protests.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02686316}
}

@Article{MurphyEtAl1991,
  Title                    = {The Allocation of Talent: Implications for Growth},
  Author                   = {Murphy, Kevin M and Schleifer, Andrei and Vishny, Robert W},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {503--530},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {A country's most talented people typically organize production by others, so they can spread their ability advantage over a larger scale. When they start firms, they innovate and foster growth, but when they become rent seekers, they only redistribute wealth and reduce growth. Occupational choice depends on returns to ability and to scale in each sector, on market size, and on compensation contracts. In most countries, rent seeking rewards talent more than entrepreneurship does, leading to stagnation. Our evidence shows that countries with a higher proportion of engineering college majors grow faster; whereas countries with a higher proportion of law concentrators grow more slowly.}
}

@Article{MurphyTopel1985,
  Title                    = {Estimation and Inference in Two-Step Econometric Models},
  Author                   = {Murphy, Kevin M and Topel, Robert H},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Business \& Economic Statistics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {88--97},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {A commonly used procedure in a wide class of impirical applications is to impute unobserved regressors, such as expectations, from an auxiliary econometric model. This two-step (T-S) procedure fails to account for he fact that imputed regessors are measured with sampling error, so hypothesis tests based on the estimated covariance matrix of the second-step estimator are biased, even in large samples. We present a simple yet general method of calculating asymptotically correct standard errors in T-S models. The proceedure may be applied even when joint estimation methods, such as full information maximum likelihood, are inappropriate or computationally infeasible. We present two examples from recent empirical literature in which these corrections have a major impact on hypothesis testing.}
}

@Article{Murphy2003,
  Title                    = {Reasserting the 'social' in social rented housing: politics, housing policy and housing reforms in {New Zealand}},
  Author                   = {Murphy, Laurence},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2427.00433},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {90{--}101},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {After a decade of wide-ranging social welfare reforms in New Zealand, that have resulted in a considerable restructuring of the role of the state in housing provision, the introduction of new housing legislation in 2000 marked a significant attempt to reassert the notion of social provision. This article examines the manner in which housing policy has recast the role of social rented housing in New Zealand and sets out the political context and implications of the new legislation in which housing policy is being pursued. It is argued that while the notion of social provision has been revived, social rented housing is still constructed in terms of a residual model of provision in the political discourses of reform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00433}
}

@Article{Murphy1952,
  Title                    = {Nationalization of British Industry},
  Author                   = {Murphy, Mary E},
  Date                     = {1952},
  Journaltitle             = {Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {146{--}162},
  Volume                   = {18}
}

@Article{Murrell1985,
  Title                    = {The size of public employment: An empirical study},
  Author                   = {Murrell, Peter},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Comparative Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0147-5967(85)90021-6},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {424{--}437},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Previous empirical studies of government have focused primarily on aggregate financial measures of size. This analysis examines a different measure: the share of public employment in total employment. In empirical tests on OECD countries for 1970 and 1980, the level of public employment is shown to be a clear reflection of voter demand for public goods, electoral support for socialist parties, and political response to the problems of unemployment. In contrast, variables that measure characteristics of the political process, such as degree of government decentralization, strength of interest groups, and voter participation in elections, are not statistically significant.}
}

@Article{Muth1961,
  Title                    = {Rational Expectations and the Theory of Price Movements},
  Author                   = {Muth, John F},
  Date                     = {1961},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {315{--}335},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {In order to explain fairly simply how expectations are formed, we advance the hypothesis that they are essentially the same as the predictions of the relevant economic theory. In particular, the hypothesis asserts that the economy generally does not waste information, and that expectations depend specifically on the structure of the entire system. Methods of analysis, which are appropriate under special conditions, are described in the context of an isolated market with a fixed production lag. The interpretative value of the hypothesis is illustrated by introducing commodity speculation into the system.}
}

@Book{Mutz1998,
  Title                    = {Impersonal Influence: How Perceptions of Mass Collectives Affect Political Attitudes},
  Author                   = {Diana C. Mutz},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{MutzMondak1997,
  Title                    = {Dimensions of Sociotropic Behavior: Group-Based Judgements of Fairness and Well-Being},
  Author                   = {Mutz, Diana C. and Mondak, Jeffery J.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {284--308},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Drawing on theories of group-based effects on political judgments, we argue that group-level economic perceptions may complement the familiar pocketbook and sociotropic indicators as determinants of political evaluations. We examine three processes by which groups may influence political judgement: group membership, group identification, and group comparison. We hypothesize that people hold group-level economic perceptions that are independent from family-level and national-level appraisals, and that these group-level perceptions influence political judgments. Further, we develop a series of specific hypotheses regarding the influence of group membership, group identification, and group comparison on the link between economic perceptions and political evaluations. Our dependent variable is the presidential vote choice, with data from the 1984 South Bend Study. We estimate a series of logistic regression models of the presidential vote to explore if and how group-level economic perceptions affect the vote choice. People do hold group-level economic perceptions that are largely independent from economic judgments regarding the family and the nation as a whole. Group-based economic assessments affect the presidential vote choice, but, surprisingly, this influence is not a function of group membership, group identification, or traditional forms of group comparison such as relative deprivation. Instead, findings point to the significance of a unique form of group comparison, sociotropic fairness: voters are substantially more likely to judge the president favorably if they feel that class groups have enjoyed similar rather than dissimilar changes in economic performance.}
}

@Article{MutzPemantle2015,
  Title                    = {Standards for Experimental Research: Encouraging a Better Understanding of Experimental Methods},
  Author                   = {Mutz,Diana C. and Pemantle,Robin},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/XPS.2015.4},
  ISSN                     = {2052-2649},
  Issue                    = {2},
  Month                    = {12},
  Pages                    = {192--215},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{MutzYoung2011,
  Title                    = {Communication and Public Opinion: Plus \c{C}a Change?},
  Author                   = {Mutz, Diana C. and Young, Lori},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/poq/nfr052},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1018-1044},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {Three central themes that have persisted throughout the history of research on communication and public opinion are examined in light of past, present, and future research. These themes include (1) ongoing concerns surrounding the political diversity of the communication environment; (2) selective exposure to political communication; and (3) the interrelationship between mass and interpersonal political communication. We explore the importance of these themes with an emphasis on how technological changes have made them, if anything, more relevant today than they were when first identified as central concerns of the discipline.}
}

@Article{Myerson1993,
  Title                    = {Effectiveness of Electoral Systems for Reducing Government Corruption: A Game-Theoretic Analysis},
  Author                   = {Myerson, Roger B},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Games and Economic Behavior},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {118--132},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {A theoretical model is developed for predicting the relative effectiveness of different electoral systems for reducing government corruption. We consider voting games in which parties with known corruption levels and known positions on a major policy question compete for legislative seats. We find that approval voting and proportional representation are fully effective, in the sense that all equilibria exclude corrupt parties from legislative seats. Plurality voting is partly effective, in the sense that there always exist some equilibria that exclude corrupt parties. Borda voting is ineffective because, for some political situations, no equilibria can guarantee the exclusion of corrupt parties.}
}

@Article{Myerson1999,
  author       = {Myerson, Roger B},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {European Economic Review},
  title        = {Theoretical comparisons of electoral systems},
  number       = {4-6},
  pages        = {671--697},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Elements of an economic theory of political institutions are introduced. A variety of electoral systems are reviewed. Cox's threshold is shown to measure incentives for diversity and specialization of candidates' positions, when the number of serious candidates is given. Duverger's law and its generalizations are discussed, to predict the number of serious candidates. Duverger's law is interpreted as a statement about electoral barriers to entry, and this idea is linked to the question of the effectiveness of democratic competition as a deterrent to political corruption. The impact of post-electoral bargaining on party structure in presidential and parliamentary systems is discussed.},
  annotation   = {Joseph Schumpeter Lecture.},
}

@Article{Myles2006,
  author       = {Myles, Johns},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {Comment on Brooks and Manza, ASR, {June} 2006: Welfare States and Public Opinion},
  doi          = {10.2307/30039001},
  issn         = {0003-1224},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {495--498},
  volume       = {71},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30039001},
  month        = jun,
  publisher    = {American Sociological Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.26},
}

@Article{MylesPierson1997,
  Title                    = {Friedman's Revenge: The Reform of "Liberal" Welfare States in {Canada} and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Myles, John and Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329297025004004},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {443--472},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329297025004004}
}

@Article{Norgaard2000,
  Title                    = {Party Politics and the Organization of the Danish Welfare State, 1890-1920: The Bourgeois Roots of the Modern Welfare State},
  Author                   = {N{\o}rgaard, Asbj{\o}rn Sonne},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00036},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {183--215},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The role of the Social Democrats in the establishment of the Scandinavian welfare state has been challenged in recent years. Institutional legacies have conditioned post-war Social Democratic reforms, and the bourgeois parties have played a larger role than so far acknowledged. By exploring the origin of five core policies of the early Danish welfare state, it is shown that policy legacy theses cannot account for the pattern of policy organization. Focusing on party and class dynamics, it is demonstrated that the bourgeois parties, and in particular the Liberals, had a crucial influence on the choice of funding model and administrative structure. The distributional and administrative interests of core constituencies shaped the preferences of the bourgeois parties decisively.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00036}
}

@Article{NadeauEtAl2013,
  author       = {Nadeau, Richard and Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and B{\e'}langer, {\E'}ric},
  title        = {Economics and Elections Revisited},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2012-10-30},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414012463877},
  abstract     = {The economics and elections connection has been heavily investigated, although mostly through single-country studies. The first comparative, survey-based research on economic voting, by Lewis-Beck, found serious effects. Subsequently, other comparative scholars have explored this terrain. The most recent, and most ambitious, examinations are by Duch and Stevenson and by van der Brug et al. These impressive efforts arrive at opposing conclusions about the importance of economic voting. We carry out another major examination, with an eye to reconciling these differences. A carefully specified model of vote choice is estimated on a balanced survey pool (N > 40,000) from 10 Western European nations. Special pains are taken with issues of economic measurement, estimation, and endogeneity. The finding is that economic perceptions are formed from economic reality, and importantly influence vote choice. Besides enhancing our understanding of comparative political behavior, the strong result speaks to the functioning of government accountability in advanced democracies.},
}

@Article{NadeauEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Elite Economic Forecasts, Economic News, Mass Economic Judgments, and Presidential Approval},
  Author                   = {Nadeau,Richard and Niemi,Richard G. and Fan,David P. and Amato,Timothy},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2647777},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {109--135},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {MacKuen, Erikson, and Stimson (1996) argue for a banker model of the electorate in which the expectations of economic experts flow through the news media to the mass public, then influencing presidential approval. Using business elites expectations and retrospections, a content analysis of print media, and the electorate's presidential approval ratings, we evaluate the parts of this process. We find that news is not transmitted unchanged between elites and the public. Rather, there is partial news autonomy, by which the media assist in interpreting economic conditions. Also, political events and objective indicators of the economy have considerable impact on both news reports and mass expectations. Finally, it is elite retrospections that influence the electorate's economic expectations. While the mass public holds less sophisticated views than those of elites, we argue that this does not mean the electorate is naive or that its own prospective views of the economy are politically inconsequential.}
}

@Article{NadeauEtAl2002,
  author       = {Nadeau, Richard and Niemi, Richard G. and Yoshinaka, Antoine},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {A cross-national analysis of economic voting: taking account of the political context across time and nations},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0261-3794(01)00002-6},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {403--423},
  volume       = {21},
  abstract     = {Powell and Whitten (Am. J. Polit. Sci. 37 (1993) 391) showed that clarity of responsibility for public policy is a key determinant of the extent of economic voting, where their measure of clarity relies heavily on long-term institutional factors. Work since then suggests that clarity of responsibility is variable across time as well as space. We create a new index that combines long-term factors with medium- and short-term factors, permitting us to examine the strength of economic voting not only across a range of countries but over time within single countries. We test the new measure using individual-level data from eight European countries over a 16-year time span. The test also uses a refined measure of retrospective economic performance based on the aggregation of individual observations. We find a strong relationship between our expanded index of clarity of responsibility and the level of economic voting. As anticipated, levels of clarity vary substantially over time within countries as well as between individual countries and groups of countries. The fact that clarity tends to peak in majoritarian systems underlines an apparent contradiction between clarity and consensualism and raises interesting questions for democratic theories in general and voting behavior in particular.},
  keywords     = {Economic voting},
}

@Article{Nagel1993,
  author       = {Nagel,Jack H.},
  title        = {Populism, Heresthetics and Political Stability: Richard Seddon and the Art of Majority Rule},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {1993},
  volume       = {23},
  issue        = {02},
  month        = apr,
  pages        = {139--174},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123400009716},
  abstract     = {Because New Zealand's majoritarian political system presents few institutional barriers to change, social choice theory would predict that it should experience frequent change in governments and policies. Although some periods in New Zealand history confirm this expectation, a striking exception is the Liberal era of 1890{\quotesinglbase}{\"{A}}{\`{\i}}1912. To explain the anomaly, this article applies Riker's concept of heresthetics, the strategic manipulation of decision processes and alternatives. The Liberal leader, Richard Seddon, masterfully exploited four main heresthetic devices that offer enduring insight about how to sustain a popular majority. While extending the scope of heresthetics as an explanatory principle, the article rebuts Riker's normative dismissal of populism. In terms compatible with social choice theory itself, Seddon's strategies can be interpreted as having enabled the will of the majority to prevail.},
}

@Article{Nagel1998,
  author       = {Nagel,Jack H.},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Social Choice in a Pluralitarian Democracy: The Politics of Market Liberalization in {New Zealand}},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {223--267},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {Applying insights from social-choice theory to illuminate the functioning of pluralitarian Westminster institutions, this article develops a coherent political answer to four puzzling questions about the economic liberalization that transformed New Zealand in 1984--93: why an anti-statist programme was initiated (and largely accomplished) by a labour party, why restructuring was more radical in New Zealand than in other democracies, why reformers were able to prevail through two elections and a change of government, and why they committed costly policy-sequencing errors. Understanding this remarkable case has implications for empirically grounded social-choice theory, the political theory of policy reform, and the evaluation of pluralitarian democracy -- which New Zealanders themselves repudiated in 1993 by adopting proportional representation.},
}

@Article{NagelMcNulty1996,
  author       = {Nagel, Jack H. and McNulty, John E.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Partisan Effects of Voter Turnout in Senatorial and Gubernatorial Elections},
  doi          = {10.2307/2945842},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {780--793},
  volume       = {90},
  abstract     = {Conventional wisdom holds that higher turnout favors Democrats. Previous studies of this hypothesis rely on presidential and House elections or on survey data, but senatorial and gubernatorial elections offer better conditions for directly testing turnout effects in U.S. politics. In a comprehensive analysis of these statewide elections since 1928, we find that the conventional theory was true outside the South through 1964, but since 1965 the overall relationship between turnout and partisan outcomes has been insignificant. Even before the mid-1960s, the turnout effect outside the South was strongest in Republican states and insignificant or negative in heavily Democratic states. A similar but weaker pattern obtains after 1964. In the South, which we analyze only since 1966, higher turnout helped Republicans until 1990, but in 1990-94 the effect became pro-Democratic. The conventional theory cannot account for these complex patterns, but they are impressively consistent with DeNardo's (1980) theory.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945842},
  month        = dec,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.26},
}

@Article{NagelWlezien2010,
  Title                    = {Centre-Party Strength and Major-Party Divergence in {Britain}, 1945--2005},
  Author                   = {Nagel,Jack H. and Wlezien,Christopher},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123409990111},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {279--304},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {British elections exhibit two patterns contrary to expectations deriving from Duverger and Downs: centrist third parties (Liberals and their successors) win a large vote share; and the two major parties often espouse highly divergent policies. This article explores relations between the Liberal vote and lefts. After considering explanations for this asymmetry, we identify historical events associated with turning points that our data reveal in post-war British politics.}
}

@Article{Nannestad2008,
  Title                    = {What Have We Learned About Generalized Trust, If Anything?},
  Author                   = {Nannestad, Peter},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.060606.135412},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {413--436},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {After discussing issues related to the conceptualization, measurement, and statistical analysis of data on generalized trust, I survey recent empirical work (mainly from about 2000--2007) on this topic. First, results concerning cross-country differences in the level of generalized trust and the dynamics of these levels are presented. Then comes an investigation of empirical work on the determinants of generalized trust, covering contributions focusing on the impact of civic society, quality of institutions, culture and values, and ethnic heterogeneity. In these studies, generalized trust is treated as the dependent variable. After that, I survey recent empirical work on societal impacts of generalized trust, covering research on the impact of generalized trust on economic outcomes, on politics and ``good government,'' and on the welfare state. Here, generalized trust is treated as an independent variable. I conclude with a short assessment of where we stand and how research on generalized trust may proceed from here.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.060606.135412},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{NannestadPaldam1994,
  Title                    = {The VP-function: A survey of the literature on vote and popularity functions after 25 years},
  Author                   = {Nannestad, Peter and Paldam, Martin},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {213--245},
  Volume                   = {79},

  Abstract                 = {VP-functions explain the support for the government at votes and polls by economic and political variables. Most studies analyze macro time series. We also cover studies of individual voters, socio-economic groups and regional cross-sections. The theory starts from the Responsibility Hypothesis: voters hold the government responsible for economic conditions. It works in two party/block systems, but not else. Voters in most countries are found to be sociotropic. Egotropic voting also occurs. Voters' myopia is well established. Voting is retrospective as expectations are static. It costs the average government almost 2\% of the vote to rule.}
}

@Other{NannestadPaldam1999,
  Title                    = {The Cost of Ruling. A Foundation Stone for Two Theories},
  Abstract                 = {It is a robust result that the average government (ruling a normal election period) in an established democracy loses about 2\% of the vote. Three explanations exist: (i) The coalition-of-minorities theory. (ii) The median-gap theory. (iii) The grievance-asymmetry theory. These theories can all be calibrated to explain the fact. While (i) is difficult to justify, both (ii) and (iii) are integrated into other theories: (ii) is integrated into the "median-voter-complex" that rules out the existence of partisan cycles. (iii) is integrated into the "loss-aversion-complex" that via the grievance asymmetry provides a "deep-parameter" explanation of the cost-of ruling. It is also an important explanation for the partisan cycle model. We demonstrate that the two complexes are alternatives and argue that the loss-aversion-complex is more powerful.},
  Author                   = {Nannestad, Peter and Paldam, Martin},
  Date                     = {1999}
}

@Booklet{NASUWTNodate,
  author = {NASUWT},
  title  = {Academy Schools: The NASUWT's Objectives},
  url    = {http://www.nasuwt.org.uk/TrainingEventsandPublications/NASUWTPublications/Publications/AcademySchoolsNASUWTObjectives/index.htm},
}

@WWW{NASUWTNodatea,
  author  = {NASUWT},
  title   = {Academies FAQs},
  url     = {http://www.nasuwt.org.uk/Whatsnew/NASUWTNews/Nationalnewsitems/NASUWT_009449},
  urldate = {2016-05-12},
}

@Article{NataliRhodes2004,
  Title                    = {Trade-offs and Veto Players: Reforming Pensions in {France} and {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Natali, David and Rhodes, Martin},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {French Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--23},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {France, like other European countries, has faced growing challenges to its welfare state. Pensions in particular have been at the core of the public debate on recasting its 'social model'. This article analyses reform processes in the 1990s and early 2000s to explain 'how France reforms pensions'. While in other Bismarckian welfare states with pay-as-you-go pension systems, reform is usually undertaken via concertation; in France it is formulated by the government alone. Yet even in the French case of state-led policy-making, where the institutional preconditions for corporatism are weak, the political elite needs to adopt a consensual policy making style to overcome trade union veto powers. The Balladur pension reform of 1993 is used to explore this apparent contradiction between a unilateral approach and a consensual style, with an extension of the argument to the 2003 Raffarin reform. A comparison with Italy--a case of consensual, concerted pension policy-making- sheds light on 'la voie francaise' to distributive policy reform.}
}

@Misc{NAO2010,
  Title                    = {Maintaining the financial stability of UK banks: update on the support schemes},
  Author                   = {{National Audit Office}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  HowPublished             = {Ordered by the House of Commons},
  Month                    = dec,
  Note                     = {Report by the Comptroller and auditor General, HC 676 Session 2010--2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.nao.org.uk/publications/1011/support_for_banks.aspx},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Unpublished{NUT2007,
  Title                    = {Academies Pay and Conditions: NUT Summary of Pay and Conditions Arrangements in Operational Academies Current as at {February} 2007},
  Author                   = {{National Union of Teachers}},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Accessed 2010/04/02},

  Abstract                 = {This document gives details in particular on the incorporation of the STPCD's pay and working time provisions; incorporation of the provisions of the Burgundy Book agreement; any alternative arrangements for pay, working time and conditions of service; and trade union recognition.},
  Owner                    = {tim},
  Timestamp                = {2010.04.02}
}

@Online{NUT2013,
  Title                    = {No School Left Behind --- speech by Stephen Twigg --- press release},
  Author                   = {{National Union of Teachers}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.teachers.org.uk/node/18562},
  Month                    = jun,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-27},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Navarro1978,
  Title                    = {Class Struggle, The State and Medicine: An Historical and Contemporary Analysis of the Medical Sector in {Great Britain}},
  Author                   = {Navarro, Vicente},
  Date                     = {1978},
  ISBN                     = {0855204613},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Martin Robertson \& Co.}
}

@Article{Navarro1989,
  Title                    = {Why some countries have national health insurance, others have national health services, and the U.S. has neither},
  Author                   = {Vicente Navarro},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Science \& Medicine},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0277-9536(89)90313-4},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {887--898},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents a discussion of why some capitalist developed countries have national health insurance schemes, others have national health services, and the U.S. has neither. The first section provides a critical analysis of some of the major answers given to these questions by authors belonging to the schools of thought defined as [`]public choice', [`]power group pluralism' and [`]post-industrial convergence'. The second section puts forward an alternative explanation rooted in an historical analysis of the correlation of class forces in each country. The different forms of funding and organization of health services, structured according to the corporate model or to the liberal-welfare market capitalism model, have appeared historically in societies with different correlations of class forces. In all these societies the major social force behind the establishment of a national health program has been the labor movement (and its political instruments--the socialist parties) in its pursuit of the welfare state. In the final section the developments in the health sector after World War II are explained. It is postulated that the growth of public expenditures in the health sector and the growth of universalism and coverage of health benefits that have occured during this period are related to the strength of the labor movement in these countries.}
}

@Article{Navarro2008,
  Title                    = {Politics and health: a neglected area of research},
  Author                   = {Navarro, Vincent},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Public Health},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/eurpub/ckn040},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {354--355},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckn040}
}

@Article{Nechyba2003,
  Title                    = {Centralization, Fiscal Federalism, and Private School Attendance},
  Author                   = {Nechyba, Thomas J},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {179--204},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {A CGE model is used to analyze the impact of public school financing on private school attendance. The common perception that public school finance centralization will necessarily lead to greater private school attendance is not correct in such a model-even when that centralization involves an extreme equalization as in California. Furthermore, if centralization is less dramatic (as in most states), declines in private school attendance are even more pronounced. This weakens the speculation that low exit rates to private schools in centralizing states imply that general public school quality does not drop as a result of such centralization.}
}

@Article{NeckermanTorche2007,
  Title                    = {Inequality: Causes and Consequences},
  Author                   = {Neckerman, Kathryn M. and Torche, Florencia},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.33.040406.131755},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {335--357},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {The increase in economic disparities over the past 30 years has prompted extensive research on the causes and consequences of inequality both in the United States and, more recently, globally. This review provides an update of research on the patterns and causes of economic inequality in the United States, including inequality of earnings, wealth, and opportunity. We also explore the social and political consequences of inequality, particularly in the areas of health, education, crime, social capital, and political power. Finally, we spotlight an emerging literature on world inequality, which examines inequality trends within as well as across nations. Sociologists can advance research on inequality by bringing discipline-based expertise to bear on the organization and political economy of firms and labor markets, the pathways through which inequality has an effect, and the social, political, and cultural contingencies that might modify this effect.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.33.040406.131755},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{NelsonGould1988,
  Title                    = {Teachers' Unions and Excellence in Education: Comment.},
  Author                   = {Nelson, F. Howard and Gould, Jewell C},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {379{--}387},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {In a recent article in this journal, Michael Kurth presented what he considered evidence that teachers' unions impair educational achievement and that what they must do to increase teachers' salaries is harmful to educational excellence. This comment critically examines Kurth's misspecified model and the misleadingly defined variables that led to the erroneous empirical support for his conclusion. Our own estimates indicate that states with a high level of collective bargaining had higher SAT scores in 1982.}
}

@Article{Nelson2007,
  Title                    = {Universalism versus targeting: The vulnerability of social insurance and means-tested minimum income protection in 18 countries, 1990-2002},
  Author                   = {Nelson, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {International Social Security Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-246X.2007.00259.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {33{--}58},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {The stagnation and retrenchment of social policies in recent decades raise considerable interest and concern in writings on the welfare state. This study examines differences in the development of means-tested benefits and social insurance provisions. Questions relating to the measurement of policy retrenchment and the vulnerability of social benefits are addressed. Two conflicting hypotheses are discerned: one stating that the development of means-tested benefits resembles that of social insurance; and another more recent one claiming that the evolution of means-tested benefits follows a unique pattern. The empirical analyses are based on institutional data on the level of social benefits. It is shown that social insurance stands a better chance of surviving periods of retrenchment and that the greater vulnerability of means-tested benefits is related to the organization of social insurance provisions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-246X.2007.00259.x}
}

@Article{NelsonKinder1996,
  Title                    = {Issue Frames and Group-Centrism in {America}n Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {Nelson,Thomas E. and Kinder,Donald R.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2960149},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = nov,
  Pages                    = {1055--1078},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Public opinion on government policy is group-centric: that is, strongly influenced by the attitudes citizens possess toward the social groups perceived as the beneficiaries of the policy. Though commonplace, this mode of political thinking is not inevitable. In four experiments, we show that groupcentrism hinges in part on how issues are framed in public debate. When issues are framed in ways that draw attention to a policy's beneficiaries, group-centrism increases; when issues are framed in ways that deflect attention away from the beneficiaries, group-centrism declines. We conclude by drawing out the implications of these findings for the concept of frame, considered both as a rhetorical weapon in elites' hands and as a cognitive structure in citizens' minds.},
  Numpages                 = {24}
}

@Book{Nerlove1958,
  author     = {Nerlove, Marc},
  date       = {1958},
  title      = {Distributed Lags and Demand Analysis for Agricultural and Other Commodities},
  location   = {Washington, DC},
  publisher  = {United States Department of Agriculture},
  annotation = {First use of partial adjustment models.},
}

@Article{NICHDEarlyChildCareResearchNetwork2004,
  Title                    = {Multiple Pathways to Early Academic Achievement},
  Author                   = {NICHD Early Child Care Research Network},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Harvard Educational Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--29},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {Using data from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, the NICHD Early Child Care Research Network (ECCRN) constructed a structural model predicting reading and mathematics achievement in first-grade children from parenting, child-care, and first-grade schooling environments, which is presented in this article. The model provided a strong fit for the data, and parenting emerged as the strongest single contextual predictor of children{\textquoteright}s achievement. Nevertheless, the child-care and first-grade schooling contexts independently contributed to children{\textquoteright}s academic performance. There were also a number of indirect pathways of prediction that combined environmental and child factors. Overall, results confirmed that multiple factors act in concert over the school transition period to shape children{\textquoteright}s reading and mathematics skills.}
}

@Article{Neufeld1963,
  Title                    = {The Historical Relationship of Liberals and Intellectuals to Organized Labor in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Neufeld, Maurice F},
  Date                     = {1963},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Pages                    = {115--128},
  Volume                   = {350},

  Abstract                 = {During the 1950's, liberals and intellectuals, once keenly partisan to organized labor, began to voice acute criticism of American unions. This change, superficially considered, seemed to savor of tergiversation. However, a review of the historical relationship of liberals and intellectuals to unionism revealed that the close and relatively long alliance of the 1930's and 1940's itself constituted a distinctive departure from prior American experience. Moreover, the historical approach indicated that the alliance limited itself almost entirely to CIO unions as agencies of reform and excluded nearly all unions of the AFL. As the two organizations came, in time, to resemble each other in their institutional lives, disenchantment set in. This development was inevitable since liberals and intellectuals have traditionally tended to view the functions of unions as more extensive and exalted than the destiny envisaged by unions for themselves. Today, then, liberals and intellectuals have resumed their historical relationship to American unionism by becoming once again the independent guardians of the public good for the community at large.}
}

@Article{NeumanGuggenheim2011,
  Title                    = {The Evolution of Media Effects Theory: A Six-Stage Model of Cumulative Research},
  Author                   = {Neuman, W. Russell and Guggenheim, Lauren},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Communication Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2885.2011.01381.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2885},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {169--196},
  Volume                   = {21}
}

@Article{NeumayerPluemper2016a,
  author       = {Neumayer,Eric and Pl{\"u}mper,Thomas},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {W},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2014.40},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {175--193},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {In spatial econometrics, W refers to the matrix that weights the value of the spatially lagged variable of other units. As unimportant as it may appear, W specifies, or at least ought to specify, why and how other units of analysis affect the unit under observation. This article shows that theory must inform five crucial specification choices taken by researchers. Specifically, the connectivity variable employed in W must capture the causal mechanism of spatial dependence. The specification of W further determines the relative relevance of source units from which spatial dependence emanates, and whether receiving units are assumed to be identically or differentially exposed to spatial stimulus. Multiple dimensions of spatial dependence can be modeled as independent, substitutive or conditional links. Finally, spatial effects need not go exclusively in one direction, but can be bi-directional; recipients can simultaneously experience positive spatial dependence from some sources and negative dependence from others. The importance of W stands in stark contrast to applied researchers typical use of crude proxy variables (such as geographical proximity) to measure true connectivity, and the practice of adopting standard modeling conventions rather than substantive theory to specify W. This study demonstrates which assumptions these conventions impose on specification choices, and argues that theories of spatial dependence will often conflict with them.},
}

@Article{NeumayerPluemper2016,
  Title                    = {Inequalities of Income and Inequalities of Longevity: A Cross-Country Study},
  Author                   = {Neumayer, Eric and Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Public Health},
  Doi                      = {10.2105/AJPH.2015.302849},
  ISSN                     = {0090-0036},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {160--165},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {Objectives. We examined the effects of market income inequality (income inequality before taxes and transfers) and income redistribution via taxes and transfers on inequality in longevity.Methods. We used life tables to compute Gini coefficients of longevity inequality for all individuals and for individuals who survived to at least 10 years of age. We regressed longevity inequality on market income inequality and income redistribution, and we controlled for potential confounders, in a cross-sectional time-series sample of up to 28 predominantly Western developed countries and up to 37 years (1974?2011).Results. Income inequality before taxes and transfers was positively associated with inequality in the number of years lived; income redistribution (the difference between market income inequality and income inequality after taxes and transfers were accounted for) was negatively associated with longevity inequality.Conclusions. To the extent that our estimated effects derived from observational data are causal, governments can reduce longevity inequality not only via public health policies, but also via their influence on market income inequality and the redistribution of incomes from the relatively rich to the relatively poor.
Objectives. We examined the effects of market income inequality (income inequality before taxes and transfers) and income redistribution via taxes and transfers on inequality in longevity.Methods. We used life tables to compute Gini coefficients of longevity inequality for all individuals and for individuals who survived to at least 10 years of age. We regressed longevity inequality on market income inequality and income redistribution, and we controlled for potential confounders, in a cross-sectional time-series sample of up to 28 predominantly Western developed countries and up to 37 years (1974?2011).Results. Income inequality before taxes and transfers was positively associated with inequality in the number of years lived; income redistribution (the difference between market income inequality and income inequality after taxes and transfers were accounted for) was negatively associated with longevity inequality.Conclusions. To the extent that our estimated effects derived from observational data are causal, governments can reduce longevity inequality not only via public health policies, but also via their influence on market income inequality and the redistribution of incomes from the relatively rich to the relatively poor.},
  Publisher                = {American Public Health Association}
}

@Article{NeumayerSpess2005,
  Title                    = {Do bilateral investment treaties increase foreign direct investment to developing countries?},
  Author                   = {Neumayer, Eric and Spess, Laura},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {World Development},
  Number                   = {10},
  Pages                    = {1567--1585},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Summary Foreign investors are often skeptical toward the quality of the domestic institutions and the enforceability of the law in developing countries. Bilateral investment treaties (BITs) guarantee certain standards of treatment that can be enforced via binding investor-to-state dispute settlement outside the domestic juridical system. Developing countries accept restrictions on their sovereignty in the hope that the protection from political and other risks leads to an increase in foreign direct investment (FDI), which is also the stated purpose of BITs. We provide the first rigorous quantitative evidence that a higher number of BITs raises the FDI that flows to a developing country. This result is very robust to changes in model specification, estimation technique, and sample size. There is also some limited evidence that BITs might function as substitutes for good domestic institutional quality, but this result is not robust to different specifications of institutional quality.}
}

@Unpublished{NeundorfSoroka2013,
  Title                    = {The origins of redistributive policy preferences: Disentangling the effect of past and present economic conditions},
  Author                   = {Neundorf, Anja and Soroka, Stuart N.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Month                    = jun,

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{NewberyPollitt1997,
  Title                    = {The Restructuring and Privatisation of {Britain}'s CEGB --- Was It Worth It?},
  Author                   = {Newbery, David M. and Pollitt, Michael G.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Industrial Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-6451.00049},
  ISSN                     = {1467-6451},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {269--303},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {We report a social cost-benefit analysis of the privatisation and restructuring of the Central Electricity Generating Board which generated and transmitted all public electricity in England and Wales until 1990. The main benefits came from generator efficiency gains, switching from nuclear power, and lower emissions. The main costs came from higher prices for imported French electricity, the cost of restructuring and premature investment in the gas-fired generating plant. Our central estimate is a permanent cost reduction of 5% per year, equivalent to an extra 40% return on assets. Consumers and government lose, and producers gain more than the cost reduction.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6451.00049},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.30}
}

@Article{NeweyWest1987,
  Title                    = {A Simple, Positive Semi-Definite, Heteroskedasticity and Autocorrelation Consistent Covariance Matrix},
  Author                   = {Newey, Whitney K. and West, Kenneth D.},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1913610},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {703--708},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1913610}
}

@Article{NewmanEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {False Consciousness or Class Awareness? Local Income Inequality, Personal Economic Position, and Belief in American Meritocracy},
  Author                   = {Newman, Benjamin J. and Johnston, Christopher D. and Lown, Patrick L.},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12153},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {326--340},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/klqr4sg},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {Existing research analyzes the effects of cross-national and temporal variation in income inequality on public opinion; however, research has failed to explore the impact of variation in inequality across citizens,Aeo local residential context. This article analyzes the impact of local inequality on citizens,Aeo belief in a core facet of the American ethos,Aeimeritocracy. We advance conditional effects hypotheses that collectively argue that the effect of residing in a high-inequality context will be moderated by individual income. Utilizing national survey data, we demonstrate that residing in more unequal counties heightens rejection of meritocracy among low-income residents and bolsters adherence among high-income residents. In relatively equal counties, we find no significant differences between high- and low-income citizens. We conclude by discussing the implications of class-based polarization found in response to local inequality with respect to current debates over the consequences of income inequality for American democracy.}
}

@Article{NewmarkDeRugy2006,
  Title                    = {Hope after Katrina},
  Author                   = {Newmark, Kathryn G and De Rugy, Veronique},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Next},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {13--21},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {A student starting public school in New Orleans in the fall of 2005 had little reason to be hopeful about her education. Of her 65,000 schoolmates in the New Orleans Public Schools (NOPS), over half of those taking the state's high-stakes tests (4th, 8th, 10th, and 11th graders) did not have ``basic'' competence in math and English; 68 of the 108 NOPS schools receiving performance labels had been rated ``academically unacceptable'' by the Louisiana Department of Education, 13 more than just the year before. Many of the city's high schools had double-digit dropout rates, and a state auditor, calling the district's finances a ``train wreck,'' estimated that NOPS was running double-digit (in millions of dollars) deficits. A student starting school in New Orleans in the fall of 2006, on the other hand, has some reason for optimism. There are now only an estimated 22,000 students and 57 schools in the district. Very few of them are being run by the New Orleans Public Schools; more than half the schools are charters and anxious to please, offering new curricula, longer school days, even special summer sessions.}
}

@Article{NeymanScott1948,
  Title                    = {Consistent Estimates Based on Partially Consistent Observations},
  Author                   = {Neyman, J. and Scott, Elizabeth L.},
  Date                     = {1948},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1914288},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}32},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1914288}
}

@Article{NgSeabright2001,
  Title                    = {Competition, Privatisation and Productive Efficiency: Evidence From the Airline Industry},
  Author                   = {Ng, Charles K. and Seabright, Paul},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0297.00652},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {473},
  Pages                    = {591--619},
  Volume                   = {111},

  Abstract                 = {We use data from the airline industry to examine the extent to which the costs of airline operations are affected by rents accruing to workers, and the extent to which these rents depend inter alia upon the degree of competition in the industry. Our empirical results based on a panel of twelve European and seven major United States airlines confirm that state ownership substantially increases rents to labour, while the effects of competition are more subtle and ambiguous; airline profits tend to be associated with higher rents to employees. The gains from further privatisation and liberalisation may be quite large.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.00652},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{Nickell1981,
  Title                    = {Biases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effects},
  Author                   = {Nickell, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1417{--}1426},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {It is well known from the Monte-Carlo work of Nerlove that using the standard within-group estimator for dynamic models with fixed individual effects generates estimates which are inconsistent as the number of "individuals" tends to infinity if the number of time periods is kept fixed. In this paper we present analytical expressions for these inconsistencies for the first order autoregressive case.}
}

@Article{NickellQuintini2002,
  Title                    = {The Consequences of the Decline in Public Sector Pay in {Britain}: A Little Bit of Evidence},
  Author                   = {Nickell, Stephen and Quintini, Glenda},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0297.00686},
  Number                   = {477},
  Pages                    = {F107{--}F118},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {Following the fall in overall net public investment, the relative pay of most public sector workers in the United Kingdom declined sharply after the mid-1970s. For example, the relative pay of male teachers fell by over 10 percentage points from the late 1970s to the late 1980s. So has this generated a fall in quality? Using age 10/11 test score percentile positions as an indicator, we find that men entering non-manual public sector occupations in the early 1990s had a significantly lower test score position than those entering in the late 1970s. No such falls were exhibited by women.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.00686}
}

@Article{Nickell1996,
  Title                    = {Competition and Corporate Performance},
  Author                   = {Nickell, Stephen J.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2138883},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {724--746},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {Are people right to think that competition improves corporate performance? My investigations indicate first that there are some theoretical reasons for believing this hypothesis to be correct, but they are not overwhelming. Furthermore, the existing empirical evidence on this question is weak. However, the results reported here, based on an analysis of around 670 U.K. companies, do provide some support for this view. Most important, I present evidence that competition, as measured by increased numbers of competitors or by lower levels of rents, is associated with a significanctly higher rate of total factor productivity growth.}
}

@Article{NickelsburgTimmons2012,
  author       = {Nickelsburg, Jerry and Timmons, Jeffrey F.},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {On the (Ir)relevance of Skill Specificity for Social Insurance},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00011011},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {35--67},
  volume       = {7},
  abstract     = {The relationship between specific skills and the welfare state has been the subject of considerable debate. To help resolve the conflict, we present a general model of preferences over social insurance with endogenous wages and investment in specific skills and a variety of exogenous constraints. Our dynamic model underscores the link between wages, skills and unemployment risks. It shows that skill-specificity is irrelevant for preferences over social insurance when wages adjust for investment costs and unemployment risks. We validate the adjustment mechanism with U.S. data. We then extend the model to show how different conditions, including centralized wage bargaining, capital market imperfections, and taxation, affect skill formation and skill-based preferences for social insurance. Our model provides an analytical framework that can reconcile the disparate empirical findings and demonstrates how they, along with Iversen and Soskice's seminal results, are special cases of the interaction between labor markets and politics.},
}

@Article{NielsenForthcoming,
  author       = {Nielsen, Richard A.},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly},
  title        = {Rewarding human rights? Selective aid sanction against repressive states},
  doi          = {10.1111/isqu.12049},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {791--803},
  volume       = {57},
  abstract     = {This article provides theoretical and empirical solutions to two connected puzzles in the study of foreign aid and human rights: do foreign aid donors use aid sanctions to punish repressive states, and if so, why? I show that donors impose aid sanctions selectively. Aid sanctions typically occur when repressive states do not have close political ties to aid donors, when violations have negative consequences for donors, and when violations are widely publicized. Using a data set of bilateral foreign aid 118 developing countries between 1981 and 2004, I find that variation in these factors largely accounts for the differing aid sanctions that result from objectively similar rights violations by the governments of developing countries.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~rnielsen/RHR2010.pdf},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Article{NielsenEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Foreign Aid Shocks as a Cause of Violent Armed Conflict},
  Author                   = {Nielsen, Richard A. and Findley, Michael G. and Davis, Zachary S. and Candland, Tara and Nielson, Daniel L.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00492.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219--232},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {In this study we resolve part of the confusion over how foreign aid affects armed conflict. We argue that aid shocks --- severe decreases in aid revenues --- inadvertently shift the domestic balance of power and potentially induce violence. During aid shocks, potential rebels gain bargaining strength vis-a-vis the government. To appease the rebels, the government must promise future resource transfers, but the government has no incentive to continue its promised transfers if the aid shock proves to be temporary. With the government unable to credibly commit to future resource transfers, violence breaks out. Using AidData's comprehensive dataset of bilateral and multilateral aid from 1981 to 2005, we evaluate the effects of foreign aid on violent armed conflict. In addition to rare-event logit analysis, we employ matching methods to account for the possibility that aid donors anticipate conflict. The results show that negative aid shocks significantly increase the probability of armed conflict onset.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00492.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{NiemiEtAl1995,
  author       = {Niemi, Richard G. and Stanley, Harold W. and Vogel, Ronald J.},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {State Economies and State Taxes: Do Voters Hold Governors Accountable?},
  doi          = {10.2307/2111664},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {936--957},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {States have sufficient autonomy in the policies they adopt that voters hold state officials partly responsible for the condition of the state economy. As the best known state official, elected by a statewide constituency, governors in particular are held accountable for the economic performance of their states. With respect to taxes, the clear locus of responsibility in state actions and the high visibility of certain taxes suggest that governors will also be held responsible for increased rates. The performance of the state economy, tax increases, and voters' personal financial situations all influence voting behavior in gubernatorial elections. Logit equations, using 1986 ABC/Washington Post exit polls in 34 of 36 gubernatorial races, combined with economic and tax data from the states. A poor state economy, increases in taxes, and lowered personal finances all contribute to votes against incumbent governors and their parties.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111664},
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2012.06.01},
}

@Article{NieuwbeertaUltee1999,
  Title                    = {Class voting in Western industrialized countries, 1945--1990: Systematizing and testing explanations},
  Author                   = {Paul Nieuwbeerta and Wout Ultee},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1006974430257},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {123--160},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Analyzing data obtained from the literature and our own calculations, significant differences were found among countries in their levels of class voting. The Scandinavian countries had the highest and Canada and the USA the lowest levels of class voting. Since the 1950s, there was a decline in almost all countries in the level of class voting. In this article, several hypotheses were deduced from a limited number of individual assumptions, each purporting to explain the differences among and declining trends within countries. Testing these hypotheses with multilevel techniques revealed that differences among countries can best be explained by their population's religious-ethnic-linguistic diversity, and by the union density within countries. The decline in most countries can best be explained by the rise in their standard of living. Furthermore, a rise in the percentage of union members, especially among the nonmanual classes, accelerated the decline in the level of class voting in some countries.}
}

@Incollection{Niskanen1991,
  Title                    = {A Reflection on Bureaucracy and Representative Government},
  Author                   = {Niskanen, William A.},
  Booktitle                = {The Budget Maximizing Bureaucrat},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Editor                   = {Blais, Andr{\'e} and Dion, Stephane},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Pages                    = {13--31},
  Publisher                = {University of Pittsburgh Press}
}

@Article{Niskanen1968,
  author       = {Niskanen, William A.},
  date         = {1968},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {The Peculiar Economics of Bureaucracy},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {293--305},
  volume       = {58},
}

@Book{Niskanen1971,
  Title                    = {Bureaucracy \& Representative Government},
  Author                   = {Niskanen, William A.},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Location                 = {New Brunswick, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Aldine}
}

@Article{NolanSmeeding2005,
  Title                    = {{Ireland}'s Income Distribution in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Nolan, Brian and Smeeding, Timothy M.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Income and Wealth},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-4991.2005.00167.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-4991},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {537--560},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {There are concerns that the unprecedented economic boom which Ireland experienced in the second half of the 1990s has raised only some living standards and has widened income gaps. This paper analyzes Ireland's income distribution in comparative perspective, to understand how Ireland's distribution changed and how it compares to other rich countries. We begin with OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) and the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) data to compare Ireland's degree of well-being and inequality with other advanced countries. We also look in some detail at alternative sources of Irish income and their implications for the trends in income inequality in Ireland from 1994 to 2000. For instance, we examine the top of the distribution using data from the administration of the income tax system. We conclude that the spectacular economic growth in the past decade has seen the gap in average income between Ireland and the richer OECD countries narrow dramatically. However, this growth has not greatly affected the Irish ranking in terms of income inequality. Ireland remains an outlier among rich European nations in its high degree of income inequality, though still falling well short of the level seen in the United States. In the end, we find that Ireland's new-found prosperity provides a ``social dividend,'' and choices about how it is used will fundamentally affect whether the current high level of income inequality persists into the future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4991.2005.00167.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{NooruddinSimmons2006,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Hard Choices: IMF Programs and Government Spending},
  Author                   = {Nooruddin, Irfan and Simmons, Joel W.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818306060334},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {1001--1033},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {A central component of International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs is reducing government budget deficits. We ask how domestic political considerations shape the distribution of cuts made by governments in IMF programs. Our central finding is that IMF programs shrink the role played by domestic politics. While democracies allocate larger shares of their budgets to public services in the absence of IMF programs, the difference between democracies and nondemocracies disappears under IMF programs. This result has important implications for our understanding of government spending priorities under different resource constraints.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{NorbauerStudlar2011,
  Title                    = {Monarchy and the British Political Elite: Closet Republicans in the House of Commons},
  Author                   = {Norbauer, Ryan and Studlar, Donley T.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041511793931825},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {225--242},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Until now, no academic study has explored the extent and nature of antimonarchism in the British House of Commons. In a statistically representative survey sample, 44 percent of all Members of Parliament identified themselves as `republicans,' nearly twice the share in the British public at large. However, 86 percent called this a personal opinion only. While there may not be a groundswell of active republicanism in the Commons, a substantial group of sympathetic MPs exists who might be willing to seize on a future public crisis in the monarchy in order to effect reforms. Lacking party leadership support, republican MPs are not optimistic about change in the short-to-medium term}
}

@Article{Nordhaus1975,
  Title                    = {The Political Business Cycle},
  Author                   = {Nordhaus, William D},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {169{--}190},
  Volume                   = {42}
}

@Article{Norheim-Martinsen2010,
  Title                    = {Beyond Intergovernmentalism: {Europe}an Security and Defence Policy and the Governance Approach},
  Author                   = {Norheim-Martinsen, Per M.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02116.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1351--1365},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Over the last decade, the EU has developed into a regional institution whose military ambitions extend well beyond Europe. This development counteracts the assumptions of realist and intergovernmental theories, raising the question of what concepts are appropriate for understanding security and defence policy in the EU. It has been argued that governance approaches are particularly well-suited to describe the functioning of the EU. Yet analyses of the EU's common security and defence policy (CSDP) have to date not been granted the benefits of this insight. This article seeks to remedy this by venturing down the yet unfulfilled EU trail of a burgeoning literature on security governance. Exploring five features of security governance, the article identifies the most promising questions and approaches of the so-called governance turn in IR theory, ending up with a putative EU security governance research agenda that will lead to a deeper understanding of the kind of security actor that the EU has evolved into.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02116.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Norpoth1996,
  Title                    = {Presidents and the Prospective Voter},
  Author                   = {Helmut Norpoth},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Pages                    = {776--779},
  Volume                   = {58}
}

@Article{Norris1995,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Electoral Reform in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Norris, Pippa},
  Date                     = {1995-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {International Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/019251219501600105},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {65--78},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {The debate about electoral reform in Britain has experienced periodic revivals, as critics have challenged the established system of first- past-the-post. The debate has revolved about how British elections trans late votes into seats, and how representative elections should work: whether priority should be given to the principle of strong government or ``fairness'' to minor parties and social groups. The article concludes that despite a heated debate, prospects for reform are uncertain in Britain, since public opinion about this issue remains ambivalent; there are no provisions for binding referendums; and the opposition remains divided about the most appropriate alternative.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219501600105}
}

@Article{Norris1995a,
  Title                    = {{May}'s Law of Curvilinear Disparity Revisited},
  Author                   = {Norris, Pippa},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068895001001002},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {29--47},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Explaining ideological conflict has always been a classic theme of studies of party organizations. The aim of this paper is to re-examine May's law, based on rational choice theory, which suggests that due to differential incentives sub-leaders are likely to prove the most extreme stratum in party organizations, while non-leaders are the most moderate, and top leaders are located equidistant between these groups. The study, based on large-scale surveys of politicians, local constituency officers, party members and voters in the 1992 British general election, throws considerable doubt on this proposition.}
}

@Online{Norris2010,
  Title                    = {{May} 6th 2010~{B}ritish General Election Constituency Results Release 5.0},
  Author                   = {Norris, Pippa},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/pnorris/Data/Data.htm},
  Urldate                  = {2013-07-25}
}

@Book{North1981,
  Title                    = {Structure and Change in Economic History},
  Author                   = {North, Douglass C},
  Date                     = {1981},
  ISBN                     = {9780393952414},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton}
}

@Book{North1991,
  Title                    = {Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance},
  Author                   = {North, Douglass C},
  Date                     = {1991},
  ISBN                     = {9780521397346},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Continuing his groundbreaking analysis of economic structures, Douglass North develops an analytical framework for explaining the ways in which institutions and institutional change affect the performance of economies, both at a given time and over time. Institutions exist, he argues, due to the uncertainties involved in human interaction; they are the constraints devised to structure that interaction. Yet, institutions vary widely in their consequences for economic performance; some economies develop institutions that produce growth and development, while others develop institutions that produce stagnation. North first explores the nature of institutions and explains the role of transaction and production costs in their development. The second part of the book deals with institutional change. Institutions create the incentive structure in an economy, and organisations will be created to take advantage of the opportunities provided within a given institutional framework. North argues that the kinds of skills and knowledge fostered by the structure of an economy will shape the direction of change and gradually alter the institutional framework. He then explains how institutional development may lead to a path-dependent pattern of development. In the final part of the book, North explains the implications of this analysis for economic theory and economic history. He indicates how institutional analysis must be incorporated into neo-classical theory and explores the potential for the construction of a dynamic theory of long-term economic change. Douglass C. North is Director of the Center of Political Economy and Professor of Economics and History at Washington University in St. Louis. He is a past president of the Economic History Association and Western Economics Association and a Fellow, American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He has written over sixty articles for a variety of journals and is the author of The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (CUP, 1973, with R.P. Thomas) and Structure and Change in Economic History (Norton, 1981). Professor North is included in Great Economists Since Keynes edited by M. Blaug (CUP, 1988 paperback ed.)}
}

@Article{NorthWeingast1989,
  author       = {North,Douglass C. and Weingast,Barry R.},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic History},
  title        = {Constitutions and Commitment: The Evolution of Institutions Governing Public Choice in Seventeenth-Century {England}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022050700009451},
  issn         = {1471-6372},
  issue        = {04},
  pages        = {803--832},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/lky76kr},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {The article studies the evolution of the constitutional arrangements in seventeenth-century England following the Glorious Revolution of 1688. It focuses on the relationship between institutions and the behavior of the government and interprets the institutional changes on the basis of the goals of the winners -- secure property rights, protection of their wealth, and the elimination of confiscatory government. We argue that the new institutions allowed the government to commit credibly to upholding property rights. Their success was remarkable, as the evidence from capital markets shows.},
}

@Article{NortonEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Computing interaction effects and standard errors in logit and probit models},
  Author                   = {Norton, Edward C and Wang, Hua and Ai, Chunrong},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Stata Journal},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {154--167},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explains why computing the marginal effect of a change in two variables is more complicated in nonlinear models than in linear models.{\~} The command `inteff' computes the correct marginal effect of a change in two interacted variables for a logit or probit model, as well as the correct standard errors.{\~} The `inteff' command graphs the interaction effect and saves the results to allow further investigation.}
}

@Article{NortonAriely2011,
  Title                    = {Building a Better {America} --- One Wealth Quintile at a Time},
  Author                   = {Norton, Michael I. and Ariely, Dan},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Psychological Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1745691610393524},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {9--12},
  Url                      = {http://people.duke.edu/~dandan/Papers/Other/BuildingBetterAmerica.pdf},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Disagreements about the optimal level of wealth inequality underlie policy debates ranging from taxation to welfare. We attempt to insert the desires of ``regular'' Americans into these debates, by asking a nationally representative online panel to estimate the current distribution of wealth in the United States and to ``build a better America'' by constructing distributions with their ideal level of inequality. First, respondents dramatically underestimated the current level of wealth inequality. Second, respondents constructed ideal wealth distributions that were far more equitable than even their erroneously low estimates of the actual distribution. Most important from a policy perspective, we observed a surprising level of consensus: All demographic groups --- even those not usually associated with wealth redistribution such as Republicans and the wealthy --- desired a more equal distribution of wealth than the status quo.}
}

@Book{Nozick1974,
  Title                    = {Anarchy, State and Utopia},
  Author                   = {Nozick, Robert},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell}
}

@Book{Nugent2010,
  Title                    = {The Government and Politics of the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Nugent, Neill},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Edition                  = {Seventh},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Book{NussbaumCohen2002,
  Title                    = {For Love of Country?},
  Author                   = {Nussbaum, Martha and Cohen, Joshua},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Location                 = {Boston, MA},
  Publisher                = {Beacon Press}
}

@Other{NUT2006,
  annotation = {City academies.},
  author     = {NUT},
  date       = {2006},
  note       = {Policy briefing by the National Union of Teachers. Accessed: 2007/01/30.},
  title      = {Academies},
}

@Article{NyeKeohane1971,
  Title                    = {Transnational Relations and World Politics: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {Nye, Joseph S.,Jr and Keohane, Robert O},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {329{--}349},
  Volume                   = {25}
}

@Article{Nygard2006,
  Title                    = {Welfare-Ideological Change in Scandinavia: A Comparative Analysis of Partisan Welfare State Positions in Four Nordic Countries, 1970-2003},
  Author                   = {Nygard, Mikael},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2006.00156.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {356--385},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {During the 1990s, the Nordic welfare states, notably Finland and Sweden, faced serious challenges that triggered a number of welfare restructuring processes. This article focuses on the political determinants of these processes, or, more exactly, it analyses changes in partisan welfare policy positions in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden between 1970 and 2003. The main goal of the article is to chart possible changes in party positions on social policy. Has there been a decline in pro-welfare attitudes during the period 1970-2003, and if so, how are these changes related to ideological and institutional factors? The data analysed in the article consists of election programmes, and more specifically, textual utterances concerning the welfare state. The results indicate a relatively high degree of stability in partisan support for welfare state expansion and investments in social justice, while market-type solutions to social problems, on the other hand, have become more salient among parties, especially in the Right. The findings suggest that parties still differ from each other as to welfare-political positions, indicating that Social Democratic and left-wing parties remain the foremost defenders of the {\textquoteleft}Nordic Welfare Model{\textquoteright}, whereas the Right has become more hesitant towards welfare state expansion.}
}

@Article{NyheimNoDate,
  Title                    = {{Norway}: The Cooperation of Four Parties},
  Author                   = {Jan Henrik Nyheim},
  Date                     = {No Date},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Pages                    = {257--262}
}

@Misc{Nykvist2012,
  Author                   = {Nykvist, Cecilia},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {May 10}
}

@Article{OConnor2005,
  Title                    = {Policy coordination, social indicators and the social-policy agenda in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {O'Connor, Julia S.},
  Date                     = {2005-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928705057289},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {345--361},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This paper traces the development of the European Social Model from the recognition of the right to equal pay for men and women in the Treaty of Rome to agreement of a Social Policy Agenda in 2000 and the adoption of an open method of coordination (OMC) in employment (1997), social inclusion (2000) and pensions (2002). The associated framework of social indicators is considered in terms of the measurement of poverty and social exclusion on a multi-dimensional basis. Reasons for the shift from directives to the OMC are discussed, as are the proposed extension and streamlining of that process and its synchronization with economic and employment policy in 2006. The Europeanization of significant aspects of economic policy and the pervasive differences across EU welfare states in social outcome indicators and capacity for redistribution contribute to the considerable constraints on the open method of coordination in social inclusion. Fulfilling its potential is dependent on national policy legacies, political context and the involvement of a wide range of national actors in National Action Plan formulation and monitoring. While the extent of change associated with the EU social-policy agenda and the OMC, in particular, is still an open question it is concluded that the EU dimension needs to be taken into account in analysing change over time in EU countries and in comparative analysis incorporating EU countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928705057289}
}

@Article{ODay2002,
  Title                    = {Complexity, Accountability, and School Improvement},
  Author                   = {O'Day, Jennifer},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Harvard Educational Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {293{\textendash}-329},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, Jennifer O{\textquoteright}Day builds on her earlier work defining and examining the standards-based reform movement in the United States. Here, O{\textquoteright}Day explores accountability mechanisms currently associated with standards-based reform efforts that {\textquotedblleft}take the school as the unit of accountability and seek to improve student learning by improving the functioning of the school organization.{\textquotedblright} She examines such accountability mechanisms using the theoretical framework of complexity theory and focuses on how information travels through complex systems, with the understanding that information, its existence and usage, is key to improving schools. Drawing on work conducted with researchers at the Consortium for Policy Research in Education (CPRE), she contrasts the Chicago Public Schools{\textquoteright} outcomes-based bureaucratic accountability approach with the combination of administrative and professional accountability found in the Baltimore City Schools. She argues that the combination of administrative and professional accountability presents a much more promising approach for implementing lasting and meaningful school reform.}
}

@Book{ODonnellSchmitter1993,
  Title                    = {Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies},
  Author                   = {O'Donnell, Guillermo and Schmitter, Philippe},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Location                 = {Baltimore, MD},
  Publisher                = {Johns Hopkins University Press}
}

@Unpublished{ODonoghue2003,
  author     = {O'Donoghue, Cathal},
  date       = {2003},
  title      = {The Redistributive impact of Education in the {Europe}an Union},
  abstract   = {In this paper we considered the redistributive impact of education in Europe utilising the European Community Household Panel Survey, waves 1994-1998. We considered the redistributive effect of education across the population. We also examined the lifetime perspective, comparing the returns made to higher education levels both from the perspective of higher employment rates and from higher potential earnings. We also reported a model of the university entry decision incorporating some of the costs and benefits of education. Education expenditures in most countries are not sufficient to eliminate intergenerational inequality where students from richer backgrounds or families with a history of attending university are more likely to attend university. Lastly we considered fiscal returns to education where education expenditure by increasing the earnings and employment potential of individuals benefits the public finances through reduced transfer payments and increased taxation.},
  annotation = {Preliminary Draft. Not for Quotation. Comments Welcome.},
}

@Article{ODwyerZiblatt2006,
  Title                    = {Does Decentralisation Make Government More Efficient and Effective?},
  Author                   = {O'Dwyer, Conor and Ziblatt, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Commonwealth \& Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/14662040600997064},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {326--343},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we use a broad cross-national sample to test decentralisation's relationship with two important indicators of the quality of governance: efficiency and effectiveness. Contrary to much of the conventional wisdom, we find that the effects of decentralisation are minimal when controlling for basic structural variables such as per capita GDP and degree of democracy. In addition we find that different types of decentralisation --- fiscal, administrative, and political --- have differing and sometimes opposing impacts on the quality of governance. Finally, we find that political decentralisation in particular is associated with higher government efficiency among high GDP per capita countries while it is associated with lower government efficiency among low GDP per capita countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040600997064}
}

@Article{ONeill1995,
  Title                    = {Education and Income Growth: Implications for Cross-Country Inequality},
  Author                   = {O'Neill, Donal},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1289--1301},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the extent to which patterns of human capital convergence can account for observed patterns of income inequality between countries. To do this I decompose national income into three components: one due to education levels, one reflecting the return to education, and a residual component. I then examine in turn the contribution of each of them to changes in income dispersion. Among the developed countries, convergence in education levels has resulted in a reduction in income dispersion. However, for the world as a whole, incomes have diverged despite substantial convergence in education levels. This is a result of increases in the return to education that favor the developed countries at the expense of the less developed countries.}
}

@Article{ONeill2003,
  Title                    = {Decentralization as an Electoral Strategy},
  Author                   = {O'Neill, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414003257098},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1068--1091},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {The decentralization of government is one of the most significant trends in politics worldwide. Variation in the timing of reform across countries only vaguely relates to the genesis of an international consensus pushed by big lenders and development banks or the reemergence of democracy in decentralizing countries. Moreover, these reforms were enacted from the top, which appears to contradict one of political science's central tenets: that politicians seek to maximize (or at least maintain) control over political and fiscal resources. This article develops a theory linking the adoption of decentralization to the electoral concerns of political parties: Decentralization represents a desirable strategy for parties whose support at subnational levels appears more secure than their prospects in national elections. The author tests this argument using data from Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003257098}
}

@Misc{ORourke2011,
  Title                    = {A Tale of Two Trilemmas},
  Author                   = {O'Rourke, Kevin H.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  HowPublished             = {Eurointelligence.com},
  Month                    = apr,
  Url                      = {http://www.eurointelligence.com/eurointelligence-news/home/singleview/article/a-tale-of-two-trilemmas.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.eurointelligence.com/eurointelligence-news/home/singleview/article/a-tale-of-two-trilemmas.html}
}

@Unpublished{ORourke2011a,
  Title                    = {A Tale of Two Trilemmas},
  Author                   = {O'Rourke, Kevin H.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {IIIS Discussion Paper No. 364},
  Url                      = {https://www.tcd.ie/iiis/documents/discussion/pdfs/iiisdp364.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://ineteconomics.org/sites/inet.civicactions.net/files/BWpaper_OROURKE_040811.pdf}
}

@Unpublished{ORourkeTaylor2006,
  Title                    = {Democracy and Protectionism},
  Author                   = {O'Rourke, Kevin H. and Taylor, Alan M.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper no. 12250},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w12250},

  Abstract                 = {Does democracy encourage free trade? It depends. Broadening the franchise involves transferring power from non-elected elites to the wider population, most of whom will be workers. The Hecksher-Ohlin-Stolper-Samuelson logic says that democratization should lead to more liberal trade policies in countries where workers stand to gain from free trade; and to more protectionist policies in countries where workers will benefit from the imposition of tariffs and quotas. We test and confirm these political economy implications of trade theory hypothesis using data on democracy, factor endowments, and protection in the late nineteenth century.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w12250}
}

@Book{OToole2009,
  Title                    = {Ship Of Fools: How Stupidity And Corruption Sank The Celtic Tiger},
  Author                   = {O'Toole, Fintan},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Publisher                = {Faber and Faber},

  Timestamp                = {2012.02.19}
}

@Unpublished{Oates2007,
  Title                    = {On the Theory and Practice of Fiscal Decentralization},
  Author                   = {Oates, Wallace E.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {CREI Working Paper no. 1/2007.},

  Abstract                 = {The traditional theory of public finance has made a strong case for a major role for fiscal decentralization. This case is based on an improved allocation of resources in the public sector. And it has four basic elements. First, regional or local governments are in a position to adapt outputs of public services to the preferences and particular circumstances of their constituencies, as compared to a central solution which presumes that one size fits all. Second, in a setting of mobile households, individuals can seek out jurisdictions that provide outputs well suited to their tastes, thereby increasing the potential gains from the decentralized provision of public services (Tiebout 1956). Third, in contrast to the monopolist position of the central government, decentralized levels of government face competition from their neighbors; such competition constrains budgetary growth and provides pressures for the efficient provision of public services. And fourth, decentralization may encourage experimentation and innovation as individual jurisdictions are free to adopt new approaches to public policy; in this way, decentralization can provide a valuable laboratory for fiscal experiments. However, this basic economic rationale for decentralization of the public sector is not quite so simple and compelling as it appears. Some of the more recent literature provides, first, a thoughtful and provocative critique of the traditional view of fiscal decentralization, and, second, some new approaches that reveal its dark side, especially in practice. There is emerging, in short, a broader perspective on fiscal decentralization that raises some serious questions about its capacity to provide an unambiguously positive contribution to an improved performance of the public sector. My purpose in this paper is twofold. First, I want to review the basic theory of fiscal decentralization. There are some loose ends to the traditional argument that open up some intriguing issues. Second, I want to turn to some of new literature on fiscal discipline in multilevel government. This literature has focused attention on some basic and destructive forces that can undermine the economic performance of a relatively decentralized public sector. I find it helpful to begin by revisiting a Decentralization Theorem that I formulated long ago. As a point of departure, I want to explain briefly why I introduced the proposition and the rationale for its particular form and proof.}
}

@Article{Oatley1999,
  Title                    = {How Constraining is Capital Mobility? The Partisan Hypothesis in an Open Economy},
  Author                   = {Oatley, Thomas},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1003{--}1027},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {A growing literature argues that international financial integration has eliminated the possibility for distinct partisan macroeconomic strategies. I test this hypothesis by reformulating the partisan hypothesis in an open-economy context and conducting pooled time-series analysis of budget balances, real interest rates, and capital controls for fourteen OECD countries between 1970 and 1994. The analysis provides little evidence that financial integration has eliminated distinct partisan macroeconomic policies. Under fixed exchange rates leftist governments run larger deficits than rightist governments and use capital controls to reduce interest rate premia. Under floating exchange rates leftist governments pursue looser monetary policies than rightist governments. While partisan distinctions do weaken in the 1990s in countries with fixed exchange rates, this is attributed to the recession of the early 1990s and to important institutional changes in the European Union. International financial integration, therefore, does not prevent governments from pursuing distinct partisan macroeconomic policies.}
}

@Book{Oatley2008,
  Title                    = {International Political Economy: Interests and Institutions in the Global Economy},
  Author                   = {Oatley, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Edition                  = {Fourth},
  Publisher                = {Pearson}
}

@Article{ObingerEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Partisan Politics and Privatization in OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Obinger, Herbert and Schmitt, Carina and Zohlnh{\"o}fer, Reimut},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414013495361},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1294--1323},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Many scholars have argued that partisan differences have disappeared since the 1980s because of the ever-increasing economic globalization and the deepening of European integration. Using a new primary data set on public ownership that contains detailed information on privatization in 20 countries between 1980 and 2007, we test these claims empirically in relation to state ownership. We pay special attention to the question of whether changes in the international political economy, notably globalization and different aspects of European integration, condition partisan politics. Our empirical findings suggest that political parties have continued to significantly shape national privatization trajectories in line with the classic partisan hypothesis. While partisan differences are somewhat reduced by the liberalizing and market-building efforts of the European Union, globalization does not condition partisan effects. Moreover, the run-up to the European Monetary Union even seems to have reinforced partisan differences.}
}

@Article{OddenEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {A 50\mbox{-}{S}tate Strategy to Achieve School Finance Adequacy},
  Author                   = {Odden, Allan R. and Picus, Lawrence O. and Goetz, Michael E.},
  Date                     = {2010-07-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904809335107},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {628--654},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This article estimates the costs of school finance adequacy in each of the 50 states and Washington, D.C. by applying the recommendations from an evidence-based model to the student characteristics of each individual state. Using two different prices, (a) the national average teacher salaries adjusted by a comparable wage index and (b) individual state teacher salaries, the authors estimate per pupil costs of adequacy. Results suggest that in 30 states additional resources are needed to reach the funding level for the evidence-based model. The findings do not make adjustments for diseconomies resulting from large numbers of small schools or districts or other state preferences for educational services that could lead to individual state variations from the authors' findings.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904809335107}
}

@Misc{OECD2004,
  author     = {OECD},
  date       = {2004},
  title      = {OECD Social Expenditure Database},
  annotation = {Data.},
}

@Book{OECD2005,
  Title                    = {OECD in Figures, Statistics on the Member Countries},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {9264013040},
  Publisher                = {OECD}
}

@Other{OECD2006a,
  Title                    = {Equity in Education Thematic Review: {Finland} Country Note},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2006}
}

@Other{OECD2006b,
  Title                    = {Equity in Education Thematic Review: {Norway} Country Note},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2006}
}

@Other{OECD2006c,
  abstract   = {Prepared as part of the OECD Thematic Review of Equity in Education, this Country Note is the report of a team of experts who visited Sweden in February 2005. It looks particularly at a number of developments in schools policy, including the extensive arrangements for school choice which have been introduced in Sweden, and arrangements to educate immigrant pupils.},
  annotation = {Authors: Ides Nicaise, Gosta Esping-Andersen, Beatriz Pont, and Pat Tunstall.},
  author     = {OECD},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Equity in Education Thematic Review: {Sweden} Country Note},
}

@Other{OECD2006d,
  Title                    = {Equity in Education Thematic Review: {Spain} Country Note},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2006}
}

@Misc{OECD2007,
  author     = {OECD},
  date       = {2007},
  title      = {OECD Social Expenditure Database},
  annotation = {Data.},
}

@Techreport{OECD2008,
  Title                    = {Growing Unequal? Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Institution              = {Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development},
  Location                 = {Paris}
}

@Book{OECD2012,
  Title                    = {Public and Private Schools: How management and funding relate to their socio-economic profile},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Location                 = {Paris, France},
  Publisher                = {OECD},
  Url                      = {http://www.oecd.org/document/9/0,3746,en_2649_35845621_50110601_1_1_1_1,00.html},

  Abstract                 = {In most PISA-participating countries and economies, the average socio-economic background of students who attend privately managed schools is more advantaged than that of those who attend public schools. Yet in some countries, there is little difference in the socio-economic profiles between public and private schools. Why? An analysis of PISA results finds that while the prevalence of privately managed schools in a country is not related to socio-economic stratification within a school system, the level of public funding to privately managed schools is: the higher the proportion of public funding allocated to privately managed schools, the smaller the socio-economic divide between publicly and privately managed schools. This report also shows that those countries with narrow socio-economic stratification in their education systems not only maximise equity and social cohesion, but also perform well in the PISA survey.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.oecd.org/document/9/0,3746,en_2649_35845621_50110601_1_1_1_1,00.html}
}

@Techreport{OECD2014,
  Title                    = {PISA 2012 Results in Focus: What 15-year-olds know and what they can do with what they know},
  Author                   = {OECD},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Institution              = {Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development},
  Location                 = {Paris},
  Url                      = {http://www.oecd.org/pisa/keyfindings/pisa-2012-results-overview.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-03-08}
}

@Www{OFCOM2016,
  Title                    = {The Ofcom Broadcasting Code},
  Author                   = {OFCOM},
  Date                     = {2016-05-09},
  Url                      = {http://stakeholders.ofcom.org.uk/broadcasting/broadcast-codes/broadcast-code/},
  Urldate                  = {2016-05-17}
}

@Online{ONS2012,
  Title                    = {House Price Index, {October} 2012},
  Author                   = {{Office for National Statistics}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/publications/re-reference-tables.html?edition=tcm%3A77-265881},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Online{ONS2012a,
  Title                    = {EMP08: All in employment by occupation (last updated {November} 2012)},
  Author                   = {{Office for National Statistics}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lms/labour-market-statistics/december-2012/table-emp08.xls},
  Note                     = {Accessed 8 Feb 2013}
}

@Online{ONS2012b,
  Title                    = {A02: Summary of employment, unemployment and economic inactivity for people aged from 16 to 64 (last updated {December} 2012)},
  Author                   = {{Office for National Statistics}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lms/labour-market-statistics/december-2012/table-a02.xls},
  Note                     = {Accessed 8 Feb 2013},

  Timestamp                = {2013.02.20}
}

@Online{ONS2013,
  Title                    = {Labour Market Statistics, {November} 2013},
  Author                   = {{Office for National Statistics}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lms/labour-market-statistics/november-2013/index.html},
  Urldate                  = {2014-06-13}
}

@Book{Okun1975,
  Title                    = {Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff},
  Author                   = {Okun, Arthur M.},
  Date                     = {1975},
  ISBN                     = {0815764766},
  Location                 = {Washington D.C.},
  Publisher                = {Brookings Institution}
}

@Article{Oliver1980,
  author       = {Oliver, Pamela},
  date         = {1980},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Rewards and Punishments as Selective Incentives for Collective Action: Theoretical Investigations},
  issn         = {0002-9602},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1356--1375},
  url          = {http://www.uvm.edu/~pdodds/files/papers/others/1980/oliver1980.pdf},
  urldate      = {2015-09-07},
  volume       = {85},
  abstract     = {Positive and negative selective incentives are shown analytically to have different structural implications when used to induce collective action. Positive selective incentives are effective for motivating small numbers of cooperators and generate pressures toward smaller, more "elite" actions, unless the incentives have jointness of supply. Negative selective incentives are effective for motivating unanimous cooperation, but their use is often uneven and cyclical and may generate hostilities which disrupt the cooperation they enforce. Examples of these dynamics are found in many arenas of collective action and social movements.},
}

@Article{OliverEtAl1985,
  author       = {Oliver, Pamela and Marwell, Gerald and Teixeira, Ruy},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {A Theory of the Critical Mass. I. Independence, Group Heterogeneity, and the Production of Collective Action},
  doi          = {10.1086/228313},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {522--556},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {Collective action usually depends on a "critical mass" that behaves differently from typical group members. Sometimes the critical mass provides some level of the good for others who do nothing, while at other times the critical mass pays the start-up costs and induces widespread collective action. Formal analysis supplemented by simulations shows that the first scenario is most likely when the production function relating inputs of resource contributions to outputs of a collective good is decelerating (characterized by diminishing marginal returns), whereas the second scenario is most likely when the production function is accelerating (characterized by increasing marginal returns). Decelerating production functions yield either surpluses of contributors or order effects in which contributions are maximized if the least interested contribute first, thus generating strategic gaming and competition among potential contributors. The start-up costs in accelerating production functions create severe feasibility problems for collective action, and contractual or conventional resolutions to collective dilemmas are most appropriate when the production function is accelerating.},
}

@Article{Oliver1993,
  author       = {Oliver, Pamela E.},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  title        = {Formal Models of Collective Action},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.so.19.080193.001415},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {271--300},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {This review focuses on formal theories and models of collective action. There are many types of collective action, and they cannot all be captured with the same formal model. Four types of models are reviewed: single-actor models which treat the "group" behavior as given; models of the interdependent aggregation of individual choices into collective action; models of the collective decisions of individuals with different interests; and models of the dynamic interactions among collective actors and their opponents. All models require simplifying assumptions about some aspects of a situation so that others may be addressed. Models of the aggregation of individual choices have shown the greatest recent growth, have employed a wide variety of assumptions about individual behavior and coordination mechanisms, have identified complex interaction effects of group heterogeneity, and generally exhibit thresholds, discontinuities, and internal group differentiation. Models of dynamic interactions require further development but promise to be enriched by accumulating empirical time series data on collective events. Greater attention is urged to technical issues of formal symbolic mathematical analysis, experimental design, response surface analysis, and technical problems in the reduction and presentation of complex interactions.},
}

@Book{Olson1971,
  author     = {Olson, Mancur},
  date       = {1971},
  title      = {The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups},
  location   = {Cambridge, MA},
  publisher  = {Harvard University Press},
  annotation = {Chapter 1 on file.},
}

@Book{Olson1982,
  Title                    = {The Rise and Decline of Nations: Economic Growth, Stagflation, and Social Rigidities},
  Author                   = {Olson, Mancur},
  Date                     = {1982},
  ISBN                     = {0300030797},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Article{Olson1993,
  author       = {Olson,Mancur},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development.},
  doi          = {10.2307/2938736},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {567--576},
  url          = {https://conferences.wcfia.harvard.edu/sites/projects.iq.harvard.edu/files/gov2126/files/olson_1993.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {Under anarchy, uncoordinated competitive theft by ``roving bandits'' destroys the incentive to invest and produce, leaving little for either the population or the bandits. Both can be better off if a bandit sets himself up as a dictator -- stationary bandit -- who monopolizes and rationalizes theft in the form of taxes. A secure autocrat has an encompassing interest in his domain that leads him to provide a peaceful order and other public goods that increase productivity. Whenever an autocrat expects a brief tenure, it pays him to confiscate those assets whose tax yield over his tenure is less than their total value. This incentive plus the inherent uncertainty of succession in dictatorships imply that autocracies will rarely have good economic performance for more than a generation. The conditions necessary for a lasting democracy are the same necessary for the security of property and contract rights that generates economic growth.},
  month        = {9},
  numpages     = {10},
}

@Book{Olsson1993,
  Title                    = {Social Policy and Welfare State in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Olsson, Sven E},
  Date                     = {1993},
  ISBN                     = {9179240534},
  Publisher                = {Arkiv Forlag, Sweden}
}

@Article{Olters1000,
  Title                    = {Modeling Politics with Economics Tools: A Critical Survey of the Literature},
  Author                   = {Olters, Jan-Peter}
}

@Article{Omran2004,
  Title                    = {The Performance of State-Owned Enterprises and Newly Privatized Firms: Does Privatization Really Matter?},
  Author                   = {Omran, Mohammed},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {World Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2004.01.006},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1019--1041},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {While it is well documented that privatization leads to an improvement in the performance of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) following divestiture, many of these studies do not consider the performance of control firms in similar pre-privatization situations. The purpose of this paper is to examine the performance of 54 newly privatized Egyptian firms against a matching number of SOEs. By matching sample firms (privatized) with control firms (SOEs) over 1994{\textendash}98, our analyses show that privatized firms do not exhibit significant improvement in their performance changes relative to SOEs. These findings question the benefits of Egyptian privatization. Nevertheless, evidence from this study could be interpreted to mean that privatization improved the performance of privatized firms, which, in turn, may have had important spillover effects on SOEs. A study over a longer period is needed before these results can be considered conclusive.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2004.01.006}
}

@Other{ONS2007,
  Title                    = {Civil Service Statistics 2006},
  Author                   = {ONS},
  Date                     = {2007}
}

@Article{vanOorschotUunk2007,
  Title                    = {Welfare Spending and the Public's Concern for Immigrants: Multilevel Evidence for Eighteen {Europe}an Countries},
  Author                   = {van Oorschot, Wim and Uunk, Wilfred},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041507X12911361134433},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--82},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {How does a nation's welfare spending affect people's concern for immigrants in comparison with other needy groups? Economic self-interest and cultural ideology theory and knowledge about immigration rates in welfare states suggest several hypotheses. Multilevel regression analyses of data for eighteen countries from the European Values Survey 1999/2000 demonstrate that a nation's welfare spending positively affects people's relative concern for immigrants. However, it is not the level of welfare spending itself but rather the level of immigration that makes people relatively more concerned. These findings suggest that fears of tensions about welfare redistribution toward immigrants is not justified in European countries.}
}

@Article{Orloff1993,
  Title                    = {Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States},
  Author                   = {Orloff, Ann Shola},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {303--328},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/Orloff1993.pdf},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {State social provision affects women's material situations, shapes gender relationships, structures political conflict and participation, and contributes to the formation and mobilization of identities and interests. Mainstream comparative research has neglected gender, while most feminist research on the welfare state has not been systematically comparative. I develop a conceptual framework for analyzing the gender content of social provision that draws on feminist and mainstream work. Three dimensions of qualitative variation suggested by power resources analysts are reconstructed to incorporate gender: (1) the state-market relations dimension is extended to consider the ways countries organize the provision of welfare through families as well as through states and markets; it is then termed the state-market-family relations dimension; (2) the stratification dimension is expanded to consider the effects of social provision by the state on gender relations, especially the treatment of paid and unpaid labor; (3) the social citizenship rights/decommodification dimension is criticized for implicit assumptions about the sexual division of caring and domestic labor and for ignoring the differential effects on men and women of benefits that decommodify labor. Two additional dimensions are proposed to capture the effects of state social provision on gender relations: access to paid work and capacity to form and maintain an autonomous household.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/Orloff1993.pdf}
}

@Article{OsbergSmeeding2006,
  Title                    = {``Fair'' Inequality? Attitudes toward Pay Differentials: The {United States} in Comparative Perspectives},
  Author                   = {Osberg, Lars and Smeeding, Timothy},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/000312240607100305},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {450--473},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {Are American attitudes toward economic inequality different from those in other countries? One tradition in sociology suggests American "exceptionalism," while another argues for convergence across nations in social norms, such as attitudes toward inequality. This article uses International Social Survey Program (ISSP) microdata to compare attitudes in different countries toward what individuals in specific occupations "do earn" and what they "should earn," and to distinguish value preferences for more egalitarian outcomes from other confounding attitudes and perceptions. The authors suggest a method for summarizing individual preferences for the leveling of earnings and use kernel density estimates to describe and compare the distribution of individual preferences over time and cross-nationally. They find that subjective estimates of inequality in pay diverge substantially from actual data, and that although Americans do not, on the average, have different preferences for aggregate (in)equality, there is evidence for: 1. Less awareness concerning the extent of inequality at the top of the income distribution in America 2. More polarization in attitudes among Americans 3. Similar preferences for "leveling down" at the top of the earnings distribution in the United States, but also 4. Less concern for reducing differentials at the bottom of the distribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240607100305}
}

@Article{Ostrom1986,
  Title                    = {An agenda for the study of institutions},
  Author                   = {Ostrom, Elinor},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00239556},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--25},
  Volume                   = {48}
}

@Book{Ostrom1990,
  Title                    = {Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action},
  Author                   = {Ostrom, Elinor},
  Date                     = {1990},
  ISBN                     = {9780521405997},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Ostrom1998,
  author       = {Ostrom, Elinor},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {A Behavioral Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective Action},
  doi          = {10.2307/2585925},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--22},
  url          = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2585925},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
  volume       = {92},
  abstract     = {Extensive empirical evidence and theoretical developments in multiple disciplines stimulate a need to expand the range of rational choice models to be used as a foundation for the study of social dilemmas and collective action. After an introduction to the problem of overcoming social dilemmas through collective action, the remainder of this article is divided into six sections. The first briefly reviews the theoretical predictions of currently accepted rational choice theory related to social dilemmas. The second section summarizes the challenges to the sole reliance on a complete model of rationality presented by extensive experimental research. In the third section, I discuss two major empirical findings that begin to show how individuals achieve results that are "better than rational" by building conditions where reciprocity, reputation, and trust can help to overcome the strong temptations of short-run self-interest. The fourth section raises the possibility of developing second-generation models of rationality, the fifth section develops an initial theoretical scenario, and the final section concludes by examining the implications of placing reciprocity, reputation, and trust at the core of an empirically tested, behavioral theory of collective action.},
  annotation   = {Presidential address, APSA 1997.},
}

@Article{Ostrom2010,
  Title                    = {Beyond Markets and States: Polycentric Governance of Complex Economic Systems},
  Author                   = {Ostrom, Elinor},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.100.3.641},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {641--72},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/n9q63jr},
  Volume                   = {100}
}

@Article{OstromEtAl1992,
  author       = {Ostrom,Elinor and Walker,James and Gardner,Roy},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Covenants with and without a Sword: Self-Governance Is Possible.},
  doi          = {10.2307/1964229},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {404--417},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/ncyo6d2},
  volume       = {86},
  abstract     = {Contemporary political theory often assumes that individuals cannot make credible commitments where substantial temptations exist to break them unless such commitments are enforced by an external agent. One such situation may occur in relation to common pool resources, which are natural or man-made resources whose yield is subtractable and whose exclusion is nontrivial (but not necessarily impossible). Examples include fisheries, forests, grazing ranges, irrigation systems, and groundwater basins. Empirical evidence, however, suggests that appropriators in common pool resources develop credible commitments in many cases without relying on external authorities. We present findings from a series of experiments exploring (1) covenants alone (both one-shot and repeated communication opportunities); (2) swords alone (repeated opportunities to sanction each other); and (3) covenants combined with an internal sword (one-shot communication followed by repeated opportunities to sanction each other).},
  numpages     = {14},
}

@Article{Oswald1982,
  author       = {Oswald, Andrew},
  title        = {The Microeconomic Theory of the Trade Union},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  date         = {1982},
  volume       = {92},
  number       = {367},
  pages        = {576--595},
  abstract     = {a},
}

@Unpublished{OswaldPowdthavee2006,
  Title                    = {Daughters and Left-Wing Voting},
  Author                   = {Oswald, Andrew J and Powdthavee, Nattavudh},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides evidence that daughters make people mre left-wing. Having sons, by contrast, makes them more right-wing. Parents, politicians and voters are probably not aware of this phenomenon -- nor are social scientists. The paper discusses its economic and evolutionary roots. It also speculates on where research might lead. The paper ends with a conjecture: left-wing individuals are people who come from families into which, over recent generations, many females have been born.}
}

@Book{Otsuka2003,
  Title                    = {Libertarianism without Inequality},
  Author                   = {Otsuka, Michael},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Clarendon Press}
}

@Article{OustonEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {The Educational Accountability of Schools in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Ouston, Janet and Fidler, Brian and Earley, Peter},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {111--123},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article reviews the requirements of English and Welsh schools to ensure accountability to stakeholders within the education system. It is argued that although there are many demands for accountability, few of them are rigorously imposed. The most powerful accountabilities operate through the educational "marketplace " that has been created by the introduction of site-based management and open enrollment. Although many of these accountabilities are not directly imposed, they have had a major impact on educational aims, practices, and values.}
}

@Article{Owen1994,
  author       = {Owen, John M.},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {International Security},
  title        = {How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace},
  doi          = {10.2307/2539197},
  issn         = {0162-2889},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {87--125},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/pk5nfjb},
  volume       = {19},
}

@Article{OwensPedulla2014,
  Title                    = {Material Welfare and Changing Political Preferences: The Case of Support for Redistributive Social Policies},
  Author                   = {Owens, Lindsay A. and Pedulla, David S.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Forces},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/sf/sot101},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {1087--1113},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {The relationship between political preferences and material circumstances has stimulated one of the most vibrant discussions in the social sciences. However, the verdict is still out on the extent to which political preferences are a function of material circumstances, stable ideological commitments, or some combination thereof. Drawing on new panel data from the General Social Survey, we further this debate by examining whether becoming unemployed or losing income affects individuals' preferences for redistribution. Using individual-level fixed-effects models, we show that preferences for redistribution are malleable, rather than fixed, corresponding to predictions offered by a materialist perspective. Individuals want more redistribution when they experience unemployment or lose household income. Ultimately, we contribute new empirical insights that further the sociological understanding of the forces shaping political preferences.}
}

@Book{OzgaLawn1981,
  Title                    = {Teachers, Professionalism and Class: Study of Organized Teachers},
  Author                   = {Ozga, Jennifer and Lawn, M.A},
  Date                     = {1981},
  ISBN                     = {0905273206},
  Publisher                = {Falmer Press Ltd}
}

@Article{Paalsson1996,
  author       = {Anne-Marie P{\aa}lsson},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Psychology},
  title        = {Does the degree of relative risk aversion vary with household characteristics?},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0167-4870(96)00039-6},
  issn         = {0167-4870},
  note         = {Household Saving Behaviour and Financial Management},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {771--787},
  volume       = {17},
  keywords     = {Household portfolio composition},
}

@Article{PacekRadcliff1995,
  Title                    = {Turnout and the Vote for Left-of-Centre Parties: A Cross-National Analysis},
  Author                   = {Pacek, Alexander and Radcliff, Benjamin},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123400007109},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {137--143},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Political folk wisdom has long suggested that the electoral fortunes of left-of-centre political parties are affected by the rate of turnout. As is so often the case, the conventional wisdom has yet to be subjected to wide empirical scrutiny. In this Note, we attempt such an examination in the context of national elections in industrial democracies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400007109}
}

@Article{Padgett1980,
  Title                    = {Bounded Rationality in Budgetary Research},
  Author                   = {Padgett, John F.},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {354{--}372},
  Url                      = {http://home.uchicago.edu/~jpadgett/papers/published/bounded.pdf},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {Two bounded rationality theories of federal budgetary decision making are operationalized and tested within a stochastic process framework. Empirical analyses of Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson domestic budget data, compiled from internal Office of Management and Budget planning documents, support the theory of serial judgment over the theory of incrementalism proposed by Davis, Dempster and Wildavsky. The new theory highlights both the structure of ordered search through a limited number of discrete alternatives and the importance of informal judgmental evaluations. Serial judgment theory predicts not only that most programs most of the time will receive allocations which are only marginally different from the historical base, but also that occasional radical and even "catastrophic" changes are the normal result of routine federal budgetary decision making. The methodological limitations of linear regression techniques in explanatory budgetary research are also discussed.}
}

@Article{PadgettPoguntke2001,
  Title                    = {Introduction: Beyond the Politics of Centrality?},
  Author                   = {Padgett, Stephen and Poguntke, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/772713259},
  Pages                    = {1--9},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/772713259}
}

@Article{PadroiMiquelSnowberg2012,
  Title                    = {The Lesser Evil: Executive Accountability with Partisan Supporters},
  Author                   = {Padr{\'o} i Miquel, Gerard and Snowberg, Erik},
  Date                     = {2012-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951629811420895},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {19--45},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {We develop a model of electoral accountability with primaries. Prior to the general election, the supporters of each of two parties decide which candidates to nominate. We show that supporters suffer from a fundamental tension: while they want politicians who will faithfully implement the party's agenda in office, they need politicians who can win elections. Accountability to supporters fails when supporters fear that by punishing or rewarding their incumbent for her loyalty or lack thereof, they unintentionally increase the electoral prospects of the opposing party. Therefore, accountability decreases with the importance that supporters assign to the elections, and it breaks down in two cases. First, a popular incumbent safely defects as she knows she will be re-nominated. Second, an unpopular incumbent defects because she knows she will be dismissed even if she follows the party line. These behaviors are labeled impunity and damnation, respectively, and are illustrated with case studies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629811420895},
  Timestamp                = {2012.06.21}
}

@Article{PageShapiro1983,
  author       = {Page, Benjamin I. and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Effects of Public Opinion on Policy},
  doi          = {10.2307/1956018},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {01},
  pages        = {175--190},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {The responsiveness of government policies to citizens' preferences is a central concern of various normative and empirical theories of democracy. Examining public opinion and policy data for the United States from 1935 to 1979, we find considerable congruence between changes in preferences and in policies, especially for large, stable opinion changes on salient issues. We present evidence that pubic opinion is often a proximate cause of policy, affecting policy more than policy influences opinion. One should be cautious, however, about concluding that democratic responsiveness pervades American politics.},
  month        = {3},
  numpages     = {16},
}

@Book{PageShapiro2010,
  Title                    = {The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in {America}ns' Policy Preferences},
  Author                   = {Page, Benjamin I. and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {9780226644783},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Page2006,
  Title                    = {Path Dependence},
  Author                   = {Page, Scott E},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00000006},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {87--115},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00000006}
}

@Article{Pagoulatos2005,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Privatisation: Redrawing the Public--Private Boundary},
  Author                   = {Pagoulatos, George},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402380500060031},
  ISSN                     = {0140-2382},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {358--380},
  Url                      = {http://www.detterco.com/sites/default/files/Pagoulatos%202005.pdf},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {Privatisation in Greece represented a reversal of the entire post-war and post-authoritarian interventionist policy paradigm. The privatisation decision resulted from pressures associated with the EC/EU and globalisation in general. The Simitis governments reactivated a privatisation programme comparable to that of ND in the early 1990s, but distinctly pragmatic in its reasoning, gradualist in its pace, and non-conflictual though unilateralist in its policy implementation. A central feature of the `Simitis privatisations' was the flotation of successive minority stakes in public enterprises leading to retention of public control even though the government kept only a minority stake in the privatised enterprises. Privatisation was most far-reaching in the banking sector, with important broader implications for the entire economy. Despite the remarkably more favourable overall conditions under which the Simitis governments implemented privatisation as compared to the ND government in the early 1990s, privatisation policies continued to provide ad hoc opportunities for considerable socio-political opposition.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.detterco.com/sites/default/files/Pagoulatos%202005.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380500060031},
  Booktitle                = {West European Politics},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{PaldamSkott1995,
  Title                    = {A rational-voter explanation of the cost of ruling},
  Author                   = {Paldam, Martin and Skott, Peter},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF01047690},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {159--172},
  Volume                   = {83},

  Abstract                 = {It is well known that the average government loses votes {\textemdash} the so-called cost of ruling. We show that the loss can be explained as a perfectly rational demand for change in a median voter model, once the model is amended to let the two parties be visibly different.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF01047690}
}

@Article{Pallesen2004,
  Title                    = {A Political Perspective on Contracting Out: The Politics of Good Times. Experiences from Danish Local Governments},
  Author                   = {Pallesen, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0952-1895.2004.00258.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {573{--}587},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Privatization has been on the political agenda for the last two decades. The literature points to two major explanations of privatization. One explanation is political-ideological, considering privatization to be a Liberal-Conservative strategy. Economic crisis or fiscal stress is the other main explanation of privatization. The two theses are investigated by evaluating the determinants of contracting out in Danish local governments. The analysis shows that fiscal stress is strongly, but inversely related to contracting out, while Liberal-Conservative political leadership is not associated with higher levels of contracting out than Social Democratic governance. Thus, the richer a local government becomes, the more it contracts out. Although party politics is not decisive for contracting out, the motivation seems to be political rather than economical. Specifically, it is argued that in a strongly decentralized public sector with influential public employees, contracting out is possible in good times when revenue and public expenditure are easier to increase, which reduces public employee resistance to contracting out.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0952-1895.2004.00258.x}
}

@Article{PalmeEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Welfare trends in {Sweden}: balancing the books for the 1990{s}},
  Author                   = {Palme, Joakim and Bergmark, Ake and Backman, Olof and Estrada, Felipe and Fritzell, Johan and Lundberg, Olle and Sjoberg, Ola and Szebehely, Marta},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {329--346},
  Volume                   = {12}
}

@Article{PalmerWhitten1999,
  Title                    = {The Electoral Impact of Unexpected Inflation and Economic Growth},
  Author                   = {Palmer, Harvey D. and Whitten, Guy D.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = sep,
  Pages                    = {623--639},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {This article supports two theoretical changes to models of comparative economic voting. The first is that the distinction between expected and unexpected components of inflation and economic growth is important. We posit that voters are primarily concerned with unexpected inflation and unexpected growth since these changes have real income effects and serve as better indicators of government competence. Empirical analyses of data from nineteen industrialized nations in 1970--94 reveal stronger electoral effects for the unexpected components of inflation and growth than for their overall levels. The second innovation is the relaxation of the assumption of homoscedasticity, which led to the finding that the relationship between economic factors and incumbent vote has become more volatile over time and is less volatile when policy-making responsibility is more obscured.}
}

@Article{PalmerWhitten2003,
  author       = {Palmer, Harvey D. and Whitten, Guy D.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Questionable Analyses with No Theoretical Innovation: A Response to Royed, Leyden and Borrelli},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {139--149},
  volume       = {33},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{PalmerWhitten2003a,
  author       = {Palmer, Harvey D. and Whitten, Guy D.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Ignorance Is No Excuse: Data Mining versus Theoretical Formulation of Hypotheses},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {159--160},
  volume       = {33},
}

@Article{PalmerEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Who should be chef? The dynamics of valence evaluations across income groups during economic crises},
  Author                   = {Palmer, Harvey D. and Whitten, Guy D. and Williams, Laron K.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.014},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {0},
  Pages                    = {--},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper, we investigate partisan rationalization in valence politics by trying to better specify the direct and indirect effects of the economy on government support. To do so, we examine how income levels moderate the influence of objective economic conditions on perceptions of which party is the best manager of the economy during a period of economic crisis, 2004--2010, in the United Kingdom. We find that low-income voters are more responsive in their assessments of the incumbent Labour government based on unemployment, as are high-income voters in terms of inflation. In addition, high-income voters tend to behave in a manner consistent with partisan rationalization, while low-income voters do not. These conclusions offer important implications for the effectiveness of electoral control of government policy, as well as the quality of representation.},
  Keywords                 = {Economic voting}
}

@Article{PampelWilliamson1988,
  Title                    = {Welfare Spending in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 1950-1980},
  Author                   = {Pampel, Fred C. and Williamson, John B.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1424--1456},
  Volume                   = {93},

  Abstract                 = {This paper addresses long-standing debates over the role of demographic structure, class power, class-based political parties, and democraphic political participation in the growth of the welfare state in advance industrial democracies from 1950 to 1980. It distinguishes four theories-industrialism, monopoly capitalism, social democratic, and interest-group politics-and tests them using pooled, cross-sectional, time-series data for 18 nations and seven time points. Total social welfare spending, composed primarily of social insurance benefits, is dominated by the size of the aged population, smaller but important effect of nonclass political variables such as voting participation and electoral competition, and interaction of age with political and other variables. Public assistance, means-tested programs, however, are dominated by class variables. Although evaluation of the theories must consider the domain of programs to which each best applies, the results generally favor an interest-group-politics theory, which posits the dominant influence of demographic and political factors.}
}

@Article{PanizzaEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The Economics and Law of Sovereign Debt and Default},
  Author                   = {Panizza, Ugo and Sturzenegger, Federico and Zettelmeyer, Jeromin},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jel.47.3.651},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {651--698},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {This paper surveys the recent literature on sovereign debt and relates it to the evolution of the legal principles underlying the sovereign debt market and the experience of the most recent debt crises and defaults. It finds limited support for theories that explain the feasibility of sovereign debt based on either external sanctions or exclusion from the international capital market and more support for explanations that emphasize domestic costs of default. The paper concludes that there remains a case for establishing institutions that reduce the cost of default but the design of such institutions is not a trivial task.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.47.3.651}
}

@Article{ParkerKarlsson2010,
  Title                    = {Climate Change and the {Europe}an Union's Leadership Moment: An Inconvenient Truth?},
  Author                   = {Parker, Charles F. and Karlsson, Christer},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02080.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {923--943},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the nexus between the EU's goal of being a leading actor on the world stage in devising a global solution to the threat of climate change and the performance of its Member States in meeting their climate change obligations. In doing so the article will discuss the concept of EU leadership, examine the modes of leadership the EU has employed in pursuing its climate protection objectives, scrutinize the extent to which EU Member States are actually living up to their Kyoto obligations and analyse how the EU's own performance, credibility and legitimacy in this area affects its aspirations to be a key norm-entrepreneur in the establishment of a post-2012 climate change agreement. The article concludes with a balance sheet of some of the Union's key successes and failures and closes by highlighting some potentially inconvenient truths that might frustrate the EU's climate protection aspirations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02080.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Incollection{Parker1998a,
  Title                    = {Privatisation in the {Europe}an Union: an overview},
  Author                   = {Parker, David},
  Booktitle                = {Privatisation in the European Union: Theory and Policy Perspectives},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {David Parker},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {10--48},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Parker1998,
  Title                    = {Privatisation in the {Europe}an Union: Theory and Policy Perspectives},
  Author                   = {Parker, David},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {0415154693},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{ParkerMartin1995,
  Title                    = {The Impact of UK Privatisation on Labour and Total Factor Productivity},
  Author                   = {Parker, David and Martin, Stephen},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Scottish Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9485.1995.tb01154.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9485},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {201--220},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9485.1995.tb01154.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Parkinson2007,
  Title                    = {The House of Lords: A Deliberative Democratic Defence},
  Author                   = {Parkinson, John},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00866.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {374--381},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {This article defends the idea of an appointed House of Lords using deliberative democratic theory. The analysis suggests that while one might well think that current appointment procedures leave much to be desired, a reformed but still appointed House of Lords would be better at maximising the deliberative democratic qualities of inclusiveness and the scrutiny of arguments than a fully elected one; indeed, that election might do actual damage. It suggests that the debate thus far has been focused too narrowly on an outdated account of democracy, and too narrowly on the peculiarities of the House of Lords in isolation from its institutional context.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00866.x},
  Keywords                 = {House of Lords, deliberative democracy, legitimacy, appointment, election, Parliament, UK},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Parsons1995,
  Title                    = {Public Policy: An Introduction to the Theory and Practice of Policy Analysis},
  Author                   = {Parsons, Wayne},
  Date                     = {1995},
  ISBN                     = {978-1852785543},
  Publisher                = {Edward Elgar}
}

@Article{Paster2013,
  Title                    = {Business and Welfare State Development: Why Did Employers Accept Social Reforms?},
  Author                   = {Paster, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years, employer-centered explanations of welfare state development have begun to challenge conventional labor-centered and state-centered explanations. These new explanations suggest that sector-specific business interests and cross-class alliances propelled the adoption and expansion of social programs (the business interests thesis). This article presents a novel explanation of differences in business support for welfare state expansion based on a diachronic analysis of the German case and shadow case studies of Sweden and the United States. The article suggests that when looking at changes in employers{\textquoteright} positions across time rather than across sectors, political constraints turn out to be the central factor explaining variation in employers{\textquoteright} support for social reforms (the political accommodation thesis). The article identifies two goals of business intervention in welfare state development: pacification and containment. In the case of pacification, business interests propel social policy expansion; in the case of containment, they constrain it. Business chooses pacification when revolutionary forces challenge capitalism and political stabilization thus becomes a priority. Business chooses containment when reformist forces appear likely to succeed in expanding social protection and no revolutionary challenge exists. The article shows that changes over time in the type of political challenges that business interests confront best explain the variation in business support for labor-friendly social reforms.}
}

@Article{Paster2014,
  Title                    = {Why Did {Austria}n Business Oppose Welfare Cuts? How the Organization of Interests Shapes Business Attitudes Toward Social Partnership},
  Author                   = {Paster, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414013488556},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {966--992},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {In recent decades, business interests became protagonists of welfare retrenchment in many countries. In contrast, Austria{\textquoteright}s national business organization, the WK{\"{O}} (Wirtschaftskammer {\"{O}}sterreich), defended welfare programs and social partnership against government initiatives to dismantle them. Drawing on interviews and media reports, this article analyzes the reasons for this deviation, focusing on reforms in two fields: (a) public pensions and (b) social insurance administration. The article suggests that the institutional setup of interest representation in Austria explains this stance better than alternative explanations that focus on competitive advantages. The article identifies compulsory membership, equal voting rights, and encompassing organization as the relevant features of the institutional setup. These features shaped the WK{\"{O}}{\textquoteright}s social policy attitudes in two ways: first, by ensuring a strong role for small firms, and second, by reducing the vulnerability of the organization to discontented minorities. The findings point to the importance of organizational structures in shaping associational policy preferences.}
}

@Book{Pateman1970,
  Title                    = {Participation and Democratic Theory},
  Author                   = {Pateman, Carole},
  Date                     = {1970},
  ISBN                     = {0-521-29004-X},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Paton2012,
  Title                    = {Academies accused of expelling pupils to boost results},
  Author                   = {Paton, Graeme},
  Date                     = {2012-02-23},
  Journaltitle             = {{The Telegraph}},
  Url                      = {http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/9057604/Academies-accused-of-expelling-pupils-to-boost-results.html}
}

@Article{PatrikiosCurtice2014,
  author       = {Patrikios, Stratos and Curtice, John},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  title        = {Attitudes towards School Choice and Faith Schools in the UK: A Question of Individual Preference or Collective Interest?},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0047279414000233},
  issn         = {1469-7823},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {517--534},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {As has been the case in a number of countries, parents in England have increasingly been given the opportunity to choose between different types of schools. Doing so is regarded as a way of meeting individual needs and improving academic standards. Faith-based schools long predate this move towards a more diversified educational system, but have come to be regarded as one of the ways of fulfilling the recent agenda. Drawing on social identity theory, we suggest that attitudes towards faith-based schools reflect social (religious) identities and group interests associated with those identities rather than beliefs about the merits of individual choice. We demonstrate this is the case using data from all four parts of the UK. However, the extent to which attitudes towards faith-based schools are a reflection of religious identities varies across the four parts in line with the structure of the religious economy and educational provision locally. We conclude that rather than reflecting a supposedly a-social concern with choice, support for diversity of educational provision may be rooted instead in collective --- and potentially antagonistic --- social identities.},
  month        = {7},
}

@Unpublished{Patrinos2001,
  author     = {Patrinos, Harry Anthony},
  date       = {2001},
  title      = {School Choice in {Denmark}},
  annotation = {World Bank study.},
}

@Unpublished{Patrinos2010,
  Title                    = {Private Education Provision and Public Finance: The {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Patrinos, Harry Anthony},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Note                     = {World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 5185},

  Abstract                 = {One of the key features of the Dutch education system is freedom of education{\textemdash}freedom to establish schools and organize teaching. Almost 70 percent of schools in the Netherlands are administered by private school boards, and all schools are government funded equally. This is allows school choice. Using an instrument to identify school choice, it is shown that the Dutch system promotes academic performance. The instrumental variables results show that private school attendance is associated with higher test scores. Private school size effects in math, reading, and science achievement are 0.17, 0.28, and 0.18.}
}

@Book{Patterson1993,
  Title                    = {Out of order: How the decline of the political parties and the growing power of the news media undermine the American way of electing presidents},
  Author                   = {Patterson, Thomas E},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Publisher                = {Alfred Knopf}
}

@Article{PattieJohnston2012,
  Title                    = {The Electoral Impact of the UK 2009 MPs' Expenses Scandal},
  Author                   = {Pattie, Charles and Johnston, Ron},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00943.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Pages                    = {no--no},

  Abstract                 = {The 2009 scandal over British MPs' expenses claims unleashed a powerful and highly vocal tide of public anger with elected politicians. It claimed some political careers: some of the MPs most heavily implicated in the scandal decided (or were forced) to stand down at the 2010 election rather than face the voters' wrath. Others struggled to deal with the consequences and the party leaderships felt they had to be seen to be responsive to public outrage. But the scandal hit a year before the UK general election, a contest dominated by anxieties over a deep global recession, looming public sector cuts and antipathies towards a deeply unpopular prime minister. In this environment, no-one could be sure of the scandal's wider electoral fallout. Would the departure of the most notably guilty MPs assuage public anger, or would the effects be more extensive, taking in either implicated MPs seeking re-election, or even all MPs standing again, irrespective of their involvement? The article examines the scandal's electoral implications.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00943.x},
  Keywords                 = {scandal, voting, election},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Pauly1967,
  Title                    = {Mixed Public and Private Financing of Education: Efficiency and Feasibility},
  Author                   = {Pauly, Mark V},
  Date                     = {1967},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {120--130},
  Volume                   = {57}
}

@Article{PearceGordon2005,
  Title                    = {In the zone: {New Zealand}'s legislation for a system of school choice and its effects},
  Author                   = {Pearce, Diane and Gordon, Liz},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {London Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/14748460500163955},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--157},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the legislative framework developed in New Zealand over the last 15 years to facilitate greater parental choice in education. The discussion is set within the context of changes to admission practices in a number of education systems to advance the privatisation agenda, and outlines the resurgence of interest in the development of voucher-based models of school choice. The New Zealand case study describes the series of regulatory changes that governed admissions and selection from 1989 onwards, with particular focus on selection in situations of school over-subscription.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14748460500163955}
}

@Article{PearceEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {Valuing the Future: Recent advances in social discounting},
  Author                   = {Pearce, David and Groom, Ben and Hepburn, Cameron and Koundouri, Pheobe},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {World Economics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {121--141},
  Volume                   = {4}
}

@Article{Pedder2006,
  Title                    = {Are small classes better? Understanding relationships between class size, classroom processes and pupils' learning},
  Author                   = {Pedder, David},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {213--234},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {Twelve years ago Blatchford and Mortimore's authoritative review of class size research appeared in this journal. They concluded that a major problem with class size research was the lack of detailed studies of complex classroom processes that might mediate class size effects on pupils' learning. This article reviews two UK class size reviews and quantitative, qualitative and mixed method class size research. Evidence from research, and insights from 30 years of classroom based inquiry, form the basis for the development of theoretical models of relationships between class size, classroom processes and pupils' learning. Recent research evidence from secondary school classrooms calls into question simple one way relationships between class size and pupils' learning. Politicians are challenged to face up to the complexities involved and to be open to more flexible approaches to reforming the organisation of teaching and learning in schools that go beyond expensive programmes of crude across the board class size reductions. Further class size research is recommended that incorporates sophisticated qualitative methods in order to adequately understand and represent the kinds of teacher and pupil expertise involved in promoting and maximising opportunities for high quality learning in different large and small class contexts in primary and secondary schools.}
}

@Incollection{Pedersen1988,
  Title                    = {The Defeat of All Parties: The Danish Folketing Election, 1973},
  Author                   = {Mogens N. Pedersen},
  Booktitle                = {When Parties Fail: Emerging Alternative Organizations},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Editor                   = {Lawswon, Kay and Merkl, Peter H.},
  Chapter                  = {10},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Pages                    = {257--281},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{PeersmanSmets1999,
  Title                    = {The {Taylor} Rule: A Useful Monetary Policy Benchmark for the Euro Area?},
  Author                   = {Peersman, Gert and Smets, Frank},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {International Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2362.00020},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2362},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {85--116},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the Taylor rule --- defined as an instrument rule linking the central bank's policy rate to the current inflation rate and the output gap --- as a benchmark for analysing monetary policy in the euro area. First, it analyses the stabilization properties of the Taylor rule in a closed economy model of the euro area, estimated using aggregate data from five EU countries. An optimized Taylor rule performs quite well compared to the unconstrained optimal feedback rule. Second, the robustness of these results to estimation error in the output gap and model uncertainty is examined},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2362.00020},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Article{Peltzman1993,
  author       = {Peltzman, Sam},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  title        = {The Political Economy of the Decline of {America}n Public Education},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {331--370},
  volume       = {36},
  annotation   = {John M. Olin Centennial Conference in Law and Economics at the University of Chicago},
}

@Article{Pennings1999,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an social democracy between planning and market: a comparative exploration of trends and variations},
  Author                   = {Pennings, Paul},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017699343351},
  Pages                    = {743--756},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Since the 1970s many social democratic parties have moved in a neoliberal direction. This article examines the variations in the orientation of social democracy towards welfare state retrenchment. There are significant differences in this respect in thirteen Western European countries. Social democratic parties that opt for market solutions in socio-economic policy-making are mostly positioned in welfare state regimes with a strong planning tradition. The planning option is often chosen in countries with a strong market tradition. In both instances the goal is the same: striking the balance between planning and market in a mixed economy by adapting to changing socio-economic conditions. Most social democratic pledges in favour of market solutions are not signs of irreversible neo-liberalism, but merely attempts to assure the economic viability of welfare statism.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017699343351}
}

@Article{Pennings1999a,
  Title                    = {Explaining Variations in Public Employment},
  Author                   = {Pennings, Paul},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Comparative Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/002071529904000302},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {332--350},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {This article tests and evaluates existing and new models that seek to explain variations in post war public employment in the countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The basic assumption is that the existing models are rather incomplete and should be extended by including institutional variables. The results on the basis of pooled time-series analysis (using Beck and Katz' "panel-corrected standard errors") seem to confirm this assumption. The empirical findings that are based on neo-institutional modeling do indeed outperform the older models. Yet, no model is able to account for changes in public employment in the 1990s.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071529904000302}
}

@Article{Perotti1995,
  Title                    = {Credible Privatization},
  Author                   = {Perotti, Enrico C},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {847{--}859},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {Privatization shifts residual income and control to private investors, restricting redistribution and improving incentives; thus rapid privatization should be desirable. Empirically, however, the transfer of ownership, as opposed to control, is very gradual. I offer an explanation based on investors' concern about future interference. A government averse to redistribution retains a passive stake in the firm; the willingness to bear residual risk signals commitment. When a large government stake conflicts with the transfer of control, underpricing may be necessary for separation. Finally, when the required discount is large, a committed government may prefer not to signal, gaining credibility over time.}
}

@Article{Perotti1996,
  Title                    = {Fiscal Consolidation in {Europe}: Composition Matters},
  Author                   = {Perotti, Roberto},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {105{--}110},
  Volume                   = {86}
}

@Article{Perotti1998,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Fiscal Consolidations},
  Author                   = {Perotti, Roberto},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9442.00107},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {367--394},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {In the context of recent research in political economy, this paper addresses the policy problem of fiscal consolidation in terms of three types of issues: i) the macroeconomic effects of alternative strategies to consolidate; ii) the institutional setups conducive to a consolidation; and iii) the best strategy for implementing a consolidation in order to maximize its political feasibility. One methodological feature of this survey is an emphasis on policy feasibility. One methodological feature of this survey is an emphasis on policy issues in order to bridge the gap between the level of abstraction of politico-economic models of fiscal policy and the issues faced by a policymaker when attempting a fiscal consolidation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9442.00107}
}

@Article{PerryHunt1978,
  Title                    = {Evaluating the Union-Management Relationship in Government},
  Author                   = {Perry, James L and Hunt, Carder W},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {431--436},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Substantial concern has been voiced that the union-management relationship in government serves partisan interests at the expense of creative change. For this reason an explicit evaluative framework is needed for judging the quality of the union-management relationship. Organizational effectiveness provides the foundation for such a framework. Six effectiveness concepts are associated with the impact of the union-management relationship: absenteeism and turnover, labor productivity, adaptability/flexibility, job satisfaction, commitment, and user satisfaction. Using these concepts to assess the union-management relationship in government should prove valuable as a means for identifying factors conducive to constructive union-management relations. The evaluative criteria could also provide the focus for re-integrating employee, management, and citizen interests.}
}

@Misc{Persdotter2012,
  Author                   = {Persdotter, Kristina},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {May 9}
}

@Incollection{PerssonEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Debt, cash flow and inflation incentives: A Swedish example},
  Author                   = {Persson, Mats and Persson, Torsten and Svensson, Lars E.O},
  Booktitle                = {The Debt Burden and its Consequences for Monetary Policy},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {Guillermo A. Calvo and Mervyn King},
  Location                 = {London},
  Pages                    = {28--62},
  Publisher                = {MacMillan},

  Abstract                 = {The fiscal gains from, and hence the political incentives to, an increase in inflation rate of ten percentage points may be substantial: with Swedish data from 1994, these gains would have been an annual real flow of 3-4 percent of GDP, or a capitalized value of nearly 100 percent of GDP. They would mainly have arisen from the nominalistic features of the tax and transfer systems rather than from the traditional sources: seignorage and real depreciation of the public debt. The welfare costs of such an inflation increase would have been even larger, however, and would thus have reduced net welfare. Possible institutional reforms, aimed at making the political costs of inflation more equal to the social costs, are presented and discussed.}
}

@Article{PerssonEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Time Consistency of Fiscal and Monetary Policy: A Solution},
  Author                   = {Persson, Mats and Persson, Torsten and Svensson, Lars E.O},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0262.2006.00653.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {193{--}212},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {This paper demonstrates how time consistency of the Ramsey policy-the optimal fiscal and monetary policy under commitment-can be achieved. Each government should leave its successor with a unique maturity structure for nominal and indexed debt, such that the marginal benefit of a surprise inflation exactly balances the marginal cost. Unlike in earlier papers on the topic, the result holds for quite general Ramsey policies, including time-varying polices with positive inflation and positive nominal interest rates. We compare our results with those in Persson, Persson, and Svensson (1987), Calvo and Obstfeld (1990), and Alvarez, Kehoe, and Neumeyer (2004).}
}

@Article{Persson1988,
  Title                    = {Credibility of macroeconomic policy: An introduction and a broad survey},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(88)90199-7},
  Number                   = {2-3},
  Pages                    = {519--532},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{PerssonEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Separation of Powers and Political Accountability},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Roland, Gerard and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355300555457},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1163--1202},
  Volume                   = {112},

  Abstract                 = {Political constitutions are incomplete contracts and therefore leave room for abuse of power. In democracies, elections are the primary mechanism for disciplining public officials, but they are not sufficient. Separation of powers between executive and legislative bodies also helps to prevent the abuse of power, but only with appropriate checks and balances. Checks and balances work by creating a conflict of interest between the executive and the legislature, yet requiring both bodies to agree on public policy. In this way, the two bodies discipline each other to the voters' advantage. Under appropriate checks and balances, separation of powers also helps the voters elicit information.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355300555457}
}

@Article{PerssonEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Comparative Politics and Public Finance},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Roland, Gerard and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/317686},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1121--1161},
  Volume                   = {108},

  Abstract                 = {We propose a model with micropolitical foundations to contrast different political regimes. Compared to a parliamentary regime, the institutions of a presidential-congressional regime produce fewer incentives for legislative cohesion but more separation of powers. These differences are reflected in the size and composition of government spending. A parliamentary regime has redistribution toward a majority, less underprovision of public goods, and more rents to politicians; a presidential-congressional regime has redistribution toward powerful minorities, more underprovision of public goods, but less rents to politicians. The size of government is smaller under a presidential regime. This last prediction is consistent with cross-country data.}
}

@Article{PerssonEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Electoral Rules and Government Spending in Parliamentary Democracies},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Roland, Gerard and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00006019},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {155--188},
  Url                      = {http://eml.berkeley.edu/~groland/pubs/QJPS.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-07-09},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {We present a theoretical model of a parliamentary democracy where electoral competition inside coalition governments induces higher spending than under single party governments. Policy preferences of parties are endogenous and derived from opportunistic reelection motives. The electoral rule affects government spending, but only indirectly: proportional elections induce a more fragmented party system and a larger incidence of coalition governments than do majoritarian elections. Empirical evidence from post-war parliamentary democracies strongly supports these predictions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00006019}
}

@Article{PerssonSvensson1989,
  Title                    = {Why a Stubborn Conservative would Run a Deficit: Policy with Time- Inconsistent Preferences},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Svensson, Lars E.O.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {325{--}345},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {A conservative government, in favor of a low level of public consumption, knows that it will be replaced by a government in favor of a larger level of public consumption. We show that the resulting level of public consumption is in between the levels the two governments would choose if each were in power both in the present and in the future. In particular, we show that if the conservative government is more stubborn (in a particular sense) than the succeeding government, the conservative government will borrow more than it would had it remained in power in the future.}
}

@Article{PerssonTabellini1994,
  Title                    = {Does centralization increase the size of government?},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {765--773},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Are fiscal programs larger or smaller if they are run centrally, rather than locally, in a prospective federation. We abstract completely from well-understood economic issues and focus instead on the political effects of centralization. For fiscal programs with benefits broadly spread in the population - such as redistributive transfer schemes, social insurance and general government consumption - centralization changes the coalition of voters who favor a large program in a direction that depends on the nature of the redistributive instrument. For fiscal programs with localized benefits-such as provision of local public goods - centralization creates opportunities for rent-seeking, which increases the size of government.}
}

@Article{PerssonTabellini1996,
  Title                    = {Federal Fiscal Constitutions: Risk Sharing and Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {979--1009},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {The paper studies the political and economic determinants of regional public transfers. Specifically, it focuses on how such transfers are shaped by alternative fiscal constitutions, where a constitution is an allocation of fiscal instruments across different levels of governments plus a procedure for the collective choice of these instruments. Realistic restrictions on fiscal instruments introduce a tradeoff between risk sharing and redistribution. Different constitutions produce very different results. In particular, a federal social insurance scheme, chosen by voting, provides overinsurance, whereas an intergovernmental transfer scheme, chosen by bargaining, provides underinsurance.}
}

@Article{PerssonTabellini1996a,
  Title                    = {Federal Fiscal Constitutions: Risk Sharing and Moral Hazard},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {623{--}646},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {We study the collective choice of fiscal policy in a "federation" with two levels of government. Local policy redistributes across individuals and affects the probability of aggregate shocks, whereas federal policy shares international risk. There is a tradeoff between risk-sharing and moral hazard: federal risk-sharing may induce local governments to enact policies that increase local risk. We analyze this tradeoff under alternative fiscal constitutions. In particular, we contrast a vertically ordered system like the EC with a horizontally ordered federal system like the US. Alternative arrangements create different incentives for policymakers and voters, and give rise to different political equilibria. Under appropriate institutions, centralization of functions and power can mitigate the moral hazard problem.}
}

@Article{PerssonTabellini1999,
  Title                    = {The size and scope of government: Comparative politics with rational politicians},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0014-2921(98)00131-7},
  Number                   = {4-6},
  Pages                    = {699{--}735},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {We try to demonstrate how economists may engage in research on comparative politics, relating the size and composition of government spending to the political system. A Downsian model of electoral competition and forward-looking voting indicates that majoritarian --- as opposed to proportional --- elections increase competition between parties by focusing it into some key marginal districts. This leads to less public goods, less rents for politicians, more redistribution and larger government. A model of legislative bargaining and backward-looking voting indicates that presidential --- as opposed to parliamentary --- regimes increase competition between both politicians and voters. This leads to less public goods, less rents for politicians, less redistribution, and smaller government. We confront these predictions with cross-country data from around 1990, controlling for economic and social determinants of government spending. We find strong and robust support for the prediction that the size of government is smaller under presidential regimes, and weaker support for the prediction that majoritarian elections are associated with less public goods.}
}

@Book{PerssonTabellini2000,
  Title                    = {Political Economics: Explaining Economic Policy},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {9780262661317},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Article{PerssonTabellini2002,
  Title                    = {Do constitutions cause large governments?: Quasi-experimental evidence},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0014-2921(01)00224-0},
  Number                   = {4-5},
  Pages                    = {908--918},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {How do constitutional rules for elections and legislation affect the size of government? We ask this question in a new sample of about 80 countries in the 1990s. In addition to conventional regression methods, we use quasi-experimental, matching methods, which more convincingly address legitimate criticisms of causal inference from cross-country data. Both sets of estimates suggest that presidential regimes and majoritarian elections produce smaller governments.}
}

@Article{PerssonTabellini2004,
  Title                    = {Constitutions and Economic Policy},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3216876},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--98},
  Volume                   = {18}
}

@Book{PerssonTabellini2005,
  Title                    = {The Economic Effects of Constitutions},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {0262661926},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/pzcvrv8}
}

@Unpublished{PerssonTabellini2006,
  Title                    = {Democratic capital: The nexus of political and economic change},
  Author                   = {Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {Presented at the Nuffield Economic Theory and Econometrics seminar series, 2006/10/13.},

  Abstract                 = {We study the joint dynamics of economic and political change. Predictions of the simple model that we formulate in the paper get considerable support in a panel of data on political regimes and GDP per capita for about 150 countries over 150 years. Democratic capital {\textemdash} measured by a nation{\textquoteright}s historical experience with democracy and by the incidence of democracy in its neighborhood {\textemdash} reduces the exit rate from democracy and raises the exit rate from autocracy. In democracies, a higher stock of democratic capital stimulates growth in an indirect way by decreasing the probability of a sucessful coup. Our results suggest a virtuous circle, where the accumulation of physical and democratic capital reinforce each other, promoting economic development jointly with the consolidation of democracy.}
}

@Article{Peters1996,
  Title                    = {Is it the Institutions?: Explaining the Failure of Health Care Reform in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Peters, B. Guy},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Policy and Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095207679601100102},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {8--15},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679601100102}
}

@Book{Peters2005,
  Title                    = {Institutional Theory in Political Science},
  Author                   = {Peters, B. Guy},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {9780826473042},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Continuum},

  Abstract                 = {At the turn of the millennium there has been a major growth of interest in institutional theory and institutional analysis in political science. This book identifies these approaches to institutions, and provides a frame of reference for the different theories. In the past decade there has been a major growth of interest in institutional theory and institutional analysis in political science. There are, however, a variety of different approaches to the new institutionalism and these approaches rarely address the same issues. This book identifies the various approaches to institutions, and then provides a common frame of reference for the different theories. In this updated and expanded edition, Peters argues that there are at least seven versions of institutionalism, beginning with the March and Olsen "normative institutionalism", and including rational choice, historical and empirical approaches to institutions and their impact on public policy. For each of the versions of institutionalism a set of identical questions is posed. Including the definition of institutions, the way in which they are formed, how they change, how individuals and institutions interact, and the nature of a "good institution". Peters discusses whether there are really so many different approaches to institutionalism, or if there is sufficient agreement among them to argue that there is really one institutional theory.}
}

@Article{PetersHogwood1985,
  Title                    = {In Search of the Issue-Attention Cycle},
  Author                   = {Peters, B. Guy and Hogwood, Brian W},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {238{--}253},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {This article seeks to establish whether an issue-attention cycle of the type described by Downs for policy relating to the environment is typical of all policy areas in the United States. Downs introduced the concept of the issue-attention cycle based on his perception of the ecology issue rather than on a quantitative analysis of issue salience. This article uses changes in U.S. federal government organizations as an indicator of policy activity. Organizational activity within policy areas is indeed found to take a cyclical form, with the timing differing for different policy areas. It is, however, necessary to go beyond Downs's differentiation between policy attention and subsequent waning of political interest. Organizational initiation may be followed by a lack of any organizational activity, but it is more typically followed by periods of organizational succession (that is, replacement of the original initiations). The periods of highest organizational activity in a particular policy area are normally, but not universally, their periods of highest relative policy salience compared to total government organizational activity. Changes in organizational activity are related to changes in the salience of issues in public opinion. Peak periods of organizational activity occur either during the period of peak public concern with an issue or in the period immediately after that peak in public concern.}
}

@Article{PetersEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Path Dependency: Political Conflict in Historical Institutionalism},
  Author                   = {Peters, B. Guy and Pierre, Jon and King, Desmond S},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00360.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1275{--}1300},
  Volume                   = {67},

  Abstract                 = {The conventional critique of institutional theory, and especially historical institutionalism, is that it is incapable of coping with change. We argue for the importance of political conflict as a means of initiating change in an institutionalist framework. In particular, conflict over ideas and the underlying assumptions of policy is important for motivating change. We demonstrate the viability of this argument with examples of institutional change.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00360.x}
}

@Article{Petersen2009,
  Title                    = {Estimating Standard Errors in Finance Panel Data Sets: Comparing Approaches},
  Author                   = {Petersen, Mitchell A},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Financial Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/rfs/hhn053},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {435--480},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {In corporate finance and asset pricing empirical work, researchers are often confronted with panel data. In these data sets, the residuals may be correlated across firms or across time, and OLS standard errors can be biased. Historically, researchers in the two literatures have used different solutions to this problem. This paper examines the different methods used in the literature and explains when the different methods yield the same (and correct) standard errors and when they diverge. The intent is to provide intuition as to why the different approaches sometimes give different answers and give researchers guidance for their use.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rfs/hhn053}
}

@Article{Petrova2011,
  Title                    = {Newspapers and Parties: How Advertising Revenues Created an Independent Press},
  Author                   = {Petrova, Maria},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055411000360},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {790--808},
  Volume                   = {105},

  Abstract                 = {Media freedom strongly inhibits corruption and promotes good governance, but what leads to media freedom? Do economic development and higher advertising revenues tend to make media outlets independent of political groups' influence? Using data on nineteenth-century American newspapers, I show that places with higher advertising revenues were likelier to have newspapers that were independent of political parties. Similar results hold when local advertising rates are instrumented by regulations on outdoor advertising and newspaper distribution. In addition, newly created newspapers were more likely to enter the market as independents in places with higher advertising rates. I also exploit the precise timing of major changes in advertising rates to identify how advertising revenues affected the entry of new newspapers. Finally, I demonstrate that economic development, and concomitant higher advertising revenue, is not the only reason that an independent press expands; political factors also played a role.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055411000360},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.11.23}
}

@Article{Pettersson-Lidbom2001,
  Title                    = {An Empirical Investigation of the Strategic Use of Debt},
  Author                   = {Pettersson-Lidbom, Per},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/321021},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {570--583},
  Volume                   = {109},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines the accumulation of debt by Swedish local governments. I find that right-wing governments accumulate more debt when facing a higher probability of defeat, whereas the opposite occurs for left-wing governments. These effects are sizable: a right-wing government increases its level of debt by 15 percent, whereas a left-wing government decreases its debt by 11 percent if they are both certain of being replaced as compared to when they are certain of remaining in office. The results are consistent with the predictions from a strategic debt model developed by Persson and Svensson.}
}

@Article{Pettersson-Lidbom2008,
  Title                    = {Do Parties Matter for Economic Outcomes? A Regression-Discontinuity Approach},
  Author                   = {Pettersson-Lidbom, Per},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/JEEA.2008.6.5.1037},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1037--1056},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {A long-standing issue in political economics is to what extent party control makes a difference in determining fiscal and economics policies. This question is very difficult to answer empirically because parties are not randomly selected to govern political entities. This article uses a regression-discontinuity design, namely, party control changes discontinuously at 50\% of the vote share, which can produce ``near'' experimental causal estimates of the effect of party control on economic outcomes. The method is applied to a large panel data set from Swedish local governments with a number of attractive features. The results show that there is an economically significant party effect: Left-wing governments spend and tax 2--3\% more than right-wing governments. Left-wing governments also have 7\% lower unemployment rates, which is partly due to that left-wing governments employ 4\% more workers than right-wing governments.}
}

@Article{Phelan2011,
  Title                    = {Open international markets without exclusion: encompassing domestic political institutions, international organization, and self-contained regimes},
  Author                   = {Phelan, William},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {International Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1752971911000108},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {286--306},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The politics of open international markets are frequently characterized as a Prisoners' Dilemma, where states' incentives to adopt protectionist policies are restrained by trading partners' threat or use of retaliatory exclusion mechanisms. However, because Ricardian theories of comparative advantage suggest that unilateral trade openness enhances aggregate welfare, states whose domestic political institutions are encompassing --- where the policymaker is responsive to a large proportion of the population and can authoritatively coordinate policy across diverse issues --- have incentives to support open international markets without the threat or use of retaliatory mechanisms by other states. This explanation for the existence of an open international market has implications for theoretical and empirical research in international organization, as well as for discussions on the possibility of `self-contained regimes' in international legal scholarship.}
}

@Book{Phillips2005,
  Title                    = {Losing {Iraq}: Inside the Postwar Reconstruction Fiasco},
  Author                   = {Phillips, David L},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {0813343046},
  Publisher                = {Basic Books}
}

@Unpublished{Phinnemore2004,
  Title                    = {The Treaty establishing a constitution for {Europe}: An Overview},
  Author                   = {Phinnemore, David},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Note                     = {Briefing Note from the Royal Institute of International Affairs.}
}

@Article{Piazza2001,
  Title                    = {De-Linking Labor: Labor Unions and Social Democratic Parties under Globalization},
  Author                   = {Piazza, James},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Party Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354068801007004002},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {413--435},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {This article evaluates the thesis that the relationship between national labor movements and social democratic political parties has become `delinked' in the past two decades as a result of globalization. As globalization has undermined the political relevance of unions, social democratic parties have pursued independent, and more conservative, policies and have courted a diversity of other interest groups. This thesis is tested using a pooled time-series multiple regression analysis of 16 advanced industrialized countries spanning the period 1950-95. Globalization - measured both in terms of a country's general `openness' to the world economy and specifically in terms of international trade and direct investment abroad - is found to be positively related both to the widening success gap between unions and social democratic parties and to the growing policy conservatism of social democratic parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068801007004002}
}

@Article{Picazo-TadeoEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Do ideological and political motives really matter in the public choice of local services management? Evidence from urban water services in {Spain}},
  Author                   = {Picazo-Tadeo, Andr{\'e}s J. and Gonz{\'a}lez-G{\'o}mez, Francisco and Wanden-Berghe, Jorge Guardiola and Ruiz-Villaverde, Alberto},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-010-9744-0},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {215--228},
  Volume                   = {151},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the influence of ideology and political motives on the choice of management for urban water services. Our contribution is two-fold. Firstly, we use a considerably more detailed set of variables to represent ideological and political motives than previous research. Secondly, the variables that explain local politicians decisions are observed at the time decision-making occurs, rather than at a later date. Beyond pragmatic reasons, we find that ideological and political motives also matter when explaining decisions regarding the management of water services. Furthermore, considering the time dimension of decision-making noticeably improves the explanatory power of our model.},
  Keywords                 = {Urban water services; Local governments; Contracting out; Privatization; Ideological and political motives; Decision-making; Public Choice; C25; H83; L33},
  Publisher                = {Springer US},
  Timestamp                = {2013.06.06}
}

@Article{PickeringRockey2011,
  Title                    = {Ideology and the Growth of Government},
  Author                   = {Pickering, Andrew and Rockey, James},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/REST_a_00101},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Month                    = aug,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {907--919},
  Volume                   = {93},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze the impact of ideology on the size of government. In a simple model, the government sets redistribution and provision of public services according to the preferences of the median voter. Ideology is defined in terms of preferences for public services, and the impact of ideology on the size of government is shown to increase with mean income. This idea is tested using measures of ideology based on party manifestos. We show that the interaction of ideology and mean income has a major role in explaining the increase and divergence in government size observed across OECD countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/REST_a_00101},
  Booktitle                = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press},
  Timestamp                = {2011.10.04}
}

@Article{PickettWilkinson2010,
  Title                    = {Inequality: an underacknowledged source of mental illness and distress},
  Author                   = {Pickett, Kate E. and Wilkinson, Richard G.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Psychiatry},
  Doi                      = {10.1192/bjp.bp.109.072066},
  ISSN                     = {0007-1250},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {426--428},
  Volume                   = {197},

  Abstract                 = {Greater income inequality is associated with higher prevalence of mental illness and drug misuse in rich societies. There are threefold differences in the proportion of the population suffering from mental illness between more and less equal countries. This relationship is most likely mediated by the impact of inequality on the quality of social relationships and the scale of status differentiation in different societies.},
  Publisher                = {The Royal College of Psychiatrists}
}

@Article{PickettWilkinson2015,
  author       = {Pickett, Kate E. and Wilkinson, Richard G.},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Social Science \& Medicine},
  title        = {Income inequality and health: A causal review},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.12.031},
  issn         = {0277-9536},
  pages        = {316--326},
  volume       = {128},
  abstract     = {There is a very large literature examining income inequality in relation to health. Early reviews came to different interpretations of the evidence, though a large majority of studies reported that health tended to be worse in more unequal societies. More recent studies, not included in those reviews, provide substantial new evidence. Our purpose in this paper is to assess whether or not wider income differences play a causal role leading to worse health. We conducted a literature review within an epidemiological causal framework and inferred the likelihood of a causal relationship between income inequality and health (including violence) by considering the evidence as a whole. The body of evidence strongly suggests that income inequality affects population health and wellbeing. The major causal criteria of temporality, biological plausibility, consistency and lack of alternative explanations are well supported. Of the small minority of studies which find no association, most can be explained by income inequality being measured at an inappropriate scale, the inclusion of mediating variables as controls, the use of subjective rather than objective measures of health, or follow up periods which are too short. The evidence that large income differences have damaging health and social consequences is strong and in most countries inequality is increasing. Narrowing the gap will improve the health and wellbeing of populations.},
  keywords     = {Income distribution},
}

@Article{Pickup2006,
  Title                    = {Globalization, Politics and Provincial Government Spending in {Canada}},
  Author                   = {Pickup, Mark},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0008423906050700},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {883{--}917},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {Using time series, cross-sectional econometric modelling, an analysis is made of competing political and economic determinants of Canadian provincial government fiscal policy during the 1980s and 1990s. It is determined that provincial government spending responses to trade liberalization are dependent upon the ideology of the government and conditioned by the degree of provincial unionization. When relatively high levels of unionization prevail, those governments that typically spend the most reduce total spending to a lowest common denominator. However, when unionization is low, provincial government spending responses to increasing trade openness is primarily compensatory. This is in contradiction to the {\textquotedblleft}race to the bottom{\textquotedblright} theory. The contingent nature of the provincial government spending response to trade openness means that despite overall pressures for fiscal convergence, political, economic and regional factors continue to contribute to distinct provincial spending policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423906050700}
}

@Article{Pickup2010,
  Title                    = {Better Know Your Dependent Variable: A Multination Analysis of Government Support Measures in Economic Popularity Models},
  Author                   = {Pickup,Mark},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123409990421},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {449--468},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123409990421}
}

@Book{Pickup2015,
  Title                    = {Introduction to Time Series Analysis},
  Author                   = {Pickup, Mark},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {SAGE Publications}
}

@Article{Pierce1991,
  Title                    = {The Executive Divided Against Itself: Cohabitation in {France}, 1986--1988},
  Author                   = {Pierce, Roy},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.1991.tb00016.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {270--294},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {From March 1986 to May 1988 France was headed by a leftist President and a rightist Prime Minister. The background to this unusual situation is presented, and the experience itself 2014 referred to as cohabitation 2014 is discussed in detail. The complex game that the two executive leaders played during the period was regulated by the constitutional rules, conditioned by the electoral calendar and the narrowness of the prime minister's coalition majority, and moderated by public approval and the existence of a bipartisan foreign and defense policy. The 198620131988 experience did not overtax the constitutional system, but cohabitation under different conditions could be destabilizing. Cohabitation is like the possibility of the US president being selected by the House of Representatives: not highly probable but possible, not necessarily dangerous but possibly so, and something that arouses little enthusiasm.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1991.tb00016.x}
}

@Article{Pierre1993,
  Title                    = {Legitimacy, Institutional Change, and the Politics of Public Administration in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Pierre, Jon},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {International Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/019251219301400406},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {387--401},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Public administration in Sweden has been the chief vehicle for the rapid postwar development toward an extensive welfare state. However, during the 1980s, as a result of increasing criticism about inertia and bureaucratization, several major reforms were initiated to ``renew'' the public sector. These reforms included a wide range of different measures, including deregulation, privatization, and ``liberalization'' experiments at the local level. This paper argues that these reforms, along with increased overall efficiency of the public sector, fulfilled a number of political and administrative functions. They were aimed at enhancing the overall legitimacy of the public administration and also at displacing conflicts triggered by fiscal problems to the local political level. As a result, the 1980s witnessed local governments becoming increasingly important suppliers of public services. At the same time, state public administration agencies adopted a more subtle and observant role than they had previously played.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219301400406}
}

@Article{Pierson1998,
  Title                    = {The New Governance of Education: The Conservatives and Education 1988-1997},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Chris},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0305498980240110},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {131--142},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {The governance and management of the English education system has been transformed over the past decade in an avalanche of reforms beginning with the Education Reform Act of 1988. Throughout this period, Conservative governments' policy was driven by a set of assumptions about choice, markets, standards, public management, accountability and the relationship between competitiveness, economic growth and the education system. Their expectations have not always been vindicated by experience.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305498980240110}
}

@Article{Pierson1993,
  Title                    = {When Effect Becomes Cause: Policy Feedback and Political Change},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2950710},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {595--628},
  Volume                   = {45}
}

@Book{Pierson1994,
  Title                    = {Dismantling the Welfare State?: Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {1994},
  ISBN                     = {9780521555708},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {This book offers a careful examination of the politics of social policy in an era of austerity and conservative governance. Focusing on the administrations of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, Paul Pierson provides a compelling explanation for the welfare state's durability and for the few occasions where each government was able to achieve significant cutbacks. The book will appeal to those interested in the politics of neo-conservatism as well as those concerned about the development of the modern welfare state. It will attract readers in the fields of comparative politics, public policy, and political economy.}
}

@Article{Pierson1996,
  author       = {Pierson, Paul},
  title        = {The New Politics of the Welfare State},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {1996},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {143--179},
  doi          = {10.1353/wp.1996.0004},
  abstract     = {This essay seeks to lay the foundation for an understanding of welfare state retrenchment. Previous discussions have generally relied, at least implicitly, on a reflexive application of theories designed to explain welfare state expansion. Such an approach is seriously flawed. Not only is the goal of retrenchment (avoiding blame for cutting existing programs) far different from the goal of expansion (claiming credit for new social benefits), but the welfare state itself vastly alters the terrain on which the politics of social policy is fought out. Only an appreciation of how mature social programs create a new politics can allow us to make sense of the welfare state's remarkable resilience over the past two decades of austerity. Theoretical argument is combined with quantitative and qualitative data from four cases (Britain, the United States, Germany, and Sweden) to demonstrate the shortcomings of conventional wisdom and to highlight the factors that limit or facilitate retrenchment success.},
}

@Article{Pierson1996a,
  Title                    = {The Path to {Europe}an Integration: A Historical Institutionalist Analysis},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414096029002001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {123--163},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {Observers of the European Community have criticized ``intergovernmentalist'' accounts for exaggerating the extent of member-state control over European integration. This article grounds these criticisms in a historical institutionalist analysis, stressing the need to study European integration as a process that unfolds over time. Losses of control result not only from the autonomous actions of supranational organizations, but from member-state preoccupation with short-term concerns, the ubiquity of unintended consequences, and the instability of member-state policy preferences. Once gaps in control emerge, change-resistant decision rules and sunk costs associated with societal adaptations make it difficult for member states to reassert their authority. Brief examination of the evolution of EC social policy suggests the limitations of treating the EC as an instrument facilitating collective action among sovereign states. Rather, integration should be viewed as a path-dependent process producing a fragmented but discernible multitiered European polity.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029002001}
}

@Article{Pierson2000,
  Title                    = {Increasing Returns, Path Dependence, and the Study of Politics},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {251--267},
  Volume                   = {94},

  Abstract                 = {It is increasingly common for social scientists to describe political processes as "path dependent." The concept, however, is often employed without careful elaboration. This article conceptualizes path dependence as a social process grounded in a dynamic of "increasing returns." Reviewing recent literature in economics and suggesting extensions to the world of politics, the article demonstrates that increasing returns processes are likely to be prevalent, and that good analytical foundations exist for exploring their, causes and consequences. The investigation of increasing returns can provide a more rigorous framework for developing some of the key claims of recent scholarship in historical institutionalism: Specific patterns of timing and sequence matter; a wide range of social outcomes may be possible; large consequences may result from relatively small or contingent events; particular courses of action, once introduced, can be almost impossible to reverse; and consequently, political development is punctuated by critical moments or junctures that shape the basic contours of social life.}
}

@Article{Pierson2000a,
  Title                    = {Three Worlds of Welfare State Research},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/001041400003300605},
  Number                   = {6-7},
  Pages                    = {791--821},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {This article reviews three important clusters of recent research on the comparative politics of the welfare state. The three clusters focus on political economy, gender and social policy, and the investigation of long-term developmental processes. The article argues that in each area there has been significant progress and that there are increasing opportunities for intellectual exchange across these clusters. Research in this important empirical sub field of comparative politics has been pluralistic and eclectic, both methodologically and theoretically. Overall, this stance has yielded substantial benefits.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001041400003300605}
}

@Book{Pierson2004,
  Title                    = {Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {0691117152},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Pierson2005,
  Title                    = {The Study of Policy Development},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy History},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {34{--}51},
  Volume                   = {17}
}

@Incollection{PiersonSkocpol2002,
  Title                    = {Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science},
  Author                   = {Pierson, Paul and Skocpol, Theda},
  Booktitle                = {Political Science: State of the Discipline},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Ira Katznelson and Helen V. Milner},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W. W. Norton \& Company}
}

@Book{Pigou1928,
  author     = {Pigou, A.C.},
  date       = {1928},
  title      = {A Study in Public Finance},
  edition    = {First},
  location   = {London},
  publisher  = {Macmillan \& Co., Ltd},
  annotation = {Reputedly the first to mention the term "human capital" (p. 29).},
}

@Article{Piketty1995,
  author       = {Piketty, Thomas},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Social Mobility and Redistributive Politics},
  issn         = {0033-5533},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {551--584},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2946692},
  volume       = {110},
  abstract     = {Just like economists, voters have conflicting views about redistributive taxation because they estimate its incentive costs differently. We model rational agents as trying to learn from their dynastic income mobility experience the relative importance of effort and predetermined factors in the generation of income inequality and therefore the magnitude of these incentive costs. In the long run, "left-wing dynasties" believing less in individual effort and voting for more redistribution coexist with "right-wing dynasties." This allows us to explain why individual mobility experience and not only current income matters for political attiitudes and how persistent differences in perceptions about social mobility can generate persistent differences in redistribution across countries.},
}

@Book{Piketty2014,
  Title                    = {Capital in the 21st Century},
  Author                   = {Piketty, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{PikettySaez2003,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality in the United States, 1913--1998},
  Author                   = {Piketty, Thomas and Saez, Emmanuel},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/00335530360535135},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--41},
  Volume                   = {118},

  Abstract                 = {This paper presents new homogeneous series on top shares of income and wages from 1913 to 1998 in the United States using individual tax returns data. Top income and wages shares display a U-shaped pattern over the century. Our series suggest that the large shocks that capital owners experienced during the Great Depression and World War II have had a permanent effect on top capital incomes. We argue that steep progressive income and estate taxation may have prevented large fortunes from fully recovering from these shocks. Top wage shares were flat before World War II, dropped precipitously during the war, and did not start to recover before the late 1960s but are now higher than before World War II. As a result, the working rich have replaced the rentiers at the top of the income distribution.}
}

@Unpublished{PikettySaez2012,
  Title                    = {Top Incomes and the Great Recession: Recent Evolutions and Policy Implications},
  Author                   = {Piketty, Thomas and Saez, Emmanuel},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Note                     = {13th Jacques Polak Annual Research Conference, Washington, DC}
}

@Unpublished{PinkovskiySala-i-Martin2009,
  Title                    = {Parametric Estimations of the World Distribution of Income},
  Author                   = {Pinkovskiy, Maxim and Sala-i-Martin, Xavier},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Month                    = oct,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 15433},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w15433},

  Abstract                 = {We use a parametric method to estimate the income distribution for 191 countries between 1970 and 2006. We estimate the World Distribution of Income and estimate poverty rates, poverty counts and various measures of income inequality and welfare. Using the official \$1/day line, we estimate that world poverty rates have fallen by 80\% from 0.268 in 1970 to 0.054 in 2006. The corresponding total number of poor has fallen from 403 million in 1970 to 152 million in 2006. Our estimates of the global poverty count in 2006 are much smaller than found by other researchers. We also find similar reductions in poverty if we use other poverty lines. We find that various measures of global inequality have declined substantially and measures of global welfare increased by somewhere between 128\% and 145\%. We analyze poverty in various regions. Finally, we show that our results are robust to a battery of sensitivity tests involving functional forms, data sources for the largest countries, methods of interpolating and extrapolating missing data, and dealing with survey misreporting.}
}

@Misc{PinkovskiySala-i-Martin2010,
  Title                    = {Parametric estimations of the world distribution of income},
  Author                   = {Pinkovskiy, Maxim and Sala-i-Martin, Xavier},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = jan,
  Url                      = {http://www.voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/4508},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/4508},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Pint1991,
  Title                    = {Nationalization vs. regulation of monopolies : The effects of ownership on efficiency},
  Author                   = {Pint, Ellen M},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0047-2727(91)90022-T},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {131--164},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This paper compares the effects of government ownership and regulation under private ownership on the production decisions of a monopoly firm. It analyzes an optimal mechanism design problem in which the owners of the firm (either the government or shareholders) contract with a manager who has private information about the firm's cost function and takes an unobservable action that affects the firm's costs. The model predicts that the privately-owned, regulated firm will use relatively more capital and the publicly-owned firm will use relatively more labor than the second-best efficient solution to the private information problem.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2727(91)90022-T}
}

@Article{PintoEtAl1993,
  author       = {Pinto, Brian and Belka, Marek and Krajewski, Stefan and Shleifer, Andrei},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  title        = {Transforming State Enterprises in {Poland}: Evidence on Adjustment by Manufacturing Firms},
  doi          = {10.2307/2534605},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {213{--}270},
  volume       = {1993},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307%5C%252F2534605},
}

@Article{PintoPinto2008,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Investment Partisanship and the Sectoral Allocation of Foreign Direct Investment},
  Author                   = {Pinto, Pablo M and Pinto, Santiago M},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2008.00330.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the existence of partisan cycles in foreign direct investment performance. Our theoretical model predicts that the incumbent government's partisanship should affect foreign investors' decision to flow into different sectors of the host country: pro-labor governments would encourage the inflow of the type of investment that complements labor in production; pro-capital governments would promote the entry of investment that substitutes for labor. Empirical evidence from a sample of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries reveals a pattern of foreign investors' response to partisan cycles consistent with the predictions of the model. First, foreign investment systematically flows into different sectors of the host economy under left- and right-leaning incumbents. Second, we find a positive correlation between foreign investment and changes in average wages under left-leaning incumbents, but no effect on wages under right-leaning governments.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.2008.00330.x}
}

@Article{Pipho1993,
  Title                    = {Bipartisan Charter Schools},
  Author                   = {Pipho, C},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Phi Delta Kappan},
  Number                   = {2},
  Volume                   = {75}
}

@Article{Pisani-FerrySapir2010,
  Title                    = {Banking crisis management in the EU: an early assessment},
  Author                   = {Pisani-Ferry, Jean and Sapir, Andr{\'e}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0327.2010.00243.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0327},
  Number                   = {62},
  Pages                    = {341--373},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {For well over a decade many observers had warned that the European Union was ill-prepared in case of a financial storm because its market integration far outpaced its policy integration. This situation was well known to policy-makers but it was hoped that financial crises would wait until policy integration occurred. The reality turned out differently, however. We assess the management of the 2007--2009 banking crisis within the EU against this backdrop. In a nutshell, we find that Europe has done better than could have been expected on the basis of existing arrangements. The two federal institutions acted swiftly, the European Central Bank by providing ample liquidity and the European Commission by enforcing competition discipline flexibly. However, there was no institutional innovation in the form of an EU-financed bail-out of transnational financial institutions or a genuine EU financial stress test. Supervisory responsibilities remained entirely with individual countries and coordination problems were managed through a combination of ad-hoc, discretionary cooperation and reliance on EU rules and procedures. It is not possible, however, to determine whether this relatively satisfactory situation is due to the fact that ad-hoc coordination was fundamentally sufficient or because no complex case of cross-border bank failure occurred.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0327.2010.00243.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Pissarides1980,
  Title                    = {British Government Popularity and Economic Performance},
  Author                   = {Pissarides, Christopher A.},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {359},
  Pages                    = {569{--}581},
  Volume                   = {90}
}

@Article{Piven2006,
  Title                    = {Response to `American Democracy in an Age of Inequality'},
  Author                   = {Piven, Frances Fox},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1049096506060100},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {43--46},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {The APSA Task Force on Inequality and American Democracy's Report (2004), American Democracy in an Age of Inequality, concludes that progress toward realizing our ideals of democracy ``may have stalled, and in some arenas reversed'' as a result of growing inequality. Political participation, whether through voting, or campaign contributions, or organizational activities, reflects the distribution of economic resources, and as resources come to be more unequal, so is participation increasingly skewed toward the better-off. As a result, the Report goes on to argue, the issues and positions of the affluent are heard by politicians, and louder voices give the affluent greater influence. I agree with this conclusion, so far as it goes. Disparities in voting, money, and organization matter in the political process, and economic inequalities inevitably affect these disparities. None of this is new, of course. While inequalities have increased during the past three decades, they have increased during earlier periods in American history. This is normal politics in the United States, sometimes worse, sometimes better.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096506060100},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{PlumperNeumayer2010,
  Title                    = {Model specification in the analysis of spatial dependence},
  Author                   = {Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas and Neumayer, Eric},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01900.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {418--442},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {The recent surge in studies analysing spatial dependence in political science has gone hand-in-hand with increased attention paid to the choice of estimation technique. In comparison, specification choice has been relatively neglected, even though it leads to equally, if not more, serious inference problems. In this article four specification issues are analysed. It is argued that to avoid biased estimates of the spatial effects, researchers need to consider carefully how to model temporal dynamics, common trends and common shocks, as well as how to account for spatial clustering and unobserved spatial heterogeneity. The remaining two specification issues relate to the weighting matrix employed for the creation of spatial effects: whether it should be row-standardised and what functional form to choose for this matrix. The importance of these specification issues is demonstrated by replicating Hays' model of spatial dependence in international capital tax rate competition. Seemingly small changes to model specification have major impacts on the spatial effect estimates. It is recommended that spatial analysts develop their theories of spatial dependencies further to provide more guidance on the specification of the estimation model. In the absence of sufficiently developed theories, the robustness of results to specification changes needs to be demonstrated.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01900.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{PlumperNeumayer2012,
  Title                    = {Health Spending, Out-of-Pocket Contributions, and Mortality Rates},
  Author                   = {Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas and Neumayer, Eric},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02039.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},

  Abstract                 = {Health policies seek to achieve conflicting objectives. We argue that the objective of saving lives is best served by a careful balancing of fairness and efficiency considerations. Open, fair, and equitable access to health care for all citizens will lower overall mortality rates by enabling the very poor and chronically ill to satisfy their demand for necessary health care. But it will also result in higher costs, not least by also increasing demand for irrelevant, unnecessary, and inefficient health care. This undesirable demand and its associated costs can be reduced by increasing out-of-pocket contributions paid for by patients. Such payments are unpopular, though, as they are regarded as regressive and damaging to health of the relatively poor. We argue that properly enacted, no such apparent trade-offs exist. If the freed-up resources are used for more life-saving measures, then higher out-of-pocket contributions will lower overall mortality rates. However, this beneficial effect is conditional on what happens to total health spending. Ironically, out-of-pocket payments are most effective as health policies if they are not or only hardly used as a means of reducing total health expenditures. Our theoretical arguments are confirmed by an econometric analysis of aggregate mortality rates in OECD countries over the period 1984 to 2007.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02039.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.26}
}

@Article{PlumperTroeger2006,
  Title                    = {Monetary Policy Autonomy in {Europe}an Non-Euro Countries, 1980--2005},
  Author                   = {Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas and Troeger, Vera E.},
  Date                     = {2006-06-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116506063708},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {213--234},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {We argue that the European currency union (ECU) reduced the de facto monetary policy autonomy of EU countries abstaining from introducing the euro. The large share of imports from euro zone countries renders a close alignment of monetary policy to the interest rate set by the European Central Bank (ECB) necessary if the monetary authorities of countries outside the ECU want to impede the import of inflation from the euro zone or a declining competitiveness of the domestic industry. In turn, the increasing role of the euro as an international reserve medium equal to the US dollar reduced the monetary policy autonomy of countries importing more goods and services from the euro zone than from the dollar zone. An empirical analysis of monetary policy in the United Kingdom, Denmark and Sweden lends support to our theoretical argument. Analysing the shortterm adjustments of central bank interest rates in these three EU countries, which did not introduce the euro, we show that these countries' monetary policies more closely follow the ECB's policy than they followed the Bundesbank's policy before 1994. In addition, we demonstrate the diminishing influence of the dollar on monetary policy in the UK, Denmark and Sweden since the countries of the Economic and Monetary Union harmonized monetary policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116506063708}
}

@Article{PlumperTroeger2007,
  author       = {Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas and Troeger, Vera E.},
  title        = {Efficient Estimation of Time-Invariant and Rarely Changing Variables in Finite Sample Panel Analyses with Unit Fixed Effects},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {15},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {124{--}139},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpm002},
  abstract     = {This paper suggests a three-stage procedure for the estimation of time-invariant and rarely changing variables in panel data models with unit effects. The first stage of the proposed estimator runs a fixed-effects model to obtain the unit effects, the second stage breaks down the unit effects into a part explained by the time-invariant and/or rarely changing variables and an error term, and the third stage reestimates the first stage by pooled OLS (with or without autocorrelation correction and with or without panel-corrected SEs) including the time-invariant variables plus the error term of stage 2, which then accounts for the unexplained part of the unit effects. We use Monte Carlo simulations to compare the finite sample properties of our estimator to the finite sample properties of competing estimators. In doing so, we demonstrate that our proposed technique provides the most reliable estimates under a wide variety of specifications common to real world data.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm002},
}

@Article{PlumperEtAl2005,
  author       = {Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas and Troeger, Vera E. and Manow, Philip},
  title        = {Panel data analysis in comparative politics: Linking method to theory},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {327{--}354},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00230.x},
  abstract     = {Re-analyzing a study of Garrett and Mitchell (2001), this article addresses four potential sources of problems in panel data analyses with a lagged dependent variable and period and unit dummies (the de facto Beck-Katz standard). These are: absorption of cross-sectional variance by unit dummies, absorption of time-series variance by the lagged dependent variable and period dummies, mis-specification of the lag structure, and neglect of parameter slope heterogeneity. Based on this discussion, we suggest substantial changes of the estimation approach and the estimated model. Employing our preferred methodological stance, we demonstrate that Garrett and Mitchell's findings are not robust. Instead, we show that partisan politics and socioeconomic factors such as aging and unemployment as expected by theorists have a strong impact on the time-series and cross-sectional variance in government spending.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00230.x},
}

@Online{PlanetMoney2015,
  Title                    = {The Bottom Of The Well},
  Author                   = {{Planet Money}},
  Date                     = {2015-07-22},
  Url                      = {http://www.npr.org/sections/money/2015/07/22/425392169/episode-640-the-bottom-of-the-well},
  Organization             = {National Public Radio},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-07},

  Abstract                 = {The screwed-up economics of drought, and why the rational thing to do in California right now is use more water.}
}

@Article{Pleasants2009,
  Title                    = {Structure, Agency and Ontological Confusion: A Response to Hay},
  Author                   = {Pleasants, Nigel},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00818.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {885--891},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Colin Hay's article `King Canute and the ``Problem'' of Structure and Agency' aims to: (1) `gain an interesting political analytical purchase on a seemingly familiar tale', and (2) `generate a series of valuable and more general insights into our understanding of the structure-agency relationship'. I argue that he fails on both counts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00818.x}
}

@Incollection{Ploug1999,
  Title                    = {Cuts in and reform of the Nordic cash benefit systems},
  Author                   = {Ploug, Niels},
  Booktitle                = {Nordic Social Policy: Changing welfare states},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {Mikko Kautto, Matti Heikkil{\"a}, Bj{\o}rn Hvinden, Steffan Marklund and Niels Ploug},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {79--103},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Podesta2006,
  Title                    = {Comparing Time Series Cross-Section Model Specifications: The Case of Welfare State Development},
  Author                   = {Podest{\a`a}, Federico},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quality and Quantity},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11135-005-2076-3},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {539--559},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {In recent years, an impressive number of pooled time series (TSCS) cross-section models have been estimated in order to test hypotheses on welfare state development. Although most of these models share several of the variables, they can often be distinguished by the model specification adopted. This begs the question: what is the appropriate specification for modeling welfare state development? In order to answer this question some leading specifications are evaluated with respect to their ability to meet the theoretical assumptions about the theory of welfare state evolution in addition to the econometric canons on panel analysis. The main conclusions of this paper are the following. First, all specifications in levels are econometrically unfounded because most of the variables typically used for analyzing this topic cannot be considered to be stationary. Second, although a first difference model performs better from an econometric point of view, it is unable to test the hypothesized long-term relationships underlying welfare state dynamics. Third, and more importantly, the single equation error correction model represents the best pooled TSCS specification for modeling welfare state development since it is able tocapture long-run effects even in the presence of nonstationary processes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-005-2076-3}
}

@Article{Pollack1994,
  Title                    = {Creeping Competence: The Expanding Agenda of the {Europe}an Community},
  Author                   = {Pollack, Mark A.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0143814X00007418},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {95--145},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {ABSTRACTThe article attempts to explain the expansion of the European Community (EC) policy agenda to new policy areas such as the environment, regional development and research and technological development, and the variations in policy development from one area to another. Lowi's classification of policy types-regulatory, redistributive and distributive-is adapted for use in the EC context. Each policy type, it is argued, deals with a distinct arena featuring different actors, different institutional decision rules, and different types of Council bargaining, and each therefore corresponds to a distinctive pattern of task expansion. Thus, regulatory policies can be explained in terms of functional spillover from the Internal Market, while redistributive policies can be understood as side-payments in larger intergovernmental bargains, and distributive policies are the result of the Commission's policy entrepreneurship and log-rolling Council bargaining. These three patterns of task expansion are examined in an empirical study of policy development across six areas.}
}

@Article{Pollack2000,
  Title                    = {The End of Creeping Competence? EU Policy-Making Since Maastricht},
  Author                   = {Pollack, Mark A.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00233},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {519--538},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {From its origins in the Treaty of Rome to the Maastricht Treaty on European Union, the EU has expanded the range of its activities dramatically, adopting both budgetary and regulatory policies across a broad range of issue-areas. The 1990s, however, witnessed a political and economic backlash against the creeping centralization of policy-making in Brussels, threatening a major retrenchment, or even devolution, of EU policy-making. This article examines budgetary and regulatory data from the late 1990s and early 2000s, to determine whether the centralization of policy-making has slowed, or even reversed, during the post-Maastricht era. The data reveal selective evidence of retrenchment in EU budgetary expenditures, which have been limited by the fiscal restrictions of EMU, German resistance to any increase in its net contribution, and the new budgetary demands of enlargement. By contrast, data on EU regulation suggest that the EU has been, and remains, an active regulator across a wide range of issue-areas after Maastricht, and will continue to play the role of a regulatory state in the future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00233},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd}
}

@Article{Pollack2001,
  Title                    = {International Relations Theory and {Europe}an Integration},
  Author                   = {Pollack, Mark A.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00286},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {221{--}244},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {The explicit effort to theorize about the process of European integration began within the field of international relations (IR), where neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism long remained the dominant schools of thought. With the relaunching of the integration process in the 1980s and 1990s, however, IR scholars have begun to approach the study of the European Union using more general, and generalizable, theoretical approaches. This article examines the recent debate among realists, liberals, rational-choice institutionalists, and constructivists regarding the nature of the integration process and the EU as an international organization. Although originally posed as competing theories, I argue, realist, liberal and institutionalist approaches show signs of convergence around a single rationalist model, with constructivism remaining as the primary rival, but less developed, approach to the study of European integration.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00286}
}

@Book{Pollock2003,
  Title                    = {The Essentials of Political Analysis},
  Author                   = {{Pollock III}, Philip H.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {1568026536},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Publisher                = {CQ Press},

  Timestamp                = {2011.10.24}
}

@Book{Pollock2005,
  Title                    = {NHS Plc: The Privatisation of Our Health Care},
  Author                   = {Pollock, Allyson M.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {978-1844675395},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Verso Books}
}

@Article{PollockEtAl2011,
  author       = {Philip H. Pollock and Kerstin Hamann and Bruce M. Wilson},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Science Education},
  title        = {Learning Through Discussions: Comparing the Benefits of Small-Group and Large-Class Settings},
  doi          = {10.1080/15512169.2011.539913},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {48--64},
  volume       = {7},
  abstract     = {The literature on teaching and learning heralds the benefits of discussion for student learner outcomes, especially its ability to improve students' critical thinking skills. Yet, few studies compare the effects of different types of face-to-face discussions on learners. Using student surveys, we analyze the benefits of small-group and large-class discussions in an upper-level political theory course. We also analyze whether the same types of students are likely to participate and reap the benefits of both types of discussions. We find that, overall, participation is higher in small-group discussions, as are students' perceptions of learner outcomes. We also find a more equal participation of students of different ethnic backgrounds in small-group discussions; similarly, previous academic achievements have less influence on discussion participation in small groups.},
}

@Unpublished{Ponthiere2003,
  author     = {Ponthiere, Gregory},
  date       = {2003},
  title      = {Should we discount future generations{\textquoteright} welfare? A survey on the `pure' discount rate debate},
  note       = {CREPP Working Paper, 2003/02.},
  abstract   = {In A Mathematical Theory of Saving (1928), Frank Ramsey not only laid the foundations of the fruitful optimal growth literature, but also launched a major moral debate: should we discount future generations{\textquoteright} well-being? While Ramsey regarded such {\textquotedblleft}pure{\textquotedblright} discounting as {\textquotedblleft}ethically indefensible{\textquotedblright}, several philosophers and economists have developed arguments justifying the {\textquotedblleft}pure{\textquotedblright} discounting practice since the early 1960s. This essay consists of a survey of those arguments. After a brief examination of the {\textendash} often implicit {\textendash} treatment of future generations{\textquoteright} welfare by utilitarian thinkers before Ramsey{\textquoteright}s view was expressed, later arguments of various kinds are analysed. It is argued that, under the assumption of perfect certainty regarding future human life, the {\textquotedblleft}pure{\textquotedblright} discounting practice seems ethically untenable. However, once we account for the uncertainty regarding future generations{\textquoteright} existence, {\textquotedblleft}pure{\textquotedblright} discounting seems more acceptable, even if strong criticisms still remain, especially regarding the adequateness of the expected utility theory in such a normative context.},
  annotation = {Gr{\a\'e}gory Ponthi{\a`e}re},
}

@Incollection{Pontusson1989,
  Title                    = {The Triumph of Pragmatism: Nationalisation and Privatisation in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  Booktitle                = {The Politics of Privatisation in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Editor                   = {John Vickers and Vincent Wright},
  Chapter                  = {9},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {129--140},
  Publisher                = {Frank Cass},

  Abstract                 = {Never strongly committed to public ownership in the first place, the Swedish Social Democrats have recently undertaken several privatisation measures.{\~} Their privatisation policy is distinguished by its limited and pragmatic character.{\~} Still, recent developments underline the paradoxical combination of left dominance and a small State enterprise sector characteristic of the Swedish case.{\~} The following analysis unravels the 'Swedish paradox' in terms of the constraints on Social Democratic power and the strategic choices made by the Social Democrats in the face of such constraints.}
}

@Article{Pontusson1991,
  Title                    = {Labor, Corporatism, and Industrial Policy: The Swedish Case in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {163{--}179},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{Pontusson1992,
  author       = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  title        = {At the End of the Third Road: Swedish Social Democracy in Crisis},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {305--332},
  volume       = {20},
  annotation   = {Discusses intra-class/inter-union conflict.},
}

@Article{Pontusson1993,
  Title                    = {The Comparative Politics of Labor-Initiated Reforms: Swedish Cases of Success and Failure},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414093025004005},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {548--578},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the reasons why some reform initiatives launched by the Swedish labor movement have succeeded and others have failed. It presents four case studies: two success stories (the pension reform of 1959 and the industrial democracy reforms of the 1970s), and two failures (inheritance taxation in the 1920s and 1940s, and wage-earner funds in the 1970s). The article casts these case studies in an analytical framework that emphasizes three variables. To the extent that they challenge the interests of capital, labor's reform initiatives are likely to precipitate a powerful countermobilization, but the politics of reformism are also shaped by the extent to which labor's initiatives embody a universalistic conception of social justice and/or appeal to the material interests of swing voters.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093025004005}
}

@Article{Pontusson1995,
  Title                    = {From Comparative Public Policy to Political Economy: Putting Political Institutions in their Place and Taking Interests Seriously},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414095028001007},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {117--147},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {The historical institutionalist tradition in comparative politics commonly assigns analytical primacy to political institutions. Whereas this polity-centeredness may be quite justifiable for purposes of comparative public policy, students of comparative political economy should pay systematic attention not only to economic institutions but also to a range of economic-structural variables that lie beyond the conventional confines of institutional analysis. Providing the basis for an analysis of collective actors and their interests, such an approach is needed to account for institutional change and policy realignments within stable institutions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028001007}
}

@Article{Pontusson1995a,
  Title                    = {Explaining the Decline of {Europe}an Social Democracy: The Role of Structural Economic Change},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {495{--}533},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Using a number of different quantitative measures, this article demonstrates that variations in the degree of social democratic decline in nine European countries can be viewed in large measure as a product of two structural economic changes: (1) the shift to smaller units of production; and (2) the growth of private nonindustrial employment. The article explores several causal arguments linking these variables to social democratic decline, and it marshals Swedish and British time-series data to show that the distribution of manufacturing employment by production unit helps explain both the rise and the decline of social democracy.}
}

@Book{Pontusson2005,
  Title                    = {Inequality and Prosperity: Social {Europe} vs. Liberal {America}},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {9780801489709},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press}
}

@Article{PontussonRaess2012,
  Title                    = {How (and Why) Is This Time Different? The Politics of Economic Crisis in Western {Europe} and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas and Raess, Damian},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-031710-100955},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {13--33},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article compares government responses to the Great Recession of 2008-2009 with government responses to recessions and other economic challenges in the period 1974-1982. We focus on five countries: France, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Across these countries, we observe two broad shifts in crisis responses. First, governments have in the recent period eschewed heterodox crisis policies and relied more exclusively on fiscal stimulus. Second, tax cuts have become a more important component of fiscal stimulus while spending cuts have featured more prominently in governments' efforts to consolidate their fiscal position. We argue that crisis responses reflect the interests and power of domestic actors as well as external constraints and the nature of the economic problems at hand.}
}

@Article{PontussonRueda2010,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Inequality: Voter Mobilization and Left Parties in Advanced Industrial States},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas and Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414009358672},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {675--705},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Why is it that some countries have witnessed significant increases in inequality since the 1960s while at the same time experiencing very little change in the way politics is conducted? And why is it that in other countries, where inequality has increased much less, the Left has become substantially more redistributive? The answer, the authors argue, has to do with the interaction between inequality and political mobilization of low-income voters. The authors make two points in this article. First, high levels of inequality move Left parties to the left. Second, although increasing inequality pushes the core constituencies of Left parties to the left, it also makes some individuals less likely to be involved in politics. The authors argue that Left parties will respond to an increase in inequality only when low-income voters are politically mobilized. They explore these claims through a comparative analysis of Left party programs in 10 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries over the period 1966 to 2002.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009358672}
}

@Article{PontussonEtAl2002,
  author       = {Pontusson, Jonas and Rueda, David and Way, Christopher R.},
  title        = {Comparative Political Economy of Wage Distribution: The Role of Partisanship and Labour Market Institutions},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {32},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {281--308},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000712340200011X},
  url          = {http://users.ox.ac.uk/~polf0050/Rueda\%20BJPS.pdf},
  abstract     = {Through a pooled cross-section time-series analysis of the determinants of wage inequality in sixteen OECD countries from 1973 to 1995, we explore how political-institutional variables affect the upper and lower halves of the wage distribution. Our regression results indicate that unionization, centralization of wage bargaining and public-sector employment primarily affect the distribution of wages by boosting the relative position of unskilled workers, while the egalitarian effects of Left government operate at the upper end of the wage hierarchy, holding back the wage growth of well-paid workers. Further analysis shows that the differential effects of government partisanship are contingent on wage-bargaining centralization: in decentralized bargaining systems, Left government is associated with compression of both halves of the wage distribution.},
}

@Article{PontussonSwenson1996,
  Title                    = {Labor Markets, Production Strategies, and Wage Bargaining Institutions: The Swedish Employer Offensive in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Pontusson, Jonas and Swenson, Peter},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414096029002004},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {223--250},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {Transformed patterns of labor market governance occupy a central place in the study of contemporary West European political economies. Here, detailed analysis of the dramatic decentralization of wage bargaining in Sweden identifies organized employers, especially engineering employers, as the decisive agents of institutional change. We argue that the employer offensive should be understood as a response to a shift in power within old wage-bargaining institutions, introducing invasive regulation of firm-level pay practices and, at the same time, as a consequence of new flexibility-centered production strategies, giving rise to demands for more firm-level autonomy in wage bargaining. The exceptional features of the old Swedish bargaining and the particular needs of different sectors come into play as we seek to explain the mixed pattern of wage-bargaining changes across Western Europe.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029002004}
}

@Book{Poole2005,
  Title                    = {Spatial Models of Parliamentary Voting},
  Author                   = {Poole, Keith T},
  Date                     = {2005},
  ISBN                     = {0521617472},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Pop-ElechesUrquiola2013,
  Title                    = {Going to a Better School: Effects and Behavioral Responses},
  Author                   = {Pop-Eleches, Cristian and Urquiola, Miguel},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.103.4.1289},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1289--1324},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {This paper applies a regression discontinuity design to the Romanian secondary school system, generating two findings. First, students who have access to higher achievement schools perform better in a (high stakes) graduation test. Second, the stratification of schools by quality in general, and the opportunity to attend a better school in particular, result in significant behavioral responses: (i) teachers sort in a manner consistent with a preference for higher achieving students; (ii) children who make it into more selective schools realize they are relatively weaker and feel marginalized; (iii) parents reduce effort when their children attend a better school.}
}

@Incollection{Popkin1995,
  Title                    = {Information Shortcuts and the Reasoning Voter},
  Author                   = {Popkin, Samuel L.},
  Booktitle                = {Information, Participation, \& Choice: An Economic Theory of Democracy in Perspective},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Editor                   = {Bernard Grofman},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Ann Arbor, MI},
  Pages                    = {17--54},
  Publisher                = {University of Michigan Press}
}

@Book{Popkin1994,
  Title                    = {The Reasoning Voter: Communication and Persuasion in Presidential Campaigns},
  Author                   = {Popkin, Samuel L.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Portes2011,
  Title                    = {Dismal UK growth demands fiscal rethink},
  Author                   = {Portes, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2011-04-27},
  Journaltitle             = {Financial Times},
  Url                      = {http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/b1a65296-70ad-11e0-9b1d-00144feabdc0.html},
  Urldate                  = {2015-04-20}
}

@Book{Posner2005,
  Title                    = {Institutions and Ethnic Politics in Africa},
  Author                   = {Posner, Daniel N.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Location                 = {Cambrige, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{PosnerdedeFigueiredo2005,
  Title                    = {Is the International Court of Justice Biased?},
  Author                   = {Posner, Eric A. and {de Figueiredo}, Miguel F. P.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Legal Studies},
  Pages                    = {599--630},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has jurisdiction over disputes between nations and has decided dozens of cases since it began operations in 1946. Its defenders argue that the ICJ decides cases impartially. Its critics argue that the members of the ICJ vote the interests of the states that appoint them. Prior empirical scholarship is ambiguous. We test the charge of bias using statistical methods. We find strong evidence that (1) judges favor the states that appoint them and that (2) judges favor states whose wealth level is close to that of the their own states, and weaker evidence that (3) judges favor states whose political system is similar to that of their own states and that (4) (more weakly) judges favor states whose culture (language and religion) is similar to that of their own states. We find weak or no evidence that judges are influenced by regional and military alignments.}
}

@Article{PosnerVeron2010,
  Title                    = {The EU and financial regulation: power without purpose?},
  Author                   = {Posner, Elliot and V{\'e}ron, Nicolas},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501761003661950},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {400--415},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {If the European Union (EU) has been an effective bulwark against ad hoc globalization in any economic domain, we may well find evidence from finance, the engine of cross-border economic activity. Yet our study revealed little indication of a distinctive EU approach for regulating financial services industries. Our findings suggest that European decision-makers tried mainly to secure full market integration inside the EU rather than shape regulation to meet a common public purpose, whether at the EU or global level. The policy framework adopted by the EU was essentially modeled on pre-existing United States (US) examples, and does not reflect a transatlantic difference in underlying values. We put forth several hypotheses about why the EU did not seek to manage globalization in the financial services area.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501761003661950},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Postel-VinayTuron2007,
  Title                    = {The Public Pay Gap in {Britain}: Small Differences That (Don't?) Matters},
  Author                   = {Postel-Vinay, Fabian and Turon, H{\'e}l{\`e}ne},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02091.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {523},
  Pages                    = {1460--1503},
  Volume                   = {117},

  Abstract                 = {The existing literature on inequality between private and public sectors focuses on cross-section differences in earnings levels. Forward-looking agents, however, care about income and job mobility too, which we show are substantially different between the two sectors. Using data from the BHPS, we estimate a model of income and employment dynamics, allowing for unobserved heterogeneity in the propensity to be employed in either job sector. We detect a positive average public premium both in income flows and in the present discounted sum of future income flows. We also find that income inequality is lower but more persistent in the public sector.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02091.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Poterba1994,
  author       = {Poterba, James M.},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {State Responses to Fiscal Crises: The Effects of Budgetary Institutions and Politics},
  doi          = {10.2307/2138765},
  issn         = {0022-3808},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {799--821},
  volume       = {102},
  abstract     = {This paper explores the dynamics of state taxes and spending during the late 1980s, when regional economic downturns and increased expenditure demands led to substantial state budget deficits. More restrictive state fiscal institutions, such as "no-deficit-carryover" rules and tax and expenditure limitations, are correlated with more rapid fiscal adjustment to unexpected deficits. Political factors are also important. When a single party controls the state house and the governorship, deficit adjustment is much faster than when party control is divided. In gubernatorial election years, tax increases and spending cuts are both significantly smaller than at other times.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2138765},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{Poterba1997,
  Title                    = {Demographic Structure and the Political Economy of Public Education},
  Author                   = {Poterba, James M},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {48{--}66},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the relationship between demographic structure and the level of government spending on K-12 education. Panel data for the states of the United States over the 1960-1990 period suggests that an increase in the fraction of elderly residents in a jurisdiction is associated with a significant reduction in per-child educational spending. This reduction is particularly large when the elderly residents and the school-age population are from different racial groups. Variation in the size of the school-age population does not result in proportionate changes in education spending, thus, students in states with larger school-age populations receive lower per-student spending than those in states with smaller numbers of potential students. These results provide support for models of generational competition in the allocation of public sector resources. They also suggest that the effect of cohort size on government-mediated transfers must be considered in analyzing how cohort size affects economic well-being.}
}

@Other{Potrafke2006,
  abstract   = {I test if parties matter with respect to the allocation of public expenditures in Germany. Considering the allocation of rights and duties due to the federal structure, two econometric models are estimated. First, a SURE model analyses spending at the federal level for the period from 1950 to 2003 and finds evidence for partisan politics and election year effects. Second, I examine the spending behaviour in the states from 1974 to 2004 in a panel data framework. In comparison to the federal level, policy has weaker impacts on the allocation of expenditures in the states.},
  annotation = {Partisanship},
  author     = {Potrafke, Niklas},
  date       = {2006},
  note       = {DIW Berlin Discussion Paper No 652},
  title      = {Parties Matter in Allocating Expenditures: Evidence from {Germany}},
}

@Unpublished{Potrafke2007,
  Title                    = {Social Security in {Germany}: A Prey of Political Opportunism?},
  Author                   = {Potrafke, Niklas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {DIW Berlin Discussion Paper 677.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines how politicians influenced social security policy in Germany. Using yearly data from the German Pension Insurance from 1957 to 2005, revenues as well as expenditures are analysed in linear regression models, respectively. In accordance with opportunistic political behaviour, revenues from contributions decreased in pre-election years. Most important, pension expenditures increased in election years. Interestingly, the CDU/FDP governments provided higher subsidies to the social security system than the grand coalition and the SPD/GR government. Overall, there is no evidence for the prospect, that left coalitions caused higher intergenerational redistribution than right governments.}
}

@Unpublished{Potrafke2007a,
  Title                    = {Social expenditures as a political cue ball? OECD countries under examination},
  Author                   = {Potrafke, Niklas},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {DIW Discussion Paper 676.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines how policy affects social expenditures. Analyzing an OECD panel from 1980 to 2003, five political variables are tested: Election- and pre-election years, the ideological party composition of the governments, the number of coalition partners and the fact, if the ruling government has a majority in parliament or not (minority government). I find that neither of these variables have an impact on social expenditures using different model set-ups. The influence of national governments seems to be limited by the globalization, which indeed impairs social expenditures.}
}

@Article{Poulard1990,
  Title                    = {The French Double Executive and the Experience of Cohabitation},
  Author                   = {Poulard, Jean V},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Science Quarterly},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {243{--}267},
  Volume                   = {105}
}

@Book{Powell2000,
  Title                    = {Elections as Instruments of Democracy: Majoritarian and Proportional Visions},
  Author                   = {Powell, G. Bingham},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {0-300-08016-6},
  Location                 = {New Haven, CT},
  Publisher                = {Yale University Press}
}

@Article{Powell2004a,
  Title                    = {Political Representation in Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Powell, G. Bingham},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {273--296},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {Two large research programs have analyzed election-based connections between citizens and policy makers in different democracies. Studies of vote-seat representation in the tradition of Rae (1967) begin with citizens' party votes and have made substantial progress in elucidating the impact of election laws, geographic vote distributions, and the number of parties and their interactions on the proportionality of party representation. Studies of substantive representation in the tradition of Miller & Stokes (1963) begin with citizen issue preferences and link these to the positions of their representatives. Most studies outside the United States, confronting multimember districts and the cohesion of party representatives, have focused on voter-party dyads rather than geographic constituencies, and confirmed the importance of issues linked to a common electoral discourse and the greater structure of legislator issue positions. Recently, a number of explicitly comparative analyses have begun to analyze collective correspondence and confront other limitations of the literature.}
}

@Article{Powell1986,
  author       = {Powell, G. Bingham, Jr.},
  date         = {1986},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {{America}n Voter Turnout in Comparative Perspective},
  doi          = {10.2307/1957082},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {17--43},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {Despite relatively favorable citizen attitudes, voter turnout in American national elections is far below the average of 80% of the eligible electorate that votes in other industrialized democracies. The American institutional setting--particularly the party system and the registration laws--severely inhibits voter turnout, and probably also accounts for the unusual degree to which education and other socioeconomic resources are directly linked to voting participation in the United States. Using a combination of aggregate and comparative survey data, the present analysis suggests that in comparative perspective, turnout in the United States is advantaged about 5% by political attitudes, but disadvantaged 13% by the party system and institutional factors, and up to 14% by the registration laws. The experience of other democracies suggests that encouraging voter participation would contribute to channeling discontent through the electoral process. Even a significantly expanded American electorate would be more interested and involved in political activity than are present voters in most other democracies.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957082},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.26},
}

@Article{PowellWhitten1993,
  author       = {Powell, Jr., G. Bingham and Whitten, Guy D.},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {A Cross-National Analysis of Economic Voting: Taking Account of the Political Context},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {391--414},
  volume       = {37},
  abstract     = {A large literature has demonstrated that such economic factors as growth, inflation, and unemployment affect the popularity of incumbents within many democratic countries. However, cross-national aggregate analyses of "economic voting" show only weak and inconsistent economic effects. We argue for the systematic incorporation of political factors that shape the electoral consequences of economic performance. Multivariate analyses of 102 elections in 19 industrialized democracies are used to estimate the cross-national impact of economic and political factors. The analyses show that considerations of the ideological image of the government, its electoral base, and the clarity of its political responsibility are essential to understanding the effects of economic conditions on voting for or against incumbents.},
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Powell1994,
  Title                    = {The changing blueprints of the british NHS: The white papers of 1944 and 1989},
  Author                   = {Powell, Martin},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Care Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF02249732},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {111--117},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {It has recently been pointed out that the 1989 White Paper Working for Patients, which provides the basis for the current reforms of the British National Health Service, has some common features with the 1944 White Paper A National Health Service, which was the unadopted model for the service produced by the Wartime Coalition Government. Moreover, it is likely that the Conservatives, if elected in the 1945 General Election, would have introduced a service based on a modified version of the 1944 document. We can compare these two blueprints to shed some light on Conservative thinking on health care over a period of nearly 50 years. There are some similarities in terms of the notions of purchaser and provider, contracts and pluralism. However, there are striking contrasts, notably in their attitude towards planning versus competition and local democracy versus patronage. It is claimed that the profound differences outweigh the apparent similarities and consequently the two blueprints show the discontinuity rather than the continuity of Conservative thinking on health care.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02249732}
}

@Article{Powell1994a,
  Title                    = {The Forgotten Anniversary? An Examination of the 1944~{Wh}ite Paper, "A National Health Service"},
  Author                   = {Powell, Martin},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9515.1994.tb00450.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {333--344},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {The 1944 Wartime Coalition White Paper, "A National Health Service"is unlikely to be celebrated among the spate of golden anniversaries of welfare reforms in the 1990s. However, a study of this document may be of interest for two main reasons. First, it has some parallels with the reformed National Health National Health Service of the 1990s and, second, there have been recent calls for a local government-based health service, as was envisaged in 1944. The White Paper is examined in the context of evolving plans for the NHS, and is compared with the actual shape of the NHS as introduced by the Labour Minister of Health, Aneurin Bevan, in 1948. Four themes are drawn out. First, the White Paper should not be seen as the embodiment of a political consensus. Second, a Conservative Health Service would have differed from the NHS in fundamental aspects. Third, the conceptual advantages of a local government-based health service were out-weighed by practical politics. Fourth, although the Labour Party made a difference to the shape of the NHS, that shape did not simply follow from party policy. This implies that medical pressure was successful, to some extent, in defining the limits of the new service.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.1994.tb00450.x}
}

@Article{Powell2004,
  Title                    = {The Inefficient Use of Power: Costly Conflict with Complete Information},
  Author                   = {Powell, Robert},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S000305540400111X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {231--241},
  Volume                   = {98},

  Abstract                 = {Recent work across a wide range of issues in political economy as well as in American, comparative, and international politics tries to explain the inefficient use of power revolutions, civil wars, high levels of public debt, international conflict, and costly policy insulation in terms of commitment problems. This paper shows that a common mechanism is at work in a number of these diverse studies. This common mechanism provides a more general formulation of a type of commitment problem that can arise in many different substantive settings. The present analysis then formalizes this mechanism as an inefficiency condition that ensures that all of the equilibria of a stochastic game are inefficient. This condition has a natural substantive interpretation: Large, rapid changes in the actors' relative power (measured in terms of their minmax payoffs) may cause inefficiency.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S000305540400111X}
}

@Article{PowerWhitty1999,
  Title                    = {New Labour's education policy: first, second or third way?},
  Author                   = {Power, Sally and Whitty, Geoff},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/026809399286206},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {535--546},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {On coming to power in 1997, the New Labour government promised to move beyond the 'ruthless free-for-all' of the neo-liberals. However, rather than revisiting the 'stifling statism' of 'Old Labour', the government has claimed to be developing a so-called 'third way' in which policies are put forward on the basis of 'what works' rather than being driven by any one ideological approach. Through drawing on Giddens' outline of 'first', 'second' and 'third way' politics, this paper looks at a range of New Labour's education policies and examines the extent to which they can be seen to embody a distinctively different approach. It finds that, despite some remnants of old Labour 'first way' thinking, the government's strategies have largely been an extension of second way 'neoliberalism'. Education action zones are identified as the initiative which comes closest to representing a 'third way'. The paper concludes by discussing the potential of this initiative for addressing and overcoming the failures of first and second way policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/026809399286206},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Powers1999,
  Title                    = {The Politics of School Choice Research: Fact, Fiction, and Statistics},
  Author                   = {Powers, Jeanne M. and Cookson, Peter W.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Pages                    = {104--},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines past and present research on school choice within its larger political context, focusing on market-driven choice programs such as vouchers and charter schools. Although methodologically and theoretically the domain of choice research is in its infancy, a growing number of increasingly sophisticated studies of choice programs allow us to start drawing more definitive conclusions about the effects of choice on students and schools. After a brief overview of the larger political context in which choice research takes place, we examine in detail the current state of knowledge on school choice: who is participating in choice programs, the effect of choice on parent and student satisfaction and student achievement, and the impact of choice programs on school districts and school reform. We conclude with a brief discussion of the implications of the politics of research on market-driven choice for American education.}
}

@Article{Prais1996,
  Title                    = {Class-size and Learning: the Tennesse experiment - what follows?},
  Author                   = {Prais, S.J},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {399--414},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {The exceptionally large 'Tennessee experiment'--involving 7000 pupils--to elucidate the effects of class-size on primary school pupils' rate of learning has been widely interpreted as showing convincingly that classes of 15 pupils learn more rapidly, in an important sense, than classes of 24 pupils. The present re-analysis in terms of value-added in learning--the annual increase in SAT scores (rather than the absolute levels of those scores)--indicates that the benefits to average children resulting simply from a lowering of class-size, while positive, are negligible in magnitude and not justifiable in relation to the additional economic resources required. The paper suggests that benefits are more likely to result from targeting additional resources to improved teaching styles, improved teaching materials and providing small classes for pupils with recognised learning difficulties; further research on class-size needs to concentrate on the correct proportion of low-attaining pupils that would benefit from attending small classes, the optimal size of such classes, and the fractions of the day which pupils with varying difficulties should attend small and normal-sized classes.}
}

@Article{Prais2001,
  Title                    = {Grammar Schools' Achievements and the DfEE's Measures of Value-Added: an attempt at clarification},
  Author                   = {Prais, S.J},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {69--73},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {In an endeavour to compare the teaching-efficiency of individual secondary schools in England, the Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) published measures of pupils' progress in learning attainments between the ages of 14 and 16, based on the results of obligatory nationwide tests in a range of school-subjects at each of those ages (SATs and GCSE). The results were subsequently used by commentators to suggest that grammar schools do not make as much progress between those ages as comprehensive schools; and that pupils who are high-attainers at age 14 do better in their subsequent two years if they attend a comprehensive school rather than a grammar school. The present paper examines the robustness of the measuring rods for these purposes; it concludes that they are hardly adequate but, insofar as they are used for these purposes, the results indicate precisely the opposite: namely, greater average progress (greater 'value-added') for grammar schools, and for high-attaining pupils in grammar schools.}
}

@Article{Prasad2005,
  Title                    = {Why Is {France} So French? Culture, Institutions, and Neoliberalism, 1974-1981},
  Author                   = {Prasad, Monica},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/432778},
  Pages                    = {357--407},
  Volume                   = {111},

  Abstract                 = {French capitalism has changed in many ways in the last two decades, but France has not seen the extreme neoliberalism of Britain and the United States. The author first provides evidence that the French pattern is not caused by adherence to cultural traditions of egalitarianism. The author then uses historical and interview data to compare the French case with the American counterexample. The argument is that France has adopted a "pragmatic neoliberalism" because in the postwar period it had adopted a "pragmatic state interventionism" designed not to further goals of social justice, but to turn an agricultural country into an industrial one. Moreover, neoliberalism in the United States required a remarkable degree of extreme political innovation which has not been possible in France.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/432778}
}

@Article{PrasadDeng2009,
  Title                    = {Taxation and the worlds of welfare},
  Author                   = {Prasad, Monica and Deng, Yingying},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwp005},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {431--457},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {We use Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) data to compare the progressivity of the tax structure in the USA and Europe. LIS data allow a comparison of tax rates that attempts to take different starting rates, thresholds and exemptions into account. Our study supports the argument others have made that the USA has more progressive taxes than the European countries. However, we find that Britain's tax structure is more regressive than those of the continental welfare states, making the mapping of tax structure onto the `three worlds of welfare' imperfect. We also show that it is a mistake to assume that income and property taxes are always progressive: regressive examples of both are common in the data. But sales taxes are regressive wherever they are found, and we suggest that the proportion of tax revenue raised through sales taxes can serve as an index of overall progressivity in situations where the detailed data examined here are not available. We close by outlining several possible explanations for the inverse correlation between tax progressivity and welfare state effort.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwp005}
}

@Article{Premfors1991,
  Title                    = {The 'Swedish Model' and Public Sector Reform},
  Author                   = {Premfors, Rune},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {83--95},
  Volume                   = {14}
}

@Article{Premfors1998,
  Title                    = {Reshaping the Democratic State: Swedish Experiences in a Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Premfors, Rune},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {141--159},
  Volume                   = {76},

  Abstract                 = {In the international discourse concerning recent administrative reform developments there is a dominant overall interpretation propagated by a dominant story-teller: the public management programme (PUMA) of the OECD. This article takes issue with this story, arguing that instead of a singular pattern of adaptation there have been and there are several different reform trajectories in Western-style democracies, largely predicated on historically determined patterns of state-society relations and significant variations in political cultures. A detailed comparative analysis of the case of Sweden is here used to illustrate the prevalence of a pattern of 'structured pluralism' and the fruitfulness of a historical-institutionalist approach to the comparative study of administrative reform.}
}

@Online{PressAssociation2010,
  author     = {{Press Association}},
  date       = {2010},
  title      = {Ed Balls attacks academies policy},
  urldate    = {2010-09-08},
  bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.pressassociation.com/component/pafeeds/2010/09/06/ed_balls_attacks_academies_policy},
  doi        = {10/09},
  month      = sep,
}

@Book{PressmanWildavsky1973,
  Title                    = {Implementation: How Great Expectations in Washington Are Dashed in Oakland},
  Author                   = {Pressman, Jeffrey L. and Wildavsky, Aaron},
  Date                     = {1973},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {University of California Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Price1997,
  Title                    = {Political business cycles and macroeconomic credibility: a survey},
  Author                   = {Price, Simon},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {407--427},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {There is clear evidence that government popularity and election performance is affected, in part, by economic performance, suggesting that governments may manipulate the economy to political advantage. Simple models incorporating adaptive expectations which allowed the government to exploit this relationship were developed in the 1970s, but fell out of fashion with the advent of new-classical economics. However, modern theories of the political business cycle, which are closely related to the macroeconomic policy game literature, assume rational expectations, and lead to forms of political business cycle, driven by the existence of uncertainty of one type or another. The international evidence suggests that some aspects of the theories apply, although definitive conclusions are {\textendash} as we might expect {\textendash} hard to come by.}
}

@Article{Price1998,
  author       = {Price, Simon},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Comment on `The Politics of the Political Business Cycle'},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {201--210},
  volume       = {28},
  month        = jan,
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{PriceSanders1993,
  Title                    = {Modeling Government Popularity in Postwar {Britain}: A Methodological Example},
  Author                   = {Price, Simon and Sanders, David},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {317{--}334},
  Volume                   = {37},
  Abstract                 = {Economic theory suggests that government popularity may be related to the rate of change of (nonstationary) economic quantities and the level of (stationary) financial variables (like inflation or interest rates). Political theory suggests that this relationship may not be stable over time. We find that there is a well-defined relationship between U.K. government popularity in the postwar period and a small set of economic variables (i.e., unemployment, inflation, and real interest rates). Unusual political events are also important. Voters appear to discount history at a high rate. Remarkably, the estimated equation is very stable and passes a battery of stability tests, including postsample parameter stability tests. Furthermore, estimation using the Kalman filter shows no tendency for the parameters to vary systematically over time, implying that voter preferences have remained broadly constant throughout the postwar years.},
}

@Article{Priemus1997,
  Title                    = {Growth and stagnation in social housing: What is `social' in the social rented sector?},
  Author                   = {Priemus, Hugo},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039708720915},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {549{--}560},
  Volume                   = {12},
  Abstract                 = {Many West European countries are currently reducing their social rented sector. New construction of social rented housing is avoided, while the sale of social rented dwellings is advocated. This paper is an attempt to explain the stagnation in social rented housing, which in some countries has reached crisis point. In addition, the changes within the social rented sector are dealt with. In many places, we observe a move towards a more market-oriented social housing sector. This leads us to ask what is `social' in the changing social rented sector. Finally, a differentiated tenant mix in social rented housing is suggested as a means to prevent stigmatisation of this tenure.},
}

@Article{Priemus2000,
  author       = {Priemus, Hugo},
  title        = {Rent Subsidies in the {USA} and Housing Allowances in The {Netherlands}: Worlds Apart},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {700{--}712},
  doi          = {10.1111/1468-2427.00273},
}

@Article{PriemusBoelhouwer1999,
  author       = {Priemus, Hugo and Boelhouwer, Peter},
  title        = {Social Housing Finance in {Europe}: Trends and Opportunities},
  journaltitle = {Urban Studies},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {633{--}645},
  doi          = {10.1080/0042098993367},
  abstract     = {The central topic of this contribution is the financing of the social rented sector in seven countries in western Europe: the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Great Britain, France and Sweden. Since 1975, the macro housing quota has increased in all seven countries, but most of all in the Netherlands. Property subsidies have been reduced; housing allowances have become more important. The differences in size of the social rented sector remain large. Private finance has mostly replaced public loans, with the exception of Germany where interest-free government loans cover part of the finance needed. In most countries, guarantees for capital market loans exist, Great Britain being the exception. In the near future, changes in social housing finance may be expected as a result of European monetary integration. The euro will (for the time being) not be introduced in Denmark, Great Britain and Sweden. The costs of capital may decline when social housing finance becomes more internationalised.},
}

@Article{PriemusDieleman1997,
  author       = {Priemus, Hugo and Dieleman, Frans},
  title        = {Social rented housing: Recent changes in Western {Europe ---} introduction},
  journaltitle = {Housing Studies},
  date         = {1997},
  volume       = {12},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {421{--}425},
  doi          = {10.1080/02673039708720907},
}

@Article{PriemusDieleman2002,
  author       = {Priemus, Hugo and Dieleman, Frans},
  title        = {Social Housing Policy in the {Europe}an Union: Past, Present and Perspectives},
  journaltitle = {Urban Studies},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {39},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {191{--}200},
  doi          = {10.1080/00420980120102911},
}

@Article{PrimoSnyder2010,
  author       = {Primo, David M. and Snyder, James M. and Jr.},
  title        = {Party Strength, the Personal Vote, and Government Spending},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {54},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {354--370},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00435.x},
  abstract     = {``Strong'' political parties within legislatures are one possible solution to the problem of inefficient universalism, a norm under which all legislators seek large projects for their districts that are paid for out of a common pool. We demonstrate that even if parties have no role in the legislature, their role in elections can be sufficient to reduce spending. If parties in the electorate are strong, then legislators will demand less distributive spending because of a decreased incentive to secure a "personal vote" via local projects. We estimate that spending in states with strong party organizations is at least 4% smaller than in states where parties are weak. We also find evidence that strong party states receive less federal aid than states with weak organizations, and we theorize that this is because members of Congress from strong party states feel less compelled to secure aid than members from weak party states.},
}

@Book{Primoratz1989,
  Title                    = {Justifying Legal Punishment},
  Author                   = {Primoratz, Igor},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Location                 = {Atlantic Highlands, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Humanities Press}
}

@Article{Prior2005,
  Title                    = {News vs. Entertainment: How Increasing Media Choice Widens Gaps in Political Knowledge and Turnout},
  Author                   = {Prior, Markus},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2005.00143.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {577--592},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/mynjc3u},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Despite dramatic increases in available political information through cable television and the Internet, political knowledge and turnout have not changed noticeably. To explain this seeming paradox, I argue that greater media choice makes it easier for people to find their preferred content. People who like news take advantage of abundant political information to become more knowledgeable and more likely to turn out. In contrast, people who prefer entertainment abandon the news and become less likely to learn about politics and go to the polls. To test this proposition, I develop a measure of people's media content preference and include it in a representative opinion survey of 2,358 U.S. residents. Results show that content preference indeed becomes a better predictor of political knowledge and turnout as media choice increases. Cable TV and the Internet increase gaps in knowledge and turnout between people who prefer news and people who prefer entertainment.}
}

@Article{Prior2013,
  author       = {Prior, Markus},
  title        = {Media and Political Polarization},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {16},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {101--127},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-100711-135242},
  url          = {http://www.princeton.edu/~mprior/Prior MediaPolarization.pdf},
  abstract     = {This essay examines if the emergence of more partisan media has contributed to political polarization and led Americans to support more partisan policies and candidates. Congress and some newer media outlets have added more partisan messages to a continuing supply of mostly balanced news. Although political attitudes of most Americans have remained fairly centrist, evidence points to some polarization among the politically involved. Proliferation of media choices lowered the share of less interested, less partisan voters and thereby made elections more partisan. But evidence for a causal link between more partisan messages and changing attitudes or behaviors is mixed at best. Measurement problems hold back research on partisan selective exposure and its consequences. Ideologically one-sided news exposure may be largely confined to a small, but highly involved and influential segment of the population. There is no firm evidence that partisan media are making ordinary Americans more partisan.},
}

@Article{PropperWilson2003,
  Title                    = {The Use and Usefulness of Performance Measures in the Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Propper, Carol and Wilson, Deborah},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Economic Policy},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {250--267},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {The paper focuses on the empirical evidence on the use and usefulness of performance measures in the public sector. It begins with consideration of the features of the public sector which make the use of performance measures complex: the issues of multiple principals and multiple tasks. It discusses the form that performance measures may take, the use made of these measures, and the responses that individuals may make to them. Empirical examples from the fields of education and health, with a focus on the USA and UK, are examined. There is clear evidence of responses to such measures. Some of these responses improve efficiency, but others do not and fall into the category of {\textquoteleft}gaming{\textquoteright}. Generally, there has been little assessment of whether performance measures bring about improvements in service. The paper ends with consideration of how such measures should be used and what measures are useful to collect.}
}

@Incollection{Przeworski2007,
  Title                    = {Is the Science of Comparative Politics Possible?},
  Author                   = {Przeworski, Adam},
  Booktitle                = {The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Many research problems in comparative politics involve assessing the causal impact of institutions, policies, or events on some performance, outcome, or result. While such evaluations are relatively unproblematic when data can be generated by the researcher, they are subject to several biases when data are produced by history. The chapter is an overview of issues entailed in causal inference and an introduction to alternative research strategies.}
}

@Book{Przeworski1985,
  author     = {Przeworski, Adam},
  date       = {1985},
  title      = {Capitalism and Social Democracy},
  isbn       = {0521267420},
  location   = {Cambridge},
  publisher  = {Cambridge University Press},
  annotation = {One chapter with John Sprague, two chapters with Michael Wallerstein.},
}

@Book{Przeworski1991,
  Title                    = {Democracy and the Market},
  Author                   = {Przeworski, Adam},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{PrzeworskiEtAl1996,
  Title                    = {What Makes Democracies Endure?},
  Author                   = {Przeworski, Adam and {Limongi Neto}, Fernando Papaterra and Alvarez, Michael M.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Democracy},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/jod.1996.0016},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {39--55},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/noyheh6},
  Volume                   = {7}
}

@Article{PrzeworskiLimongi1997,
  author       = {Przeworski,Adam and Limongi,Fernando},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Modernization: Theories and Facts},
  doi          = {10.1353/wp.1997.0004},
  issn         = {1086-3338},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {155--183},
  url          = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/levitsky/files/przeworski_limogni.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {What makes political regimes rise, endure, and fall? The main question is whether the observed close relation between levels of economic development and the incidence of democratic regimes is due to democracies being more likely to emerge or only more likely to survive in the more developed countries. We answer this question using data concerning 135 countries that existed at any time between 1950 and 1990. We find that the level of economic development does not affect the probability of transitions to democracy but that affluence does make democratic regimes more stable. The relation between affluence and democratic stability is monotonic, and the breakdown of democracies at middle levels of development is a phenomenon peculiar to the Southern Cone of Latin America. These patterns also appear to have been true of the earlier period, but dictatorships are more likely to survive in wealthy countries that became independent only after 1950. We conclude that modernization need not generate democracy but democracies survive in countries that are modern.},
  month        = jan,
}

@Incollection{PrzeworskiSprague1985,
  Title                    = {Party Strategy, Class Organization, and Individual Voting},
  Author                   = {Przeworski, Adam and Sprague, John},
  Booktitle                = {Capitalism and social democracy},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Editor                   = {Adam Przeworski},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Cambridge},
  Pages                    = {99{--}132},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{PrzeworskiSprague1986,
  Title                    = {Paper Stones: A History of Electoral Socialism},
  Author                   = {Przeworski, Adam and Sprague, John},
  Date                     = {1986},
  ISBN                     = {0226684970},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{PrzeworskiVreeland2000,
  author       = {Przeworski, Adam and Vreeland, James Raymond},
  title        = {The effect of IMF programs on economic growth},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Development Economics},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {2},
  month        = aug,
  pages        = {385--421},
  issn         = {0304-3878},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0304-3878(00)00090-0},
  abstract     = {Using a bivariate, dynamic version of the Heckman selection model, we estimate the effect of participation in International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs on economic growth. We find evidence that governments enter into agreements with the IMF under the pressures of a foreign reserves crisis but they also bring in the Fund to shield themselves from the political costs of adjustment policies. Program participation lowers growth rates for as long as countries remain under a program. Once countries leave the program, they grow faster than if they had remained, but not faster than they would have without participation.},
  keywords     = {Economic growth, IMF, Selection},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Article{PrzeworskiWallerstein1988,
  Title                    = {Structural Dependence of the State on Capital},
  Author                   = {Przeworski, Adam and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {11{--}29},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {A central claim of both Marxist and neoclassical political theory is that under capitalism all governments must respect and protect the essential claims of those who own the productive wealth of society. This is the theory of ``structural dependence of the state on capital.'' Using a formal model, the internal logic and the robustness of the theory is examined. We conclude that in a static sense the theory is false: virtually any distribution of consumption between wage earners and owners of capital is compatible with continual private investment once an appropriate set of taxes and transfers is in place. Yet the state may be structurally dependent in a dynamic sense. Policies that, once in place, redistribute income without reducing investment do reduce investment during the period in which they are anticipated but not yet implemented.}
}

@Article{Putnam1988,
  Title                    = {Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games},
  Author                   = {Putnam, Robert D.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {427{--}460},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Domestic politics and international relations are often inextricably entangled, but existing theories (particularly `state-centric' theories) do not adequately account for these linkages. When national leaders must win ratification (formal or informal) from their constituents for an international agreement, their negotiating behavior reflects the simultaneous imperatives of both a domestic political game and an international game. Using illustrations from Western economic summitry, the Panama Canal and Versailles Treaty negotiations, IMF stabilization programs, the European Community, and many other diplomatic contexts, this article offers a theory of ratification. It addresses the role of domestic preferences and coalitions, domestic political institutions and practices, the strategies and tactics of negotiators, uncertainty, the domestic reverberation of international pressures, and the interests of the chief negotiator. This theory of `two-level games' may also be applicable to many other political phenomena, such as dependency, legislative committees, and multiparty coalitions.}
}

@Book{Putnam1993,
  Title                    = {Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern {Italy}},
  Author                   = {Putnam, Robert D.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  ISBN                     = {1-400809-789},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{Putnam1995,
  Title                    = {Bowling Alone: {America}'s Declining Social Capital},
  Author                   = {Robert D. Putnam},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Democracy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {65--78},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/c5bn6ln},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/c5bn6ln},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.25}
}

@Article{Putnam2007,
  Title                    = {E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century},
  Author                   = {Putnam, Robert D.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2007.00176.x},
  Note                     = {The 2006 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture.},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {137--174},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {Ethnic diversity is increasing in most advanced countries, driven mostly by sharp increases in immigration. In the long run immigration and diversity are likely to have important cultural, economic, fiscal, and developmental benefits. In the short run, however, immigration and ethnic diversity tend to reduce social solidarity and social capital. New evidence from the US suggests that in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods residents of all races tend to hunker down. Trust (even of one's own race) is lower, altruism and community cooperation rarer, friends fewer. In the long run, however, successful immigrant societies have overcome such fragmentation by creating new, cross-cutting forms of social solidarity and more encompassing identities. Illustrations of becoming comfortable with diversity are drawn from the US military, religious institutions, and earlier waves of American immigration.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2007.00176.x}
}

@Article{Pye1991,
  Title                    = {Political Culture Revisited},
  Author                   = {Pye, Lucian},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Psychology},
  Pages                    = {487--508},
  Url                      = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/3791758},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-04},
  Volume                   = {12}
}

@Article{QianWeingast1997,
  Title                    = {Federalism as a Commitment to Perserving Market Incentives},
  Author                   = {Qian, Yingyi and Weingast, Barry R.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {83{--}92},
  Volume                   = {11}
}

@Article{QuadriniRios-Rull1997,
  Title                    = {Dimensions of inequality: Facts on the US distributions of earnings, income, and wealth},
  Author                   = {Quadrini, Javier D{\'i}az-Gim{\'e}nez Vincenzo and R{\'i}os-Rull, Jos{\'e}-V{\'i}ctor},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {3--21},
  Volume                   = {21}
}

@Article{QuagliaEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {The Financial Turmoil and EU Policy Co-operation in 2008},
  Author                   = {Quaglia, Lucia and Eastwood, Robert and Holmes, Peter},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02014.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Pages                    = {63--87},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the response of the European Union (EU) to the financial crisis in 2008 under the headings of liquidity, recapitalization and ownership of banks, macroeconomic policies and regulatory policy. It is argued that although at the onset of the crisis governments tended to focus on national-level responses, they quickly realized that international co-ordination would be required. This proved difficult to achieve in many areas, although monetary policy was an exception. Here co-ordination was rapid, not only in the euro area but also between the European Central Bank and other EU national central banks. Even so, within the euro area, the lender of last resort function was carried out by national central banks. Fiscal policy and bank recapitalization were similar across countries, but independently agreed. Competition rules were the one supranational EU regime, but did not act as a significant constraint on Member States.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2009.02014.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Quigley2000,
  Title                    = {A Decent Home: Housing Policy in Perspective},
  Author                   = {Quigley, John M},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Brookings-Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs},
  Pages                    = {53{--}88}
}

@Article{QuinnShapiro1991,
  Title                    = {Business Political Power: The Case of Taxation},
  Author                   = {Quinn, Dennis P. and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1963853},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {851--874},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.msb.edu/quinnd/papers/buspower91.pdf},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {We examine contending views about the forms and mechanisms of business power in U.S. politics by estimating time series models explaining taxation and redistribution. Taxation and redistribution constitute strong cases for theories about business and class power, since all firms have an interest in reducing taxation. We find that changes in corporate taxation and in redistribution between capital gains income and earned income and between corporate taxation and individual taxation are strongly influenced by political partisanship, with Democratic administrations increasing the tax burden on firms and their owners. How far corporations engage in electoral financing--measured through the establishment of corporate political action committees--is also influential. The models show some evidence consistent with the understanding of class power conceptualized by Bowles, Gordon, and Weisskopf and the presence of election cycle effects but inconsistent with implications arising from the structural dependence of the state on capital and asset concentration in the largest corporations as a mechanism of class power.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{QuinnShapiro1991a,
  Title                    = {Economic Growth Strategies: The Effects of Ideological Partisanship on Interest Rates and Business Taxation in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Quinn, Dennis P. and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2111560},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {656--685},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.msb.edu/quinnd/papers/econstrat91.pdf},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {We reformulate the partisanship thesis in light of four claims leveled against it. The reformulated version, ideological partisanship, is based upon the theory that similar rates of economic growth may follow from the different use of policy instruments. Owing to their role as determinants of investment and growth, interest rates, business taxation rates, and the redistribution of the tax burden between capital gains and earned income are examined. We advance models that take into account other views of politics beside the partisan one, and test for political influences. The United States is characterized by very pronounced partisan differences in national economic policy with Democratic administrations seeking to promote growth through a consumption driven, while Republican administrations promote an investment-driven strategy. Democratic administrations also seek to shift the tax burden toward corporations and owners of capital. These findings are examined in light of the comparative political economy literature. We conclude that the forms and institutional foundations of left partisan policies differ among democratic capitalist countries.},
  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Roennberg2007,
  Title                    = {A Recent Swedish Attempt to Weaken State Control and Strengthen School Autonomy: the experiment with local time schedules},
  Author                   = {R{\"o}nnberg, Linda},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {214--231},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {In 1999, after a series of far-reaching reforms aiming at decentralisation, deregulation and increased local autonomy in Swedish education, the Government decided to introduce a five-year experiment, which would develop these reform efforts even further. Even though Swedish compulsory schools already were the most autonomous in Europe with regard to decision making on school time, an experiment which allowed schools to freely decide time allocation and time management was launched. At least on paper, the experiment indicates a shift from state control to local autonomy, allowing school professionals to be free to make decisions on time distribution previously controlled by the state. The aim is to analyse and discuss whether the experiment has affected school autonomy or not and how this can be understood. The theoretical point of departure is a two-dimensional view of autonomy, where both freedom of action and capacity for action need to be taken into account. The freedom of action (the discretionary space for local actors) provided within the experiment is analysed through three properties of the experimental programme: programme clarity, division of responsibilities and control mechanisms. The schools' capacity for action concerns the extent participating schools make use of the discretion provided within the experiment. This is analysed in three schools with reference to their ability to organise themselves in a flexible way, as well as to what extent the schools have shown previous capacity for action and readiness for reform. Based on this analysis of the experiment, it is concluded that if reform efforts are made to increase school autonomy, they should not one-sidedly be focused on increasing local actors' freedom of action (such as abolishing the national time schedule). Such efforts should also be accompanied by measures to reinforce local actors' capacity for action. Unless local actors can make use of the discretion given to them by a superior (political) body, local autonomy will be far less than was intended, since freedom to act exceeds the actual capacity to act.}
}

@Article{RadcliffDavis2000,
  Title                    = {Labor Organization and Electoral Participation in Industrial Democracies},
  Author                   = {Radcliff, Benjamin and Davis, Patricia},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {132{--}141},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {The literature on the determinants of electoral participation has paid little attention to the role of labor organization. Adopting the familiar heuristic of costs and benefits, we argue that aggregate rates of turnout will be affected strongly by the strength of the labor movement. This hypothesis is tested using cross-sectional and pooled time series data for nineteen industrial democracies and the fifty American states. The results indicate that the greater the share of workers represented by unions, the greater is the turnout. Further analysis indicates that a portion of this effect occurs indirectly through labor's ability to move the ideological position of parties appealing to lower-and middle-status citizens farther to the left. The implications for the study of electoral politics, democratic theory, and public policy are discussed.}
}

@Article{RadcliffSaiz1998,
  Title                    = {Labor Organization and Public Policy in the {America}n States},
  Author                   = {Radcliff, Benjamin and Saiz, Martin},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {113{--}125},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {While the effort within the state politics literature to isolate the political determinants of public policy represents one of the most successful research programs in political science, researchers have in the main failed to consider the special role of labor organization in a capitalistic democracy Using cross-sectional and time-series data on a number of policy indicators, we demonstrate that the relative strength of the labor movement across the American states is one of the principal determinants of policy liberalism The implications for public policy and the study of American politics are discussed.}
}

@Article{RadnorEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Local Educational Governance, Accountability, and Democracy in the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {Radnor, Hilary A. and Ball, Stephen J. and Vincent, Carol},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {124--137},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article reports an investigation into the links between local educational government, accountability, and democracy. Four case studies of local education authorities (LEAs) were designed to show how the LEAs were interpreting and responding to the accountability policy framework put in place by the 1988, 1992, and 1993 Education Acts. Qualitative methods were used to gather data from a range of stakeholders in settings broadly representative of political ideologies, size, location, demography, and history. Critical policy analysis was then used to identify the impact and effects of these policies in the LEAs and the broader social and societal consequences. Three emergent models of accountability enactments were found. There was considerable potential found in the current situation of cultural transformation for a politics of accountability at a local level to achieve more reciprocal relationships and communitarian forms of accountability.}
}

@Article{RaessPontusson2015,
  Title                    = {The politics of fiscal policy during economic downturns, 1981--2010},
  Author                   = {Raess, Damian and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1475-6765.12074},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--22},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates fiscal policy responses to the Great Recession in historical perspective. It explores general trends in the frequency, size and composition of fiscal stimulus as well as the impact of government partisanship on fiscal policy outputs during the four international recessions of 1980--1981, 1990--1991, 2001--2002 and 2008--2009. Encompassing 17--23 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, the analysis calls into question the idea of a general retreat from fiscal policy activism since the early 1980s. The propensity of governments to respond to economic downturns by engaging in fiscal stimulus has increased over time and no secular trend in the size of stimulus measures is observed. At the same time, OECD governments have relied more on tax cuts to stimulate demand in the two recessions of the 2000s than they did in the early 1980s or early 1990s. Regarding government partisanship, no significant direct partisan effects on either the size or the composition of fiscal stimulus is found for any of the four recession episodes. However, the size of the welfare state conditioned the impact of government partisanship in the two recessions of the 2000s, with left-leaning governments distinctly more prone to engaging in discretionary fiscal stimulus and/or spending increases in large welfare states, but not in small welfare states.}
}

@Article{Raftery1995,
  Title                    = {{Bayes}ian Model Selection in Social Research},
  Author                   = {Raftery, Adrian E},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociological Methodology},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/271063},
  Pages                    = {111--163},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {It is argued that P-values and the tests based upon them give unsatisfactory results, especially in large samples. It is shown that, in regression, when there are many candidate independent variables, standard variable selection procedures can give very misleading results. Also, by selecting a single model, they ignore model uncertainty and so underestimate the uncertainty about quantities of interest. The Bayesian approach to hypothesis testing, model selection, and accounting for model uncertainty is presented. Implementing this is straightforward through the use of the simple and accurate BIC approximation, and it can be done using the output from standard software. Specific results are presented for most of the types of model commonly used in sociology. It is shown that this approach overcomes the difficulties with P-values and standard model selection procedures based on them. It also allows easy comparison of nonnested models, and permits the quantification of the evidence for a null hypothesis of i...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/271063}
}

@Book{Raison1990,
  Title                    = {Tories and the Welfare State: A History of Conservative Social Policy since the Second World War},
  Author                   = {Raison, Timothy},
  Date                     = {1990},
  ISBN                     = {0333470060},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Macmillan Press}
}

@Article{RajanSubramanian2007,
  Title                    = {Does Aid Affect Governance?},
  Author                   = {Raghuram Rajan and Arvind Subramanian},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/30034469},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {322--327},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Rajan2010,
  Title                    = {Fault Lines: How Hidden Fractures Still Threaten the World Economy},
  Author                   = {Raghuram G. Rajan},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {9781400834211},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Raghuram Rajan was one of the few economists who warned of the global financial crisis before it hit. Now, as the world struggles to recover, it's tempting to blame what happened on just a few greedy bankers who took irrational risks and left the rest of us to foot the bill. In Fault Lines, Rajan argues that serious flaws in the economy are also to blame, and warns that a potentially more devastating crisis awaits us if they aren't fixed. Rajan shows how the individual choices that collectively brought about the economic meltdown--made by bankers, government officials, and ordinary homeowners--were rational responses to a flawed global financial order in which the incentives to take on risk are incredibly out of step with the dangers those risks pose. He traces the deepening fault lines in a world overly dependent on the indebted American consumer to power global economic growth and stave off global downturns. He exposes a system where America's growing inequality and thin social safety net create tremendous political pressure to encourage easy credit and keep job creation robust, no matter what the consequences to the economy's long-term health; and where the U.S. financial sector, with its skewed incentives, is the critical but unstable link between an overstimulated America and an underconsuming world. In Fault Lines, Rajan demonstrates how unequal access to education and health care in the United States puts us all in deeper financial peril, even as the economic choices of countries like Germany, Japan, and China place an undue burden on America to get its policies right. He outlines the hard choices we need to make to ensure a more stable world economy and restore lasting prosperity.}
}

@Book{RallingsThrasher1997,
  Title                    = {Local Elections in {Britain}},
  Author                   = {Rallings, Colin and Thrasher, Michael},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{RamajoEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Spatial heterogeneity and interregional spillovers in the {Europe}an Union: Do cohesion policies encourage convergence across regions?},
  Author                   = {Ramajo, Juli{\'a}n and M{\'a}rquez, Miguel A. and Hewings, Geoffrey J.D. and Salinas, Mar{\'\i}a M.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2007.05.006},
  ISSN                     = {0014-2921},
  Month                    = apr,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {551--567},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Using a spatial econometric perspective, the speed of convergence for a sample of 163 regions of the European Union (EU) over the period 1981-1996 is estimated. For this purpose, we use a specification strategy which allows an explicit modeling of both spatial heterogeneity and spatial autocorrelation found in the analyzed sample. The estimated final model combines groupwise heterocedasticity, the identification of two spatial regimes and spatial dependence. Our results show how an appropriate consideration of the role of spatial effects can shed new insights into the European convergence process. We find that regions in the EU cohesion-fund countries (Ireland, Greece, Portugal and Spain) are converging separately from the rest of regions of the EU. Our estimations indicate that over the analyzed period, there was a faster conditional convergence in relative income levels of the regions belonging to Cohesion countries (5.3%) than in the rest of the regions of the EU (3.3%). Therefore, our results contrast with other evidence that points to the fact that the convergence process in Europe has weakened or even has stopped at the beginning of the 1980s. Moreover, our work shows clear evidence of separate spatial convergence clubs among EU regions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2007.05.006},
  Keywords                 = {Regional growth, Convergence, Heterogeneity, Spillovers, European Union}
}

@Article{RamirezBoli1987,
  Title                    = {The Political Construction of Mass Schooling: {Europe}an Origins and Worldwide Institutionalization},
  Author                   = {Ramirez, Francisco O and Boli, John},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {2{--}17},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the origins of state educational systems in Europe in the nineteenth century and the institutionalization of mass education throughout the world in the twentieth century. We offer a theoretical interpretation of mass state-sponsored schooling that emphasizes the role of education in the nation-building efforts of states competing with one another within the European interstate system. We show that political, economic, and cultural developments in Europe led to a model of the legitimate national society that became highly institutionalized in the European (and later, world) cultural frame. This model made the construction of a mass educational system a major and indispensable component of every modern state's activity. We discuss the usefulness of this perspective for understanding recent cross-national studies of education.}
}

@Article{Randall2000,
  Title                    = {Childcare policy in the {Europe}an states: limits to convergence},
  Author                   = {Randall, Vicky},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {346--368},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {In the 1970s childcare provision and policy varied markedly between European Community member states. A number of subsequent developments including the growing numbers of working mothers and single-parent families, shifts in national welfare and labour market policy priorities, developments in European Union (EU) childcare policy and the impact of feminism might be expected to have encouraged convergence. This article uses available comparative data to demonstrate both the extent and the limits of convergence in practice. It suggests possible reasons for the limitations to convergence including the limited impact of feminism and of EU childcare initiatives, national variations in women"s working patterns and lone motherhood and especially in the resilience of policy orientations embedded in different kinds of welfare regime.}
}

@Article{RandolphJudd2000,
  Title                    = {Community renewal and large public housing estates},
  Author                   = {Randolph, Bill and Judd, Bruce},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Policy and Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/08111140008727826},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {91{--}104},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {The extent of social disadvantage in local neighbourhoods has come to the fore in recent years, partly as a result of the problems that State Housing Authorities have faced in managing the concentrations of socially marginalised populations on larger public housing estates. However, a wider understanding of the processes at play in these neighbourhoods is needed to inform policy development. We consider the evolution of local renewal policy in New South Wales at the present time and suggest potential policy options for the future.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08111140008727826}
}

@Unpublished{Rapanos2004,
  Title                    = {Trade Unions and Tax Incidence},
  Author                   = {Rapanos, Vassilis T},
  Date                     = {2004},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this paper is to investigate the incidence of a factor-income tax and a consumption tax in a general equilibrium framework, with a unionised sector. The wage differential, between the unionised and the non-unionised sector, is set endogenously in contrast with most of the models of the relevant literature. The main findings of our analysis suggest that the presence of trade unions affects significantly the tax incidence, which depends not only on factor substitutability and relative factor intensities, but also on the behaviour of the trade union.}
}

@Article{RattsoSorensen2004,
  author       = {Ratts{\o}, J{\o}rn and S{\o}rensen, Rune J.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Public Employees as Swing Voters: Empirical Evidence on Opposition to Public Reform},
  doi          = {10.1023/B:PUCH.0000033325.81479.8b},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {281{--}310},
  volume       = {119},
  abstract     = {Reform offers economic gains for society at large, but can represent a threat to the interests of public employees. Public sector reform faces opposition from voters employed in public sector. Norwegian data allow for an analysis this interpretation. Survey data show that public employees prefer less reform than the rest of the population. The voting behavior of public employees is more sensitive to reform than is that of other voters (the swing voter hypothesis), and hence: shares of public employees in a local jurisdiction have a negative impact on the probability of reform.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/B:PUCH.0000033325.81479.8b},
}

@Article{Ravallion1996,
  Title                    = {Issues in Measuring and Modelling Poverty},
  Author                   = {Ravallion, Martin},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {438},
  Pages                    = {1328{--}1343},
  Volume                   = {106}
}

@Article{RaveaudZanten2007,
  author       = {Maroussia Raveaud and Agnes van Zanten},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Education Policy},
  title        = {Choosing the local school: middle class parents' values and social and ethnic mix in London and Paris},
  doi          = {10.1080/02680930601065817},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {107--124},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {This paper analyses a specific kind of choice, choice of the local school, by a specific middle class group, characterized by its high cultural capital, its `caring' perspective and liberal political orientation, in two cosmopolitan, `mixed' settings, London and Paris, with a focus on values and how ethical dilemmas raised by confrontation with the social and ethnic mix in schools are solved. It draws upon a small-scale comparative study of urban middle class parents conducted in 2004--2005 at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques in Paris in collaboration with the London Institute of Education. Using the same open-ended schedule, 28 interviews were carried out in one London locality and 38 in a similar locality in the Parisian periphery (plus 12 others in a nearby private school). Its main purpose was to use a cross-Channel comparison to test and enrich a comprehensive model of school choice that tries to take into account the complex interaction between policies, strategies, contexts, resources and values.},
}

@Article{RawatMorris2016,
  Title                    = {Kingdon's ``Streams'' Model at Thirty: Still Relevant in the 21st Century?},
  Author                   = {Rawat, Pragati and Morris, John Charles},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/polp.12168},
  ISSN                     = {1747-1346},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {608--638},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {John Kingdon's multiple-streams model, developed to explain the policy formulation process, is often cited in the policy literature, and remains a staple of policy courses. In spite of critiques suggesting Kingdon's work is theoretically shaky and difficult to observe empirically, the work seems to retain a prominent place in the policy literature, garnering hundreds of citations since its publication. This article provides a review of the literature employing Kingdon's work, from 1984 to the present. The results show that the model has been used across all inhabited continents but suggest a decline in the use of the model in the U.S. scholarly literature. Other theories are liberally used in conjunction with Kingdon's model. The study provides an update on recent trends in the model's use and offers guidelines for interested researchers about topics that are considered as a productive endeavor, going forward.},
  Keywords                 = {Policy Theory, Policy Process, John Kingdon, Streams Model, Criticisms, Literature Review Article, ``Agendas Alternatives and Public Policy,'' Kingdon in the Literature, Multiple Streams, Policy Entrepreneurs, Policy Formation, Garbage Can Model}
}

@Misc{RawdanowiczEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {The Equity Implications of Fiscal Consolidation},
  Author                   = {Rawdanowicz, \L{}ukasz and Wurzel, Eckhard and Christensen, Ane K.},
  Date                     = {2013-01-14},
  Doi                      = {10.1787/5k4dlvx2wjq0-en},
  Location                 = {Paris, France},
  Note                     = {Economics Department Working Paper No. 1013},
  Organization             = {OECD},

  Abstract                 = {In several OECD countries, ongoing fiscal consolidation might have a negative impact on the static income distribution. However, this conclusion should be treated only as an approximate first step in the analysis. A full assessment of distributional effects of consolidation packages would need to consider dynamic measures, such as life-time income distribution and the equality of opportunity, along with behavioural responses and interactions with other policies. In any case, there is scope to balance current consolidation efforts in favour of more equity with only limited adverse impact on potential growth. In particular, relatively little weight has been given to reducing tax expenditures and raising taxes on immovable property. A number of consolidation instruments are consistent with equity goals while doing little or no harm to potential growth: increases in the effective retirement age, raising efficiency in the education and health care systems, cutting certain tax expenditures, hiking taxes on immovable property and broadly-based consumption taxes. Increases in capital income taxes would also be equitable but need to be well designed to avoid being distortive. Calculations based on simplifying assumptions indicate that increasing household direct taxes would reduce income inequality, while cutting transfers by the same amount would have a larger and opposite effect on inequality. However, raising progressive labour income taxes could have adverse effects on long-run growth. Cuts in government wages and employment can yield fast consolidation gains but need to be accompanied by increases in efficiency of service delivery to avoid that reductions in public services mainly hit the poor. Cuts in unemployment-related and disability benefits will likely hit poorer people in the first place but may have less adverse effects on inequality in the long run once employment increases in response to a better incentive structure.}
}

@Book{Rawls1971,
  Title                    = {A Theory of Justice},
  Author                   = {Rawls, John},
  Date                     = {1971},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Book{Rawls1993,
  Title                    = {Political Liberalism},
  Author                   = {Rawls, John},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Article{RaynerSwinford2011,
  Title                    = {WikiLeaks cables: millions in overseas aid to {Africa} was embezzled},
  Author                   = {Rayner, Gordon and Swinford, Steven},
  Date                     = {2011-02-05},
  Journaltitle             = {The Telegraph},
  Url                      = {http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/wikileaks/8304640/WikiLeaks-cables-millions-in-overseas-aid-to-Africa-was-embezzled.html},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Raz1988,
  Title                    = {The Morality of Freedom},
  Author                   = {Raz, Joseph},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/0198248075.001.0001},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{ReardonGray2007,
  Title                    = {`About Turn': An Analysis of the Causes of the {New Zealand} Labour Party's Adoption of Neo-liberal Economic Policies, 1984-1990},
  Author                   = {Reardon, John and Gray, Tim},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00872.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {447--455},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {This is an inside story of one of the most extraordinary about-turns in policy-making undertaken by a democratically elected political party. In 1984, the fourth Labour Party government in New Zealand embarked upon a programme of extreme economic liberalism that lasted six years, and transformed a heavily state-managed economy into a largely market economy. In doing so, the New Zealand Labour Party reversed a fifty-year-old Keynesian consensus shared by the major political parties, and abandoned its own traditionally social democratic economic principles. The underlying causes of this extraordinary policy shift have not been adequately explained, and it is the aim of this article to remedy that deficiency, by making use of a series of interview transcripts with several of the leading players in that economic revolution. We argue that there were four main causes-structural, institutional, cultural and entrepreneurial-and that the most crucial cause was the last.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00872.x}
}

@Article{ReayBall1997,
  Title                    = {Spoilt for Choice: the working classes and educational markets},
  Author                   = {Reay, Diane and Ball, Stephen J.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0305498970230108},
  ISSN                     = {0305-4985},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--101},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {Drawing on data from an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) funded study of market forces in secondary education, this paper explores the ambivalence displayed by many working-class parents in the research to the idea of choice of school. School is frequently associated with powerful memories and images of personal failure. The authors argue: that for working-class parents choice can sometimes involve complex and powerful accommodations to the idea of `school' and is very different in kind from middle-class choice making; that social class remains a potent differentiating category in the analysis of homeschool relations; and that choice is a new social device through which social class differences are rendered into educational inequality. Extracts from interview data are quoted to support and illustrate these arguments.},
  Booktitle                = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Reder1988,
  Title                    = {The Rise and Fall of Unions: The Public Sector and the Private},
  Author                   = {Reder, Melvin W},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {89--110},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{Reed2006,
  Title                    = {Democrats, Republicans, and Taxes: Evidence that political parties matter},
  Author                   = {Reed, W. Robert},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.12.008},
  Number                   = {4-5},
  Pages                    = {725{--}750},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {I estimate the influence of political parties on state Tax Burdens over a 40-year period (1960-2000). Holding constant a large number of state and voter characteristic variables, I find that: (i) Tax Burdens are higher when Democrats control the state legislature compared to when Republicans are in control. (ii) The political party of the governor has little effect after controlling for partisan influences in the state legislature. I explain how both findings are consistent with median voter theory. My results suggest that after 5 years of Democratic control of the legislature, state government would be approximately 3-5\% larger than if Republicans controlled the legislature during that same period, with the better specifications producing estimates in the higher end of this range.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.12.008}
}

@Article{ReevesdeVries2016,
  author       = {Reeves, Aaron and {de Vries}, Robert},
  title        = {Does media coverage influence public attitudes towards welfare recipients? The impact of the 2011 English riots},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {67},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {281--306},
  issn         = {1468-4446},
  doi          = {10.1111/1468-4446.12191},
  abstract     = {Following the shooting of Mark Duggan by police on 4 August 2011, there were riots in many large cities in the UK. As the rioting was widely perceived to be perpetrated by the urban poor, links were quickly made with Britain's welfare policies. In this paper, we examine whether the riots, and the subsequent media coverage, influenced attitudes toward welfare recipients. Using the British Social Attitudes survey, we use multivariate difference-in-differences regression models to compare attitudes toward welfare recipients among those interviewed before (pre-intervention: i.e. prior to 6 August) and after (post-intervention: 10 August --10 September) the riots occurred (N=3,311). We use variation in exposure to the media coverage to test theories of media persuasion in the context of attitudes toward welfare recipients. Before the riots, there were no significant differences between newspaper readers and non-readers in their attitudes towards welfare recipients. However, after the riots, attitudes diverged. Newspaper readers became more likely than non-readers to believe that those on welfare did not really deserve help, that the unemployed could find a job if they wanted to and that those on the dole were being dishonest in claiming benefits. Although the divergence was clearest between right-leaning newspaper and non-newspaper readers, we do not a find statistically significant difference between right- and left-leaning newspapers. These results suggest that media coverage of the riots influenced attitudes towards welfare recipients; specifically, newspaper coverage of the riots increased the likelihood that readers of the print media expressed negative attitudes towards welfare recipients when compared with the rest of the population.},
  keywords     = {Riots, quasi-natural experiment, social attitudes, media, welfare},
}

@Article{Regini2010,
  Title                    = {The increasing individualization of work and labour},
  Author                   = {Regini, Marino},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwq001},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {357--360},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwq001}
}

@Unpublished{Rehavi2007,
  Title                    = {Sex and politics: Do female legislators affect state spending?},
  Author                   = {Rehavi, M. Marit},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Month                    = nov,
  Url                      = {http://bpp.wharton.upenn.edu/speaker\%20files/Rehavi.Marit.6038.jobmarketpaper.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://bpp.wharton.upenn.edu/speaker%5C%20files/Rehavi.Marit.6038.jobmarketpaper.pdf}
}

@Article{Rehm2009,
  Title                    = {Risks and Redistribution: An Individual-Level Analysis},
  Author                   = {Rehm, Philipp},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008330595},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {855--881},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Much of the disagreement in the debate about globalization and its present or absent effects on the welfare state stems from competing assumptions about the individual-level determinants of redistributional preferences. This article calls for and provides testing of these causal mechanisms at the individual level. Traditional accounts suggest that risks at the industry level are important determinants of redistributional preferences. This article argues that risks at the occupational level should also be considered. A comprehensive new data set is used to test whether and what types of risks in the labor market play an important role in shaping preferences. Statistical analyses of public opinion surveys (European Social Survey) show strong evidence for the assumed causal mechanism. Contrary to much of the literature, but in line with this article's claims, it is the occupational, rather than the industry level, that is most important. The article lays out implications of these findings.}
}

@Article{Rehm2011,
  author       = {Rehm, Philipp},
  title        = {Social Policy by Popular Demand},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {63},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {271--299},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0043887111000037},
  abstract     = {Why are unemployment benefits more generous in some countries? This article argues that citizens trade off the redistributive and insuring effect of social insurance. As a result, the distribution of risk in a society has important consequences via popular demand for social policy-making. At the microlevel, the article shows that, in addition to income, the risk of unemployment is a key predictor of individual-level preferences for unemployment benefits. Based on the microlevel findings, the article argues that at the macrolevel the homogeneity of the risk pool is an important determinant of benefit generosity: the more equally unemployment risk is distributed, the higher unemployment replacement rates are. Empirical testing at both levels finds support for this account of social policy by popular demand.},
}

@Article{RehmEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Insecure Alliances: Risk, Inequality, and Support for the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Rehm, Philipp and Hacker, Jacob S. and Schlessinger, Mark},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000147},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {386--406},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {Popular support for the welfare state varies greatly across nations and policy domains. We argue that these variations --- vital to understanding the politics of the welfare state --- reflect in part the degree to which economic disadvantage (low income) and economic insecurity (high risk) are correlated. When the disadvantaged and insecure are mostly one and the same, the base of popular support for the welfare state is narrow. When the disadvantaged and insecure represent two distinct groups, popular support is broader and opinion less polarized. We test these predictions both across nations within a single policy area (unemployment insurance) and across policy domains within a single polity (the United States, using a new survey). Results are consistent with our predictions and are robust to myriad controls and specifications. When disadvantage and insecurity are more correlated, the welfare state is more contested.}
}

@Book{Reich2002,
  author     = {Reich, Robert B},
  date       = {2002},
  title      = {I'll Be Short: Essentials for a Decent Working Society},
  isbn       = {0807043400},
  location   = {Boston, MA},
  publisher  = {Beacon Press},
  annotation = {Full printed book in cabinet.},
}

@Article{Reidenberg1998,
  Title                    = {Lex Informatica: The Formulation of Information Policy Rules Through Technology},
  Author                   = {Reidenberg, Joel R},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Texas Law Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {553--584},
  Volume                   = {76}
}

@Article{Reinhardt2001,
  Title                    = {Adjudication without Enforcement in GATT Disputes},
  Author                   = {Reinhardt, Eric},
  Date                     = {2001-04-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022002701045002002},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {174--195},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Disputes under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) exhibit a puzzling selection effect. Defendants concede more prior to GATT judgments than afterward, despite GATT's lack of enforcement power. Yet, why would states plea-bargain if they know they can spurn contrary rulings? To find out, the article develops an incomplete information model of trade bargaining with the option of adjudication. The plaintiff has greater resolve prior to a ruling, believing that the defendant might be compelled to concede to an adverse judgment --- even if that belief later proves false. Surprisingly, this resolve induces more generous settlements even from defendants who intend not to comply with any ruling. After a ruling, however, this anticipatory effect is irrelevant: adjudication works best when threatened but not realized. The prospect of adjudication thus conditions the behavior of states even when enforcement is not forthcoming but not through mechanisms identified by previous studies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002701045002002},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{ReinhartRogoff2010,
  author       = {Reinhart, Carmen M. and Rogoff, Kenneth S.},
  title        = {Growth in a Time of Debt},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {100},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {573--78},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.100.2.573},
}

@Article{ReinhartRogoff2013,
  Title                    = {Responding to Our Critics},
  Author                   = {Reinhart, Carmen M. and Rogoff, Kenneth S.},
  Date                     = {2013-04-25},
  Journaltitle             = {New York Times},
  Url                      = {http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/26/opinion/reinhart-and-rogoff-responding-to-our-critics.html},
  Urldate                  = {2015-04-20}
}

@Article{ReisenbichlerMorgan2012,
  Title                    = {From `Sick Man' to `Miracle': Explaining the Robustness of the German Labor Market During and After the Financial Crisis 2008--09},
  Author                   = {Reisenbichler, Alexander and Morgan, Kimberly J.},
  Date                     = {2012-12-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329212461616},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {549--579},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {What explains Germany's exceptional labor market performance during the Great Recession of 2008-09? Contrary to accounts that emphasize employment protection legislation or government policy (i.e., short-time work), this article argues that actions by firms --- embedded in ever-changing coordinative institutional structures --- were crucial. Firms chose to keep rather than shed labor, a strategy induced by (i) a `toolkit' of flexible labor market instruments that had evolved incrementally over the past thirty years; (ii) wage restraint and successful internal restructuring of firms during the past decade, which fueled an export boom before the crisis. Firms thus had some margin for maneuver, using internal flexibility to protect their investment in skilled workers. These and other institutional changes driven by firms reflect a process of successful adaptation to external economic challenges, but did not fundamentally undermine Germany's coordinated form of capitalism. The result is not a new German model that was purposefully designed; instead German firms slowly discovered new ways to cope with economic challenges.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329212461616},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{Rengger2004,
  Title                    = {Just a war against terror? Jean Bethke Elshtain's burden and {America}n power},
  Author                   = {Rengger, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00372.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {107--116},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Just war against terror: ethics and the burden of American power in a violent world. By Jean Bethke Elshtain. This article discusses Jean Bethke Elshtain's recent book Just war against tenor: the burden of American power in a violent world. It argues that Elshtain's book, though characteristically powerful and thought provoking, combines both an intelligent and thoughtful defence of the idea that the immediate US response to September 11 was a just use of force, as well as a claim about the moral importance of US power in contemporary world politics. It concludes that the problems with the second claim run the risk of nullifying the considerable power of the first.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00372.x}
}

@Article{RenzulliRoscigno2005,
  Title                    = {Charter School Policy, Implementation, and Diffusion Across the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Renzulli, Linda A. and Roscigno, Vincent J.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Sociology of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/003804070507800404},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {344--365},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {This article applies theoretical and empirical insights on diffusion to a contemporary, important, and striking case in point: the groundswell of state legislation on and implementation of charter schools over the past decade. Drawing from several data sources and using event-history analyses, competing risks, and random-effects negative binomial regression, the analyses examine how interstate dynamics and intrastate attributes affect the adoption of legislation on and the creation of charter schools within states. The findings reveal a strong mimetic tendency among adjacent states to adopt charter school legislation and regional similarities in the creation of charter schools. Internal attributes of states, such as competition between the private and public school sectors, the relative strength of teachers' unions, the presence of racial competition, urbanization, and political party dominance likewise play a role, depending on whether the analytic focus is on the adoption of legislation or the implementation of policy. The authors conclude by discussing the implications of the results for understanding the forces underlying innovation and change in educational policy.}
}

@Article{Reynolds1999,
  Title                    = {Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling},
  Author                   = {Reynolds, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {547--572},
  Volume                   = {51}
}

@Unpublished{Reynolds1994,
  Title                    = {{Australia}n Education: An Overview of a System Adapting to a Post-Industrial Economy},
  Author                   = {Reynolds, Richard J},
  Date                     = {1994},

  Abstract                 = {This paper offers a brief overview of the Australian education system and compares it with the United States system of education. The Australian economy presents no threat to U.S. hegemony, but its education system presents an interesting contrast. The paper describes the following features of the Australian education system: governance; school organization; private-school aid; the national curriculum; high school completion rates; examinations and credentials; higher education; aboriginal education; distance learning; devolution of authority; equality of opportunity; non-English-speaking students; and the status of the teaching profession. Education and training in Australia has been based on the labor-force needs of an industrial economy, a pattern that is now obsolete in a postindustrial economy. In response to the change, the Australian education system has taken on some characteristics of the American system, such as greater high school retention rates accompanied by a flow on to tertiary institutions, and increased total numbers of teenagers enrolled in full-time education.}
}

@Article{Rhodes1999,
  Title                    = {Traditions and Public Sector Reform: Comparing {Britain} and {Denmark}},
  Author                   = {Rhodes, R.A.W.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {341--370},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {A governmental tradition is a set of beliefs about the institutions and history of government. In this article I argue the Anglo-Saxon governmental tradition interprets public sector reform differently to the Rechtsstaat, participation tradition of Denmark, leading to different aims, measures and outcomes. In the Introduction, I define NPM arguing that is has become everything and is, therefore a meaningless term. I identify six dimensions to public sector reform: privatization, marketization, corporate management, regulation, decentralization and political control. In section 2, I describe the six dimensions of public sector reform in Britain and Denmark. In section 3, I explain the idea of a governmental tradition and argue the idea is essential to understanding the differences between Britain and Denmark. In section 4, I compare British and Danish governmental traditions, arguing the key differences lie in beliefs about the constitution, bureaucracy and state-civil society relations. Finally, I provide a summary explanation of the differences and argue that traditions not only shape the aims, measures and outcomes of public sector reform but also lead to different interpretations of reform and its dilemmas. In Britain, the key dilemma concerns central steering capacity. In Denmark, the main dilemma is democratic accountability.}
}

@Article{RiccucciMeyers2004,
  Title                    = {Linking Passive and Active Representation: The Case of Frontline Workers in Welfare Agencies},
  Author                   = {Riccucci, Norma M. and Meyers, Marcia K.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jopart/muh038},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {585--597},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This research tests the theory of active representation in welfare offices. Relying on a model developed by Saltzstein, the research examines the linkage between social origins and attitudes or values, which are critical antecedents to actions and, ultimately, to policy outcomes. Survey data from eleven welfare offices across four states are relied upon to test for this linkage.}
}

@Article{RiccucciSaidel1997,
  author       = {Riccucci, Norma M. and Saidel, Judith R.},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration Review},
  title        = {The Representativeness of State-Level Bureaucratic Leaders: A Missing Piece of the Representative Bureaucracy Puzzle},
  issn         = {0033-3352},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {423--430},
  volume       = {57},
  abstract     = {This article applies the theory of representative bureaucracy to state-level political appointees. The theory holds that the demographic composition of the bureaucracy should mirror the demographic composition of the general public. In this way, the preferences of a heterogeneous population will be represented in bureaucratic decision making. New measures introduced in the article provide a more comprehensive picture of the extent to which demographic groups are truly represented in state government bureaucracies. In addition, the study offers a detailed breakdown of policy leaders by gender, race, and ethnicity. Our findings show that, in most cases, women and people of color are not well represented in top policy making positions in state governments across the country. We also find that in most cases, women and people of color have achieved even lower levels of representation than is evident from earlier studies, which focus almost exclusively on the representation of these groups in career posts.},
}

@Article{Rice1984,
  Title                    = {An Examination of the Median Voter Hypothesis},
  Author                   = {Rice, Tom W.},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Western Political Quarterly},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {211--223},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {The "median voter" hypothesis has been advanced as a quite plausible explanation for one of the major social and economic phenomena of our time: the increased redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor. In brief, the hypothesis argues that the less affluent will form a majority electoral coalition to implement programs designed to redistribute wealth from the rich to them. This paper, which uses United States data, both measures the concept implied by the hypothesis and observes changes in the measure over time. In addition, the primary forces which impinge on this measure are isolated, giving us a fuller understanding why the measure fluctuates. Results indicate something of the median voter hypothesis does operate in this country, although its effects are subject to other forces, such as the health of the economy.}
}

@Article{Rice1986,
  Title                    = {The Determinants of Western {Europe}an Government Growth 1950{--}1980},
  Author                   = {Rice, Tom W.},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414086019002004},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {233{--}257},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {European publics and politicians are concerned about big and growing governments. Such concern is not ill founded: Government size, measured as the ratio of government expenditures to gross domestic product, has marched upwards steadily since 1950 in the 12 European nations examined here. The present research represents an initial step toward solving the mystery of why these governments have grown. To begin, a modest theoretical framework for understanding government growth is advanced. Next, specific hypotheses of growth are fitted into the framework, and operationalized for empirical testing. Finally, statistical models to account for public sector expansion in each of the dozen nations over the 1950-1980 period are developed. The models suggest that a variety of forces have worked to enlarge European governments, with perhaps the most important being pressure for government assistance from groups disadvantaged by sour economic conditions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086019002004}
}

@Article{Richardson1995a,
  Title                    = {The market for political activism: Interest groups as a challenge to political parties},
  Author                   = {Richardson, Jeremy},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402389508425060},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {116--139},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {The emergence of new interest groups and social movements in the 1960s and 1970s facilitated a participation explosion in Western democracies. With increased levels of education and improved understanding of the workings of the political process, modern citizens are now faced with a vibrant and growing market for political activism. Political parties face an especially strong challenge in this market-place as it appears that citizens now make a succession of participatory decision, akin to impulse buying in a supermarket. It is not surprising that the market share which traditional parties retain is apparently in decline. Whether this is problematic for democracy is more open to debate than conventional models of participation would suggest.}
}

@Article{Richardson2000,
  Title                    = {Government, Interest Groups and Policy Change},
  Author                   = {Richardson, Jeremy},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9248.00292},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1006--1025},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Much of the British and European literature on the role of interest groups in the policy process focuses on their participation in policy networks of various types. Possibly reflecting the original development of the policy community and policy network 'models' in the late 1970s, these approaches tend to emphasize stability and continuity - of both networks and policies. However, the 1980s and 1990s have witnessed much policy change and instability in most Western European states. In particular, some governments have adopted a more impositional policy style, and interest groups have learned to exploit the opportunities presented by a policy process which is increasingly characterized by multiple opportunity structures. This is especially the case following Europeanization of many policy sectors within the fifteen EU member states. The article focuses on the possible causes of policy change, including the importance of state power; changes in the behaviour of interest groups as they adjust to and exploit the opportunities presented by multi-arena policy-making; the impact of new policy fashions, reflecting knowledge and ideas which can act as a virus-like threat to existing policy communities.}
}

@Article{Richardson1995,
  Title                    = {Income Inequality and Trade: How to Think, What to Conclude},
  Author                   = {Richardson, J. David},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.9.3.33},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {33--55},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Recent econometric work and growing analytical consensus suggest that exogenous international market pressures are a contributing factor to trends in U.S. wage/earnings inequality. Trade accounts for a share of these inequality trends close to or somewhat greater than its 10-15 percent share of economic activity, especially over medium-term horizons and dependent on precise definition. Trade is neither a trivial influence nor a dominant one. Evidence exists that its influence has declined slightly in the past decade, however. Rapid technological growth in exportable sectors seems more important.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.9.3.33},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.21}
}

@Article{Rickard2009,
  Title                    = {Strategic Targeting: The Effect of Institutions and Interests on Distributive Transfers},
  Author                   = {Rickard, Stephanie J.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008328643},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {670--695},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Virtually every government provides distributive transfers for electoral purposes. However, the level and form of such transfers vary dramatically across countries. Although transfers take many forms, they can generally be characterized as being either broad (providing benefits to large segments of the electorate) or narrow (targeting benefits only to select groups of voters). Variation in the form of distributive transfers across countries can be explained by voters' economic interests and domestic institutions. Voters' preferences over transfer form, shaped in part by the mobility of their assets, together with a country's electoral rules determine the benefits politicians gain from providing either broad or narrow transfers. Using new measures of transfer form, the author finds that although majoritarian systems are more prone to narrow transfers, proportional systems are more responsive to increases in voter demand for narrow transfers, all else equal.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008328643}
}

@Article{Rickard2010,
  Title                    = {Democratic differences: Electoral institutions and compliance with GATT/WTO agreements},
  Author                   = {Rickard, Stephanie J.},
  Date                     = {2010-12-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of International Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1354066109346890},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {711--729},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {A growing body of literature argues that democracies are more likely to comply with international agreements than authoritarian states. However, substantial variation exists in the compliance behaviour of democracies. How can this variation be explained? The same mechanism that links regime type to compliance, namely electoral competition, also explains variation in compliance among democracies. This is because the nature of electoral competition varies across democratic systems. An analysis of democratic GATT/WTO member countries from 1980 to 2003 reveals that governments elected via majoritarian electoral rules and/or single-member districts are more likely to violate GATT/WTO agreements than those elected via proportional electoral rules and/or multi-member districts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066109346890},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.20}
}

@Article{Rickard2012,
  Title                    = {Electoral Systems, Voters' Interests and Geographic Dispersion},
  Author                   = {Rickard, Stephanie J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123412000087},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {855--877},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {There is general agreement that democratic institutions shape politicians' incentives to cater to certain constituencies, but which electoral system causes politicians to be most responsive to narrow interests is still debateable. Some argue that plurality electoral rules provide the greatest incentives for politicians to cater to the interests of a few; others say proportional systems prompt politicians to be relatively more prone to narrow interests. This study suggests that both positions can be correct under different conditions. Politicians competing in plurality systems privilege voters with a shared narrow interest when such voters are geographically concentrated, but when they are geographically diffuse, such voters have greater political influence in proportional electoral systems. Government spending on subsidies in fourteen developed countries provides empirical support for this argument.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123412000087},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.26}
}

@Article{Rickard2012a,
  author        = {Rickard, Stephanie J.},
  date          = {2012},
  journaltitle  = {International Studies Quarterly},
  title         = {A Non-Tariff Protectionist Bias in Majoritarian Politics: Government Subsidies and Electoral Institutions1},
  doi           = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00760.x},
  number        = {4},
  pages         = {777--785},
  volume        = {56},
  annotation    = {Rickard, Stephanie J. (2012) A Non-Tariff Protectionist Bias in Majoritarian Politics: Government Subsidies and Electoral Institutions. International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00760.x {\copyright}2012 International Studies Association Governments elected by majoritarian rules are, according to conventional wisdom, more protectionist than governments elected by proportional rules. However, existing tests of this claim examine only one possible form of trade protection: tariffs. This leaves open the possibility that governments in majoritarian systems provide no more protection than governments in proportional systems but simply use tariffs more often than other forms of trade protection. Does the protectionist bias in majoritarian politics extend beyond tariffs? The current study addresses this question by examining an increasingly important form of trade protection: subsidies. In a sample of 68 countries from 1990 to 2006, spending on subsidies is found to be higher in majoritarian systems than in proportional systems, holding all else equal. The implication is that the protectionist bias in majoritarian systems does in fact extend beyond tariffs.},
  bdsk-url-1    = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00760.x},
  date-added    = {2013-01-09 00:57:45 +0000},
  date-modified = {2013-01-09 00:58:34 +0000},
  isbn          = {1468-2478},
  publisher     = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  ty            = {JOUR},
}

@Article{RigbyWright2013,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and Representation of the Poor in the {America}n States},
  Author                   = {Rigby, Elizabeth and Wright, Gerald C.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12007},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {552--565},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Motivated by recent work suggesting that low-income citizens are virtually ignored in the American policymaking process, this article asks whether a similar bias shapes the policy positions adopted by political parties much earlier in the policymaking process. While the normative hope is that parties serve as linkage institutions enhancing representation of those with fewer resources to organize, the resource-dependent campaign environment in which parties operate provides incentives to appeal to citizens with the greatest resources. Using newly developed measures of state party positions, we examine whether low-income preferences get incorporated in parties' campaign appeals at this early stage in the policymaking process --- finding little evidence that they do. This differential responsiveness was most pronounced for Democratic parties in states with greater income inequality; it was least evident for Republicans' social policy platforms. We discuss the implications of these findings for representation in this era of growing economic inequality.}
}

@Article{Riker1980,
  Title                    = {Implications from the Disequilibrium of Majority Rule for the Study of Institutions},
  Author                   = {Riker, William H.},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1960638},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {432{--}446},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {While contemporary political science (as, for example, in such subjects as political socialization, studies of public opinion, etc.) tends to emphasize the study of values and tastes (because of an assumption that political outcomes{--}like market outcomes{--}are determined by the amalgamation of individual preferences), the older tradition of political science emphasized the study of institutions. The line of research in political theory followed during the last generation has involved seeking an equilibrium of tastes; but it has revealed that such an equilibrium exists only rarely, if at all. The inference then is that prudence in research directs the science of politics toward the investigation of empirical regularities in institutions, which, though congealed tastes, are "unstable constants" amenable to scientific investigation.}
}

@Book{Riker1982,
  Title                    = {Liberalism Against Populism: A Confrontation Between the Theory of Democracy and the Theory of Social Choice},
  Author                   = {Riker, William H.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Location                 = {San Francisco, CA},
  Publisher                = {W.H.Freeman \& Co Ltd}
}

@Article{Riker1984,
  Title                    = {The Heresthetics of Constitution-Making: The Presidency in 1787, with Comments on Determinism and Rational Choice},
  Author                   = {Riker, William H},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}16},
  Url                      = {http://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/teaching/articles/Riker_APSR_1984.pdf},
  Volume                   = {78},

  Abstract                 = {One contemporary method of reconciling the conflict in methodology between determinism and indeterminism is the notion of rational choice, which allows for both regularities in behavior and artistic creation. A detailed explanation of artistry within the rational choice context has not yet been developed, so this essay offers such an explanation in terms of the notion of heresthetics or the dynamic manipulation of the conditions of choice. The running example used throughout is the decision on the Constitutional Convention of 1787 on the method of selecting the president.}
}

@Book{Riker1986,
  author     = {Riker, William H},
  date       = {1986},
  title      = {The Art of Political Manipulation},
  isbn       = {9780300035926},
  location   = {New Haven, CT},
  publisher  = {Yale University Press},
  abstract   = {In twelve entertaining stories from history and current events, a noted political scientist and game theorist shows us how some of our heroes we as well as ordinary folk have manipulated their opponents in order to win political advantage.{\~} The stories come from many times and places, because manipulation of people by other people is universal: from the Roman Senate through the Constitutional Convention of 1787, to the Congress, state legislatures, and city councils of twentieth-century America. The results of manipulation are not trivial, as we see, for example, in Riker{\textquoteright}s account of Lincoln{\textquoteright}s outmaneuvering of Douglas in their debates and in his description of the parliamentary trick that defeated the Equal Rights Amendment only six years ago in the Virginia Senate. The tales can be enjoyed by anyone. For the scholar, they are held together by a concluding chapter in which Riker discusses the feature of politics that all of the manipulators exploited and sketches out the new political theory that explains why manipulation works the way it does. Preface Lincoln at Freeport Chauncey DePew and the Seventeenth Amendment The Flying Club Gouverneur Morris in the Philadelphia Convention Heresthetic in Fiction Camouflaging the Gerrymander Pliny the Younger on Parliamentary Law Trading Votes at the Constitutional Convention How to Win on a Roll Call by Not Voting Warren Magnuson and Nerve Gas Exploiting the Powell Amendment Reed and Cannon Conclusion},
  annotation = {Heresthetics in action.},
}

@Online{Riksdagen1992,
  Title                    = {Motion med anledning av prop. 1992/93: 50 {\AA}tg{\"a}rder f{\"o}r att stabilisera den svenska ekonomin},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/med-anledning-av-prop-199293_GG02Fi35/},
  Month                    = nov,
  Note                     = {Motion 1992/93: Fi35},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1992a,
  Title                    = {Motion med anledning av prop. 1992/93: 50 {\AA}tg{\"a}rder f{\"o}r att stabilisera den svenska ekonomin},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/med-anledning-av-prop-199293_GG02Fi30/},
  Month                    = nov,
  Note                     = {Motion 1992/93: Fi30},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1992b,
  Title                    = {Motion med anledning av prop. 1991/92:95~{V}alfrihet och frist{\aa}ende skolor},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/med-anledning-av-prop-199192_GF02Ub65/},
  Month                    = apr,
  Note                     = {Motion 1991/92: Ub65},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1992c,
  Title                    = {Utbildningsutskottet 1991/92:UbU22: Frist\r{a}ende skolor},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Utskottens-dokument/Betankanden/Fristaende-skolor_GF01UbU22/},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {Committee report on Government Bill 1991/92: 95},
  Urldate                  = {2014-11-28},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1993,
  Title                    = {Skolan},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/Skolan_GG02Ub502/},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Motion 1992/93: UB502},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1993a,
  Title                    = {Motion med anledning av prop. 1992/93:230~{V}alfrihet i skolan},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/med-anledning-av-prop-199293_GG02Ub160/},
  Month                    = apr,
  Note                     = {Motion 1992/93: Ub160},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1994,
  Title                    = {Skolpengen m.m.},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/Skolpengen-mm_GH02Ub325/},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Motion 1993/94: Ub325},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1994a,
  Title                    = {Resurstilldelning till friskolor},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/Resurstilldelning-till-friskol_GH02Ub341/},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Motion 1993/94: Ub341},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Online{Riksdagen1995,
  Title                    = {Friskolans roll i det allm{\"a}nna skolv{\"a}sendet},
  Author                   = {Riksdagen},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Url                      = {http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Dokument-Lagar/Ovriga-dokument/Ovrigt-dokument/Friskolans-roll-i-det-allmanna_GI02Ub380/},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {Motion 1994/95: Ub380},
  Urldate                  = {2014-04-02},

  HowPublished             = {Sveriges Riksdag}
}

@Article{Riley1997,
  Title                    = {Determinants of Union Membership: A Review},
  Author                   = {Riley, Nicola-Maria},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Labour},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {265--301},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {The recent drastic decline in trade union membership levels in most Western countries has led to renewed interest in the factors which influence the decision of employees to join unions. This paper discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the three main approaches: structural determinism, individual-level analysis, and conceptual models of trade union joining behaviour. Structural determinism is discussed in the context of the Bainian model and its various extensions. In contrast, the diverse findings in the field of individual-union joining behaviour is assessed by drawing on a comprehensive table comprising all variables examined in this area. The first two sections focus exclusively on trade union joining behaviour as the independent variable whereas the third part of the paper uses an individuals' voting behaviour in the USA. This focus was necessary due to the lack of causal models using union joining behaviour as their dependent variable. The author selects two of the most advanced models for a detailed analysis, and relates the findings to the preceding sections. It is the objective of the paper to critically evaluate the three approaches and their contributions towards understanding this complex field of research.}
}

@Article{Ringen1990,
  Title                    = {Karl Evang: A Giant in Public Health},
  Author                   = {Ringen, Knut},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Health Policy},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {360--367},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Karl Evang (1902-1981) was one of the leading figures in public health in the post-World War II era. His first contributions were in social epidemiology in the 1920s-30s, and his studies on sexually transmitted diseases, nutrition and health, and occupation and health, were seminal. He was instrumental in framing the constitutions of two key U.N. agencies, the Food and Agricultural Organization and the World Health Organization, and he helped shape the WHO definition of health. Following the war, as Norway's Director General of Health, he helped create one of the preeminent humanitarian democracies and its welfare state. He and his generation of public health workers were so effective because of ties to the dominant labor parties, the need for government intervention as a result of the Great Depression and the Second World War, and the humanistic reaction to the Nazi horrors. At the same time, their excessive emphasis on medical care, and the role of the physician in health policy, resulted in the great medical costs of today. Those who believe in activist government and the goal of equality in health status owe an enormous debt to Evang and his generation.},
  Jstor_formatteddate      = {Autumn, 1990},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan Journals}
}

@Article{Rinne2000,
  Title                    = {The Globalisation of Education: Finnish education on the doorstep of the new EU millennium},
  Author                   = {Rinne, Risto},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713664043},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {131--142},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyses the latest changes and future perspectives in educational policy in the so-called Nordic welfare model and especially in Finland. The broad question is: are the changes and the astonishingly new perspectives in education which have come about at least in Finland closely connected with the changes in educational policies of other post-industrialised welfare states and are they, as well, consequences of the new economic and political situation in the world? The question continues by asking: can we label this new educational policy, which is being practised now also in Finland, the policy of 'the globalisation of education' due to the enormously strong trends of globalisation in the new so-called network society of the new millennium? Neither the Berlin Wall nor the Soviet Union exists any longer. Finland as well as its Nordic neighbours has stepped into the European Union with its harmonising policy. The deep economic depression in the beginning of 1990s left lasting marks on Finnish geography by tearing down many of the dreams of the cosy Nordic welfare state. The old Nordic welfare state model with the very strong 'social-democratic' emphasis on the policy of equality of educational opportunity for every citizen is presently under discussion in Finland. Can we afford it? Is there any reason to continue along that road? Should we choose a new way? The paper begins by painting a framing picture of the situation of nation states and their educational systems in a world where multinational organisations, enterprises and political unions are more powerful than ever before in all fields of human activity. The next sections of the paper concentrate on analysing the situation in Nordic countries, through the example of Finland, and changes in their educational policy in the new context of the European Union, and the situation with regard to the aims and interests to develop European harmonisation in the name of the European dimension. The last sections of the paper analyse in more detail some ongoing and future changes and perspectives in Finnish educational policy in an international context. The author comes to the conclusion that a very radical shift towards new educational policies is going on in Finland. This change can be called the 'third wave', as has been done elsewhere, with all the rhetoric and practices of marketisation and parental choice, but compared with the old Finnish educational policy the change is much more profound than elsewhere. It may also have rather unexpected consequences in the new divisions of population by developing quite new mechanisms for including and excluding young people in the school system and in society.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713664043}
}

@Article{RinneEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Too Eager to Comply? OECD Education Policies and the Finnish Response},
  Author                   = {Rinne, Risto and Kallo, Johanna and Hokka, Sanno},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {European Educational Research Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2304/eerj.2004.3.2.3},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {454--485},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has strongly influenced European education policy and the entire global neo-liberally toned discourse that nowadays prevails in the implementation of national education policy and educational reforms. The educational policy governance of the OECD is based on overall and supranational information management - the instruments of which in practice are published analyses, statistics and indicator publications, as well as country and thematic reviews. This article presents, first, four phases in the history of the OECD educational policy based strictly on an analysis of documentary material. These phases provide a context for the analyses of the connections of the OECD and Finnish education policies in which the country and thematic reviews of Finland are used as empirical material. Finland has, especially in recent years, attained a status of a model pupil in implementing the educational policy recommendations of the OECD. Thus, several connections between the OECD recommendations and the development of education policy in Finland can be found in the material. In this study Finland has a role of an example of the field of activity of supranational actors and the connections and influences between the OECD and Finland should not be considered unique. Similar rapprochement of politics and thinning out of the independent authority of nation-states can even be seen on a larger scale.}
}

@Article{RinneEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Shoots of revisionist education policy or just slow readjustment?: The Finnish case of educational reconstruction},
  Author                   = {Rinne, Risto and Kivirauma, Joel and Simola, Hannu},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0268093022000032292},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {643--658},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Decentralization, goal steering, accountability, managerialism, evaluation, choice, competition and privatization are key terms in the international rhetoric of educational policy. However, in the historical traditions and cultural-social framework of various nations, this 'new' policy perspective takes a specific form and shape. In the Nordic countries, with their welfare state tradition which stresses equality in education as well as in other fields of life, radical changes are taking place. This article examines the change in educational policy and governance in Finland during the past decade. The examination is based on many sources and materials including documents, statistics and interviews with educational politicians, administrators and teachers, and a survey of students collected during two comparative research projects during 1998-2001.}
}

@Article{Ripstein2004,
  Title                    = {Authority and Coercion},
  Author                   = {Ripstein, Arthur},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6486.2004.00003.x},
  ISSN                     = {1088-4963},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {2--35},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{Robert2010,
  author       = {Robert, Peter},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Educational Research and Evaluation},
  title        = {Social origin, school choice, and student performance},
  doi          = {10.1080/13803611.2010.484972},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {107--129},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {The paper defines education markets based on the major divisions in the school system like public--private, tracking either by curriculum or by ability, and schools' practice regarding admittance of students. These segments in the school system create a ``market'', put the schools into various positions in the educational ``field'', and parents consider these options when deciding about school choice. Furthermore, school's position in the market has an impact on students' performance even if controlled for school composition. This paper analyzes 23 OECD countries from the PISA 2006 survey. The results indicate that high-status families prefer more selective schools with the exception of ability tracking. Moreover, the more selective schools perform better, but ability grouping does not improve achievement. Applying interaction terms shows that religious schools are able to compensate the disadvantages of pupils coming from low-status families at most.},
}

@Article{RobertsSaeed2012,
  Title                    = {Privatizations around the world: economic or political determinants?},
  Author                   = {Roberts, Barbara M. and Saeed, Muhammad A.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2011.00392.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0343},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--71},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {The article examines economic, political, and institutional determinants of privatization using a panel of 50 countries over the period of 1988--2006. Our sample includes developed, developing, and transition economies. Privatization activity is measured by the number of privatization deals as well as the revenue raised and analyzed using the negative binomial regression and Tobit regression respectively. Although more privatization activity is usually taking place in countries displaying satisfactory economic performance in some respect, the role of economic factors turns out to be limited. The results identify a number of political and institutional determinants but some effects are specific to a particular type of economy. For example, in developing countries, right-wing governments are associated with privatizations while new, not necessarily right-wing governments, are behind privatization in Eastern Europe. The role of financial development is also varied, with sound financial institutions related to successful privatization in developed and developing countries but not in transition economies.}
}

@Misc{RobertsEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {stm: An R Package for the Structural Topic Model},
  Author                   = {Roberts, Margaret E. and Stewart, Brandon M. and Tingley, Dustin},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Url                      = {http://structuraltopicmodel.com/},
  Urldate                  = {2015-06-16},
  Version                  = {1.0.8}
}

@Article{RobertsEtAl2014,
  Title                    = {Structural Topic Models for Open-Ended Survey Responses},
  Author                   = {Roberts, Margaret E. and Stewart, Brandon M. and Tingley, Dustin and Lucas, Christopher and Leder-Luis, Jetson and Gadarian, Shana Kushner and Albertson, Bethany and Rand, David G.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12103},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1064--1082},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Collection and especially analysis of open-ended survey responses are relatively rare in the discipline and when conducted are almost exclusively done through human coding. We present an alternative, semiautomated approach, the structural topic model (STM) (Roberts, Stewart, and Airoldi 2013; Roberts et al. 2013), that draws on recent developments in machine learning based analysis of textual data. A crucial contribution of the method is that it incorporates information about the document, such as the author's gender, political affiliation, and treatment assignment (if an experimental study). This article focuses on how the STM is helpful for survey researchers and experimentalists. The STM makes analyzing open-ended responses easier, more revealing, and capable of being used to estimate treatment effects. We illustrate these innovations with analysis of text from surveys and experiments.}
}

@Article{RobinsonEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Observing the Counterfactual? The Search for Political Experiments in Nature},
  Author                   = {Robinson, Gregory and McNulty, John E and Krasno, Jonathan S},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpp011},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {341{--}357},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {A search of recent political science literature and conference presentations shows substantial fascination with the concept of the natural experiment. However, there seems to be a wide array of definitions and applications employed in research that purports to analyze natural experiments. In this introductory essay to the special issue, we attempt to define natural experiments and discuss related issues of research design. In addition, we briefly explore the basic methodological issues around the appropriate analysis of natural experiments and give an overview of different techniques. The overarching theme of this essay and of this issue is to encourage applied researchers to look for natural experiments in their own work and to think more systematically about research design.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp011}
}

@Article{RobinsonTorvik2005,
  Title                    = {White elephants},
  Author                   = {Robinson, James A. and Torvik, Ragnar},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.05.004},
  Number                   = {2--3},
  Pages                    = {197--210},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {Underdevelopment is thought to be about lack of investment, and many political economy theories can account for this. Yet, there has been much investment in developing countries. The problem has been that investment growth has not led to output growth. We therefore need to explain not simply underinvestment, but also the missallocation of investment. The canonical example of this is the construction of white elephants{\textemdash}investment projects with negative social surplus. In this paper we propose a theory of white elephants. We argue that they are a particular type of inefficient redistribution, which are politically attractive when politicians find it difficult to make credible promises to supporters. We show that it is the very inefficiency of such projects that makes them politically appealing. This is so because it allows only some politicians to credibly promise to build them and thus enter into credible redistribution. The fact that not all politicians can credibly undertake such projects gives those who can a strategic advantage. Socially efficient projects do not have this feature since all politicians can commit to build them and they thus have a symmetric effect on political outcomes. We show that white elephants may be preferred to socially efficient projects if the political benefits are large compared to the surplus generated by efficient projects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.05.004}
}

@Unpublished{RobinsonVerdier2002,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Clientelism},
  Author                   = {Robinson, James A and Verdier, Thierry},
  Date                     = {2002},

  Abstract                 = {Income redistribution often takes highly inefficient forms, such as employment in the bureaucracy. We argue that this arises as an optimal political strategy in situations where politicians cannot commit to policies. Political exchanges between politicians and voters must be self-enforcing and some types of policies, particularly those generating non-excludable or irreversible benefits (such as public goods and public investment) do not generate incentives. A job is a credible, excludable and reversible method of redistribution that ties the continuation utility of a voter to the political success of a particular politician. It is thus very attractive politically even if it is socially highly inefficient. Our model provides a formalization of a style of redistributive politics known as `clientelism'. We show that inefficient redistribution and clientelism becomes a relatively attractive political strategy in situations with high inequality and low productivity. Inefficiency is increased when (1) the `stakes' from politics are high, (2) inequality is high, and (3) when money matters less than ideology in politics.}
}

@Article{Robinson1982,
  Title                    = {On the Asymptotic Properties of Estimators of Models Containing Limited Dependent Variables},
  Author                   = {Robinson, Peter M},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {27{--}41},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {For the Tobit model with independent observations, Amemiya [1] has established the strong consistency and asymptotic normality of a stationary point, ?^, of the log-likelihood. The likelihood for dependent observations may be computationally intractable, so the behavior of ?^ in the presence of serially correlated observations is of interest. Under a relaxation of Amemiya's assumption of independence, we prove that ?^ is strongly consistent and asymptotically normal, and give an expression for the limiting covariance matrix.}
}

@Incollection{RobinsonEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Organization of purchasing in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Robinson, Ray and Jakubowski, Elke and Figueras, Josep},
  Booktitle                = {Purchasing to improve health systems performance},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Josep Figueras, Ray Robinson, and Elke Jakubowski},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Maidenhead},
  Pages                    = {11--43},
  Publisher                = {Open University Press}
}

@Article{Robinson2004,
  Title                    = {Punctuated Equilibrium, Bureaucratization, and Budgetary Changes in Schools},
  Author                   = {Robinson, Scott E.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Studies Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0190-292X.2004.00051.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--39},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {For half of a century, models of nonrational behavior have grown in popularity for explaining the behavior of administrative organizations. However, models of nonrational behavior are notoriously difficult to test because nonrational behavior is often difficult to separate from fully rational behavior. Recent research has suggested that particular types of nonrational processes should produce "punctuated" equilibria rather than "instantaneous" equilibria. In these nonrational processes, a decision maker underresponds to changes for a long period of time. Once pressure for change becomes overwhelming, the decision maker adopts a radical change. This is called "punctuation." The key to identifying this type of nonrationality of a process's rationality is the comparative success of fitting the observed behavior to "punctuated" rather than "instantaneous" equilibria. True, Jones, and Baumgartner (1999 ) developed a method for comparing the distribution of decision outputs as a strategy for assessing the relative degree of "punctuation" in the decision processes. By assessing the kurtosis (or "peakedness") of the distribution of decision outputs, one can get a sense of the excess (compared with a standard, normal distribution) of low and high rates of change{\textendash}a sign of punctuated equilibrium. This article extends these recent developments by adapting the method to a comparative kurtosis framework. The results suggest that bureaucracy in K{\textendash}12 schools serves to reduce (rather than amplify) the punctuations in budgeting processes. The article concludes with a discussion of the potential extension of the empirical results and modifications to the testing procedure.}
}

@Unpublished{Rodden2001,
  Title                    = {Creating a More Perfect Union: Electoral Incentives and the Reform of Federal Systems},
  Author                   = {Rodden, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2001},

  Abstract                 = {Federal constitutions are viewed as incomplete contracts that must be renegotiated among self-interested, reelection-seeking politicians. Even when collectively sub-optimal, they are difficult to renegotiate if each state government faces electoral incentives to ignore externalities and federation-wide collective goods. Vertically integrated political parties help resolve this problem by creating "electoral externalities" that encourage politicians to sacrifice private benefits in order to receive credit for reform. Electoral externalities are measured and compared in Australia, Germany, and Canada. Case studies demonstrate that wide-ranging intergovernmental reforms have been compatible with politicians{\textquoteright} incentives on several key occasions in Australia and Germany, while the dearth of electoral externalities in Canada has consistently undermined them.}
}

@Article{Rodden2002,
  Title                    = {The Dilemma of Fiscal Federalism: Grants and Fiscal Performance around the World},
  Author                   = {Rodden, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {670{--}687},
  Volume                   = {46}
}

@Unpublished{Rodden2006,
  Title                    = {Red States, Blue States, and the Welfare State: Political Geography, Representation, and Government Policy around the World},
  Author                   = {Rodden, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {Prepared for MIT Work in Progress Series.}
}

@Incollection{Rodrik1995,
  Title                    = {Political economy of trade policy},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Booktitle                = {Handbook of International Economics},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Editor                   = {Grossman, Gene M. and Rogoff, Kenneth},
  Chapter                  = {28},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S1573-4404(05)80008-5},
  Pages                    = {1457--1494},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier},
  Volume                   = {Volume 3},

  ISSN                     = {1573-4404}
}

@Article{Rodrik1998,
  Title                    = {Why Do More Open Economies Have Bigger Governments?},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1086/250038},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {997--1032},
  Url                      = {http://www.grips.ac.jp/teacher/oono/hp/docu01/paper09.pdf},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {There exists a positive correlation between an economy's exposure to international trade and the size of its government. The correlation holds for most measures of government spending, in low- as well as high-income samples, and is robust to the inclusion of a wide range of controls. One explanation is that government spending plays a risk-reducing role in economies exposed to a significant amount of external risk. The paper provides a range of evidence consistent with this hypothesis. In particular, the relationship between openness and government size is strongest when terms-of-trade risk is highest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.grips.ac.jp/teacher/oono/hp/docu01/paper09.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/250038}
}

@Article{Rodrik1999,
  Title                    = {Democracies Pay Higher Wages},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {707{--}738},
  Volume                   = {114},

  Abstract                 = {Controlling for labor productivity, income levels, and other possible determinants, there is a robust and statistically significant association between the extent of democracy and the level of manufacturing wages in a country. The association exists both across countries and over time within countries. The coefficient estimates suggest that nonnegligible wage improvements result from the enhancement of democratic institutions: average wages in a country like Mexico would be expected to increase by 10 to 40 percent if Mexico were to attain a level of democracy comparable to that prevailing in the United States. Political competition and participation seem to be the driving force behind the result.}
}

@Article{Rodrik2000,
  Title                    = {How Far Will International Economic Integration Go?},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/jep.14.1.177},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {177--186},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This article speculates about the future of the world economy 100 years from now. It argues that the spread of markets is restricted by the reach of jurisdictional boundaries, and that national sovereignty imposes serious constraints on international economic integration. The political trilemma of the world economy is that international economic integration, the nation-state, and mass politics cannot co-exist. We have to pick two out of three. The article predicts that it will be the nation-state system that disappears, with global federalism taking its place.}
}

@Article{Rodrik2001,
  author       = {Rodrik, Dani},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Policy},
  title        = {Trading in Illusions},
  doi          = {10.2307/3183155},
  issn         = {0015-7228},
  number       = {123},
  pages        = {55--62},
  abstract     = {Advocates of global economic integration hold out utopian visions of the prosperity that developing countries will reap if they open their borders to commerce and capital. This hollow promise diverts poor nations' attention and resources from the key domestic innovations needed to spur economic growth.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183155},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive, LLC},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Unpublished{Rodrik2002,
  Title                    = {Feasible Globalizations},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 9129},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w9129},

  Abstract                 = {The nation-state system, democratic politics, and full economic integration are mutually incompatible. Of the three, at most two can be had together. The Bretton Woods/GATT regime was successful because its architects subjugated international economic integration to the needs and demands of national economic management and democratic politics. A renewed 'Bretton-Woods compromise' would preserve some limits on integration, while crafting better global rules to handle the integration that can be achieved. Among 'feasible glablization,' the most promising is a multilaterally negotiated visa scheme that allows expanded (but temporary) entry into the advanced nations of a mix of skilled and unskilled workers from developing nations. Such a scheme would likely create income gains that are larger than all of the items on the WTO negotiating agenda taken together, even if it resulted in a relatively small increase in cross-border labor flows.},
  Volume                   = {No. 9129}
}

@Misc{Rodrik2007,
  Title                    = {The inescapable trilemma of the world economy},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Month                    = jun,
  Url                      = {http://rodrik.typepad.com/dani_rodriks_weblog/2007/06/the-inescapable.html},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://rodrik.typepad.com/dani_rodriks_weblog/2007/06/the-inescapable.html}
}

@Book{Rodrik2011,
  Title                    = {The Globalization Paradox: Why Global Markets, States, and Democracy Can't Coexist},
  Author                   = {Rodrik, Dani},
  Date                     = {2011},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-19-960333-6},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.02.22}
}

@Online{Roeder2014,
  Title                    = {Why The Best Supreme Court Predictor In The World Is Some Random Guy In Queens},
  Author                   = {Roeder, Oliver},
  Date                     = {2014-11-17},
  Url                      = {http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/why-the-best-supreme-court-predictor-in-the-world-is-some-random-guy-in-queens/},
  Note                     = {Published by FiveThirtyEight.com},
  Urldate                  = {2015-03-03}
}

@Article{Roemer1994,
  author       = {Roemer, John E.},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Strategic Role of Party Ideology When Voters are Uncertain About How the Economy Works},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {327--335},
  volume       = {88},
  abstract     = {A continuum of voters, indexed by income, have preferences over economic outcomes. Two political parties each represent the interests of given constituencies of voters: the rich and the poor. Parties/candidates put forth policies--for instance, tax policy, where taxes finance a public good. Voters are uncertain about the theory of the economy, the function that maps policies into economic outcomes. Parties argue, as well, for theories of the economy. Each voter has a prior probability distribution over possible theories of the economy; after parties announce their theories of the economy, each voter constructs an a posteriori distribution over such theories. Suppose that voters are unsure how efficiently the government converts tax revenues into the public good. Under reasonable assumptions the party representing the rich argues that the government is very inefficient and the party representing the poor argues the opposite. What appear as liberal and conservative ideological views emerge as simply good strategies in the electoral game.},
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Roemer1998,
  Title                    = {Why the poor do not expropriate the rich: an old argument in new garb},
  Author                   = {Roemer, John E.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(98)00042-5},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {399--424},
  Url                      = {http://darp.lse.ac.uk/PapersDB/Roemer_(JPubE_98).pdf},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {We consider a political economy with two partisan parties; each party represents a given constituency of voters. If one party (Labour) represents poor voters and the other (Christian Democrats) rich voters, if a redistributive tax policy is the only issue, and if there are no incentive considerations, then in equilibrium the party representing the poor will propose a tax rate of unity. If, however, there are two issues --- tax policy and religion, for instance --- then this is not generally the case. The analysis shows that, if a simple condition on the distribution of voter preferences holds, then, as the salience of the non-economic issue increases, the tax rate proposed by Labour in equilibrium will fall --- possibly even to zero --- even though a majority of the population may have an ideal tax rate of unity.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://darp.lse.ac.uk/PapersDB/Roemer_(JPubE_98).pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(98)00042-5},
  Keywords                 = {Political economy, Ideological parties, Political equilibrium}
}

@Book{Roemer2001,
  Title                    = {Political Competition: Theory and Applications},
  Author                   = {Roemer, John E.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {9780674004887},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press},

  Abstract                 = {In this book, John Roemer presents a unified and rigorous theory of political competition between parties. He models the theory under many specifications, including whether parties are policy oriented or oriented toward winning, whether they are certain or uncertain about voter preferences, and whether the policy space is uni- or multidimensional. He examines all eight possible combinations of these choice assumptions, and characterizes their equilibria. He fleshes out a model in which each party is composed of three different factions concerned with winning, with policy, and with publicity. Parties compete with one another. When internal bargaining is combined with external competition, a natural equilibrium emerges, which Roemer calls party-unanimity Nash equilibrium. Assuming only the distribution of voter preferences and the endowments of the population, he deduces the nature of the parties that will form. He then applies the theory to several empirical puzzles, including income distribution, patterns of electoral success, and why there is no labor party in the United States.}
}

@Book{Roemer2006,
  author     = {Roemer, John E.},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Democracy, Education, and Equality},
  isbn       = {0521609135},
  note       = {Graz-Schumpeter Lectures},
  publisher  = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract   = {Many believe that equality of opportunity will be achieved when the prospects of children no longer depend upon the wealth and education of their parents. The institution through which the link between child and parental prospects may be weakened is public education. Many also believe that democracy is the political institution that will bring about justice. This study asks whether democracy, modeled as competition between political parties that represent different interests in the polity, will result in educational funding policies that will, at least eventually, produce citizens who have equal capacities (human capital), thus breaking the link between family background and child prospects. In other words, will democracy engender, through the educational finance policies it produces, a state of equal opportunity in the long run?},
  annotation = {Almost entirely theoretical account, employing game theoretic solution concepts. Democracy seems to reduce inequality, but not necessarily eradicate it.},
}

@Article{RoemerEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {To what extent do fiscal regimes equalize opportunities for income acquisition among citizens?},
  Author                   = {Roemer, John E. and Aaberge, Rolf and Colombino, Ugo and Fritzell, Johan and Jenkins, Stephen P. and Lefranc, Arnaud and Marx, Ive and Page, Marianne and Pommer, Evert and Ruiz-Castillo, Javier and Jesus San Segundo, Maria and Tranaes, Torben and Trannoy, Alain and Wagner, Gert G. and Zubiri, Ignacio},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {539--565},
  Volume                   = {87}
}

@Article{Roemer1962,
  author       = {Milton I. Roemer},
  date         = {1962},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Health and Human Behavior},
  title        = {On Paying the Doctor and the Implications of Different Methods},
  issn         = {0095-9006},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {4--14},
  volume       = {3},
  publisher    = {American Sociological Association},
}

@Article{RogersVasilopoulou2012,
  author       = {Rogers, Chris and Vasilopoulou, Sofia},
  title        = {Making Sense of Greek Austerity},
  journaltitle = {Political Quarterly},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {83},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {777--785},
  issn         = {1467-923X},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.02359.x},
  abstract     = {The process of approving a Greek drawing on funds provided by the international community is now familiar. There is concern about the prospect of securing an agreement between the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Union (EU), the European Central Bank (ECB), and Greece, which satisfies all parties. This paper suggests that all parties to the agreement have interests in an orderly resolution of the Greek crisis that keeps Greece in the Eurozone. Furthermore, it argues that disagreements and delay before eleventh-hour agreements can best be explained politically. The paper first demonstrates how Greece, the IMF, and the EU each have a clear interest in finding an orderly solution to the Greek crisis that allows it to remain in the Eurozone. It then outlines the incremental nature of the package and its strategic benefit both for the European banking sector, and governments in Greece and the Eurozone more broadly.},
  keywords     = {Greece, IMF, clientelism, crisis, Eurozone, austerity},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.04},
}

@Online{Rogers2010,
  author       = {Rogers, Simon},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {Academy schools: full list of those who have registered an interest},
  note         = {The Guardian Data Blog},
  urldate      = {2013-06-28},
  doi          = {10/jul},
  journaltitle = {The Guardian},
  month        = jul,
  quality      = {1},
}

@Article{Rogoff1985,
  Title                    = {The Optimal Degree of Commitment to an Intermediate Monetary Target},
  Author                   = {Rogoff, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1169{--}1189},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {Society can sometimes make itself better off by appointing a central banker who does not share the social objective function, but instead places "too large" a weight on inflation-rate stabilization relative to employment stabilization. Although having such an agent head the central bank reduces the time-consistent rate of inflation, it suboptimally raises the variance of employment when supply shocks are large. Using an envelope theorem, we show that the ideal agent places a large, but finite, weight on inflation. The analysis also provides a new framework for choosing among alternative intermediate monetary targets.}
}

@Article{Rogoff2003,
  author       = {Rogoff, Kenneth},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Policy},
  title        = {The IMF Strikes Back},
  doi          = {10.2307/3183520},
  issn         = {0015-7228},
  number       = {134},
  pages        = {39--46},
  abstract     = {Slammed by antiglobalist protesters, developing-country politicians, and Nobel Prize-winning economists, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has become Global Scapegoat Number One. But IMF economists are not evil, nor are they invariably wrong. It's time to set the record straight and focus on more pressing economic debates, such as how best to promote global growth and financial stability.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183520},
  month        = jan,
  publisher    = {Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive, LLC},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Article{RogoffSibert1988,
  Title                    = {Elections and macroeconomic cycles},
  Author                   = {Rogoff, Kenneth and Sibert, Anne},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Pages                    = {1{--}16},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {There is an extensive empirical literature on political business cycles, but its theoretical foundations are grounded in pre-rational expectations macroeconomic theory. Here we show that electoral cycles in taxes, government spending and money growth can be modeled as an equilibrium signaling process. The cycle is driven by temporary information asymmetries which can arise if, for example, the government has more current information on its performance in providing for national defence. Incumbents cheat least when their private information is either extremely favourable or extremely unfavourable. An exogeneous increase in the incumbent party's popularity does not necessarily imply a damped policy cycle.}
}

@Article{Rogowski1987,
  Title                    = {Political Cleavages and Changing Exposure to Trade},
  Author                   = {Rogowski, Ronald},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1962581},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1121{--}1137},
  Url                      = {http://cc.sjtu.edu.cn/G2S/eWebEditor/uploadfile/20120415134144015.pdf},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {Combining the classical theorem of Stolper and Samuelson with a model of politics derived from Becker leads to the conclusion that exogenous changes in the risks or costs of countries' external trade will stimulate domestic conflict between owners of locally scarce and locally abundant factors. A traditional three-factor model then predicts quite specific coalitions and cleavages among owners of land, labor, and capital, depending only on the given country's level of economic development and its land-labor ratio. A preliminary survey of historical periods of expanding and contracting trade, and of such specific cases as the German ``marriage of iron and rye,'' U.S. and Latin American populism, and Asian socialism, suggests the accuracy of this hypothesis. While the importance of such other factors as cultural divisions and political inheritance cannot be denied, the role of exogenous changes in the risks and costs of trade deserves further investigation.}
}

@Article{Rogowski1987a,
  Title                    = {Trade and the Variety of Democratic Institutions},
  Author                   = {Rogowski, Ronald},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {203{--}223},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Students of comparative politics have long acknowledged the importance of such institutional factors as electoral systems, parliamentary versus presidential rule, and the strength of parties; but they have either regarded the institutions as given or have explained them entirely in domestic terms (associating proportional representation, for example, with the intensity of social cleavages). In economically advanced democracies, however, these institutional aspects can be plausibly linked to dependence on trade: proportional representation, the parliamentary system, strong parties, and large electoral districts have ``survival value'' for developed democracies exposed to trade. That the recently revived agitation for proportional representation in the United Kingdom has been cast explicitly in terms of economic necessity and dependence on trade adds force to this argument, and suggests the need for further historical research on other cases of institutional adaptation and change.}
}

@Article{RogowskiKayser2002,
  Title                    = {Majoritarian Electoral Systems and Consumer Power: Price-Level Evidence from the OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Rogowski, Ronald and Kayser, Mark Andreas},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {526--539},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {A straightforward extension of the standard Stigler-Peltzman model of regulation, coupled with a Taagepera-Shugart analysis of electoral-system effects, suggests: (a) that the greater seat-vote elasticities of majoritarian electoral systems will tilt policy in favor of consumers, while proportional systems should strengthen producers; and (b) that the pro-consumer bias of majoritarian systems should be manifested in systematically lower prices. Empirical tests, controlling for the structural determinants of national price levels established in the earlier "law of one price" literature, establish majoritarian electoral systems as a significant and robust predictor, lowering national price levels in the mean OECD country by approximately ten percent.}
}

@Article{RohdeShepsle2007,
  Title                    = {Advising and Consenting in the 60\mbox{-}{V}ote Senate: Strategic Appointments to the Supreme Court},
  Author                   = {Rohde, David W and Shepsle, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00566.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {664--677},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {The requirements of presidential nomination and Senate confirmation of Supreme Court nominees present two anomalies: under what circumstances can ideologically extreme nominees win confirmation and, given political polarization and the possibility of a filibuster, how are any nominees successful? This paper employs a simple unidimensional spatial model to explore these anomalies. The principal results show that little change in Court policy is possible with a single appointment, and this fact interacts with certain contexts to give the president a relatively free hand in choosing extreme nominees. Less firm conclusions are reached about the second anomaly, but the analysis sets the stage for further work on that aspect.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00566.x}
}

@Article{Rohrschneider2002,
  Title                    = {The Democracy Deficit and Mass Support for an EU-Wide Government},
  Author                   = {Rohrschneider, Robert},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {463{--}475},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {This article suggests that the EU's representation deficit undermines mass support for Europe's political integration, especially when national institutions work well. Combining public opinion surveys from twelve West European publics with ratings of nations' institutional quality, we estimate a multi-level model. The results show that when citizens perceive that they are unrepresented, their support for the EU is reduced independent of economic perceptions; this reduction is especially strong in nations with well-functioning institutions. The study (1) suggests that transition and EU analyses converge on the import of regimes' democratic performance in shaping regime support; (2) proposes guidelines to model mass support for new institutions; (3) contains disquieting implications for Europe's political integration and its eastward enlargement.}
}

@Article{Rohrschneider2002a,
  Title                    = {Mobilizing versus chasing: how do parties target voters in election campaigns?},
  Author                   = {Rohrschneider, Robert},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0261-3794(00)00044-5},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {367--382},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {How do parties target voters? Surprisingly, none of the major approaches to the election process --- spatial models, alignment studies, and party organization studies --- directly examine the goals of parties. The main purpose of this paper is (1) to suggest that the three strands in the electoral politics literature raise several important issues for parties' election campaigns; (2) to develop a theoretical framework which may be used to examine parties' targeting strategies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794(00)00044-5}
}

@Article{RohrschneiderSchmitt-Beck2002,
  Title                    = {Trust in Democratic Institutions in {Germany}: Theory and Evidence Ten Years After Unification},
  Author                   = {Rohrschneider, Robert and Schmitt-Beck, R{\"u}diger},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/714001314},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {35--58},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Central to the stability of a regime is that citizens trust a nation's institutional framework. Based on this premise, this article looks at how much Eastern and Western Germans trust several institutions of Germany's political system. More generally, it examines the empirical validity of three potential individual-level sources of institutional trust: (1) citizens' ideological values (a value model); (2) publics' appraisals of the economic performance of institutions (a performance model); (3) citizens' ties to other individuals (a social capital model). We find that institutional trust is quite low, especially in the East. We also show that institutional trust is significantly driven by all three factors.}
}

@Article{RoineEtAl2009,
  author       = {Jesper Roine and Jonas Vlachos and Daniel Waldenstr{\"o}m},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {The long-run determinants of inequality: What can we learn from top income data?},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2009.04.003},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  number       = {7--8},
  pages        = {974--988},
  volume       = {93},
  abstract     = {This paper studies determinants of income inequality using a newly assembled panel of 16 countries over the entire twentieth century. We focus on three groups of income earners: the rich (P99100), the upper middle class (P9099), and the rest of the population (P090). The results show that periods of high economic growth disproportionately increases the top percentile income share at the expense of the rest of the top decile. Financial development is also pro-rich and the outbreak of banking crises is associated with reduced income shares of the rich. Trade openness has no clear distributional impact (if anything openness reduces top shares). Government spending, however, is negative for the upper middle class and positive for the nine lowest deciles but does not seem to affect the rich. Finally, tax progressivity reduces top income shares and when accounting for real dynamic effects the impact can be important over time.},
  keywords     = {Top incomes},
  timestamp    = {2013.09.10},
}

@Article{Rommetvedt1994,
  Title                    = {Norwegian Coalition Governments and the Management of Party Relations},
  Author                   = {Rommetvedt, Hilmar},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1994.tb00147.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {239--258},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The aim of this article is to analyse the political leaders efforts to organize and manage relations between relevant party actors in a way that is suitable for the operation and preservation of coalition governments. Five coalition governments serve as illustrative cases showing how these relations have been managed in post-war Norway. The similarities between the different government coalitions arc obvious. There are, however, interesting variations concerning the priority given to coordination and unity versus party differences and profilation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1994.tb00147.x}
}

@Article{Roness2004,
  Title                    = {State employees' unions and administrative reforms: comparisons between {Sweden}, {Norway}, {Australia} and {New Zealand}},
  Author                   = {Roness, Paul G},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Human Resource Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0958519042000181205},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {466--474},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This paper discusses how methodological challenges and problems were handled in a study of how state employees' unions responded to, had an impact on and were affected by new public management reforms in Sweden, Norway, Australia and New Zealand. In the study, particular emphasis was put on institutional characteristics of the unions. The paper clarifies the operational measures of this concept (construct validity) and their causal relationship to the actions and outcomes of the reform processes (internal validity). Two other aspects of research design (external validity and reliability) are also discussed. Finally, some more general lessons learned from the study are indicated.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0958519042000181205}
}

@Unpublished{Roodman2007,
  Title                    = {A Short Note on the Theme of Too Many Instruments},
  Author                   = {Roodman, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Center for Global Development Working Paper Number 125},

  Abstract                 = {The ``difference'' and ``system'' generalized method of moments (GMM) estimators for dynamic panel models are growing steadily in popularity. The estimators are designed for panels with short time dimensions (T), and by default they generate instruments sets whose number grows quadratically in T. The dangers associated with having many instruments relative to observations are documented in the applied literature. The instruments can overfit endogenous variables, failing to expunge their endogenous components and biasing coefficient estimates. Meanwhile they can vitiate the Hansen J test for joint validity of those instruments, as well as the difference-in-Sargan/Hansen test for subsets of instruments. The weakness of these specification tests is a particular concern for system GMM, whose distinctive instruments are only valid under a non-trivial assumption. Judging by current practice, many researchers do not fully appreciate that popular implementations of these estimators can by default generate results that simultaneously are invalid yet appear valid. The potential for type I errors{\textemdash}false positives{\textemdash}is therefore substantial, especially after amplification by publication bias. This paper explains the risks and illustrates them with reference to two early applications of the estimators to economic growth, Forbes (2000) on income inequality and Levine, Loayza, and Beck (LLB, 2000) on financial sector development. Endogenous causation proves hard to rule out in both papers. Going forward, for results from these GMM estimators to be credible, researchers must report the instrument count and aggressively test estimates and specification test results for robustness to reductions in that count.}
}

@Article{Roodman2009,
  Title                    = {How to do xtabond2: An introduction to difference and system {GM}M in Stata},
  Author                   = {Roodman, David},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Stata Journal},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {68--136},
  Url                      = {http://www.stata-journal.com/sjpdf.html?articlenum=st0159},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {The difference and system generalized method-of-moments estimators, developed by Holtz-Eakin, Newey, and Rosen (1988, Econometrica 56: 13711395); Arellano and Bond (1991, Review of Economic Studies 58: 277297); Arellano and Bover (1995, Journal of Econometrics 68: 2951); and Blundell and Bond (1998, Journal of Econometrics 87: 115143), are increasingly popular. Both are general estimators designed for situations with small T, large N panels, meaning few time periods and many individuals; independent variables that are not strictly exogenous, meaning they are correlated with past and possibly current realizations of the error; fixed effects; and heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation within individuals. This pedagogic article first introduces linear generalized method of moments. Then it describes how limited time span and potential for fixed effects and endogenous regressors drive the design of the estimators of interest, offering Stata-based examples along the way. Next it describes how to apply these estimators with xtabond2. It also explains how to perform the ArellanoBond test for autocorrelation in a panel after other Stata commands, using abar. The article concludes with some tips for proper use.}
}

@Article{Rosa1993,
  Title                    = {Nationalization, privatization, and the allocation of financial property rights},
  Author                   = {Rosa, Jean-Jacques},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF01053442},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {317--337},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper I have shown that a purely economic theory of nationalization and privatization is conceivable, on the basis of an analysis of government as a rationally discriminating operator acting as the agent of pressure groups competing for redistribution. Variations in cost of capital differentials between private investors and the state (essentially due to the existence of taxation) explain alternate policies of taking over privately owned corporations and divesting from state enterprises (SOEs). Some initial empirical results are encouraging. Consequently I cannot reject the hypothesis that, through nationalization and privatization episodes, politicians, after all, do behave according to economic rationality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF01053442}
}

@Article{Rosato2003,
  author       = {Rosato, Sebastian},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055403000893},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {585--602},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/ocjdol5},
  volume       = {97},
  abstract     = {Democratic peace theory is probably the most powerful liberal contribution to the debate on the causes of war and peace. In this paper I examine the causal logics that underpin the theory to determine whether they offer compelling explanations for the finding of mutual democratic pacifism. I find that they do not. Democracies do not reliably externalize their domestic norms of conflict resolution and do not trust or respect one another when their interests clash. Moreover, elected leaders are not especially accountable to peace loving publics or pacific interest groups, democracies are not particularly slow to mobilize or incapable of surprise attack, and open political competition does not guarantee that a democracy will reveal private information about its level of resolve thereby avoiding conflict. Since the evidence suggests that the logics do not operate as stipulated by the theory's proponents, there are good reasons to believe that while there is certainly peace among democracies, it may not be caused by the democratic nature of those states.},
  month        = {11},
}

@Article{Rosato2005,
  author       = {Rosato,Sebastian},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Explaining the Democratic Peace},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055405051804},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {467--472},
  volume       = {99},
  abstract     = {I am grateful for the opportunity to respond to the rejoinders to my article, ``the flawed logic of democratic peace theory'' (rosato 2003). in each case, i summarize the core issues at stake and explain why i do not believe that my critics have succeeded in casting serious doubt on my original argument.},
  month        = {8},
  numpages     = {6},
}

@Article{RoscignoEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Education and the Inequalities of Place},
  Author                   = {Roscigno, Vincent J. and Tomaskovic-Devey, Donald and Crowley, Martha},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Forces},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/sof.2006.0108},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {2121--2145},
  Volume                   = {84},

  Abstract                 = {Students living in inner city and rural areas of the United States exhibit lower educational achievement and a higher likelihood of dropping out of high school than do their suburban counterparts. Educational research and policy has tended to neglect these inequalities or, at best, focus on one type but not the other. In this article, we integrate literatures on spatial stratification and educational outcomes, and offer a framework in which resources influential for achievement/attainment are viewed as embedded within, and varying across, inner city, rural and suburban places. We draw from the National Educational Longitudinal Survey and the Common Core of Data, and employ hierarchical linear and hierarchical logistic modeling techniques to test our arguments. Results reveal inner city and rural disadvantages in both family and school resources. These resource inequalities translate into important educational investments at both family and school levels, and help explain deficits in attainment and standardized achievement. We conclude by discussing the implications of our approach and findings for analyses of educational stratification specifically and spatial patterning of inequality more generally.}
}

@Article{Rose2004,
  author       = {Rose, Andrew K.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Do We Really Know That the {WTO} Increases Trade?},
  doi          = {10.1257/000282804322970724},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {98--114},
  volume       = {94},
  abstract     = {This paper estimates the effect on international trade of multilateral trade agreements - the World Trade Organization (WTO), its predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) extended from rich countries to developing countries. I use a standard ``gravity'' model of bilateral merchandise trade and a large panel data set covering over 50 years and 175 countries. An extensive search reveals little evidence that countries joining or belonging to the GATT/WTO have different trade patterns from outsiders, though the GSP seems to have a strong effect.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/000282804322970724},
  month        = mar,
}

@Article{Rose2005,
  Title                    = {Unions in the Time of Revolution: Government Restructuring in Alberta \& Ontario-- A Review Article},
  Author                   = {Rose, Joseph B},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labour Research},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {519--531},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {I review the theme, arguments, and findings presented in Reshef and Rastin's 2003 book, Unions in the Time of Revolution: Government Restructuring in Alberta \& Ontario, and begin by outlining the nature of the study, the issues investigated, and the book's organization. In order to analyze their research, it is necessary to provide some Canadian context which involves two issues. First, I sketch the evolution of public sector bargaining in Canada from its formative years (the 1960s) to the present. Second, I also sketch the economic, political, and industrial relations characteristics of the two provinces that were studied and explain where they "fit" in the Canadian mosaic (Thompson et al., 2003). This will assist the reader in appreciating differences within the Canadian system as well as differences between public sector bargaining in Canada and the United States. It will also provide the context for the emergence of a more conservative political climate and the imperative to dramatically restructure the public sector in the 1990s. The remainder of the review will closely examine key features of the book, including the policies adopted by the neo-conservative governments in Alberta and Ontario, the union responses to these initiatives, and the model used to assess collective action by public sector unions.}
}

@Book{Rosenberg2008,
  Title                    = {The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change?},
  Author                   = {Rosenberg, Gerald N.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-226-72671-7},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Article{Rosenberry1982,
  Title                    = {Social Insurance, Distributive Criteria and the Welfare Backlash: A Comparative Analysis},
  Author                   = {Rosenberry, Sara A},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/193670},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {421--447},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/193670}
}

@Article{RosenbluthEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Welfare Works: Explaining Female Legislative Representation},
  Author                   = {Rosenbluth, Frances and Salmond, Rob and Thies, Michael F.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Gender},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1743923X06060065},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--192},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This study aims to advance our understanding of why women are underrepresented in legislatures around the world, and what accounts for the wide variation over time and across countries. Scholars generally agree on many of the favorable conditions for women to enter parliament, including, inter alia, proportional representation, leftism in government, and female employment. However, the mechanisms that link women's seat shares to the supposed explanatory factors are still poorly understood. In this study, we argue that the key link resides in welfare state policies that 1) free women to enter the paid workforce, 2) provide public sector jobs that disproportionately employ women, and 3) change the political interests of working women enough to create an ideological gender gap. The emergence of this gender gap, in turn, creates incentives for parties to compete for the female vote, and one way that they do so is to include more and more women in their parliamentary delegations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X06060065}
}

@Article{RosenbluthSchaap2003,
  Title                    = {The Domestic Politics of Banking Regulation},
  Author                   = {Rosenbluth, Frances and Schaap, Ross},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818303572034},
  Eprint                   = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S0020818303572034},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {307--336},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {This article seeks to ground financial regulatory choices in domestic politics. Based on evidence from twenty-two industrialized countries, we argue that electoral rules --- specifically, the extent to which they are centrifugal or centripetal --- have a significant effect on whether the banks or their consumers pay for the security of the banking system. Moreover, despite the homogenizing effects of global financial integration, the political dynamics generated by these electoral rules continue to shape the nature and extent of prudential regulations that countries adopt in the place of banking cartels.}
}

@Article{Rosendorff2005,
  Title                    = {Stability and Rigidity: Politics and Design of the WTO's Dispute Settlement Procedure},
  Author                   = {Rosendorff, B. Peter},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055405051737},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {389--400},
  Volume                   = {99},

  Abstract                 = {the increased `legalization' embodied in the revised dispute settlement procedure (dsp) of the world trade organization (wto) is shown to be an institutional innovation that increases the opportunities for states to temporarily suspend their obligations in periods of unexpected, but heightened, domestic political pressure for protection. this increased flexibility in the system reduces per-period cooperation among states but also reduces the possibility that the regime may break down entirely. there is shown to be a trade-off between rigidity and stability in international institutional design in the face of unforeseen, but occasionally intense, domestic political pressure. in a model with a wto that serves both an informational and adjudicatory role, it is established that agreements with dsps are self-enforcing, are more stable, and are more acceptable to a wider variety of countries than agreements without dsps. evidence drawn from data on preferential trading agreements supports the key hypotheses.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055405051737},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.04}
}

@Article{RosendorffMilner2001,
  Title                    = {The Optimal Design of International Trade Institutions: Uncertainty and Escape},
  Author                   = {Rosendorff, B. Peter and Milner, Helen V.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081801317193619},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {829--857},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {International institutions differ greatly in their forms; the numberof states included, the decision-making mechanisms, the range of issuescovered, the degree of centralized control, and the extent ofexibility within them all vary substantially from one institution to thenext. What accounts for such variation? In this article, as part of thelarger Rational Design project on the design of internationalinstitutions, we claim that such variation can be accounted for as partof the rational, selfinterested behavior of states. We show that atleast one important aspect of institutional design can be explained as arational response of states to their environment.}
}

@Article{Rosenstein-Rodan1934,
  Title                    = {The Role of Time in Economic Theory},
  Author                   = {Rosenstein-Rodan, P. N},
  Date                     = {1934},
  Journaltitle             = {Economica},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77{--}97},
  Volume                   = {1}
}

@Article{Rosenstone1982,
  Title                    = {Economic Adversity and Voter Turnout},
  Author                   = {Rosenstone, Steven J.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--46},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Does economic adversity affect whether people vote? Data from the November 1974 Current Population Survey are used to estimate the effect that unemployment, poverty, and a decline in financial well-being have on voter turnout. Each economic problem suppresses participation. These individual level findings are corroborated with aggregate time-series data from presidential and midterm elections since 1896. When a person suffers economic adversity his scarce resources are spent holding body and soul together, not on remote concerns like politics. Economic problems both increase the opportunity costs of political participation and reduce a person's capacity to attend to politics.}
}

@Article{Ross1997,
  Title                    = {Cutting Public Expenditures in Advanced Industrial Democracies: The Importance of Avoiding Blame},
  Author                   = {Ross, Fiona},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0952-1895.361997036},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {175--200},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines three conditions for cutting public expenditures across a sample of 16 advanced industrial democracies: intent, ability, and need during the 1970s and 1980s. Unlike spending increases, cuts require purposeful action. A first condition, therefore, for cutting expenditures is that leaders intend to curb spending. Surprisingly, the results indicate that leftist parties are considerably more effective at cutting expenditures than parties of the right. Indeed, leaders appear to have most latitude when a feared course of action is considered least likely. A second condition is that of ability. Institutions constrain and facilitate leadership. The degree to which decision-making must be shared within the executive both helps and hinders budget-cutting across exogenous conditions. While oversized coalitions may impede losses, they may also facilitate them by sharing responsibility for unpopular measures and thus reducing electoral repercussions. Indeed, both party and institutional results point to the centrality of avoiding blame in the loss-inducing process. A third condition for cutting public expenditures involves need. While objective economic indicators are not irrelevant, the issue of need is largely politically defined.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0952-1895.361997036}
}

@Article{Ross2000,
  Title                    = {'Beyond Left and Right': The New Partisan Politics of Welfare},
  Author                   = {Ross, Fiona},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {155--183},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The 'new politics of the welfare state,' the term coined by Pierson (1996) to differentiate between the popular politics of welfare expansion and the unpopular politics of retrenchment, emphasizes a number of factors that distinguish countries' capacities to pursue contentious measures and avoid electoral blame. Policy structures, vested interests, and institutions play a prominent role in accounting for cross-national differences in leaders' abilities to diffuse responsibility for divisive initiatives. One important omission from the 'new politics' literature, however, is a discussion of partisan politics. 'Old' conceptualizations of the political right and left are implicitly taken as constants despite radical changes in the governing agenda of many leftist parties over the last decade. Responding to this oversight, Castles (1998) has recently probed the role of parties with respect to aggregate government expenditures, only to concludethat parties do not matter under 'conditions of constraint.' This article contends that parties are relevant to the 'new politics' and that, under specified institutional conditions, their impact is counterintuitive. In some notable cases the left has had more effect inbruising the welfare state than the right. One explanation for these cross-cutting tendencies is that parties not only provide a principal source of political agency, they also serve as strategies, thereby conditioning opportunities for political leadership. By extension, they need to be situatedwithin the 'new politics' constellation of blame-avoidance instruments.}
}

@Article{Ross2007,
  Title                    = {Questioning path dependence theory: the case of the British NHS},
  Author                   = {Ross, Fiona},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1332/030557307782453047},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {591--610},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Over the past decade, path dependence theory has found widespread support among students of institutions and public policy. Yet, outside economics, remarkably few studies have investigated the most rigorous formulation of increasing returns, preferring theoretically looser configurations of path dependence. This article seeks to evaluate the applicability of increasing returns arguments to the British National Health Service, a case heralded as a defining example of path dependency. The development of health policy in Britain demonstrates that policy development is driven by a far more complex and endogenous set of forces than can be captured by a parsimonious model of returns.}
}

@Article{RossetEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {More Money, Fewer Problems? Cross-Level Effects of Economic Deprivation on Political Representation},
  Author                   = {Rosset, Jan and Giger, Nathalie and Bernauer, Julian},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402382.2013.783353},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {817--835},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens' policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut.},
  Keywords                 = {Inequality}
}

@Unpublished{RossetPontusson2014,
  Title                    = {The impact of the Great Recession on public preferences for redistribution in Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Rosset, Jan and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington D.C., August 29, 2014}
}

@Article{Rostgaard2002,
  Title                    = {Caring for Children and Older People in {Europe} - A Comparison of {Europe}an Policies and Practice},
  Author                   = {Rostgaard, Tine},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0144287022000000082},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The study of social care benefits is the Cinderella of welfare state analysis. Little is therefore known about the institutional design of these benefits, nor has much work been carried out as to what analytical frame should be adopted when analysing social care benefits. This article sets out to present a conceptual framework for the comparative understanding of social care benefits in arguing that the study of social care policies benefits from incorporating cash as well as service benefits, for the old as well as for children. Looking at the development of social care policies in seven countries over a period of 15 years reveals that social care has come under increasing focus. Policies have been evaluated with reference to the organization of care, the need for introducing new providers and for an increased share of user payment. Paradigms of efficiency, marketization and consumerism have challenged former paradigms of equity and professionalism, resulting in a greater mix of providers, as well as a benefit provision as high as ever in terms of number of recipients.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144287022000000082}
}

@Article{Roth2008,
  Title                    = {What Have We Learned from Market Design?},
  Author                   = {Roth, Alvin E},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02121.x},
  Number                   = {527},
  Pages                    = {285{--}310},
  Volume                   = {118},

  Abstract                 = {This article discusses some things we have learned about markets, in the process of designing marketplaces to fix market failures. To work well, marketplaces have to provide thickness, i.e. they need to attract a large enough proportion of the potential participants in the market; they have to overcome the congestion that thickness can bring, by making it possible to consider enough alternative transactions to arrive at good ones; and they need to make it safe and sufficiently simple to participate in the market, as opposed to transacting outside of the market, or having to engage in costly and risky strategic behaviour. I will draw on recent examples of market design ranging from labour markets for doctors and new economists, to kidney exchange, and school choice in New York City and Boston.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02121.x}
}

@Incollection{Rothstein1992a,
  Title                    = {Labor market institutions and working class strength},
  Author                   = {Rothstein, Bo},
  Booktitle                = {Structuring Politics: Historical institutionalism in comparative analysis},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Sven Steinmo and Kathleen Thelen and Frank Longstreth},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {33--56},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Rothstein1985,
  Title                    = {Managing the Welfare State: Lessons from Gustav M{\"o}ller},
  Author                   = {Rothstein, Bo},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1985.tb00318.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {151--170},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The administrative problems of the present Welfare State have come into focus in recent research. The basic question being raised is whether an elected government can control the bureaucracies that handle the social programmes, i.e., whether the intentions of the parliamentary majority really can be translated into action when they reach the point of administrative implementation. The central subject of this study is the legendary architect of the Swedish Welfare State, Gustav M{\"o}ller, who was Minister of Social Affairs 1924-26 and 1932-51. It is argued that many of the problems highlighted in present theories of public administration were already apparent to M{\"o}ller. As the minister responsible for the administrative construction of the Swedish Welfare State, he developed several strategies to cope with the problems of bureaucracy. Having lost the battle over the Social Democratic party leadership in 1946, Gustav M{\"o}ller left the government in 1951. Subsequently many of his original anti-bureaucratic administrative strategies were reversed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1985.tb00318.x}
}

@Article{Rothstein1992,
  Title                    = {Explaining Swedish Corporatism: The Formative Moment},
  Author                   = {Rothstein, Bo},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1992.tb00139.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {173--191},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The question addressed in this article is how to explain major intentional changes in national political systems. The theoretical point of departure is that political systems are usually so tightly structured that the prospects of actors introducing such changes are very small. The argument put forward is that only under certain periods of crisis can such changes occur; it is only during such formative moments that political actors change the institutional parameters or the nature of the 'game'. Empirically, the article extends this argument in an attempt to explain why Sweden's political system became highly corporatist. It has been shown that from a rationalistic approach, collective action - e. g. why individuals join and support interest organizations - is difficult to explain. Instead, an institutional explanation is offered. The empirical analysis shows how centrally placed politicians in Sweden during the 1930s, by changing the payoffs, could solve the 'free-rider' problem for both farmers' and workers' interest organizations. Contrary to earlier studies, the analysis shows that the breakthrough of corporatist principles in Swedish politics took place under a Liberal government strongly supported by the Conservative Party. The traditional connection between the Swedish Social Democrats and the corporatist nature of Swedish politics is thus questioned and the alliance between the Social Democrats and the Farmers' League in 1933 is given a new explanation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1992.tb00139.x}
}

@Article{Rothstein1993,
  Title                    = {The Crisis of the Swedish Social Democrats and the Future of the Universal Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Rothstein, Bo},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.1993.tb00161.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {492--517},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1993.tb00161.x}
}

@Book{Rothstein1998,
  Title                    = {Just Institutions Matter: The Moral and Political Logic of the Universal Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Rothstein, Bo},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {0521598931},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{RothsteinUslaner2005,
  author       = {Rothstein, Bo and Uslaner, Eric M.},
  title        = {All for All: Equality, Corruption, and Social Trust},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {58},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {41--72},
  doi          = {10.1353/wp.2006.0022},
  abstract     = {We argue that social trust is caused by two different, yet interrelated types of equality, namely, economic equality and equality of opportunity. This argument has important implications for public policy because universal social policies are more effective than selective ones in creating both types of equality and thereby social trust. However, we have a somewhat pessimistic conclusion about the political possibilities of increasing equality by enhancing universal social policies in developing and postsocialist countries. Since social trust is a measure of how people evaluate the moral fabric in their society, there is little reason to believe that countries with low social trust will establish universal social programs precisely because such programs must be based on a general political understanding that the various groups in society share a common fate.},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.21},
}

@Article{Rothstein2007,
  Title                    = {Does Competition among Public Schools Benefit Students and Taxpayers? A Comment on Hoxby (2000)},
  Author                   = {Rothstein, Jesse},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/aer.97.5.2026},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {2026--2037},
  Volume                   = {97},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.97.5.2026}
}

@Article{RothsteinRouse2010,
  Title                    = {Constrained after college: Student loans and early career occupational choices},
  Author                   = {Jesse Rothstein and Cecilia Elena Rouse},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.09.015},
  ISSN                     = {0047-2727},

  Abstract                 = {In the early 2000s, a highly selective university introduced a `no-loans' policy under which the loan component of financial aid awards was replaced with grants. We use this natural experiment to identify the causal effect of student debt on employment outcomes. In the standard life-cycle model, young people make optimal educational investment decisions if they are able to finance these investments by borrowing against future earnings; the presence of debt has only income effects on future decisions. We find that debt causes graduates to choose substantially higher-salary jobs and reduces the probability that students choose low-paid `public-interest' jobs. We also find some evidence that debt affects students' academic decisions during college. Our estimates suggest that recent college graduates are not life-cycle agents. Two potential explanations are that young workers are credit constrained or that they are averse to holding debt. We find suggestive evidence that debt reduces students' donations to the institution in the years after they graduate and increases the likelihood that a graduate will default on a pledge made during her senior year; we argue this result is more likely consistent with credit constraints than with debt aversion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.09.015}
}

@Other{Rothstein2006,
  abstract   = {School choice may improve productivity if parents choose well-run schools, but not if parents primarily choose schools for their peer groups. Theoretically, high income families cluster near preferred schools in housing market equilibrium; these need only be effective schools if effectiveness is highly valued. If it is, "effectiveness sorting" will be more complete in markets offering more residential choice. Although effectiveness is unobserved to the econometrician, I test for an observable implication of effectiveness sorting. I find no evidence of a choice effect on sorting, indicating a small role for effectiveness in preferences and suggesting caution about choice's productivity implications.},
  annotation = {Forthcoming in the American Economic Review.},
  author     = {Rothstein, Jesse M},
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Good Principals or Good Peers: Parental Valuation of School Characteristics, Tiebout Equilibrium, and the Incentive Effects of Competition Among Jurisdictions},
}

@Book{RoubiniMihm2010,
  Title                    = {Crisis Economics: A Crash Course in the Future of Finance},
  Author                   = {Nouriel Roubini and Stephen Mihm},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {9781846142871},
  Publisher                = {Penguin Books},

  Timestamp                = {2012.03.13}
}

@Article{RoubiniSachs1989,
  Title                    = {Political and economic determinants of budget deficits in the industrial democracies},
  Author                   = {Roubini, Nouriel and Sachs, Jeffrey D.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {European Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0014-2921(89)90002-0},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {903--933},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Given the large deficits in many OECD countries in recent years, and the resulting sharp rise in the public debt, it is important to determine the economic and political forces leading to such large deficits. We find only partial support for the `equilibrium approach to fiscal policy', which assumes that tax rates are set over time in order to minimize the excess burden of taxation. We suggest that in several countries the slow rate at which the post-'73 fiscal deficits were reduced resulted from the difficulties of political management in coalition governments. There is a clear tendency for larger deficits in countries characterized by a short average tenure of government and by the presence of many political parties in a ruling coalition.}
}

@Article{Rouse1998,
  Title                    = {Private School Vouchers and Student Achievement: An Evaluation of the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program},
  Author                   = {Rouse, Cecilia E.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003355398555685},
  Pages                    = {553--602},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {In 1990 Wisconsin began providing vouchers to a small number of low-income students to attend nonsectarian private schools. Controlling for individual fixed-effects, I compare the test scores of students selected to attend a participating private school with those of unsuccessful applicants and other students from the Milwaukee public schools. I find that students in the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program had faster math score gains than, but similar reading score gains to, the comparison groups. The results appear robust to data imputations and sample attrition, although these deficiencies of the data should be kept in mind when interpreting the results.}
}

@Book{Rousseau1762,
  Title                    = {The Social Contract \& Discourses},
  Author                   = {Rousseau, Jean-Jacques},
  Date                     = {1762},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/46333}
}

@Misc{RoyalCommission2000,
  Title                    = {A House for the Future},
  Author                   = {{Royal Commission on the Reform of the House of Lords}},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {CM 4534},
  Url                      = {http://www.archive.official-documents.co.uk/document/cm45/4534/report.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.archive.official-documents.co.uk/document/cm45/4534/report.pdf}
}

@Article{Royed1996,
  Title                    = {Testing the Mandate Model in {Britain} and the {United States}: Evidence from the Reagan and Thatcher Eras},
  Author                   = {Royed, Terry J},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45{--}80},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {The hypothesis that parties are better able to carry out mandates in Britain than the United States is tested for the Reagan and Thatcher years. A list of specific pledges was compiled and it was determined whether or not the pledges were fulfilled. The primary finding is that more Conservative party pledges were fulfilled, compared to those of the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States. In each country policy took a conservative turn, but because more pledges were fulfilled in Britain, the 'Conservative revolution' was more thorough there than in the United States. It is suggested, in contrast to the findings of previous literature, that institutional differences between the two countries are one factor that matters when it comes to bringing about policy change.}
}

@Article{RoyedEtAl2000,
  author              = {Royed, Terry J. and Leyden, Kevin M. and Borrelli, Stephen A.},
  date                = {2000},
  journaltitle        = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title               = {Is `Clarity of Responsibility' Important for Economic Voting? Revisiting Powell and Whitten's Hypothesis},
  issn                = {0007-1234},
  language            = {English},
  number              = {4},
  pages               = {669--685},
  volume              = {30},
  copyright           = {Copyright 2000 Cambridge University Press},
  jstor_articletype   = {research-article},
  jstor_formatteddate = {Oct., 2000},
  publisher           = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{RoyedEtAl2003,
  author       = {Royed, Terry J. and Leyden, Kevin M. and Borrelli, Stephen A.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {More Smoke, No Substance: Palmer and Whitten's Defence Fails},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {pp.160--162},
  volume       = {33},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{RoyedEtAl2003a,
  author       = {Royed, Terry J. and Leyden, Kevin M. and Borrelli, Stephen A.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Seeing through the Smoke and Mirrors: A Response to Palmer and Whitten},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {150--159},
  volume       = {33},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Royo2002,
  Title                    = {'A New Century of Corporatism?' Corporatism in {Spain} and {Portugal}},
  Author                   = {Royo, Sebasti{\a\'a}n},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713601615},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {77--104},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses the resurgence of national-level social bargaining in Portugal and Spain. It argues that this development was the result of the reorientation of the strategies of the social actors. In a new economic and political context, marked by a process of institutional learning and the increasing autonomy by unions from political parties, trade unions have supported social bargaining as a defensive strategy to retake the initiative and influence policy outcomes. The incentives leading governments and employers to agree to new social pacts reflect their failure to control wages in a relatively fragmented and decentralised wage setting. Finally, co-operation among the social actors has been helped by the emergence of state institutions for tripartite macroeconomic and social bargaining.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713601615}
}

@Book{Rubinstein1998,
  Title                    = {Modeling Bounded Rationality},
  Author                   = {Rubinstein, Ariel},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {0-262-18187-8},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Book{Rubinstein2012,
  Title                    = {Economic Fables},
  Author                   = {Rubinstein, Ariel},
  Date                     = {2012},
  ISBN                     = {978-1-906924-79-9},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Open Book Publishers}
}

@Article{Rudebusch2002,
  Title                    = {Term structure evidence on interest rate smoothing and monetary policy inertia},
  Author                   = {Rudebusch, Glenn D.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0304-3932(02)00149-6},
  ISSN                     = {0304-3932},
  Month                    = sep,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1161--1187},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Numerous studies have used quarterly data to estimate monetary policy rules or reaction functions that appear to exhibit a very slow partial adjustment of the policy interest rate. The conventional wisdom asserts that this gradual adjustment reflects a policy inertia or interest rate smoothing behavior by central banks. However, such quarterly monetary policy inertia would imply a large amount of forecastable variation in interest rates at horizons of more than 3 months, which is contradicted by evidence from the term structure of interest rates. The illusion of monetary policy inertia evident in the estimated policy rules likely reflects the persistent shocks that central banks face.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0304-3932(02)00149-6},
  Keywords                 = {Monetary policy, Term structure of interest rates, Taylor rule}
}

@Article{Rudra2002,
  Title                    = {Globalization and the Decline of the Welfare State in Less-Developed Countries},
  Author                   = {Rudra, Nita},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/002081802320005522},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {411--445},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Is the welfare state withering away, or will it survive currentglobalization trends? Recent literature framing this academic debatehas extolled the resilience of this institution, despite the pressuresof international market integration. These studies have reverseddoomsday scenarios from the 1980s and 1990s that contemplated theultimate demise of the welfare state. Yet trends in welfare spending indeveloped and developing countries have diverged. During the pastquarter century, globalization penetrated both groups. However, whilethe more developed countries were expanding resources devoted to thisform of safety net, the average share of gross domestic product (GDP)allocated in a sample of fifty-three less-developed countries (LDCs)began much lower and fell lower still (see Figure 1). My analysis goesbeyond existing studies by providing an original model of thedeterminants of welfare spending in LDCs. I focus on how globalizationcan affect rich and poor countries differently and present a model thatincludes a new measure of labor strength.}
}

@Incollection{Rueda2012,
  Title                    = {West {Europe}an Welfare States in Times of Crisis},
  Author                   = {Rueda, David},
  Booktitle                = {Coping with Crisis: Government Reactions to the Great Recession},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Bermeo, Nancy and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Chapter                  = {12},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-87154-076-8},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Article{Rueda2005,
  author       = {Rueda, David},
  title        = {Insider--Outsider Politics in Industrialized Democracies: The Challenge to Social Democratic Parties},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {99},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {61--74},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000305540505149X},
  abstract     = {In much of the political economy literature, social democratic governments are assumed to defend the interests of labor. The main thrust of this article is that labor is divided into those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). I argue that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit insiders while ignoring the interests of outsiders. I analyze Eurobarometer data and annual macrodata from 16 OECD countries from 1973 to 1995. I explore the question of whether strategies prevalent in the golden age of social democracy have been neglected and Left parties have abandoned the goal of providing equality and security to the most vulnerable sectors of the labor market. By combining research on political economy, institutions, and political behavior, my analysis demonstrates that insider--outsider politics are fundamental to a fuller explanation of government partisanship, policy-making, and social democracy since the 1970s.},
}

@Article{Rueda2006,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy and Active Labour Market Policies: Insiders, Outsiders, and the Politics of Employment Promotion},
  Author                   = {Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123406000214},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {385--406},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {Active labour-market policy is an important tool for governments interested in the promotion of employment. This article explores a topic in the comparative political economy literature in need of more attention: the politics behind the promotion of active labour policies. It is argued here that social democratic governments are often not interested in employment promotion measures; labour is divided into those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders); it is contended that social democratic governments have strong incentives to pursue labour-market policies that benefit insiders but not outsiders. There are factors, however, that either exacerbate or limit the effects of insider{\textendash}outsider differences on social democracy. These claims are tested in three ways. First, the interplay of government partisanship and employment protection is explored in the British case. Secondly, the individual preferences assumed in the model are tested with Eurobarometer data. And thirdly, the effects of social democracy on active labour-market policy are analysed using data from sixteen industrialized democracies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123406000214}
}

@Book{Rueda2007,
  Title                    = {Social Democracy Inside Out: Partisanship and Labor Market Policy in Advanced Industrialized Democracies},
  Author                   = {Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780199234059},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labor. The evidence shows that labor has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labor market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labor market policy. The book also argues that there are factors can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata, and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK and the Netherlands. Its reinterpretation of the challenges facing social democracy will represent a significant contribution to the comparative politics and political economy literatures.}
}

@Article{Rueda2008,
  Title                    = {Left Government, Policy, and Corporatism: Explaining the Influence of Partisanship on Inequality},
  Author                   = {Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {349--389},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {The author argues that to understand the relationship between partisan government and equality two fundamental things need to be done: separate the effects of partisanship on policy and of policy on the economy; and assess the influence of government partisanship once the mediating role of corporatism is accounted for. The main goal of this article is to explore the relationship between government partisanship, policy, and inequality at the lower half of the wage distribution. The analysis is motivated by a puzzling finding in previous work: the absence of government partisanship effects on earnings inequality. The author focuses on the role of three different policies: government employment, the generosity of the welfare state, and minimum wages. The results show that government employment is a most significant determinant of inequality (although it is affected by left government only when corporatism is low). They also demonstrate that welfare state generosity does not affect inequality and, in turn, is not associated with left government. Finally, they reveal that the effect of government partisanship on minimum wages and of minimum wages on inequality is completely conditional on the levels of corporatism (these effects are only present when corporatism is low). The author explains why specific policies do or do not affect earnings inequality and also why corporatism mitigates or magnifies the influence of government partisanship. By explicitly exploring the determinants of policy and earnings inequality, the article represents an important contribution to our understanding of how governments can promote redistribution.}
}

@Article{Rueda2014,
  Title                    = {Dualization, crisis and the welfare state},
  Author                   = {Rueda, David},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu015},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {381--407},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Labour market dualization (an increasing separation between insiders and outsiders) has become an influential feature of many OECD economies since 1980s. This paper argues that dualization mitigates the generosity of the welfare state in a significant way. It also investigates the relationship between dualization and policies that protect and insure against unemployment. The compensating role of social policy is shown to be limited in cases where dualization is more significant. The paper then focuses on the relationship between dualization and the welfare state during the present crisis. It emphasizes the influence of insideroutsider differences on both the nature of unemployment and the responsiveness of social policy during the Great Recession.}
}

@Article{Rueda2015,
  author       = {Rueda, David},
  title        = {The State of the Welfare State: Unemployment, Labor Market Policy, and Inequality in the Age of Workfare},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {47},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {296--314},
  doi          = {10.5129/001041515814709275},
  abstract     = {This paper argues that since the 1990s the welfare state has been transformed into a workfare state. It proposes a stylized framework to understand the influence of unemployment on inequality and the effects of labor market policy. Using this framework, the paper shows that the transformation of the welfare state has made the effects of unemployment more inegalitarian. I analyze OECD data on inequality and redistribution from the mid-1970s to the late 2000s and provide preliminary but systematic regression results. They suggest that the generosity of labor market policy promoted higher levels of market income equality only during the traditional welfare period. They also suggest that the responsiveness of redistribution to unemployment has become weaker in the era of workfare.},
}

@Article{RuedaPontusson2000,
  Title                    = {Wage Inequality and Varieties of Capitalism},
  Author                   = {Rueda, David and Pontusson, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/25054117},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {350--383},
  Url                      = {http://dss.ucsd.edu/~mnaoi/page4/POLI227/files/page1_33.pdf},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {This article draws on a new data set that enables the authors to compare the distribution of income from employment across OECD countries. Specifically, the article conducts a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis of the determinants of wage inequality in sixteen countries from 1973 to 1995. The analysis shows that varieties of capitalism matter. The authors find that the qualities that distinguish social market economies from liberal market economies shape the way political and institutional variables influence wage inequality. Of particular interest to political scientists is the finding that the wage-distributive effects of government partisanship are contingent on institutional context. Union density emerges in the analysis as the single most important factor influencing wage inequality in both institutional contexts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dss.ucsd.edu/~mnaoi/page4/POLI227/files/page1_33.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25054117}
}

@Article{RuedaStegmueller2016,
  author       = {Rueda, David and Stegmueller, Daniel},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Externalities of Inequality: Fear of Crime and Preferences for Redistribution in Western Europe},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12212},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {472--489},
  volume       = {60},
  abstract     = {Why is the difference in redistribution preferences between the rich and the poor high in some countries and low in others? In this article, we argue that it has a lot to do with the rich and very little to do with the poor. We contend that while there is a general relative income effect on redistribution preferences, the preferences of the rich are highly dependent on the macrolevel of inequality. The reason for this effect is not related to immediate tax and transfer considerations but to a negative externality of inequality: crime. We will show that the rich in more unequal regions in Western Europe are more supportive of redistribution than the rich in more equal regions because of their concern with crime. In making these distinctions between the poor and the rich, the arguments in this article challenge some influential approaches to the politics of inequality.},
}

@Article{RugerEtAl2004,
  author       = {Ruger, Theodore W. and Kim, Pauline T. and Martin, Andrew D. and Quinn, Kevin M.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Columbia Law Review},
  title        = {The Supreme Court Forecasting Project: Legal and Political Science Approaches to Predicting Supreme Court Decisionmaking},
  issn         = {0010-1958},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1150--1210},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/k58msyu},
  volume       = {104},
  abstract     = {This Essay reports the results of an interdisciplinary project comparing political science and legal approaches to forecasting Supreme Court decisions. For every argued case during the 2002 Term, we obtained predictions of the outcome prior to oral argument using two methods-one a statistical model that relies on general case characteristics, and the other a set of independent predictions by legal specialists. The basic result is that the statistical model did better than the legal experts in forecasting the outcomes of the Term's cases: The model predicted 75\% of the Court's affirm/reverse results correctly, while the experts collectively got 59.1\% right. These results are notable, given that the statistical model disregards information about the specific law or facts of the cases. The model's relative success was due in large part to its ability to predict more accurately the important votes of the moderate Justices (Kennedy and O'Connor) at the center of the current Court. The legal experts, by contrast, did best at predicting the votes of the more ideologically extreme Justices, but had difficulty predicting the centrist Justices. The relative success of the two methods also varied by issue area, with the statistical model doing particularly well in forecasting "economic activity" cases, while the experts did comparatively better in the "judicial power" cases. In addition to reporting the results in detail, the Essay explains the differing methods of prediction used and explores the implications of the findings for assessing and understanding Supreme Court decisionmaking.},
  copyright    = {Copyright 2004 Columbia Law Review Association, Inc.},
  publisher    = {Columbia Law Review Association, Inc.},
}

@Article{Ruggie1982,
  Title                    = {International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order},
  Author                   = {Ruggie, John G},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {379{--}415},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {The prevailing model of international economic regimes is strictly positivistic in its epistemological orientation and stresses the distribution of material power capabilities in its explanatory logic. It is inadequate to account for the current set of international economic regimes and for the differences between past and present regimes. The model elaborated here departs from the prevailing view in two respects, while adhering to it in a third. First, it argues that regimes comprise not simply what actors say and do, but also what they understand and find acceptable within an intersubjective framework of meaning. Second, it argues that in the economic realm such a framework of meaning cannot be deduced from the distribution of material power capabilities, but must be sought in the configuration of state-society relations that is characteristic of the regime-making states. Third, in incorporating these notions into our understanding of the formation and transformation of international economic regimes, the formulation self-consciously strives to remain at the systemic level and to avoid becoming reductionist in attributing cause and effect relations. The article can therefore argue that the prevailing view is deficient on its own terms and must be expanded and modified. Addressing the world of actual international economic regimes, the article argues that the pax Britannica and the pax Americana cannot be equated in any meaningful sense, and that the postwar regimes for money and trade live on notwithstanding premature announcements of their demise.}
}

@Article{Ruggie1995,
  Title                    = {At Home Abroad, Abroad at Home: International Liberalisation and Domestic Stability in the New World Economy},
  Author                   = {Ruggie, John Gerard},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Millennium: Journal of International Studies},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {507--526},
  Volume                   = {24}
}

@Incollection{Ruin1988,
  Title                    = {{Sweden}: The New Constitution (1974) and the Tradition of Consensual Politics},
  Author                   = {Ruin, Olof},
  Booktitle                = {Constitutions and Democratic Politics},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Editor                   = {Vernon Bogdanor},
  Chapter                  = {16},
  Location                 = {Aldershot},
  Pages                    = {309--327},
  Publisher                = {Gower}
}

@Article{Ruin1969,
  Title                    = {Patterns of Government Composition in Multi-party Systems: The Case of {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Ruin, Olof},
  Date                     = {1969},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1969.tb00520.x},
  Pages                    = {71--87},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1969.tb00520.x}
}

@Article{Russell2003,
  Title                    = {Is the House of Lords Already Reformed?},
  Author                   = {Russell, Meg},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-923X.00540},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {311--318},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.00540},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Russell2009,
  Title                    = {House of Lords Reform: Are We Nearly There Yet?},
  Author                   = {Russell, Meg},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01968.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {119--125},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Twelve years after coming to office, Labour has still not achieved the second stage of House of Lords reform that was promised in 1997. In July 2008 a White Paper --- the government's fifth on the subject --- was published, setting out plans for an 80 or 100 per cent elected upper house. This article reviews its prospects. It concludes that although the government is now apparently more in line with the views of its supporters, there are many other obstacles. Fundamental differences remain both within and between the political parties, and several key principles remain unresolved. Progress is therefore unlikely.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01968.x},
  Keywords                 = {House of Lords, Parliament, reform, bicameralism},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Russell2010,
  Title                    = {A Stronger Second Chamber? Assessing the Impact of House of Lords Reform in 1999 and the Lessons for Bicameralism},
  Author                   = {Russell, Meg},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00810.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {866--885},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {The UK's second chamber is generally seen as a historical curiosity and, as Labour governments post-1997 have failed to introduce elected members, continues to be seen as `unreformed'. But a `first stage' reform of the House of Lords in 1999 removed most of its hereditary members, leaving it almost wholly made up of appointed life peers. Although many at the time claimed that this would neuter the upper house, since most of those evicted were Conservatives, it instead seems to have had the opposite effect. This article examines whether the 1999 reform strengthened the House of Lords, how we can assess this and why it might have happened. The article concedes that measuring legislative influence is notoriously difficult. The analysis it constructs seeks to overcome this by using a range of indicators on two dimensions: the assertiveness of the House of Lords to use its powers, and the executive's responses to the chamber. This analysis indicates that the 1999 changes strengthened the Lords against the government and, in doing so, strengthened parliament as a whole. The most obvious consequence is that our understanding of British politics now needs revision. But if the Lords was strengthened by reform this also demonstrates a need to revise established comparative politics theories of bicameralism --- particularly that of Arend Lijphart, which would have predicted the reverse. The recent developments in Britain validate George Tsebelis' approach of recognising `partisan veto players' and the critical role of partisan balance in inter-cameral relations. But they also demonstrate that a more nuanced understanding of both legitimacy and legislative influence is needed in order to understand second chambers' (and indeed first chambers') de facto power.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00810.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{RussellSciara2007,
  Title                    = {Why Does the Government get Defeated in the House of Lords?: The Lords, the Party System and British Politics},
  Author                   = {Russell, Meg and Sciara, Maria},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {British Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200064},
  ISSN                     = {1746-918X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {299--322},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {Although the threat of defeat in the House of Commons attracts significant attention, we hear a lot less about defeats in the House of Lords. Yet in this chamber of parliament, government is defeated regularly --- over 400 times since 1997. We analyse what contributes to these defeats, using voting data from six full parliamentary sessions since the (majority of) hereditary peers were removed from the chamber in 1999, supplemented by data from a survey of peers. There are various groups --- Labour rebels, independent `Crossbenchers', Bishops, Conservatives and Liberal Democrats --- who may contribute to defeat. But the chamber also has a reputation for being independent and non-partisan. We find that this does not translate into voting patterns, and that cross-voting, and the votes of independents, tend not to be influential. In most cases, the pivotal groups in the House of Lords are the opposition parties, who vote cohesively, albeit with high levels of absenteeism. The 1999 reform created a chamber in which no party had overall control, and has thus increased the number of veto players in the British political system. In particular, the Liberal Democrats have gained a new importance in British politics that has not yet been widely appreciated.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200064},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd}
}

@Article{RussellSciara2008,
  Title                    = {The Policy Impact of Defeats in the House of Lords},
  Author                   = {Russell, Meg and Sciara, Maria},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Politics \& International Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-856X.2008.00331.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-856X},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {571--589},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Since its reform in 1999, no political party commands an overall majority in the House of Lords. The chamber appears to feel more confident, and government defeats there are common. Earlier studies have shown why the government faces defeats in the Lords, concluding that it is usually the Liberal Democrats that hold the balance of power. Here we analyse the lasting policy impact of Lords defeats. We find that far from being routinely reversed in the House of Commons, many Lords defeats are substantially accepted. Furthermore, many of these are on key policy issues. We also examine which factors are associated with a Lords `win' on legislation, finding that obvious factors such as the size of the majority against the government are not significant. We conclude that the Lords is an important policy actor and should be taken more seriously, but that its ability to make policy gains remains unpredictable.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2008.00331.x},
  Keywords                 = {House of Lords, bicameralism, legislative process, policy process},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Russett1993,
  Title                    = {Grasping the Democratic Peace: Principles for a Post-Cold War World},
  Author                   = {Russett, Bruce M.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},
  Url                      = {http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic248058.files/March%2017%20readings/Russett.pdf}
}

@Article{Rust1990,
  Title                    = {The Policy Formation Process and Educational Reform in {Norway}},
  Author                   = {Rust, Val D},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {13--25},
  Volume                   = {26}
}

@Book{Rustow1955,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Compromise: A Study of Parties and Cabinet Government in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Rustow, Dankwart A.},
  Date                     = {1955},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Misc{Ryan2012,
  Author                   = {Ryan, Conor},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {June 12}
}

@Article{RyanHeise2002,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of School Choice},
  Author                   = {Ryan, James E and Heise, Michael},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Yale Law Journal},
  Number                   = {8},
  Pages                    = {2043{--}2136},
  Volume                   = {111}
}

@Article{DeRynckMcAleavey2001,
  Title                    = {The cohesion deficit in Structural Fund policy},
  Author                   = {Rynck, Stefaan De and McAleavey, Paul},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760110064384},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {541--557},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {The Structural Funds of the European Union have proved to be blunt policy instruments in serving their stated purpose of enhancing both economic and social cohesion. Cohesion policy is embedded in a context of inter-governmental bargaining on budgetary allocations which structures the core of the policy around the yardstick of GDP per capita. This complicates the targeting of the funds on real deprivation. Moreover, a pork barrel logic in policy implementation favours better organized and advantaged groups within regions. This situation, as well as the growing saliency of inequality issues at EU level, have raised concern with the question of 'who benefits?' from cohesion policy.The European Commission, some member states and local actors are responding by developing efforts to tackle deprivation as experienced by EU citizens locally. However, they face important constraints in doing so, which raises broader questions about political representation and access to decision-making in the Union.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760110064384},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Ryner2012,
  Title                    = {Swedish Trade Union Consent to Finance-Led Capitalism: A Question of Time},
  Author                   = {Ryner, Magnus},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02070.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},

  Abstract                 = {Why do actors that may be expected to contest finance-led capitalism in crisis periods rarely do so in effective and sustainable ways? This article contributes to the understanding of this question by explaining the sudden and puzzling silence of trade unions during the 1990--94 Swedish banking crisis. It underlines the importance of working within certain time-scales in prioritized policy areas for shaping strategic selectivity and precluding effective contest. The varied power of trade unions to perform effectively in different policy areas is important. However, cognitive-filters as stressed by constructivists are not. Findings point to a modified version of Korpi's power mobilization theory, where power resources are seen as refracted by the `institutional materiality' of the corporatist state.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02070.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.10.26}
}

@Article{Sarlvik1966,
  Title                    = {Political Stability and Change in the Swedish Electorate},
  Author                   = {S{\"a}rlvik, Bo},
  Date                     = {1966},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1966.tb00513.x},
  Pages                    = {188--222},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1966.tb00513.x}
}

@Unpublished{Soderstrom2006,
  Title                    = {On the impact of individual wage bargaining in the Swedish teachers' labour market},
  Author                   = {S{\"o}derstr{\"o}m, Martin},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {In 1995, individual wage bargaining was introduced for Swedish teachers. A highly centralized bargaining structure with wage scales was replaced by a decentralized one, where teachers now negotiate their own wages. This paper investigates how this reform affected the earnings structure of compulsory school teachers and upper secondary school teachers. The results show that the reform had effects among compulsory school teachers; entry-wages increased, the age-earnings profile became less steep, and earnings dispersion among older teachers increased. This stands in contrast to what happened to other public employees in Sweden at the same time.}
}

@PhdThesis{Soderstrom2006a,
  author      = {S{\"o}derstr{\"o}m, Martin},
  date        = {2006},
  institution = {Department of Economics, Uppsala University},
  title       = {Evaluating Institutional Changes in Education and Wage Policy},
  abstract    = {This thesis consists of four self-contained essays. Essay I (written with Roope Uusitalo) studies the effects of school choice on segregation. We analyse the effect of a reform in Stockholm that changed the admission system of public upper secondary schools. Before the year 2000, students were assigned to their nearest school, but from the fall of 2000 and onwards, the students can apply to any school within Stockholm City and admission decisions are based on grades only. We show that the distribution of students over schools changed dramatically as a response to extending school choice. As expected, the new admission policy increased segregation by ability. However, segregation by family background, as well as, segregation between immigrants and natives also increased significantly. Furthermore, the results show that the increase in school segregation between immigrants and natives is not explained by differences in prior achievement. Essay II studies the effects of school choice on student achievement by analysing a reform in the Stockholm municipality that changed the admission system of public upper secondary schools. Before 2000, students had priority to the school situated closest to where they lived, but from the fall of 2000 and onwards, admission is based on grades only. Since all schools became open for application from anyone, and funding follows the students, the reform imposed strong incentives for school competition. It is shown that the reform has contributed to increase the between school variance in student outcomes. More importantly, the results indicate that students in Stockholm perform no better with increased choice availability. Essay III evaluates the introduction of individual wage bargaining for Swedish teachers. A highly centralized bargaining structure with wage scales was in 1996 replaced by a decentralized one, where teachers now negotiate their own wages. The scales induced an increasing age profile of wages and a decreasing age profile of wage dispersion. This paper investigates whether this system was a binding constraint, by studying the earnings structure of teachers during the 1990s. The results indicate reform effects, most pronounced for compulsory school teachers; both the age profile of earnings and earnings dispersion shifted, generating smaller differences over the age distribution. Furthermore, there are no indications that the returns to observable productive teacher characteristics such as education and certification increase after the reform, rather the opposite. Essay IV (written with Peter Fredriksson) examines the relationship between unemployment benefits and unemployment using Swedish regional data. To estimate the effect of an increase in unemployment insurance (UI) on unemployment we exploit the fact the generosity of UI varies regionally because there is a ceiling on benefits. The actual generosity of UI varies within region over time due to, e.g., differences in expected regional wage growth and variations in the benefit ceiling. We find fairly robust evidence suggesting that the actual generosity of UI does matter for regional unemployment. Increases in the actual replacement rate contribute to higher unemployment as suggested by theory. We also show that removing the wage cap in UI benefit receipt would reduce the dispersion of regional unemployment. This result is due to the fact that low unemployment regions tend to be high wage regions where the benefit ceiling has a greater bite. Removing the benefit ceiling thus implies that the actual generosity of UI increases more in low unemployment regions.},
}

@Unpublished{Soderstrom2006b,
  Title                    = {School choice and student achievement: New evidence on open-enrolment},
  Author                   = {S{\"o}derstr{\"o}m, Martin},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {IFAU Working Paper 2006:16.},

  Abstract                 = {This paper studies the effects of open-enrolment on student performance in the context of an admission reform in Stockholm. Before 2000, students had priority to the public upper secondary school situated closest to where they lived, but from the fall of 2000 and onwards, admission is based on grades only. The reform imposed strong incentives for school competition: all students can apply to all schools, there is no targeting of students to schools, and funding follows the students. It is shown that the students in Stockholm per-form no better with increased choice availability. In fact, high ability students seem to perform worse after the reform.}
}

@Article{Soderstrom2010,
  Title                    = {Wage scales and centralized bargaining --- a binding constraint on the wage-setting?},
  Author                   = {S{\"o}derstr{\"o}m, Martin},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Applied Economics Letters},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13504850701720155},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {247--250},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {The wage-setting for Swedish teachers was up and until 1996 characterized by centralized bargaining and wage scales. According to the scales, wages were exclusively determined by teacher type and years in the profession. In 1996, the scale system was replaced by individual wage bargaining. This study uses this change in bargaining structure to examine whether the scale system was a binding constraint on the wage-setting. The results suggest that the scales did impose such a constraint, since the earnings structure changed after the reform. More precisely, entry-wages and earnings dispersion increased.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504850701720155}
}

@Incollection{Sabatier2007a,
  Title                    = {The Need for Better Theories},
  Author                   = {Sabatier, Paul A.},
  Booktitle                = {Theories of the Policy Process},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Sabatier, Paul A.},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Pages                    = {3--17}
}

@Article{Sabatier1988,
  Title                    = {An advocacy coalition framework of policy change and the role of policy-oriented learning therein},
  Author                   = {Sabatier, Paul A.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00136406},
  ISSN                     = {0032-2687},
  Number                   = {2-3},
  Pages                    = {129--168},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Publisher                = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}
}

@Article{Sabatier1998,
  Title                    = {The advocacy coalition framework: revisions and relevance for {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Sabatier, Paul A.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501768880000051},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {98--130},
  Volume                   = {5}
}

@Article{Sacerdote2001,
  Title                    = {Peer Effects with Random Assignment: Results for Dartmouth Roommates},
  Author                   = {Sacerdote, Bruce},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/00335530151144131},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {681--704},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses a unique data set to measure peer effects among college roommates. Freshman year roommates and dormmates are randomly assigned at Dartmouth College. I find that peers have an impact on grade point average and on decisions to join social groups such as fraternities. Residential peer effects are markedly absent in other major life decisions such as choice of college major. Peer effects in GPA occur at the individual room level, whereas peer effects in fraternity membership occur both at the room level and the entire dorm level. Overall, the data provide strong evidence for the existence of peer effects in student outcomes.}
}

@Article{Sacristan1997,
  Title                    = {Curriculum Deregulating Practices: towards the loss of educational sense},
  Author                   = {Sacristan, J. Gimeno},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Curriculum Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/14681369700200017},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {343--368},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, the author analyses the implications of three main deregulating practices that sometimes work towards contradictory developments in the processes of contemporary educational reforms. First, the progress towards a more decentralisating school system and the increasing school's autonomy with bureaucratic interventionism of the administration. Secondly, the loss of the unique and coherent curriculum as a consequence of the growing cultural differentiation, which approaches us to certain relativism, questioning the monoculturalism of educational content. This could result in considering difference more valuable than equality. Thirdly, changes in teachers' labour. These are forces and motivations that, together, produce some initiatives and experiences not always easily assessed. The consequences of these tendencies result in contradictory demands of change in the school culture, that need to be reviewed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14681369700200017}
}

@Article{Saetren2005,
  Title                    = {Facts and Myths about Research on Public Policy Implementation: Out-of-Fashion, Allegedly Dead, But Still Very Much Alive and Relevant},
  Author                   = {Saetren, Harald},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Studies Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1541-0072.2005.00133.x},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0072},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {559--582},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Despite several decades of research on public policy implementation we know surprisingly little, not only about cumulative research results, but also about several other key aspects of this research field. This article tries to amend these deficiencies by presenting the results of a comprehensive literature survey. Its main purpose is to challenge, revise, and supplement some conventional wisdom about implementation research. A second motivation is to lay the foundation for and initiate a much needed synthesis of empirical research results. The main results are: The overall volume of publications on policy implementation has not stagnated or declined dramatically since the mid 1980s as is commonly asserted. On the contrary, it has continued to grow exponentially through the 1990s and into the twenty-first century. Even more surprising is that a large number of publications are located outside the core fields. Hence, the literature is substantially larger and more multidisciplinary than most commentators realize. Doctoral dissertations are the most ignored, but probably the richest, largest, and best source of empirical research results. Tracing the origin as well as the location of the disciplinary and geographical cradle of implementation studies must also be readjusted significantly. The ethnocentric bias of this research field toward the Western hemisphere has been, and still is, strong and some policy sectors are given much more attention than others. Although positive in many ways, the predominant multidisciplinary character of implementation research still poses some serious problems with respect to theory development. Thus, I discuss whether a resurgence of interest in policy implementation among policy scholars may already be occurring. Finally, I suggest that the time is long overdue for efforts to synthesize research results in a more rigorous scientific manner than has hitherto been done.},
  Keywords                 = {public policy implementation, bibliometric survey, origin, size, development, disciplinary structure, relevance, research agenda},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.}
}

@Article{SaezVeall2005,
  author       = {Saez, Emmanuel and Veall, Michael R.},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {The Evolution of High Incomes in Northern America: Lessons from Canadian Evidence},
  doi          = {10.1257/0002828054201404},
  issn         = {0002-8282},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {831-849},
  volume       = {95},
}

@Article{SaezZucman2016,
  Title                    = {Wealth Inequality in the United States since 1913: Evidence from Capitalized Income Tax Data},
  Author                   = {Saez, Emmanuel and Zucman, Gabriel},
  Date                     = {2016},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/qje/qjw004},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {519--578},
  Volume                   = {131},

  Abstract                 = {This paper combines income tax returns with macroeconomic household balance sheets to estimate the distribution of wealth in the United States since 1913. We estimate wealth by capitalizing the incomes reported by individual taxpayers, accounting for assets that do not generate taxable income. We successfully test our capitalization method in three micro datasets where we can observe both income and wealth: the Survey of Consumer Finance, linked estate and income tax returns, and foundations' tax records. We find that wealth concentration was high in the beginning of the twentieth century, fell from 1929 to 1978, and has continuously increased since then. The top 0.1\% wealth share has risen from 7\% in 1978 to 22\% in 2012, a level almost as high as in 1929. Top wealth-holders are younger today than in the 1960s and earn a higher fraction of the economy's labor income. The bottom 90\% wealth share first increased up to the mid-1980s and then steadily declined. The increase in wealth inequality in recent decades is due to the upsurge of top incomes combined with an increase in saving rate inequality. We explain how our findings can be reconciled with Survey of Consumer Finances and estate tax data. JEL Codes: D31, E01, E21, N32.}
}

@Book{Sainsbury1980,
  Title                    = {Swedish Social Democratic Ideology and Electoral Politics 1944--1948},
  Author                   = {Sainsbury, Diane},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Location                 = {Stockholm},
  Publisher                = {Almqvist \& Wicksell International}
}

@Article{SainsburyMorissens2002,
  Title                    = {Poverty in {Europe} in the mid-1990{s}: the effectiveness of means-tested benefits},
  Author                   = {Sainsbury, Diane and Morissens, Ann},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {307--327},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the income maintenance policies of several members of the European Union and three candidate countries: the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. It addresses the issue of the effectiveness of these policies and especially means-tested safety nets in alleviating poverty. To assess the effectiveness of the policies, we use data from the Luxembourg Income Study. We analyse the incidence of poverty based on the EU poverty line and poverty reduction for the entire population and vulnerable groups - the unemployed, solo mothers, large families, and the elderly. During the 1990s the poverty rates increased in most countries and for most vulnerable groups. Means-tested benefits assumed growing importance in alleviating poverty, and several countries have improved their schemes to guarantee a minimum income. At the same time reforms have produced diversity in the safety nets across Europe.}
}

@Inproceedings{Saint-Paul2011,
  Title                    = {Toward a Political Economy of Macroeconomic Thinking},
  Author                   = {Saint-Paul, Gilles},
  Booktitle                = {NBER International Seminar on Macroeconomics 2011},
  Date                     = {2011-06-17},
  Editor                   = {Frankel, Jeffrey and Pissarides, Christopher},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Pages                    = {249--284},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/chapters/c12495.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-04-19}
}

@Article{Saint-Paul2010,
  Title                    = {Endogenous Indoctrination: Occupational Choices, the Evolution of Beliefs and the Political Economy of Reforms},
  Author                   = {Saint-Paul, Gilles},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2010.02358.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0297},
  Number                   = {544},
  Pages                    = {325--353},
  Volume                   = {120},

  Abstract                 = {I analyse a model where workers self-select in the educational occupation in a way which is correlated with their beliefs about the working of the market economy. Teachers have a disproportionate effect on the transmission of beliefs. Therefore, they generate a bias which makes it harder for the population to learn the true parameters of the economy if these are favourable to the market economy. Two parameters determine this bias. Social entropy defines how predictable one's occupation is as a function of one's beliefs. Heritability is the weight of the family's beliefs in the determination of the priors of a new generation. Both heritability and social entropy reduce the bias and make it easier to learn that the market economy is `good' under the assumption that it is.}
}

@Article{Saint-Paul2013,
  Title                    = {Economic Science and Political Influence},
  Author                   = {Saint-Paul, Gilles},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/jeea.12035},
  ISSN                     = {1542-4774},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1004--1031},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {When policymakers and private agents use models, the economists who design the model have an incentive to alter it in order to influence outcomes in a fashion consistent with their own preferences. I discuss some consequences of the existence of such ideological bias. In particular, I analyze the role of measurement infrastructures such as national statistical institutes, the extent to which intellectual competition between different schools of thought may lead to polarization of views over some parameters and at the same time to consensus over other parameters, and finally how the attempt to preserve influence can lead to degenerative research programs.}
}

@Article{Sala-i-Martin2006,
  Title                    = {The World Distribution of Income: Falling Poverty and... Convergence, Period},
  Author                   = {Sala-i-Martin, Xavier},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/qjec.2006.121.2.351},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {351--397},
  Url                      = {http://www.columbia.edu/~xs23/papers/pdfs/qjec.2006.121.2.pdf},
  Volume                   = {71},

  Abstract                 = {We estimate the World Distribution of Income by integrating individual income distributions for 138 countries between 1970 and 2000. Country distributions are constructed by combining national accounts GDP per capita to anchor the mean with survey data to pin down the dispersion. Poverty rates and head counts are reported for four specific poverty lines. Rates in 2000 were between one-third and one-half of what they were in 1970 for all four lines. There were between 250 and 500 million fewer poor in 2000 than in 1970. We estimate eight indexes of income inequality implied by our world distribution of income. All of them show reductions in global inequality during the 1980s and 1990s.}
}

@Unpublished{Sala-i-MartinPinkovskiy2010,
  Title                    = {{Africa}n Poverty is Falling...Much Faster than You Think!},
  Author                   = {Sala-i-Martin, Xavier and Pinkovskiy, Maxim},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = feb,
  Note                     = {NBER Working Paper No. 15775},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w15775},

  Abstract                 = {The conventional wisdom that Africa is not reducing poverty is wrong. Using the methodology of Pinkovskiy and Sala-i-Martin (2009), we estimate income distributions, poverty rates, and inequality and welfare indices for African countries for the period 1970-2006. We show that: (1) African poverty is falling and is falling rapidly; (2) if present trends continue, the poverty Millennium Development Goal of halving the proportion of people with incomes less than one dollar a day will be achieved on time; (3) the growth spurt that began in 1995 decreased African income inequality instead of increasing it; (4) African poverty reduction is remarkably general: it cannot be explained by a large country, or even by a single set of countries possessing some beneficial geographical or historical characteristic. All classes of countries, including those with disadvantageous geography and history, experience reductions in poverty. In particular, poverty fell for both landlocked as well as coastal countries; for mineral-rich as well as mineral-poor countries; for countries with favorable or with unfavorable agriculture; for countries regardless of colonial origin; and for countries with below- or above-median slave exports per capita during the African slave trade.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w15775}
}

@Article{Salet1999,
  Title                    = {Regime Shifts in Dutch Housing Policy},
  Author                   = {Salet, Willem G},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039982777},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {547{--}557},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Since the early 1980s many Western governments have been faced with the challenge of dismantling their unwieldy social policy systems. In the Netherlands, housing policies were one of the first fields to undergo the shift from the previous patterns of direct `governmental' intervention to the new regimes of `governance'. The social and political aspirations of housing policy were not put aside however. Instead, they are now being pursued by establishing rules which determine the relations between social and governmental actors in another way (the new regime of 'order' rules). The author analyses the emergence of the rules of the new regime and discusses some of the institutional and distributive implications.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039982777}
}

@Misc{Salin2012,
  Author                   = {Salin, Sven},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {May 8}
}

@Article{Salmond2006,
  Title                    = {Proportional Representation and Female Parliamentarians},
  Author                   = {Salmond, Robert},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {175--204},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {This article asks, ?What effect does the choice of a nation?s electoral system have on the gender composition of its parliament over time?? I find that the electoral system has an important part to play, but previous work has overstated, by factors of between two and three, how much of a difference an electoral system can make. This article contributes an updated nonlinear theory of female representation, an improved dataset on women?s representation across space and time, and more modern statistical techniques than previously used in research on this question.}
}

@Incollection{SaltmanDubois2004,
  Title                    = {The historical and social base of social health insurance systems},
  Author                   = {Saltman, Richard B. and Dubois, Hans F.W.},
  Booktitle                = {Social health insurance systems in western Europe},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Editor                   = {Richard B. Saltman and Reinhard Busse and Josep Figueras},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Maidenhead, UK},
  Pages                    = {21--32},
  Publisher                = {Open University Press}
}

@Article{Saltzman1985,
  Title                    = {Bargaining Laws as a Cause and Consequence of the Growth of Teacher Unionism},
  Author                   = {Saltzman, Gregory M},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {335--351},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This study analyzes state-level data for 1959-78 to determine whether the rapid growth of teacher unionism during those years was primarily a result or a cause of the public sector bargaining laws adopted during the same period. The author finds, contrary to the view of some scholars, that the enactment of laws requiring public sector employers to bargain with majority representatives of their employees was the single most important cause of the growth in the proportion of teachers covered by union contracts. Although the growth in teacher unionism in turn encouraged the adoption of some new or stronger bargaining laws, this effect was relatively weak. More important predictors of new bargaining laws included the extent of political patronage in a state and the bargaining laws adopted by neighboring states.}
}

@Article{SanaEtAl2013,
  author       = {Faria Sana and Tina Weston and Nicholas J. Cepeda},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Computers \& Education},
  title        = {Laptop multitasking hinders classroom learning for both users and nearby peers},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.compedu.2012.10.003},
  issn         = {0360-1315},
  pages        = {24--31},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {Laptops are commonplace in university classrooms. In light of cognitive psychology theory on costs associated with multitasking, we examined the effects of in-class laptop use on student learning in a simulated classroom. We found that participants who multitasked on a laptop during a lecture scored lower on a test compared to those who did not multitask, and participants who were in direct view of a multitasking peer scored lower on a test compared to those who were not. The results demonstrate that multitasking on a laptop poses a significant distraction to both users and fellow students and can be detrimental to comprehension of lecture content.},
  keywords     = {Laptops},
}

@Article{Sanders2003,
  Title                    = {Pre-election polling in {Britain}, 1950--1997},
  Author                   = {David Sanders},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0261-3794(01)00027-0},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--20},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {Eve-of-election polls in Britain have a reasonably good track record in predicting the outcome of the ensuing general election. Over the 1945-1997 period the average error in estimating parties' vote share was roughly 2 percentage points. Where UK pollsters -- unsurprisingly -- have encountered the most difficulty has been in estimating the size of the vote share gap between the first- and second-placed parties. The average error in estimating this gap between 1945 and 1997 was 3.2 points. This is clearly enough, in a close contest, significantly to impair the pollsters' ability to identify the winning party -- though the paper shows that the closeness of the contest does not affect the accuracy of the pollsters' estimates. The paper considers the extent to which British voters, in response to published opinion polls, have engaged in either bandwagoning or anti-bandwagoning behaviour. It finds that anti-bandwagoning is far more common in Britain than bandwagoning. The paper also explores the extent to which statistical models of government support might improve politicians' abilities to forecast party support in the run-ups to elections. It finds that, given the information available to Prime Ministers at the time they make decisions to call elections, a long-term autoregressive model provides more accurate forecasts of government support than simple forward projections of support in the months preceding elections.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794(01)00027-0},
  Keywords                 = {Party support}
}

@Article{SandersEtAl2011,
  author       = {Sanders, David and Clarke, Harold D. and Stewart, Marianne C. and Whiteley, Paul},
  title        = {Downs, Stokes and the Dynamics of Electoral Choice},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {41},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {287--314},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123410000505},
  url          = {http://repository.essex.ac.uk/3518/1/2011_%20%E2%80%98Downs,%20Stokes%20and%20the%20Dynamics%20of%20Electoral%20Choice%E2%80%99.pdf},
  abstract     = {A six-wave 2005--09 national panel survey conducted in conjunction with the British Election Study provided data for an investigation of sources of stability and change in voters party preferences. The authors test competing spatial and valence theories of party choice and investigate the hypothesis that spatial calculations provide cues for making valence judgements. Analyses reveal that valence mechanisms heuristics based on party leader images, party performance evaluations and mutable partisan attachments outperform a spatial model in terms of strength of direct effects on party choice. However, spatial effects still have sizeable indirect effects on the vote via their influence on valence judgements. The results of exogeneity tests bolster claims about the flow of influence from spatial calculations to valence judgments to electoral choice.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  timestamp    = {2013.02.05},
}

@Article{SandersGavin2004,
  Title                    = {Television News, Economic Perceptions and Political Preferences in {Britain}, 1997--2001},
  Author                   = {Sanders, David and Gavin, Neil},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0022-3816.2004.00298.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1245--1266},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {The paper seeks to establish a simple three-stage argument. It is argued, first, that the critical proximate economic source of party preferences is heavily valencedthat what matters most to voters are the relative economic management capabilities of the main rival parties. Second, these valenced perceptions of party competence are themselves derived primarily from voters economic evaluations, and in particular from their personal prospective evaluations. Third, these evaluations derive more from the way in which the media, and in particular television news programs, present economic developments than they do from objective changes in the real economy. These propositions are tested against monthly time-series data drawn from the United Kingdom during the first period of New Labour government 19972001. The data set employed combines aggregate-level opinion poll data, objective measures of the macroeconomy, and data derived from a systematic content analysis of television news coverage of the economy. The empirical results provide preliminary support for all three propositions.}
}

@Article{SandersEtAl1987,
  author       = {Sanders, David and Ward, Hugh and Marsh, David and Fletcher, Tony},
  date         = {1987},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment},
  issn         = {0007-1234},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {281--313},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {Mrs Thatcher's decisive and determined stand during the Falklands crisis in 1982 has been widely credited with restoring the electoral fortunes of the Conservative party in the run-up to the 1983 general election. This article argues that the Falklands war produced a boost to Conservative popularity of at most three percentage points for a period of only three months. Government popularity was already accelerating as a result of macroeconomic factors before the outbreak of the Falklands crisis, in particular 'personal economic expectations' proved to be of critical theoretical and empirical significance, and can be modelled satisfactorily on the basis purely of objective macroeconomic indices. Thus macroeconomic factors were at the root of the revival of Mrs Thatcher's political fortunes, and most of the boost to government popularity which occurred in the spring of 1982 derived from intelligent (or cynical) macroeconomic management. The Falklands crisis merely coincided with a jump in government popularity which would have occurred anyway in the wake of Geoffrey Howe's 1982 Budget.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Incollection{SandholtzStoneSweet2011,
  Title                    = {Neo-functionalism and Supranational Governance},
  Author                   = {Sandholtz, Wayne and Stone Sweet, Alec},
  Booktitle                = {Oxford Handbook of the European Union},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Anand Menon, Erik Jones, and Stephen Weatherill},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},
  Url                      = {http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1037&context=alec_stone_sweet},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1037&context=alec_stone_sweet}
}

@Article{SandholtzZysman1989,
  Title                    = {1992: Recasting the {Europe}an Bargain},
  Author                   = {Sandholtz, Wayne and Zysman, John},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2010572},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {95--128},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010572}
}

@Article{SandstromBergstrom2005,
  author       = {Sandstr{\"o}m, F. Mikael and Bergstr{\"o}m, Fredrik},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {School vouchers in practice: competition will not hurt you},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.03.004},
  number       = {2-3},
  pages        = {351--380},
  volume       = {89},
  abstract     = {Since the introduction of school vouchers in 1992, independent and public schools in Sweden operate on equal terms. We analyze the effects of competition on the public schools using data on the results of 28,000 ninth graders. Because the decision on which school to attend is a choice variable, sample selection models are used. To account for the potential endogeneity of the share of students attending independent schools, we use instrumental variable estimation. We also estimate panel data models on 288 Swedish municipalities. Our findings support the hypothesis that school results in public schools improve due to competition.},
  annotation   = {Competition does raise all boats. However, there is some suggestion that lower socioeconomic classes benefit *less* from competition than others.},
}

@Article{Santa-ClaraValkanov2003,
  Title                    = {The Presidential Puzzle: Political Cycles and the Stock Market},
  Author                   = {Santa-Clara, Pedro and Valkanov, Rossen},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1540-6261.00590},
  ISSN                     = {1540-6261},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1841--1872},
  Url                      = {http://docentes.fe.unl.pt/~psc/Politics.pdf},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {The excess return in the stock market is higher under Democratic than Republican presidencies: 9 percent for the value-weighted and 16 percent for the equal-weighted portfolio. The difference comes from higher real stock returns and lower real interest rates, is statistically significant, and is robust in subsamples. The difference in returns is not explained by business-cycle variables related to expected returns, and is not concentrated around election dates. There is no difference in the riskiness of the stock market across presidencies that could justify a risk premium. The difference in returns through the political cycle is therefore a puzzle.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://docentes.fe.unl.pt/~psc/Politics.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6261.00590},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing}
}

@Article{SappingtonStiglitz1987,
  Title                    = {Privatization, Information and Incentives},
  Author                   = {Sappington, David E.M and Stiglitz, Joseph E.},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3323510},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {567{--}582},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper the choice between public and private provision of goods and services is considered. In practice, both modes of operation involve significant delegation of authority, and thus appear quite similar in some respects. The argument here is that the main difference between the two modes concerns the transactions costs faced by the government when attempting to intervene in the delegated production activities. Such intervention is generally less costly under public ownership than under private ownership. The greater ease of intervention under public ownership can have its advantages; but the fact that a promise not to intervene is more credible under private production can also have beneficial incentive effects. The fundamental privatization theorem (analogous to the fundamental theorem of welfare economics) is presented, providing conditions under which government production cannot improve upon private production. The restrictiveness of these conditions is evaluated.}
}

@Article{Sargent1999,
  author       = {Sargent, Thomas J},
  title        = {A primer on monetary and fiscal policy},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Banking \& Finance},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {1463--1482},
  abstract     = {Monetary policy can be constrained by fiscal policy if fiscal deficits grow large enough to require monetization of government debt. That fact implies that the administrative independence of central banks does not by itself imply that monetary policy is independent of the fiscal decisions of governments. This essay describes limitations, possibilities, and suitable goals for monetary policy within the existing pattern of institutional responsibilities. The economic limitations of what can be achieved by monetary policy are summarized in six propositions developed in the paper.},
}

@Article{Sassoon2011,
  Title                    = {A Response to David Miliband's Lecture by Donald Sassoon},
  Author                   = {Sassoon, Donald},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02204.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-923X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {138--139},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02204.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Sattler2013,
  Title                    = {Do Markets Punish Left Governments?},
  Author                   = {Sattler,Thomas},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381613000054},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Issue                    = {02},
  Month                    = apr,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {343--356},
  Volume                   = {75},

  Abstract                 = {The political economy literature finds that stock markets drop after left-wing and increase after right-wing electoral victories. This study shows that the size of this reaction strongly depends on the political constraints that the incoming government faces. When constraints are high, the discretion of governments to implement their preferred policies is low, which implies that election outcomes are less relevant for financial investors. The analysis of an original dataset of stock market reactions to 205 elections since the 1950s confirms this conjecture. Stocks drop considerably after the election of a left government and increase after the election of a right government, but only in low-constraints countries. These partisan effects on stocks are highly persistent and even become stronger over time when additional information about the composition of the incoming government becomes available. However, the effects of elections on stocks fully disappear when political constraints are high.},
  Numpages                 = {14}
}

@Article{SattlerBernauer2011,
  Title                    = {Gravitation or discrimination? Determinants of litigation in the World Trade Organisation},
  Author                   = {Sattler, Thomas and Bernauer, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01924.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {143--167},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {The strong presence of large countries in World Trade Organisation (WTO) dispute settlement and the absence of very poor ones have raised concerns that increasing legalisation in the global trading system has not diminished discrimination against less powerful countries as much as expected. This article examines dispute initiations in all WTO member state dyads in 1995--2003 to shed more light on this issue. The analysis suggests that the main driver of dispute initiation is a gravitational one: larger economies and bigger traders are more likely to become involved in trade disputes primarily because their economies are more diversified, and also because greater market size makes them more attractive targets of litigation. While evidence is not found for discriminatory effects against countries with small legal capacity, the results of the article point to a more complex form of power bias --- namely a preponderance effect. They suggest that disputes among country dyads including a much more powerful defendant than complainant or vice versa are dealt with outside the WTO. This finding is potentially worrying because it is, arguably, easier to reduce legal capacity differences than to reduce power differences.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01924.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{SattlerEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Democratic Accountability in Open Economies},
  Author                   = {Sattler, Thomas and Patrick T. Brandt and John R. Freeman},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1561/100.00009031},
  ISSN                     = {1554-0626},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {71--97},
  Volume                   = {5}
}

@Article{SattlerEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Political Accountability and the Room to Maneuver: A Search for a Causal Chain},
  Author                   = {Sattler, Thomas and Freeman, John R and Brandt, Patrick T},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414007303418},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1212--1239},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Many studies of the room to maneuver make no provision for popular evaluation of policy. They assert rather than demonstrate popular satisfaction with policy choices and macroeconomic outcomes. The authors present a framework that explicitly models channels for popular preferences to influence policies and outcomes. Results for economic policy making in Britain do not support the room to maneuver thesis. In the authors' sample (1981 to 1997), the British government was responsive to changes in political evaluations, and its policy choices effectively fed back into popular evaluations of government policy. However, this accountability mechanism worked outside the real economy. Shifts in popular evaluations induced changes in policy but had no impact on inflation and economic growth. Government capacity to shape macroeconomic outcomes was limited, and popular influence over economic policy was ineffectual. This form of accountability probably existed because British citizens had difficulty gauging the real impacts of their government's policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007303418}
}

@Article{SauerSturm2007,
  Title                    = {Using {Taylor} Rules to Understand {Europe}an Central Bank Monetary Policy},
  Author                   = {Sauer, Stephan and Sturm, Jan-Egbert},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {German Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0475.2007.00413.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0475},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {375--398},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {Over the last decade, the simple instrument policy rule developed by Taylor has become a popular tool for evaluating the monetary policy of central banks. As an extensive empirical analysis of the European Central Bank's (ECB) past behaviour still seems to be in its infancy, we estimate several instrument policy reaction functions for the ECB to shed some light on actual monetary policy in the euro area under the presidency of Wim Duisenberg and answer questions like whether the ECB has actually followed a stabilizing or a destabilizing rule so far. Looking at contemporaneous Taylor rules, the evidence presented suggests that the ECB is accommodating changes in inflation and hence follows a destabilizing policy. However, this impression seems to be largely due to the lack of a forward-looking perspective in such specifications. Either assuming rational expectations and using a forward-looking specification, or using expectations as derived from surveys result in Taylor rules that do imply a stabilizing role of the ECB. The use of real-time industrial production data does not seem to play such a significant role as in the case of the United States.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2007.00413.x},
  Keywords                 = {E4, E5., Taylor rule, European Central Bank, real-time data},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.17}
}

@Article{Saunders2010,
  author       = {Saunders, Ben},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {Democracy, Political Equality, and Majority Rule},
  issn         = {0014-1704},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {148--177},
  volume       = {121},
  abstract     = {Democracy is commonly associated with political equality and/or majority rule. This essay shows that these three ideas are conceptually separate, so the transition from any one to another stands in need of further substantive argument, which is not always adequately given. It does this by offering an alternative decision-making mechanism, called lottery voting, in which all individuals cast votes for their preferred options but, instead of these being counted, one is randomly selected and that vote determines the outcome. This procedure is democratic and egalitarian, since all have an equal chance to influence outcomes, but obviously not majoritarian.},
}

@Article{SavunTirone2011,
  Title                    = {Foreign Aid, Democratization, and Civil Conflict: How Does Democracy Aid Affect Civil Conflict?},
  Author                   = {Savun, Burcu and Tirone, Daniel C.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00501.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {233--246},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {It has been suggested that democratizing states are prone to civil wars. However, not all democratizing states experience domestic political violence. We argue that one of the key factors that `shelters' some democratizing states from domestic political violence is the receipt of democracy aid. Democratizing states that receive high levels of democracy assistance are less likely to experience civil conflict than countries that receive little or no external democracy assistance. During democratic transitions, the central authority weakens and uncertainty about future political commitments and promises among domestic groups increases. Democracy aid decreases the risk of conflict by reducing commitment problems and uncertainty. Using an instrumental variables approach that accounts for potential endogeneity problems in aid allocation, we find empirical support for our argument. We conclude that there is a potential path to democracy that ameliorates the perils of democratization, and democracy assistance programs can play a significant positive role in this process.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00501.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Sbragia2010,
  Title                    = {The EU, the US, and trade policy: competitive interdependence in the management of globalization},
  Author                   = {Sbragia, Alberta},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501761003662016},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {368--382},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501761003662016},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Sbragia1993,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Community: A Balancing Act},
  Author                   = {Sbragia, Alberta M.},
  Date                     = {June 20, 1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Publius: The Journal of Federalism},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {23--38},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The European Community has traditionally been analyzed using theories and concepts drawn from international relations rather than from federalism. This article emphasizes the balance between the representation of territorial and nonterritorial interests in the Community and argues that concepts drawn from federalism can be useful in analytically understanding the Community as long as the American model of federalism is not viewed as the necessary federal referent. It describes the relative importance of the territorial dimension within the major Community institutions --- the Commission, the Council of Ministers, the European Council, the European Parliament, and the European Court of Justice. The Court of Justice, it is argued, is particularly important in giving the Community a ``federal'' contour. However, its method of operation differentiates it in important ways from the American judiciary. The role of territorial politics within the Community is such that the Community's policymaking process, while unique, is certainly recognizable to students of comparative federalism.}
}

@Article{Scarbrough2000,
  Title                    = {West {Europe}an welfare states: The old politics of retrenchment},
  Author                   = {Scarbrough, Elinor},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1007153428153},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {225--259},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Analysing endeavours to restructure welfare provision,Paul Pierson proposes that the `politics of retrenchment' is very differentfrom the politics of welfare expansion. In particular, the difficulties of welfare retrenchment are not to be explained by existing theories of welfare expansion; and the `old' politics ofwelfare expansion has little to offer in explaining the`new' politics of welfare retrenchment. This article questions these claims. First, contemporary societaldevelopments are considered in the light of three majortheories advanced to explain the emergence of welfare states in Western Europe:the logic-of-industrialism, the crisis of capitalism, and nation-building. Secondly,focusing on trade unions,mainstream left parties, and traditions of governance,the current status of the political forces regarded as vital in buildingwelfare states is assessed. The conclusion drawn is that the resilience of thewelfare state in Western Europe lies less in the `new' politics of `policy lockin' and `client interest groups' than in the persistence of the `old' forces that led to the founding and expansion ofwelfare states.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1007153428153}
}

@Article{Scarrow2007,
  Title                    = {Political Finance in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Scarrow, Susan E.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.080505.100115},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {193--210},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This article reviews efforts to study the impact of money in politics in democracies outside of the United States. In recent years, democracies around the world have begun to publish increasing amounts of data on candidate and party finance. Although much of this information is partial, and some of it is even deliberately misleading, it has nevertheless opened up many new opportunities for researchers to systematically examine the role of money in politics. The development of theories about the origins and impact of political finance regimes and regulations has not kept pace with the newly emerging data. As a result, the field offers increasing scope for researchers to make policy-relevant contributions. Much of the recent research in this area asks how much, and in what ways, the amounts and sources of funding matter. Do either or both of these influence elections or other political outcomes? This article begins by reviewing attempts to answer these questions, then considers some of the promising new areas of investigation in this field.}
}

@Article{SchutzEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Education Policy and Equality of Opportunity},
  Author                   = {Sch{\"u}tz, Gabriela and Ursprung, Heinrich W. and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Kyklos},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-6435.2008.00402.x},
  Pages                    = {279--308},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {We provide a measure of equality of educational opportunity in 54 countries, estimated as the effect of family background on student performance in two international TIMSS tests. Using cross-country variation in education policies and its interaction with family background at the student level, we then estimate how equality is related to organizational features of the education system. We find that equality of opportunity is positively related to late tracking into different school types and to longer pre-school education. Pre-school enrollment has an inverted U-shaped relationship with equality. Equality is negatively related to private school financing, but positively to private provision.}
}

@Unpublished{SchutzEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {School Accountability, Autonomy, Choice, and the Equity of Student Achievement: International Evidence from PISA 2003},
  Author                   = {Sch{\"u}tz, Gabriela and West, Martin R. and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {OECD EDU/WKP(2007)9},

  Abstract                 = {School systems aspire to provide equal opportunity for all, irrespective of socio-economic status (SES). Much of the criticism of recent school reforms that introduce accountability, autonomy, and choice emphasizes their potentially negative consequences for equity. This report provides new evidence on how national features of accountability, autonomy, and choice are related to the equality of opportunity across countries. We estimate whether student achievement depends more or less on SES in school systems employing these institutional features. The rigorous micro-econometric analyses are based on the PISA 2003 data for more than 180,000 students from 27 OECD countries. The main empirical result is that rather than harming disadvantaged students, accountability, autonomy, and choice appear to be tides that lift all boats. The additional choice created by public funding for private schools in particular is associated with a strong reduction in the dependence of student achievement on SES. External exit exams have a strong positive effect for all students that is slightly smaller for low-SES students. The positive effect of regularly using subjective teacher ratings to assess students is substantially larger for low-SES students. The effect of many other accountability devices does not differ significantly by student SES. School autonomy in determining course content is associated with higher equality of opportunity, while equality of opportunity is lower in countries where more schools have autonomy in hiring teachers. Autonomy in formulating the budget and in establishing starting salaries is not associated with the equity of student outcomes. Inequality of opportunity is substantially higher in school systems that track students at early ages.}
}

@Article{Schain2012,
  Title                    = {The Comparative Politics of Immigration},
  Author                   = {Schain, Martin A.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041512801282942},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {481--497},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Scholarship on the politics of immigration has increased impressively among political scientists and scholars of comparative politics. The books analyzed in this review all synthesize and, in their own way, build upon the literature that has evolved over the past two decades, addressing questions at the core of this literature or posing new questions. Perhaps most important, each takes a comparative approach to the politics of immigration, focusing on post-World War II immigration policies in Western Europe; variations in immigrant conflict among different immigrant groups, across localities and cross-nationally; differences in citizenship policy among countries at similar levels of development and changes in well-established policies over time; and the connections between naturalization policy and naturalization rates and the historical relationship of colonizing, noncolonizing, and settler countries with immigrant populations.}
}

@Article{Scharpf1988,
  Title                    = {The Joint-Decision Trap: Lessons from German Federalism and {Europe}an Integration},
  Author                   = {Scharpf, Fritz W.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1988.tb00694.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {239{--}278},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {Compared to early expectations, the process of European integration has resulted in a paradox: frustration without disintegration and resilience without progress. The article attempts to develop an institutional explanation for this paradox by exploring the similarities between joint decision making (``Politikverflechtung'') in German federalism and decision making in the European Community. In both cases, it is argued, the fact that member governments are directly participating in central decisions, and that there is a de facto requirement of unanimous decisions, will systematically generate sub-optimal policy outcomes unless a ``problem-solving'' (as opposed to a ``bargaining'') style of decision making can be maintained. In fact, the ``bargaining'' style has prevailed in both cases. The resulting pathologies of public policy have, however, not resulted either in successful strategies for the further Europeanization of policy responsibilities or in the disintegration of unsatisfactory joint-decision systems. This ``joint-decision trap'' is explained by reference to the utility functions of member governments for whom present institutional arrangements, in spite of their sub-optimal policy output, seem to represent ``local optima'' when compared to either greater centralization or disintegration.}
}

@Article{Scharpf1994,
  Title                    = {Community and autonomy: Multi-level policy-making in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Scharpf, Fritz W.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501769408406956},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219--242},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {The completion of the internal market reduces the capacity of member states to shape the collective fate of their citizens through their own policies, while the policy-making capacity of the European Community cannot be increased sufficiently to compensate for the loss of state control at the national level. If European economic integration nevertheless depends on policy co-ordination, there is a need for co-ordination techniques which impose minimal constraints on the autonomous problem-solving capacities of member states. These depend, in turn, on the willingness of member states to pursue their own policy goals in ways which impose minimal constraints on free movement within the European market.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769408406956},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Scharpf2000,
  Title                    = {Institutions in Comparative Policy Research},
  Author                   = {Scharpf, Fritz W.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/001041400003300604},
  Number                   = {6-7},
  Pages                    = {762--790},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {The article explores the intersections between the different perspectives of institutional and policy research and discusses the characteristic purposes and conditions of theory-oriented policy research, where the usefulness of statistical analyses is generally constrained by the complexity and contingency of causal influences. Although comparative case studies are better able to deal with these conditions, their capacity to empirically identify the causal effect of differing institutional conditions on policy outcomes depends on a restrictive case selection that would need to hold constant the influence of two other sets of contingent factors{--}the policy challenges actually faced and the preferences and perceptions of the actors involved. When this is not possible, empirical policy research may usefully resort to a set of institutionalist working hypotheses that are derived from the narrowly specified theoretical assumptions of rational-choice institutionalism. Although these hypotheses will often be wrong, they are useful in guiding the empirical search for factors that are able to explain policy outcomes that deviate from predictions of the rationalist model.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001041400003300604}
}

@Article{Scharpf2002,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Social Model},
  Author                   = {Scharpf, Fritz W.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00392},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {645--670},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {European integration has created a constitutional asymmetry between policies promoting market efficiencies and policies promoting social protection and equality. National welfare states are legally and economically constrained by European rules of economic integration, liberalization and competition law, whereas efforts to adopt European social policies are politically impeded by the diversity of national welfare states, differing not only in levels of economic development and hence in their ability to pay for social transfers and services but, even more significantly, in their normative aspirations and institutional structures. In response, the `open method of coordination' is now being applied in the social-policy field. It leaves effective policy choices at the national level, but tries to improve these through promoting common objectives and common indicators, and through comparative evaluations of national policy performance. These efforts are useful but cannot overcome the constitutional asymmetry. Hence there is reason to search for solutions which must have the character of European law in order to establish constitutional parity with the rules of European economic integration, but which also must be sufficiently differentiated to accommodate the existing diversity of national welfare regimes. The article discusses two such options, `closer co-operation' and a combination of differentiated `framework directives' with the open method of co-ordination.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00392},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd.}
}

@Article{Scharpf2006,
  Title                    = {The Joint-Decision Trap Revisited},
  Author                   = {Scharpf, Fritz W.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00665.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {845--864},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {The original analysis appears as a basically valid - if simplified - account of the institutional conditions of political policy choices in the EU and their consequences. It needs to be complemented, however, by a similar account of non-political policy-making in the supranational-hierarchical mode of governance by the ECB or ECJ.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00665.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Scharpf2010,
  Title                    = {The asymmetry of {Europe}an integration, or why the EU cannot be a `social market economy'},
  Author                   = {Scharpf, Fritz W.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwp031},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {211--250},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {Judge-made law has played a crucial role in the process of European integration. In the vertical dimension, it has greatly reduced the range of autonomous policy choices in the member states, and it has helped to expand the reach of European competences. At the same time, however, `integration through law' does have a liberalizing and deregulatory impact on the socio-economic regimes of European Union member states. This effect is generally compatible with the status quo in liberal market economies, but it tends to undermine the institutions and policy legacies of Continental and Scandinavian social market economies. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, this structural asymmetry cannot be corrected through political action at the European level.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwp031}
}

@Book{Schattschneider1960,
  Title                    = {The semisovereign people: a realist's view of democracy in America},
  Author                   = {Schattschneider, Elmer Eric},
  Date                     = {1960},
  Publisher                = {Holt, Rinehart and Winston}
}

@Article{Schemer2012,
  author       = {Schemer, Christian},
  title        = {The Influence of News Media on Stereotypic Attitudes Toward Immigrants in a Political Campaign},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Communication},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {739--757},
  issn         = {1460-2466},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2012.01672.x},
  abstract     = {This study investigates media effects on stereotypic attitudes toward immigrants in a political campaign that dealt with the naturalization of immigrants. By combining a content analysis of the campaign coverage with a 2-wave panel survey, the study found that negative news portrayals of immigrants increased stereotypic attitudes in the public in the course of the campaign. Additionally, the frequent exposure to positive news portrayals of immigrants reduced the activation of negative outgroup attitudes. However, these findings are contingent on people's issue-specific knowledge. Only people with low to moderate knowledge were influenced by negative and positive news stories about immigrants in the campaign. Well-informed people were resistant to the effects of positive and news portrayals of immigrants.},
  publisher    = {Wiley Subscription Services, Inc.},
}

@Article{Scheve2004,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Public Inflation Aversion and the Political Economy of Macroeconomic Policymaking},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818304581018},
  number       = {01},
  pages        = {1--34},
  volume       = {58},
  abstract     = {Do the macroeconomic priorities of citizens differ across countries? If so, what accounts for this variation and what are its consequences for explanations of the choice of monetary institutions, macroeconomic policy, and international monetary cooperation? This article uses survey data from twenty advanced economies to examine individual preferences about macroeconomic priorities. The analysis establishes three key findings. First, the results suggest that economic context, defined by inflation and unemployment performance, has a substantial impact on the public's economic objectives in a way that is broadly consistent with the specification of utility/loss functions in the theoretical political economy literature. Second, the results suggest that there is significant cross-country variation in inflation aversion, controlling for economic context. Third, some of this variation is accounted for by national-level factors affecting the aggregate costs of inflation and unemployment. These results have significant implications for optimal monetary policymaking, the explanation of variation in economic outcomes, and for accounts of the choice of institutional frameworks for policymaking.},
}

@Article{ScheveStasavage2006,
  Title                    = {Religion and Preferences for Social Insurance},
  Author                   = {Scheve, Ken and Stasavage, David},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.561/100.0000505},
  Pages                    = {255--286},
  Url                      = {http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/politics/faculty/stasavage/qjps.pdf},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper we argue that religion and welfare state spending are substitute mechanisms that insure individuals against adverse life events. As a result, individuals who are religious are predicted to prefer lower levels of social insurance than will individuals who are secular. To the extent policy outcomes reflect individual preferences, then countries with higher levels of religiosity should have lower levels of welfare state spending. In formalizing our argument we also suggest that if benefits from religion are subject to a network externality (I derive greater pleasure from religion when others are also religious), it is possible for countries that are similar in terms of underlying conditions to exhibit multiple equilibria with respect to religion and social insurance. We empirically test our predictions using individual-level data on religiosity, individual-level data on social insurance preferences, and cross-country data on social spending outcomes. The findings are strongly supportive of our hypotheses.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/politics/faculty/stasavage/qjps.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.561/100.0000505},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{ScheveStasavage2009,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth and Stasavage, David},
  title        = {Institutions, Partisanship, and Inequality in the Long Run},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {215--253},
  url          = {http://pantheon.yale.edu/~ks298/ScheveStasavageWP2009.pdf},
  abstract     = {It has been widely suggested by political scientists and economists, based on empirical evidence for the period since 1970, that the institution of centralized wage bargaining and the presence of a government of the left are associated with lower levels of income inequality. The authors make use of new data on top income shares as well as long-run series on wage inequality to examine the effects of partisanship and wage bargaining over a much longer time period, nearly the entire twentieth century. Their empirical results provide little support for the idea that either of these two factors is correlated with income inequality over this period. They then show that a closer look at the introduction of centralized wage bargaining in individual countries during the middle part of the twentieth century reveals that in countries that moved to centralize wage bargaining, income inequality had already been trending downward well before the institutional change, that the move to centralized bargaining did not alter this trend, and that these changes in income inequality were also observed in countries that did not adopt centralized wage bargaining at this time. The results suggest that there were alternative institutional paths to reduced income inequality during most of the twentieth century. This raises the possibility that either structural economic changes or commonly shared economic and political events, such as world wars and economic crises, may ultimately be more important for understanding the evolution of income inequality than are the institutional or partisan characteristics commonly considered to be decisive by political scientists.},
}

@Article{ScheveStasavage2010,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth and Stasavage, David},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {The Conscription of Wealth: Mass Warfare and the Demand for Progressive Taxation},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818310000226},
  number       = {04},
  pages        = {529--561},
  volume       = {64},
  abstract     = {The dominant narrative of the politics of redistribution in political science and economics highlights the signature role of the rise of electoral democracy and the development of political parties that mobilize working-class groups. We argue in this article that this narrative ignores the critical role played by mass warfare in the development of redistributive public policies. Focusing attention on the determinants of progressive taxation, we argue that mobilization for mass warfare led to demands for increased taxation of the wealthy to more fairly distribute the burden for the war effort. We then show empirically that during the past century, mass mobilization for war has been associated with a notable increase in tax progressivity. In the absence of war, neither the establishment of universal suffrage, nor the arrival of political control by parties of the left is systematically associated with large increases in tax progressivity. In making these arguments, we devote particular attention to a comparison of participants and nonparticipants in World War I.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818310000226},
}

@Article{ScheveSlaughter2001,
  Title                    = {What determines individual trade-policy preferences?},
  Author                   = {Scheve, Kenneth F. and Slaughter, Matthew J.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of International Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0022-1996(00)00094-5},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {267--292},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article provides new evidence on the determinants of individual trade-policy preferences using individual-level survey data for the United States. There are two main empirical results. First, we find that factor type dominates industry of employment in explaining support for trade barriers. Second, we find that home ownership also matters for individuals' trade-policy preferences. Independent of factor type, home ownership in counties with a manufacturing mix concentrated in comparative-disadvantage industries is correlated with support for trade barriers. This finding suggests that, in addition to current factor incomes driving preferences as in standard trade models, preferences also depend on asset values.}
}

@Article{ScheveSlaughter2004,
  Title                    = {Economic Insecurity and the Globalization of Production},
  Author                   = {Scheve, Kenneth F. and Slaughter, Matthew J.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00094.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {662--674},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {A central question in the international and comparative political economy literatures on globalization is whether economic integration increases worker insecurity in advanced economies. Previous research has focused on the role of international trade and has failed to produce convincing evidence that such a link exists. In this article, we argue that globalization increases worker insecurity, but that foreign direct investment (FDI) by multinational enterprises (MNEs) is the key aspect of integration generating risk. FDI by MNEs increases firms' elasticity of demand for labor. More-elastic labor demands, in turn, raise the volatility of wages and employment, all of which tends to make workers feel less secure. We present new empirical evidence, based on the analysis of panel data from Great Britain collected from 1991 to 1999, that FDI activity in the industries in which individuals work is positively correlated with individual perceptions of economic insecurity. This correlation holds in analyses accounting for individual-specific effects and a wide variety of control variables.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00094.x}
}

@Article{SchicklerGreen1997,
  Title                    = {The Stability of Party Identification in Western Democracies Results from Eight Panel Surveys},
  Author                   = {Schickler, Eric and Green, Donald Philip},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {450--483},
  Volume                   = {30}
}

@Article{Schild2008,
  Title                    = {How to shift the EU's spending priorities? The multi-annual financial framework 2007--13 in perspective},
  Author                   = {Schild, Joachim},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760801996725},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {531--549},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {At the Lisbon European Council in 2000, heads of state and government made strong political commitments to invest in Europe's future, in order to transform its economy into ``the most competitive knowledge based economy in the world'' by 2010. To what extent were the Lisbon goals translated into a shift in spending priorities during the negotiations on the EU's multi-annual financial framework (2007--13)? Could the stated competitiveness goals be underpinned by a reallocation of scarce financial resources in the EU's budget? This paper starts with theoretical considerations on the odds of shifting financial priorities in the EU's `consensus democracy'. Then it gives an overview of the slow pace of change to be found in the new financial perspective which is to be compared to earlier deals on the multi-annual budget since 1988. In order to explain this result, the political context and the sequence of decision-making are examined, looking at the respective roles of the Commission, the European Council, and the European Parliament.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760801996725},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Schipke2001,
  Title                    = {Why Do Governments Divest: the Macroeonomics of Privatization},
  Author                   = {Schipke, Alfred},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {9783540415794},
  Publisher                = {Springer}
}

@Article{Schleifer1998,
  author       = {Schleifer, Andrei},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {State Versus Private Ownership},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {133--150},
  volume       = {12},
  abstract     = {Private ownership should generally be preferred to public ownership when the incentives to innovate and to contain costs must be strong. In essence, this is the case for capitalism over socialism, explaining the dynamic vitality' of free enterprise. The great economists of the 1930s and 1940s failed to see the dangers of socialism in part because they focused on the role of prices under socialism and capitalism and ignored the enormous importance of ownership as the source of capitalist incentives to innovate. Moreover, many of the concerns that private firms fail to address social goals' can be addressed through government contacting and regulation without resort to government ownership. The case for private provision only becomes stronger when competition between suppliers, reputational mechanisms, and the possibility of provision by private not-for-profit firms, as well as political patronage and corruption, are brought into play.},
  annotation   = {Uses education as a case study, arguing that the theoretical case for private, regulated, provision of schooling is overwhelming.},
}

@Article{SchlichtEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Educational Inequality in the EU},
  Author                   = {Schlicht, Raphaela and Stadelmann-Steffen, Isabelle and Freitag, Markus},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Union Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1465116509346387},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {29--59},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Since the publication of the OECD's Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), scholarly interest in analysing the effectiveness and performance of education policy has risen again. The present article follows this path and presents the first empirical evaluation of the influence of national education policies on educational inequality in the European Union member states. We examine whether the availability of preschool education, an all-day school tradition, tracking during secondary education, a large private school sector, average class size and education expenditures moderate the relationship between individual social background and educational success. As a main finding, our multi-level analyses show that education policy affects educational inequality very differently, an outcome that is most visible when comparing West European and post-communist countries.}
}

@Article{SchlotterEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Econometric methods for causal evaluation of education policies and practices: a non-technical guide},
  Author                   = {Schlotter, Martin and Schwerdt, Guido and Woessmann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/09645292.2010.511821},
  ISSN                     = {0964-5292},
  Month                    = jan,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {109--137},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Education policy-makers and practitioners want to know which policies and practices can best achieve their goals. But research that can inform evidence-based policy often requires complex methods to distinguish causation from accidental association. Avoiding econometric jargon and technical detail, this paper explains the main idea and intuition of leading empirical strategies devised to identify causal impacts and illustrates their use with real-world examples. It covers six evaluation methods: controlled experiments, lotteries of oversubscribed programs, instrumental variables, regression discontinuities, differences-in-differences approach, and panel data techniques. Illustrating applications include evaluations of early childhood interventions, voucher lotteries, funding programs for disadvantaged students, and compulsory school and tracking reforms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09645292.2010.511821},
  Booktitle                = {Education Economics},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Schmidt1983,
  Title                    = {The Welfare State and the Economy in Periods of Economic Crisis: A Comparative Study of Twenty-three OECD Nations},
  Author                   = {Schmidt, Manfred G},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--26},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {While all industrial nations have been plagued by the setback to economic growth since the mid-1970s, a wide range of variation marks the economic performance, policy outputs and policy outcomes of Western nations. The basic question addressed in this paper is the extent to which economic, socioeconomic and political variables account for the differences in economic performance, unemployment, public debt and the growth of social security expenditure. In general, the forces which shape public policies in periods of economic crisis tend to be different in character from the major determinants of policy-making in periods of prosperity. The analysis does not support the view that bourgeois and socialist governments produce clear-cut policy differences. It suggests that the major determinants of policies are the power relations in extra-parliamentary arenas, the level of national economic strength prior to the crisis, the extent to which 'solidaristic' values characterize the political culture, and the extent to which a correspondence exists between the power relationships in the political 'superstructure' and in the party system and industrial arenas. An expanding capitalist order is, in theory, not incompatible with low unemployment and a developed welfare state. However, the governments' room to manoeuvre is strongly restricted by political and technological developments. One of the major political restrictions is the 'paradoxical' outcome of elections.}
}

@Article{Schmidt1996,
  Title                    = {When parties matter: A review of the possibilities and limits of partisan influence on public policy},
  Author                   = {Schmidt, Manfred G.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1996.tb00673.x},
  Pages                    = {155--183},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {This essay explores the possibilities and limits of partisan influence on public policy in democratic nations. It will be pointed out, that differences in party composition of government, in general, matter in public policy in constitutional democracy. However, the extent to which parties influence public policy is to a significant extent contingent upon the type of democracy and countermajoritarian institutional constraints of central state government. Large partisan effects typfiy majoritarian democracies and states, in which the legislature and the executive are 'sovereign'. More complex and more difficult to identify is the partisan influence on public policy in consensus democracies and in states, in which the political-institutional circumstances allow for co-governance of the opposition party. Narrowly circumscribed is the room to manoeuvre available to incumbent parties above all in political systems which have been marked by countermajoritarian institutional pluralism or institutional 'semi-sovereignty'. The article suggests, that it would be valuable if direct effects and interaction effects of the party composition of government and state structures featured more prominently in future research on comparative public policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1996.tb00673.x}
}

@Article{SchmidtMcCarty2008,
  Title                    = {Estimating permanent and transitory income elasticities of education spending from panel data},
  Author                   = {Schmidt, Stephen J and McCarty, Therese A},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.03.005},
  Number                   = {10-11},
  Pages                    = {2132--2145},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {We use a twenty-one year panel of data to examine the role of past income and aid, and expectations of future income, in regressions explaining state and local education spending. We show that simple estimates of the elasticity of spending with respect to financial resources are not robust to specification changes because the variables are nonstationary over time, causing inconsistent estimation of model parameters. Estimation in first differences (or equivalently, in growth rates) solves the time-series problems and produces robust estimates of the model{\textquoteright}s parameters. We then show that current spending by states responds to changes in expected future income. This explains why using fixed effects in simpler models reduces estimated income elasticities; fixed effects partially capture permanent income effects on spending. Estimates of lagged income are significant when used in models that do not explicitly model the expectations process, but present and past aid both have no effect on education spending. Models with structural assumptions about expected income produce estimates very similar to simpler models which include lagged information on income as a control variable. We conclude with recommendations for estimating models when only cross-section data or only short panels are available.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.03.005}
}

@Article{Schmidt2008,
  Title                    = {Discursive Institutionalism: The Explanatory Power of Ideas and Discourse},
  Author                   = {Schmidt, Vivien A},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.060606.135342},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {303--326},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {The newest ``new institutionalism,'' discursive institutionalism, lends insight into the role of ideas and discourse in politics while providing a more dynamic approach to institutional change than the older three new institutionalisms. Ideas are the substantive content of discourse. They exist at three levels{\textemdash}policies, programs, and philosophies{\textemdash}and can be categorized into two types, cognitive and normative. Discourse is the interactive process of conveying ideas. It comes in two forms: the coordinative discourse among policy actors and the communicative discourse between political actors and the public. These forms differ in two formal institutional contexts; simple polities have a stronger communicative discourse and compound polities a stronger coordinative discourse. The institutions of discursive institutionalism, moreover, are not external-rule-following structures but rather are simultaneously structures and constructs internal to agents whose ``background ideational abilities'' within a given ``meaning context'' explain how institutions are created and exist and whose ``foreground discursive abilities,'' following a ``logic of communication,'' explain how institutions change or persist. Interests are subjective ideas, which, though real, are neither objective nor material. Norms are dynamic, intersubjective constructs rather than static structures.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.060606.135342},
  Keywords                 = {interests, norms, institutional change, new institutionalism, institutions}
}

@Article{Schmidt2009,
  Title                    = {Putting the Political Back into Political Economy by Bringing the State Back in yet Again},
  Author                   = {Schmidt, Vivien A},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.0.0029},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {516--546},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {Dominant theoretical approaches in political economy today, whether they posit convergence to neoliberal capitalism, binary divergence of capitalisms, or tripartite differentiation of financial governance, downplay the importance of state action. Their methodological approaches, rational choice and historical institutionalism, tend to reinforce their substantive theories either by disaggregating the state into its historical institutional components or by focusing on the strategic actions of its rational actors. This article argues that by not taking state action seriously, they are unable to explain the differences in degree and kind of countries' neoliberal reforms. For this, it is necessary to bring the state back in and to put the political back into political economy not just in terms of political economic institutions but also in terms of policies, polity, and politics. To explore the political in all its variety, however, the article demonstrates that at least one more methodological approach, discursive institutionalism, is also needed. This approach, by taking the role of ideas and discourse seriously, brings political actors as sentient beings back in. This in turn also enables the author to explain the dynamics of neoliberal reform in political economy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0029}
}

@Article{Schmitt2011,
  Title                    = {What Drives the Diffusion of Privatization Policy? Evidence from the Telecommunications Sector},
  Author                   = {Schmitt,Carina},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0143814X11000018},
  ISSN                     = {1469-7815},
  Issue                    = {1},
  Pages                    = {95--117},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the extent to which diffusion mechanisms have been important for the privatization of telecommunications in the OECD world. It analyzes a panel dataset for 18 OECD countries between 1980 and 2007 using spatial econometric techniques. The sample includes 18 OECD countries between 1980 and 2007. The empirical findings strongly suggest that spatial interdependencies are significant for privatization policies. First, closely related countries from a geographical or economic perspective influence each other to a greater extent than non-related countries. Second, there is no evidence that governments adopt policies of countries with a similar cultural background or the policies of those countries where privatization has been shown to lead to the intended economic results at the company level. Third, the importance of diffusion is highly influenced by national characteristics such the openness of the economy.}
}

@Article{Schmitt2014,
  author       = {Schmitt, Carina},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Public Management Review},
  title        = {The Employment Effects of Privatizing Public Utilities in {OECD} Countries},
  doi          = {10.1080/14719037.2013.792379},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {1164--1183},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {This article examines whether the privatization of network-based utilities in developed countries leads to a retrenchment of the workforce. The panel regressions reveal, first, privatization does indeed lead to a reduction in the number of employees in the sectors concerned. Second, it is not typically the new investors themselves who implement the reduction. The downsizing takes place while the state is still the unique shareholder. Third, even though left-wing parties also implement privatization or at least not hamper, the results show that the displacement of workers is lower when left-wing parties dominate the cabinet.},
}

@Article{SchmittMitukiewicz2012,
  Title                    = {Politics matter: changes in unionisation rates in rich countries, 1960--2010},
  Author                   = {Schmitt, John and Mitukiewicz, Alexandra},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2338.2012.00675.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2338},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {260--280},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {We use the Institutional Characteristics of Trade Unions, Wage Setting, State Intervention and Social Pacts database to examine the changes in collective bargaining coverage and union density among 21 OECD countries over the past 50 years. The observed patterns suggest that national politics are a more important determinant of recent trends in unionisation than globalisation or technological change.}
}

@Article{Schmitter1974,
  author       = {Schmitter,Philippe C.},
  date         = {1974},
  journaltitle = {Review of Politics},
  title        = {Still the Century of Corporatism?},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0034670500022178},
  issn         = {1748-6858},
  issue        = {1},
  pages        = {85--131},
  url          = {http://tinyurl.com/k8ec3b2},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {Until recently, Manoilesco's confident prediction could easily be dismissed as yet another example of the ideological bias, wishful thinking and overinflated rhetoric of the thirties, an {\'e}v{\'e}nnementielle response to a peculiar environment and period. With the subsequent defeat of fascism and National Socialism, the spectre of corporatism no longer seemed to haunt the European scene so fatalistically. For a while, the concept itself was virtually retired from the active lexicon of politics, although it was left on behavioral exhibit, so to speak, in such museums of atavistic political practice as Portugal and Spain.},
  month        = {1},
}

@Article{SchmitterKarl1991,
  Title                    = {What Democracy Is\ldots and Is Not},
  Author                   = {Schmitter, Philippe C. and Karl, Terry Lynn},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Democracy},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/jod.1991.0033},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {75--88},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/o58rlm6},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{Schneer1984,
  author       = {Schneer, Jonathan},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Modern History},
  title        = {Hopes Deferred or Shattered: The British Labour Left and the Third Force Movement, 1945-49},
  issn         = {0022-2801},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {198--226},
  volume       = {56},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{SchneiderMakszin2014,
  Title                    = {Forms of welfare capitalism and education-based participatory inequality},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Carsten Q. and Makszin, Kristin},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu010},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {437--462},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars studying democracy are just beginning to investigate the specifically political consequences of rising socio-economic inequalities. This paper analyses whether the degree of political inequality between social groups is shaped by features of the welfare capitalist system. Specifically, we hypothesize that more labour protection and social support decrease participatory inequality via more evenly distributed resources and engagement between high- and low educated citizens. Our regression analyses combining micro- and macro-level data from 37 capitalist democracies over the past 20 years provide evidence that some protective and supportive elements of welfare capitalism reduce education-based participatory inequality. Our fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis identifies three functionally equivalent types of welfare capitalism that all produce low participatory inequality via increased protection, support or both. Finally, we empirically demonstrate that the mechanisms behind this link are, indeed, a more equal distribution of resources and engagement across low- and high educated citizens.}
}

@Article{SchneiderFrey1985,
  Title                    = {Economic and political determinants of foreign direct investment},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Friedrich and Frey, Bruno S.},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {World Development},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0305-750X(85)90002-6},
  ISSN                     = {0305-750X},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {161--175},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Four models explaining the flow of foreign direct investment in 80 less developed countries are econometrically estimated and compared by ex post forecasts. A politico-economic model which simultaneously includes economic and political determinants performs best. The higher the real per capita GNP and the lower the balance of payments deficit are, the more foreign direct investment is attracted. Among the political determinants the amount of bilateral aid coming from Western countries and multilateral aid has a stimulating effect, while help from communist countries has a negative effect. Political instability significantly reduces the inflow of foreign direct investment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(85)90002-6},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.11}
}

@Article{SchneiderBuckley2002,
  Title                    = {What Do Parents Want From Schools? Evidence From the Internet},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Mark and Buckley, Jack},
  Date                     = {2002-06-20},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.3102/01623737024002133},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {133--144},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {One of the most contentious policy areas in the United States today is the expansion of school choice. While many dimensions of parental-choice behavior have been analyzed, many of the most enduring questions center on the aspects of schools parents prefer and how these preferences will affect the socioeconomic and racial composition of schools. Using Internet-based methodological tools, we study parental preferences revealed through information search patterns and compare these findings to the standard ones in the literature, which are based largely on telephone interviews. Based on this evidence we suggest that unfettered choice may lead to undesirable outcomes in the distribution of students, and it may also lead to reduced pressure on schools to improve academic performance.}
}

@Article{SchneiderEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {School choice in {Chile}: Is it class or the classroom?},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Mark and Elacqua, Gregory and Buckley, Jack},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.20192},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {577--601},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Skeptics of school choice are concerned that parents, especially low-income ones, will not choose schools based on sound academic reasoning. Many fear that, given choice, parents will sort themselves into different schools along class lines. How-ever, most surveys find that parents of all socioeconomic groups cite academic aspects as important when choosing a school. Moreover, almost no parents refer to the social composition of the student body. Many advocates of choice hold up these results as proof that choice will produce desirable outcomes. However, these results may not be reliable because they may simply be verbal responses to survey items rather than indicators of actual behavior.In this research, we report on the search behavior of parents in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, Chile, examining how they construct their school choice sets and comparing this to what they say they are seeking in choosing schools. The data indicate that parental decisions are influenced by demographics. Based on this evidence, we argue that unfettered choice may reduce the pressure on schools to improve their performance and could potentially increase stratification.},
  Publisher                = {Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company}
}

@Article{SchneiderEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Institutional Arrangements and the Creation of Social Capital: The Effects of Public School Choice},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Mark and Teske, Paul and Marschall, Melissa and Mintrom, Michael and Roch, Christine},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {82{--}93},
  Volume                   = {91},

  Abstract                 = {While the possible decline in the level of social capital in the United States has received considerable attention by scholars such as Putnam and Fukuyama, less attention has been paid to the local activities of citizens that help define a nation's stock of social capital. Scholars have paid even less attention to how institutional arrangements affect levels of social capital. We argue that giving parents greater choice over the public schools their children attend creates incentives for parents as "citizen/consumers" to engage in activities that build social capital. Our empirical analysis employs a quasi-experimental approach comparing parental behavior in two pairs of demographically similar school districts that vary on the degree of parental choice over the schools their children attend. Our data show that, controlling for many other factors, parents who choose when given the opportunity are higher on all the indicators of social capital analyzed. Fukuyama has argued that it is easier for governments to decrease social capital than to increase it. We argue, however, that the design of government institutions can create incentives for individuals to engage in activities that increase social capital.}
}

@Article{SchneiderEtAl1998,
  author       = {Schneider, Mark and Teske, Paul and Marshall, Melissa and Roch, Christine},
  date         = {1998},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Shopping for Schools: In the Land of the Blind, The One-Eyed Parent {May} be Enough},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {769--793},
  volume       = {42},
  abstract     = {Theory: Market-like reforms, such as school choice, can work effectively in spite of the low levels of information commonly found among citizen/consumers. Hypothesis: We hypothesize that (1) parental knowledge of school characteristics is a function of ability, incentives, and whether parents believe a particular school attribute to be important; (2) parents will select schools for their children that rate high on the dimensions that they value; (3) the "marginal consumer" will be more knowledgeable about schools than other parents; and (4) marginal consumers will have more accurate information on dimensions that they value and are more likely to select schools for their children that rate high on these dimensions. Methods: Multiple regression is used to predict parents' knowledge of reading test scores, racial composition of the school, and number of violent incidents. Multiple regression is also used to determine the extent to which consumers have enrolled their children in schools that are high on the dimensions about which they care. Results: We find that on average low-income parents have very little accurate information about objective conditions in the schools. However, even in the absence of such objective knowledge there is evidence of a matching process in which children are enrolled in schools that are higher on the dimensions of education that their parents think are important. We then shift our analysis away from the behavior of the "average" parent and identify a subset of parents who are in fact informed about the conditions of the schools. We demonstrate that there is a tighter match between what these parents want and the conditions of the schools in which their children are enrolled.},
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{SchneiderEtAl1997a,
  author       = {Schneider, Mark and Teske, Paul and Roch, Christine and Marschall, Melissa},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Networks to Nowhere: Segregation and Stratification in Networks of Information about Schools},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1201--1223},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {Theory: Public sector reforms expanding citizen choice are hypothesized to create many of the benefits of private markets, in part by increasing the incentives of citizens to search for information about the quality of public services. Social scientists have shown that networks can provide valuable shortcuts to the information necessary to participate in this expanded market for public goods. Critics of public sector markets argue, however, that choice will heighten existing inequalities, increasing stratification by education and income and racial segregation. This criticism is particularly evident in debates about school choice. Hypothesis: The quality of networks in school districts with choice is hypothesized to be higher than in school districts without choice and to increase with parental education levels. Networks are also hypothesized to be segregated by race. In addition, differences in networks as a function of education and the segregation of networks by race may be greater in choice districts than in districts with no or little choice. Methods: Two stage generalized least square techniques are used to predict the quality of discussants and racial patterns in education networks while controlling for the problem of nonrandom assignment inherent in different levels of parental involvement in school choice. Results: Higher socioeconomic status individuals are more likely to have higher quality education networks. Education networks also exhibit a high degree of racial segregation. Institutional incentives do not markedly affect the nature of information networks about education--but where effects are found, they tend to indicate higher levels of class stratification and racial segregation.},
  month        = oct,
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{SchneiderJacoby2005,
  Title                    = {Elite Discourse and {America}n Public Opinion: The Case of Welfare Spending},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Saundra K. and Jacoby, William G.},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/106591290505800301},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {367--379},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/q94b5gh},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Popular support for American welfare policies dipped sharply during the mid-1990s. The purpose of this article is to determine why this pronounced, but temporary, shift in public opinion occurred. We use data from the CPS National Election Studies to examine several explanations for temporal variability in citizens attitudes toward welfare spending. Our results show that these changes follow similar variations in media content. Individual-level opinion change was also based entirely upon political motivations (e.g., ideology and partisanship) rather than economic beliefs or racial attitudes. We argue that this provides evidence, admittedly somewhat indirect, that elite rhetoric guides and shapes mass opinions.}
}

@Article{SchneiderEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Buying Out the State: A Comparative Perspective on the Privatization of Infrastructures},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Volker and Fink, Simon and Tenbucken, Marc},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414005274847},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {704--727},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {The article describes the retreat of the state from public infrastructures in advanced industrial countries and tests the power of theoretical approaches to explain this reform process. The authors' data show changes in state ownership in formerly public monopoly enterprises in telecommunications, electricity, and aviation sectors of 26 countries between 1970 and 2000. Combining various analytical techniques, the authors use partial-order scalogram analysis to visualize the similarity of institutional structures and country-specific development trajectories. By pooled time-series regression they show that only the liberalization of capital markets has a significant effect on infrastructure privatization. The effects of party ideology, veto players, or corporatist interest group systems are rather insignificant over the whole period. However, by an innovative use of yearly ordinary least squares regressions, they show that governmental ideology holds great predictive power for privatization in the 1980s but not for the 1990s, when almost all countries had privatized.}
}

@Article{SchneiderHage2008,
  Title                    = {{Europe}anization and the retreat of the state},
  Author                   = {Schneider, Volker and H{\"a}ge, Frank M.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--19},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Is the state on the retreat? We examine this question through an analysis of changing patterns of government involvement in infrastructure provision, which is generally considered to be one of the main functions of the modern state. Based on an analysis of the extent of privatization of infrastructure companies between 1970 and 2000 across 20 OECD countries, we find that there is indeed a general trend towards less public infrastructure provision visible in all of the countries and that the main factors associated with the extent of privatizations are EU membership and government ideology. Overall, the results of the study are consistent with the view that the trend of privatizing infrastructure companies was triggered by a change of the prominent economic discourse in the 1970s and that a rightist party ideology and EU membership fostered the adoption and implementation of these ideas in domestic settings.}
}

@TechReport{Schnepf2002,
  author      = {Schnepf, Sylke},
  date        = {2002},
  institution = {UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre},
  title       = {A Sorting Hat that Fails? The Transition from Primary to Secondary School in {Germany}},
  number      = {inwopa02/21},
  type        = {Innocenti Working Papers},
  abstract    = {The recently published data from the Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA) has revealed that Germany ranks lowest among the OECD countries for educational equalities. This paper examines whether it is the tracking of children into different types of school environments at a particularly early stage of their intellectual development, i.e. at the transition from primary to secondary school, which contributes to such inequalities. The analysis is based on data taken from two surveys of learning achievement, the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA). The data consistently reveal that although ability is a key selection criterion, children{\textquoteright}s educational achievement varies greatly within the respective school tracks to which they are allocated. Although migrants are predominately selected to lower academic school tracks, they do not face educational inequalities if their socio-economic background and measured ability is similar to that of German nationals. On the other hand, children from rural areas, pupils from lower socio-economic backgrounds and boys in general have a significantly lower probability of being selected to the most academic school track even when their educational ability is similar to that of their urban and better socially placed counterparts. Since the outcome of sorting is difficult to correct and school choice shapes career options, there is a high likelihood that such educational inequalities in secondary schooling will have an impact on pupils{\textquoteright} lives and career opportunities long after they have completed compulsory education.},
  annotation  = {available at http://ideas.repec.org/p/ucf/inwopa/inwopa02-21.html},
}

@Article{SchofieldSausman2004,
  Title                    = {Symposium on Implementing Public Policy: Learning from Theory and Practice},
  Author                   = {Schofield, Jill and Sausman, Charlotte},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0033-3298.2004.00392.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {235--248},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {The initiative for this symposium issue arose out of a series of five ESRC seminars called `Implementing Public Policy: Learning from Each Other'. The aim of the seminars was to revitalize interest amongst public policy researchers about implementation studies, to advance the development of ideas about public policy implementation and to assess the relevance of academic models of public policy implementation to those who deliver public services.}
}

@Article{Schofield2003,
  Title                    = {Constitutional Political Economy: On the Possibility of Combining Rational Choice Theory and Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Schofield, Norman},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.277},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {277--303},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Rational choice theory has typically used either noncooperative game theory or cooperative, social choice theory to model elections, coalition bargaining, the prisoner's dilemma, and so on. This essay concentrates on the ideas of William Riker and Douglass North, both of whom, in very different ways, studied events of the past in an attempt to understand constitutional or institutional transformations. The key notion presented here is the `belief cascade,' a change in the understanding of the members of a society when they face a quandary. This idea is used to critique simple vote-maximizing models of elections, derived from Downs' earlier conception of party competition. Inferences are drawn on the possible applications of rational choice theory to the study of constitutional political economy in order to provide some insight into the differences between democratic polities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.277},
  Keywords                 = {core belief, constitution, institution, election}
}

@Article{Schofield2007,
  Title                    = {The Mean Voter Theorem: Necessary and Sufficient Conditions for Convergent Equilibrium},
  Author                   = {Schofield, Norman},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-937X.2007.00444.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-937X},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {965--980},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {Formal models of elections have emphasized the convergence of party leaders towards the centre of the electoral distribution. This paper attempts to resolve the apparent disparity between the formal result and the perception of political divergence by considering a model incorporating valence. Valence can be interpreted as the non-policy basis of political judgement made by the electorate concerning the quality of political contenders. The theorem presented here shows that there is a necessary condition for convergence. The condition involves the difference in party valences and the electoral variance. When the condition fails, the low-valence parties will be forced to adopt policy positions far from the electoral centre. The inference appears to be substantiated by an empirical model of the Israel election in 1996.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-937X.2007.00444.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Schoonvelde2014,
  author       = {Schoonvelde,Martijn},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Media Freedom and the Institutional Underpinnings of Political Knowledge},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2013.18},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  abstract     = {Recent empirical workin the study of political sophistication finds that citizens' knowledge of politics is not only a function of their individual characteristics but also depends on the supply of information from their environment (the `information environment'). Yet this literature does not address the question of how the information environment may be shaped by institutional factors. This article aims to fill this void. It first argues that the relationship between a government and the media affects the information that is available to individual citizens. Using cross-national data, it then finds that less government interference with the media (1) positively affects political learning and (2) moderates the individual-level effect of education on learning.},
}

@Article{Schrodt2013,
  Title                    = {Seven deadly sins of contemporary quantitative political analysis},
  Author                   = {Schrodt, Philip A.},
  Date                     = {2014-03},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Peace Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0022343313499597},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {287--300},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {A combination of technological change, methodological drift and a certain degree of intellectual sloth, particularly with respect to philosophy of science, has allowed contemporary quantitative political analysis to accumulate a series of dysfunctional habits that have rendered much of contemporary research more or less meaningless. I identify these seven deadly sins as: Garbage can models that ignore the effects of collinearity; Pre-scientific explanation in the absence of prediction; Excessive reanalysis of a small number of datasets; Using complex methods without understanding the underlying assumptions; Interpreting frequentist statistics as if they were Bayesian; A linear statistical monoculture that fails to consider alternative structures; Confusing statistical controls and experimental controls. The answer to these problems is not to abandon quantitative approaches, but rather engage in solid, thoughtful, original work driven by an appreciation of both theory and data. The article closes with suggestions for changes in current practice that might serve to ameliorate some of these problems.}
}

@Article{Schudson2002,
  Title                    = {The news media as political institutions},
  Author                   = {Schudson, Michael},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {249--269},
  Volume                   = {5}
}

@Article{SchultenEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Liberalisation and privatisation of public services and strategic options for {Europe}an trade unions},
  Author                   = {Schulten, Thorsten and Brandt, Torsten and Hermann, Christoph},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/102425890801400209},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {295--311},
  Url                      = {http://www.pique.at/reports/files/SchultenBrandtandHermann.pdf},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This article argues that liberalisation and privatisation of public services in Europe have had a significant impact on employment and working conditions. Our basic hypothesis is that companies affected by growing competitive pressures increase efforts to reduce labour costs. The consequences are, on the one hand, the reduction of public sector employment and, on the other, a transformation of the traditional public sector labour relations regime (LRR). While employees were previously treated as a relatively homogenous workforce, liberalisation and privatisation have fuelled divisions, fragmentation and individualisation. In some sectors and countries this has led not only to a substantial deterioration of employment and working conditions but also to the emergence of a two-tier workforce. From this perspective liberalisation and privatisation represent a considerable threat to workers and therefore the trade unions, which have at their disposal a number of strategies to respond to the new challenges, including fighting privatisation, demanding strong sector-wide regulations and campaigning to strengthen the public sector.}
}

@Article{Schultz1995,
  Title                    = {The Politics of the Political Business Cycle},
  Author                   = {Schultz, Kenneth A.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {79--99},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors - the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroeconomic performance. The degree to which the government manipulates the economy should thus be negatively correlated with its political security going into the election. This prediction is tested by examining transfer payments in Great Britain, 1961-92. While a traditional model that is insensitive to the government's political needs finds no evidence of politically-motivated manipulations, a model which takes these factors into account reveals a robust, and at times sizeable, electoral-economic cycle.}
}

@Book{Schumpeter1942,
  author    = {Schumpeter, Joseph A.},
  date      = {1942},
  title     = {Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy},
  isbn      = {0-06-133008-6},
  publisher = {Harper and Brothers},
  url       = {https://tinyurl.com/ycmwvlay},
  urldate   = {2020-09-09},
}

@Article{SchwanderHausermann2013,
  Title                    = {Who is in and who is out? A risk-based conceptualization of insiders and outsiders},
  Author                   = {Schwander, Hanna and H{\"a}usermann, Silja},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928713480064},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {248--269},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {With the post-industrialization and flexibilization of European labour markets, research on social and economic correlates of labour market vulnerability and weak labour market attachment is growing. Part of this literature conceptualizes these correlates in terms of dualization and insideroutsider divides in an attempt to explore their political implications: this article is written in order to contribute to this strand of research. In this article, we propose a conceptualization and measurement of labour market insiders and outsiders, based on their respective risk of being atypically employed or unemployed. We propose both a dichotomous measure of insiders/outsiders and a continuous measure of the degree of an individuals outsiderness. We argue that such risk-based measures are particularly suited for research on the policy preferences and political implications of insideroutsider divides. On the basis of EU-SILC and national household panel data, we provide a map of dualization across different countries and welfare regimes. We then explore the correlates of labour market vulnerability that is, outsiderness by relating it to indicators of income and upward job mobility, as well as labour market policy preferences. The results consistently confirm an impact of labour market vulnerability, indicating a potential for a politicization of the insider/outsider conflict.}
}

@Article{Schwartz2003,
  Title                    = {Comments on Jeff R. Crump's `The end of public housing as we know it: public housing policy, labor regulation and the US city'},
  Author                   = {Schwartz, Alex},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2427.00439},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {188{--}192},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {Jeff Crump's discussion of housing policy in the United States is highly polemic but not very analytic or informative. Crump argues that federal housing policy is attempting to move people out of public housing and into the private housing market and the lowwage labor force. However, he fails to support his argument with credible evidence. My comments point out the most egregious of Crump's claims. I start with Crump's most extreme contentions that housing policy is coercing public housing residents into the low-wage labor force. I then question his dismissive attitude toward the problems confronted by residents of distressed public housing and policies designed to help low-income families move out of impoverished neighborhoods. I subsequently show how Crump exaggerates the extent to which federal housing policy is clearing central cities of subsidized low-income housing. I conclude with a few words on the serious issues that a more informed critique of US housing policy could have raised.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00439}
}

@Article{Schwartz1994,
  Title                    = {Small States in Big Trouble: State Reorganization in {Australia}, {Denmark}, {New Zealand}, and {Sweden} in the 1980{s}},
  Author                   = {Schwartz, Herman},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {527--555},
  Url                      = {http://people.virginia.edu/~hms2f/small.pdf},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {In Australia, Denmark, New Zealand, and Sweden in the 1980s, coalitions of politicians, fiscal bureaucrats, and capital and labor in sectors exposed to international competition allied to transform the largest single nontradables sector in their society: the state, particularly the welfare state. They exposed state personnel and agencies to market pressures and competition to reduce the cost of welfare and other state services. The impetus for change came from rising foreign public and private debt. Rising public debt levels and expensive welfare states interacted to create a tax wedge between employers' wage costs and workers' received wages. This undercut international competitiveness, worsening current account deficits and leading to more foreign debt accumulation. Two factors explain variation in the degree of reorganization in each country: differences in their electoral and constitutional regimes; and the willingness of left parties to risk splitting their core constituencies. Introduction of market pressures is an effort to go beyond the liberalization of the economy common in industrial countries during the 1980s, and both to institutionalize limits to welfare spending and to change the nature of state-society relations, away from corporatist forms of interest intermediation. In short, not just less state, but a different state.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://people.virginia.edu/~hms2f/small.pdf}
}

@Article{Schwartz1994b,
  Title                    = {Public Choice Theory and Public Choices: Bureaucrats and State Reorganization in {Australia Denmark}, {New Zealand}, and {Sweden} in the 1980{s}},
  Author                   = {Schwartz, Herman},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Administration \& Society},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {48--77},
  Url                      = {http://people.virginia.edu/~hms2f/public.pdf},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Reorganizers of the state in Australia, New Zealand, Denmark, and Sweden during the 1980s tried to separate policy making from the production of welfare and other services by introducing market disciplines and competition. Fiscal bureaucrats afraid of rising fiscal deficits and public debt sought to control what they saw as rent seeking behavior and agent abuse of principals in the public sector. They argued these changes would reduce incentives for collective rent seeking behavior and prevent shirking. Fiscal bureaucrats thus sought to control future behavior in the public sector by changing the incentive structures workers and agency managers faced.}
}

@Article{Schwartz2001,
  Title                    = {The Danish "Miracle": Luck, Pluck or Stuck?},
  Author                   = {Schwartz, Herman},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {131--155},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {The 1980s and 1990s saw employment ``miracles'' in Denmark, Australia, and the Netherlands. This paper analyzes the dynamics and substance of Danish policy responses to poor export, employment, and fiscal performance to see whether remediation should be attributed to pluck (intentional, strategic remediation of dysfunctional institutions to make them conform with the external environment), luck (environmental change that makes formerly dysfunctional institutions suddenly functional), or just being stuck (endogenous, not entirely strategic change that leaves institutions in conformity with the environment). It addresses these issues to remedy biases in the literature toward Sweden-as-model, toward pessimism about the welfare state's survivability, and toward privileging intentional action. The analysis finds that stuck (endogenous dynamics) probably explains as much as pluck (strategic choice), suggesting only limited transferability for policy lessons from the ``miracles.''}
}

@Article{Schwartz2012,
  Title                    = {Housing, the Welfare State, and the Global Financial Crisis: What is the Connection?},
  Author                   = {Schwartz, Herman},
  Date                     = {2012-03-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Politics \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0032329211434689},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {35--58},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Analyses of the global financial crisis that assign causality to the erosion of parts of the welfare state that protected individuals miss the importance of macro level regulation that protected firms and the financial system from itself. Post-Depression macro level regulation of finance prevented the emergence of mismatched maturities where deposits lacked state guarantees, and thus prevented runs on banks or near-banks. A balance sheet approach shows that macro regulation linked long duration liabilities in housing finance (mortgages) to long duration assets (pensions). Deregulation permitted the reemergence of mismatched maturities, providing both a necessary and sufficient condition for the current financial crisis.}
}

@Article{SchwartzSeabrooke2008,
  Title                    = {Varieties of Residential Capitalism in the International Political Economy: Old Welfare States and the New Politics of Housing},
  Author                   = {Schwartz, Herman and Seabrooke, Leonard},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/cep.2008.10},
  ISSN                     = {1472-4790},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {237--261},
  Url                      = {http://people.virginia.edu/~hms2f/varieties.pdf},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {Comparative and international political economy (CPE and IPE) are justifiably obsessed with finance as a source of power and as a key causal force for domestic and international economic outcomes. Yet both CPE and IPE ignore the single largest asset in people's everyday lives and one of the biggest financial assets in most economies: residential property and its associated mortgage debt. This special issue argues that residential housing and housing finance systems have important causal consequences for political behavior, social stability, the structure of welfare states, and macro-economic outcomes. The articles examine specific instances across a range of countries. This introduction has broader aims. First, it shows that housing finance systems are not politically neutral. We argue that the kind of housing people occupy and the property rights surrounding housing can constitute political subjectivities and objective preferences not only about the level of public spending, but also the level and nature of inflation and taxation. Second, like the varieties of capitalism literature, we show that housing finance systems also have important complementarities with the larger economy. But we diverge from the varieties literature, suggesting that varieties of residential capitalism are not explained by domestic institutional complementarities alone. Rather, what we refer to as financially repressed and financially liberal systems are globally interdependent. While welfare and taxation systems show high degrees of path dependence, transnational trends in the deregulation of housing finance have altered incentives and preferences for financial institutions, home owners, and would-be home owners. Finally, the introduction offers some speculation about how pocketbooks will drive politics as the global housing busts tightens mortgage belts around the waists of average Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development home owners.},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd}
}

@Article{Scruggs2001,
  author       = {Scruggs, Lyle},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Politics of Growth Revisited},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {120--140},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of labor market institutions and partisan politics on macroeconomic performance in advanced industrial societies since the mid-1970s. I do this by reevaluating some of the main claims of an influential comparative political economy literature of growth in light of some recent lessons from conceptual and empirical work associated with new growth theory. I also update the earlier "left-labor" models in light of several competing institutional explanations for different macroeconomic performance in advanced democracies. My findings are mixed. The evidence does suggest that congruent labor and political regimes have higher rates of growth than incongruent regimes (i.e., strong, organized unions with mostly conservative government or weak unions with mostly social democratic government). This appears to be true even in recent years and even after accounting for both cross-national income convergence and variations in political institutions and in firm-level coordinating capacity. Moreover, there is evidence that as proponents of social democratic corporatism suggest, countries with dominant left (right) governments and encompassing (weak) labor movements deliver higher investment and employment than do mixed regimes. However, in contrast to earlier work, I find that the more market-oriented version of contemporary capitalism is associated with higher absolute per capita growth rates. This discrepancy in relative performance has increased considerably since the mid-1980s.},
  annotation   = {Critiques Garret and Lange on model and data, but goes on to support their thesis with improved data and method.},
}

@Article{Scruggs2002,
  Title                    = {The Ghent System and Union Membership in {Europe}, 1970-1996},
  Author                   = {Scruggs, Lyle},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {275--297},
  Volume                   = {55}
}

@Misc{Scruggs2004,
  Title                    = {Welfare State Entitlements Data Set: A Comparative Institutional Analysis of Eighteen Welfare States, Version 1.1},
  Author                   = {Scruggs, Lyle},
  Date                     = {2004}
}

@Article{ScruggsAllan2008,
  Title                    = {Social Stratification and Welfare Regimes for the Twenty-first Century Revisiting The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism},
  Author                   = {Scruggs, Lyle A and Allan, James P},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1353/wp.0.0020},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {642--664},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {In the last decade, the literature surrounding the political economy of welfare states in advanced industrial democracies has relied extensively on the welfare state typology developed by G{\o}sta Esping-Andersen in his seminal book, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Since that time there has been much debate about whether and to what degree the features of welfare policies highlighted in this work have changed in the last twenty-five years. While scholars have used these data as a framework, the substance of the framework itself{\textemdash}the underlying indicators of benefit generosity and stratification{\textemdash}has largely escaped criticism due to the absence of data that permit any. Yet such knowledge is essential to understand fully the welfare states of Europe and other industrial countries in the twenty-first century. The authors have recently updated Esping-Andersen's decommodification index. This article examines the "social stratification" index, reanalyzing and updating through the 1990s the indicators used by Esping-Andersen. As with earlier reexaminations of the index of decommodification, this reanalysis produces considerably less empirical support for coherent welfare "regimes." Moreover, evidence of coherent regimes has become even less clear-cut over the last quarter century.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0020}
}

@Article{ScruggsLange2002,
  Title                    = {Where Have All the Members Gone? Globalization, Institutions, and Union Density},
  Author                   = {Scruggs, Lyle and Lange, Peter},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {126--153},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {There have been widespread claims in recent years about the effects of economic globalization on domestic politics and, in particular, its negative impact on wage earners and trade unions. A number of recent studies have raised serious questions about the validity of claims that the globalization of trade and financial markets leads to international convergence around a neoliberal market economic model. This article considers the impact of economic institutional arrangements on union membership trends in sixteen industrial democracies between 1960 and 1994. We find that the effects of economic globalization are marginal and conditional on particular economic institutions, which helps to explain divergent trends in union density among these countries. These differences suggest that the way national economies operate may continue to diverge.}
}

@Article{SearsEtAl1980,
  Title                    = {Self-interest vs. symbolic politics in policy attitudes and presidential voting},
  Author                   = {Sears, David O. and Lau, Richard R. and Tyler, Tom R. and Allen, Harris M.},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {670--684},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {This article contrasts short-term self-interest and longstanding symbolic attitudes as determinants of (1) voters' attitudes toward government policy on four controversial issues (unemployment, national health insurance, busing, and law and order), and (2) issue voting concerning those policy areas. In general, we found the various self-interest measures to have very little effect in determining either policy preferences or voting behavior. In contrast, symbolic attitudes (liberal or conservative ideology, party identification, and racial prejudice) had major effects. Nor did self-interest play much of a role in creating "issue publics" that were particularly attentive to, informed about, or constrained in their attitudes about these specific policy issues. Conditions that might facilitate more self-interested political attitudes, specifically having privatistic (rather than public-regarding) personal values, perceiving the policy area as a major national problem, being high in political sophistication, perceiving the government as responsive, or having a sense of political efficacy, were also explored, but had no effect. The possibility that some long-term self-interest might be reflected in either group membership or in symbolic attitudes themselves is examined. While such possibilities cannot be definitively rejected, problems with interpreting standard demographic findings as self-interest effects are discussed.}
}

@Article{SeawrightGerring2008,
  Title                    = {Case Selection Techniques in Case Study Research: A Menu of Qualitative and Quantitative Options},
  Author                   = {Seawright, Jason and Gerring, John},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912907313077},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {294--308},
  Url                      = {http://blogs.bu.edu/jgerring/files/2013/06/CaseSelection.pdf},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {How can scholars select cases from a large universe for in-depth case study analysis? Random sampling is not typically a viable approach when the total number of cases to be selected is small. Hence attention to purposive modes of sampling is needed. Yet, while the existing qualitative literature on case selection offers a wide range of suggestions for case selection, most techniques discussed require in-depth familiarity of each case. Seven case selection procedures are considered, each of which facilitates a different strategy for within-case analysis. The case selection procedures considered focus on typical, diverse, extreme, deviant, influential, most similar, and most different cases. For each case selection procedure, quantitative approaches are discussed that meet the goals of the approach, while still requiring information that can reasonably be gathered for a large number of cases.}
}

@Unpublished{Sefton2002,
  Title                    = {Recent Changes in the Distribution of the Social Wage},
  Author                   = {Sefton, Tom},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Note                     = {CASE Working Paper 062},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the distribution of the {\textquestiondown}social wage{\textquestiondown} benefits in kind from welfare services, including the National Health Service, state education, social housing, and personal social services. The current Government has put a strong emphasis on improving public services and has begun to translate this into higher spending. Although most measures of poverty ignore the social wage, its inclusion is potentially very significant in monitoring the impact of government policies on the poorest households. The paper produces estimates of the value of the social wage for 1996/7 and 2000/01, using data from several large-scale household surveys, and makes comparisons with estimates from previous work going back to 1979. The results show that people in poorer households receive a greater share of benefits in kind from welfare services than those in richer households and that this {\textquestiondown}pro-poor{\textquestiondown} bias has been rising gradually over the long-term. Since 1996/7, spending on welfare services has grown faster than in the past and there has been a further incremental shift in favour of lower income groups across all the major services. These changes have reinforced the re-distributional effects of tax and benefit policies over the same period, though they have not prevented inequality from rising.}
}

@Article{SegersVanEsch2007,
  Title                    = {Behind the Veil of Budgetary Discipline: The Political Logic of the Budgetary Rules in EMU and the SGP},
  Author                   = {Segers, Mathieu and Van Esch, Femke},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00761.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1089--1109},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {The outcome of the 2003 compliance crisis showed once and for all that the nature of the stability and growth pact (SGP) is highly political. While the existing literature often presents the content of EMU and SGP as an unqualified triumph for the German financial elite, the available primary sources point in quite another direction.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00761.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Seitz2000,
  author       = {Seitz, Helmut},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Fiscal Policy, Deficits and Politics of Subnational Governments: The Case of the German Laender},
  doi          = {10.1023/A:1005000124300},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {183--218},
  volume       = {102},
  abstract     = {The first part of the paper briefly describes institutional aspects of the German federal system and examines the economic and fiscal performance of the German Laender since 1970. Taking into account the institutional settings, especially the fact that the German Laender cannot set tax rates individually, we develop a highly stylized model of subnational governments that do not have access to the tax rate instrument and thus have to use expenditures as a policy variable. The model implies an expenditure smoothing policy of subnational governments and complements the famous tax smoothing model. The empirical section examines whether governments of various ideology show significant differences in fiscal stabilization policy. Our results indicate that regional differences in public debt accumulation and public expenditure policy in general is largely determined by interregional differences in economic performance, whereas we do not find any significant impact on the ideological composition of the Laender governments.},
  annotation   = {Partisanship.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1005000124300},
}

@Article{Sekhon2009,
  Title                    = {Opiates for the Matches},
  Author                   = {Sekhon, Jasjeet S.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Pages                    = {487--508},
  Url                      = {http://sekhon.berkeley.edu/papers/opiates.pdf},
  Volume                   = {12}
}

@Article{Selb2009,
  Title                    = {A Deeper Look at the Proportionality--Turnout Nexus},
  Author                   = {Selb, Peter},
  Date                     = {2009-04-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414008327427},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {527--548},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Evidence that turnout is higher under proportional representation (PR) than in majoritarian elections is overwhelming. Yet previous research has largely failed to explain why. One line of argument maintains that higher turnout under PR is a by-product of larger party systems. However, a larger number of parties has been demonstrated to depress turnout. Alternatively, it is argued that majoritarian electoral systems tend to produce safe seats and that voters have little incentive to turn out there. Thus, uneven turnout over electoral districts due to variable intensities of local competition is made responsible for the lower overall turnout. Empirical evidence on this conjecture is scant. This article scrutinizes the relationship between electoral rules, competition, and turnout with district-level data from 31 national elections. Results from a heteroscedastic model indicate that lower net turnout in majoritarian systems is indeed a consequence of uneven turnout over districts due to variable levels of local competitiveness.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008327427}
}

@Article{SellersLidstrom2007,
  Title                    = {Decentralization, Local Government, and the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Sellers, Jefferey M. and Lidstr{\"o}m, Anders},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2007.00374.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0491},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {609--632},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Despite growing interest in decentralized governance, the local government systems that comprise the most common element of decentralization around the world have received little systematic attention. This article, drawing on the first systematic index of decentralization to local government in 21 countries, demonstrates a close relation between Social Democratic welfare states and an intergovernmental infrastructure that in important respects ranks as the most decentralized among advanced industrial countries. This empowerment of local government in these countries was less an outgrowth of Social Democratic welfare state development than a preexisting condition that helped make this type of welfare state possible.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{Sen1976,
  Title                    = {Poverty: An Ordinal Approach to Measurement},
  Author                   = {Sen, Amartya},
  Date                     = {1976},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {219{--}231},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {The primary aim of this paper is to propose a new measure of poverty, which should avoid some of the shortcomings of the measures currently in use. An axiomatic approach is used to derive the measure. The conception of welfare in the axiom set is ordinal. The information requirement for the new measure is quite limited, permitting practical use.}
}

@Article{Sen1979,
  author       = {Sen, Amartya},
  date         = {1979},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Journal of Economics},
  title        = {Issues in the Measurement of Poverty},
  doi          = {10.2307/3439966},
  issn         = {0347-0520},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {285--307},
  volume       = {81},
  abstract     = {The paper is concerned with discussing some of the basic issues in the measurement of poverty. The measurement of poverty can be split into two distinct operations, viz. identification (who are the poor?) and aggregation (how are the poverty characteristics of different people to be combined into an aggregate measure?). The nature of the exercise of poverty measurement is examined in Section I. Section II is devoted to the identification issue, including the fixation of a "poverty line". Section III goes into the aggregation problem. Some concluding remarks are made in the last section.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3439966},
  month        = jan,
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics},
  timestamp    = {2011.09.20},
}

@Book{Sen1980,
  Title                    = {The Tanner Lectures on Human Values},
  Author                   = {Sen, Amartya},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},
  Url                      = {http://tannerlectures.utah.edu/_documents/a-to-z/s/sen80.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-26},
  Volume                   = {1}
}

@Article{Seppanen2003,
  Title                    = {Patterns of `public-school markets' in the Finnish comprehensive school from a comparative perspective},
  Author                   = {Sepp{\a\'a}nen, Piia},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0268093032000124875},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {513--531},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {The article examines school choice in the context of the Finnish, publicly owned and governed comprehensive school system, the `named public-school markets', and compares findings to similar studies done in other countries. Parental choice is used in addition to traditional catchment areas and has now settled in the educational policy of big cities since its introduction in Finland in the mid 1990s. The focus of this article is on the extent and direction of pupils' preferences between the schools in relation to the characteristics of the schools in order to understand what kind of patterns have been formed along with the school choice. At the turn of the year 2000, half of the age group transferring to the 7th grade applied for a place in an other than catchment area school in the capital city, and on average one-third of those in the other four big cities. The local public school markets touched every school in the urban areas. The schools were divided into popular, rejected, and balanced schools on the basis of net gains in request flows. A detailed analysis of the preferences between schools is presented in a map. Patterns of operation of the local school markets in the four case cities showed astoundingly similar features to those reported in studies conducted in other countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268093032000124875}
}

@Incollection{Serner1980,
  Title                    = {Swedish Health Legislation: Milestones in Reorganisation Since 1945},
  Author                   = {Serner, Uncas},
  Booktitle                = {The Shaping of the Swedish Health System},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Editor                   = {Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Nils Elvander},
  Chapter                  = {4},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {99--118},
  Publisher                = {Croom Held}
}

@Incollection{Servais2006,
  Title                    = {The Future Voting Modalities of the ECB Governing Council},
  Author                   = {Dominique Servais},
  Booktitle                = {The European Integration Process: A Changing Environment for National Central Banks},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Location                 = {Vienna, Austria},
  Note                     = {Proceedings of OeNB Workshops},
  Pages                    = {246--264},
  Publisher                = {Oesterreichische Nationalbank},
  Url                      = {http://oenb.co.at/de/img/workshop_7_final_sicherheit___tcm14-39071.pdf},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://oenb.co.at/de/img/workshop_7_final_sicherheit___tcm14-39071.pdf}
}

@Book{Seton-Watson1977,
  Title                    = {Nations and States: An Enquiry Into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism},
  Author                   = {Seton-Watson, Hugh},
  Date                     = {1977},
  Publisher                = {Methuen Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{ShaferJohnston2006,
  Title                    = {The End of Southern Exceptionalism: Class, Race, and Partisan Change in the Postwar South},
  Author                   = {Shafer, Byron E. and Johnston, Richard},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press}
}

@Book{Shapiro2005,
  Title                    = {The State of Democratic Theory},
  Author                   = {Shapiro, Ian},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{ShapleyShubik1954,
  author       = {Shapley, L. S. and Shubik, Martin},
  date         = {1954},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {A Method for Evaluating the Distribution of Power in a Committee System},
  doi          = {10.2307/1951053},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {787--792},
  volume       = {48},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1951053},
  month        = sep,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2011.11.17},
}

@Article{Shaw2010,
  Title                    = {Changes in Public Opinion and the {America}n Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Shaw, Greg M},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Science Quarterly},
  Pages                    = {627--653},
  Volume                   = {124},

  Abstract                 = {Greg M. Shaw analyzes the relationship between American public opinion and several redistributive programs from the beginning of the 1990s to the present. He concludes that the recent political success of these programs has more to do with the workforce attachment of the recipients and the nature of the assistance {---} cash versus in-kind {---} than it does with means testing.}
}

@Article{Shayo2009,
  Title                    = {A Model of Social Identity with an Application to Political Economy: Nation, Class, and Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Shayo, Moses},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055409090194},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {147--174},
  Volume                   = {103},

  Abstract                 = {This article develops a model for analyzing social identity and applies it to the political economy of income redistribution, focusing on class and national identities. The model attempts to distill major findings in social psychology into a parsimonious statement of what it means to identify with a group and what factors determine the groups with whom people identify. It then proposes an equilibrium concept where both identities and behavior are endogenously determined. Applying this model to redistribution helps explain three empirical patterns in modern democracies. First, national identification is more common among the poor than among the rich. Second, national identification tends to reduce support for redistribution. Third, across democracies there is a strong negative relationship between the prevalence of national identification and the level of redistribution. The model further points to national eminence, national threats, and diversity within the lower class as factors that can reduce redistribution.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409090194},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{Shea2000,
  Title                    = {Does parents' money matter?},
  Author                   = {Shea, John},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(99)00087-0},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {155--184},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {This paper asks whether parents{\textquoteright} income per se has a positive impact on children{\textquoteright}s abilities. Previous research has established that income is positively correlated across generations. This does not prove that parents{\textquoteright} money matters, however, since income is presumably correlated with ability. This paper estimates the impact of parents{\textquoteright} income by focusing on income variation due to factors {\textendash} union, industry, and job loss {\textendash} that arguably represent luck. I find that changes in parents{\textquoteright} income due to luck have a negligible impact on children{\textquoteright}s human capital for most families, although parents{\textquoteright} money does matter for families whose father has low education.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(99)00087-0}
}

@Article{SheflinEtAl1981,
  Title                    = {Structural Stability in Models of {America}n Trade Union Growth},
  Author                   = {Sheflin, Neil and Troy, Leo and Koeller, C. Timothy},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77--88},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {Recent interest in trade union activity has led to the development of econometric models of union membership growth. This paper examines the structural stability of two of the leading models--Ashenfelter-Pencavel's and Bain-Elsheikh's--each of which claimed to have captured the primary determinants of union growth in the twentieth century. The models were reestimated using revised, corrected, and extended membership data, and a nonlinear, maximum-likelihood procedure was employed to estimate the shift-point for each model. Contrary to previous studies, we found evidence of a break in the structure of each model. And unlike earlier work that hypothesized a World War II break-point, our estimated point was 1937-1938, most likely reflecting the impact of the Wagner Act.}
}

@Article{Shell2000,
  Title                    = {Labour and the House of Lords: a case study in constitutional reform},
  Author                   = {Shell, Donald},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/53.2.290},
  Month                    = apr,
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {290--310},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/53.2.290}
}

@Book{Shell2007,
  Title                    = {The House of Lords},
  Author                   = {Shell, Donald},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780719054433},
  Location                 = {Manchester, UK},
  Publisher                = {Manchester University Press}
}

@Unpublished{ShenWong2006,
  Title                    = {Beyond Weak Law, Strong Law: Political compromise and legal constraints on charter school laws},
  Author                   = {Shen, Francis X. and Wong, Kenneth K.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Note                     = {Paper prepared for the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 31 {\textendash} September 3, 2006, Philadelphia, PA}
}

@Article{Shepherd2006,
  Title                    = {{Europe} and the `War on Terror': Irrelevant or Indispensable? {ESD}P, the `War on Terror' and the Fallout from {Iraq}},
  Author                   = {Shepherd, Alistair J.K.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800133},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {71--92},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {In May 2003 the European Union declared its European Security and Defence Policy fully operational. Simultaneously the EU appeared terminally divided over the conflict in Iraq and transatlantic divisions were emerging over the conduct of the 'War on Terror'. Given the already contentious nature of ESDP, this paper explores whether post-September 11 developments will undermine the development of this policy. After analysing the status of ESDP the paper explores its utility in the post September 11 era and in light of the European Security Strategy. While, in European eyes, military force is not particularly applicable to the 'War on Terror', this paper will argue that there are a number of other ways in which an enhanced and redefined European military capacity can play a role in promoting stability and upholding international norms and values. Secondly, as security priorities change the internal and external security aspects of EU need to become more integrated. Ultimately, a clearly defined ESDP with the unwavering commitment of the member states will give the EU a constructive, effective and essential role within the new framework of security.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800133}
}

@Article{Shepherd2006a,
  Title                    = {{Europe} and the `War on Terror': Lost in Translation: Confusing Objectives, Discourses and Capabilities --- A Reply to Berenskoetter and Giegerich},
  Author                   = {Shepherd, Alastair J.K.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800135},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800135}
}

@Article{Shepsle1979,
  Title                    = {Institutional Arrangements and Equilibrium in Multidimensional Voting Models},
  Author                   = {Shepsle, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {27--59},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {Nearly thirty years of research on social choice has produced a large body of theoretical results. The underlying structure of the models that have generated these results is highly atomistic and institutionally sparse. While attention has been devoted to the mechanisms by which individual revealed preferences are aggregated into a social choice, rarely are other aspects of institutional arrangements treated endogenously. In this paper institutional properties are given more prominence. In particular, I focus on three aspects of organization: (1) a division-of-labor arrangement called a committee system: (2) a specialization-of-labor system called a jurisdictional arrangement; and (3) a monitoring mechanism by which a parent organization constrains the autonomy of its subunits called an amendment control rule. The conceptual language has a legislative flavor but, in fact, the concepts are broadly applicable to diverse organizational forms. The principal thrust of this paper is a demonstration of the ways institutional arrangements may conspire with the preferences of individuals to produce structure-induced equilibrium.}
}

@Article{Shepsle1989,
  Title                    = {Studying Institutions: Some Lessons from the Rational Choice Approach},
  Author                   = {Shepsle, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951692889001002002},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {131--147},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines recent developments in a literature referred to as `the new institutionalism'. After reviewing some of the consequences for the study of institutions of the behavioral revolution and the elaboration of Arrovian theories of social choice, the author develops the theory of structure-induced equilibrium and explores the two sides of the institutional coin - an examination of the consequences of institutional structure and an explanation of the development of institutional structure.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692889001002002}
}

@Article{Shepsle2001,
  Title                    = {A Comment on Institutional Change},
  Author                   = {Shepsle, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {321--325},
  Volume                   = {13}
}

@Book{ShepsleBonchuk1997,
  Title                    = {Analyzing Politics: Rationality, Behavior, and Institutions},
  Author                   = {Shepsle, Kenneth A. and Bonchuk, Mark S.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton}
}

@Article{ShepsleWeingast1981,
  Title                    = {Structure-induced equilibrium and legislative choice},
  Author                   = {Shepsle, Kenneth A. and Weingast, Barry R.},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00133748},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {503--519},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00133748}
}

@Book{Shiller2009,
  Title                    = {The Subprime Solution: How Today's Global Financial Crisis Happened, and What to Do about It},
  Author                   = {Shiller, Robert J.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  ISBN                     = {9780691139296},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The subprime mortgage crisis has already wreaked havoc on the lives of millions of people and now it threatens to derail the U.S. economy and economies around the world. In this trenchant book, best-selling economist Robert Shiller reveals the origins of this crisis and puts forward bold measures to solve it. He calls for an aggressive response--a restructuring of the institutional foundations of the financial system that will not only allow people once again to buy and sell homes with confidence, but will create the conditions for greater prosperity in America and throughout the deeply interconnected world economy. Shiller blames the subprime crisis on the irrational exuberance that drove the economy's two most recent bubbles--in stocks in the 1990s and in housing between 2000 and 2007. He shows how these bubbles led to the dangerous overextension of credit now resulting in foreclosures, bankruptcies, and write-offs, as well as a global credit crunch. To restore confidence in the markets, Shiller argues, bailouts are needed in the short run. But he insists that these bailouts must be targeted at low-income victims of subprime deals. In the longer term, the subprime solution will require leaders to revamp the financial framework by deploying an ambitious package of initiatives to inhibit the formation of bubbles and limit risks, including better financial information; simplified legal contracts and regulations; expanded markets for managing risks; home equity insurance policies; income-linked home loans; and new measures to protect consumers against hidden inflationary effects. This powerful book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand how we got into the subprime mess--and how we can get out.}
}

@Article{ShipanVolden2008,
  Title                    = {The Mechanisms of Policy Diffusion},
  Author                   = {Shipan, Charles R. and Volden, Craig},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00346.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {840--857},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Local policy adoptions provide an excellent opportunity to test among potential mechanisms of policy diffusion. By examining three types of antismoking policy choices by the 675 largest U.S. cities between 1975 and 2000, we uncover robust patterns of policy diffusion, yielding three key findings. First, we distinguish among and find evidence for four mechanisms of policy diffusion: learning from earlier adopters, economic competition among proximate cities, imitation of larger cities, and coercion by state governments. Second, we find a temporal component to these effects, with imitation being a more short-lived diffusion process than the others. Third, we show that these mechanisms are conditional, with larger cities being better able to learn from others, less fearful of economic spillovers, and less likely to rely on imitation.}
}

@Unpublished{ShirleyWalsh2000,
  Title                    = {Public versus private ownership : the current state of the debate},
  Author                   = {Shirley, Mary and Walsh, Patrick},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Note                     = {World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 2420},

  Abstract                 = {At the heart of the debate about public versus private ownership lie three questions: 1) Does competition matter more than ownership? 2) Are state enterprises more subject to welfare-reducing interventions by government than private firms are? 3) Do state enterprises suffer more from governance problems than private firms do? Even if the answers to these questions favor private ownership, the question must still be asked: Do distortions in the process of privatization mean that privatized firms perform worse than state enterprises? The author's review found greater ambiguity about the merits of privatization and private ownership in the theoretical literature than in the empirical literature. In most cases, empirical research strongly favors private ownership in competitive markets over a state-owned counterfactual (although construction of the counterfactual is itself a problem). Theory's ambiguity about ownership in monopoly markets seems better justified. Since the choice confronting governments is between state ownership and privatization rather than between privatization and optimality, theory has left a gap that empirical work has tried to fill. Further research is needed.}
}

@Article{Shister1953,
  Title                    = {The Logic of Union Growth},
  Author                   = {Shister, Joseph},
  Date                     = {1953},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {413--433},
  Volume                   = {61}
}

@Article{ShorEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {A {Bayes}ian Multilevel Modeling Approach to Time-Series Cross-Sectional Data},
  Author                   = {Shor, Boris and Bafumi, Joseph and Keele, Luke and Park, David},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpm006},
  Pages                    = {165{--}181},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The analysis of time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data has become increasingly popular in political science. Meanwhile, political scientists are also becoming more interested in the use of multilevel models (MLM). However, little work exists to understand the benefits of multilevel modeling when applied to TSCS data. We employ Monte Carlo simulations to benchmark the performance of a Bayesian multilevel model for TSCS data. We find that the MLM performs as well or better than other common estimators for such data. Most importantly, the MLM is more general and offers researchers additional advantages.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm006}
}

@Article{Shughart2006,
  Title                    = {Katrinanomics: The politics and economics of disaster relief},
  Author                   = {Shughart, William},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-7731-2},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {31--53},
  Volume                   = {127},

  Abstract                 = {Hurricane Katrina revealed massive governmental failure at the local, state and federal levels. This commentary brings the modern theory of property rights and public choice reasoning to bear in explaining why officials failed to strengthen New Orleans's levee system despite forewarning of its weaknesses, failed to pre-deploy adequate emergency supplies as the storm approached landfall and failed to respond promptly afterwards. Its main lesson is that no one should have expected government to be any more effective when confronted with natural disaster than it is in more mundane circumstances.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-7731-2}
}

@Article{Sianesi2004,
  Title                    = {An Evaluation of the Swedish System of Active Labor Market Programs in the 1990s},
  Author                   = {Sianesi, Barbara},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465304323023723},
  ISSN                     = {0034-6535},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {133--155},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Abstract                 = {We investigate the presence of short- and long-term effects from joining a Swedish labor market program vis-{\`a}-vis more intense job search in open unemployment. Overall, the impact of the program system is found to have been mixed. Joining a program has increased employment rates among participants, a result robust to a misclassification problem in the data. On the other hand it has also allowed participants to remain significantly longer on unemployment benefits and more generally in the unemployment system, this being particularly the case for those entitled individuals entering a program around the time of their unemployment benefits' exhaustion.}
}

@Article{Siaroff1999,
  Title                    = {Corporatism in 24 industrial democracies: Meaning and measurement},
  Author                   = {Siaroff, Alan},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1007048820297},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {175--205},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {The ongoing use of the concept of `corporatism' in industrial democracies has been stretched to include overlapping but still distinctive realities, which in turn often produce different `lists' of corporatist economies. Consequently, this analysis sets out to disentangle the concept of corporatism and to suggest a replacement. It includes a comparative classification of 24 long-term industrial democracies in terms of the corporatism scores given by 23 different scholarly analyses. The divisions in scoring certain important but problematic cases (such as Japan) can be explained by noting differing emphases in the term. I then propose an alternative, more focused summary measure of economic integration which is clearly linear and which has no `problem cases'. Precise scores on economic integration are given for four time periods from the late 1960s through the mid-1990s. It will be seen that the industrial democracies have always been dichotomised between integrated and non-integrated (or `pluralist') economies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1007048820297}
}

@Article{SidesCitrin2007,
  author       = {Sides,John and Citrin,Jack},
  title        = {European Opinion About Immigration: The Role of Identities, Interests and Information},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {37},
  issue        = {03},
  month        = {7},
  pages        = {477--504},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123407000257},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yy5gazxj},
  abstract     = {This article assesses the influence of material interests and cultural identities on European opinion about immigration. Analysis of respondents in twenty countries sampled in the 2002--03 European Social Survey demonstrates that they are unenthusiastic about high levels of immigration and typically overestimate the actual number of immigrants living in their country. At the individual level, cultural and national identity, economic interests and the level of information about immigration are all important predictors of attitudes. `Symbolic' predispositions, such as preferences for cultural unity, have a stronger statistical effect than economic dissatisfaction. Variation across countries in both the level and the predictors of opposition to immigration are mostly unrelated to contextual factors cited in previous research, notably the amount of immigration into a country and the overall state of its economy. The ramifications of these findings for policy makers are discussed in the context of current debates about immigration and European integration.},
  numpages     = {28},
}

@Article{Signorino1999,
  Title                    = {Strategic Interaction and the Statistical Analysis of International Conflict},
  Author                   = {Signorino, Curtis S},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {279{--}297},
  Volume                   = {93},

  Abstract                 = {Although strategic interaction is at the heart of most international relations theory, it has largely been missing from much empirical analysis in the field. Typical applications of logit and probit to theories of international conflict generally do not capture the structure of the strategic interdependence implied by those theories. I demonstrate how to derive statistical discrete choice models of international conflict that directly incorporate the theorized strategic interaction. I show this for a simple crisis interaction model and then use Monte Carlo analysis to show that logit provides estimates with incorrect substantive interpretations as well as fitted values that can be far from the true values. Finally, I reanalyze a well-known game-theoretic model of war, Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman's (1992) international interaction game. My results indicate that there is at best modest empirical support for their model.}
}

@Article{Signorino1999a,
  Title                    = {Strategic Interaction and the Statistical Analysis of International Conflict},
  Author                   = {Signorino, Curtis S},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2585396},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {279--297},
  Volume                   = {93},

  Abstract                 = {Although strategic interaction is at the heart of most international relations theory, it has largely been missing from much empirical analysis in the field. Typical applications of logit and probit to theories of international conflict generally do not capture the structure of the strategic interdependence implied by those theories. I demonstrate how to derive statistical discrete choice models of international conflict that directly incorporate the theorized strategic interaction. I show this for a simple crisis interaction model and then use Monte Carlo analysis to show that logit provides estimates with incorrect substantive interpretations as well as fitted values that can be far from the true values. Finally, I reanalyze a well-known game-theoretic model of war, Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman's (1992) international interaction game. My results indicate that there is at best modest empirical support for their model.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585396}
}

@Article{Signorino2003,
  Title                    = {Structure and Uncertainty in Discrete Choice Models},
  Author                   = {Signorino, Curtis S},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpg020},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {316{--}344},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Social scientists are often confronted with theories in which one or more actors make choices over a discrete set of options. In this article, I generalize a broad class of statistical discrete choice models, with both well-known and new nonstrategic and strategic special cases. I demonstrate how to derive statistical models from theoretical discrete choice models and, in doing so, I address the statistical implications of three sources of uncertainty: agent error, private information about payoffs, and regressor error. For strategic and some nonstrategic choice models, the three types of uncertainty produce different statistical models. In these cases, misspecifying the type of uncertainty leads to biased and inconsistent estimates, and to incorrect inferences based on estimated probabilities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg020}
}

@Article{SignorinoYilmaz2003,
  Title                    = {Strategic Misspecification in Regression Models},
  Author                   = {Signorino, Curtis S and Yilmaz, Kuzey},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1540-5907.00039},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {551{--}566},
  Volume                   = {47},

  Abstract                 = {Common regression models are often structurally inconsistent with strategic interaction. We demonstrate that this "strategic misspecification" is really an issue of structural (or functional form) misspecification. The misspecification can be equivalently written as a form of omitted variable bias, where the omitted variables are nonlinear terms arising from the players' expected utility calculations and often from data aggregation. We characterize the extent of the specification error in terms of model parameters and the data and show that typical regressions models can at times give exactly the opposite inferences versus the true strategic data-generating process. Researchers are recommended to pay closer attention to their theoretical models, the implications of those models concerning their statistical models, and vice versa.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-5907.00039}
}

@Online{Simic2012,
  Title                    = {Age of Ignorance},
  Author                   = {Charles Simic},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2012/mar/20/age-of-ignorance/},
  Month                    = mar,
  Note                     = {New York Review of Books Blog},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2012/mar/20/age-of-ignorance/}
}

@Article{Simmons1976,
  Title                    = {Tacit Consent and Political Obligation},
  Author                   = {A. John Simmons},
  Date                     = {1976},
  Journaltitle             = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  ISSN                     = {00483915, 10884963},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {274--291},
  Url                      = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2264884},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Publisher                = {Wiley}
}

@Book{Simmons1981,
  Title                    = {Moral Principles and Political Obligations},
  Author                   = {Simmons, A. John},
  Date                     = {1981},
  ISBN                     = {9780691020198},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Book{Simmons2001,
  Title                    = {Justification and Legitimacy: Essays on Rights and Obligations},
  Author                   = {Simmons, A. John},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {9780521793650},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{SimmonsEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Introduction: The International Diffusion of Liberalism},
  Author                   = {Simmons, Beth A. and Dobbin, Frank and Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818306060267},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {781--810},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Political scientists, sociologists, and economists have all sought to analyze the spread of economic and political liberalism across countries in recent decades. This article documents this diffusion of liberal policies and politics and proposes four distinct theories to explain how the prior choices of some countries and international actors affect the subsequent behavior of others: coercion, competition, learning, and emulation. These theories are explored empirically in the symposium articles that follow. The goal of the symposium is to bring quite different and often isolated schools of thought into contact and communication with one another, and to define common metrics by which we can judge the utility of the contending approaches to diffusion across different policy domains.}
}

@Article{Simola2005,
  Title                    = {The Finnish Miracle of PISA: Historical and Sociological Remarks on Teaching and Teacher Education},
  Author                   = {Simola, Hannu},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {455{--}470},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {One of the recent tributes to the success of Finnish schooling was the PISA 2000 project report. As befits the field of education, the explanations are primarily pedagogical, referring especially to the excellent teachers and high-quality teacher education. Without underrating the explanatory power of these statements, this paper presents some of the social, cultural and historical factors behind the pedagogical success of the Finnish comprehensive school. From the perspectives of history and the sociology of education, it also sheds light on some ironic paradoxes and dilemmas that may be concealed by the success. The focus is on the problematic nature of international comparative surveys based on school performance indicators. The question is whether they really make it possible to understand schooling in different countries, or whether they are just part of processes of 'international spectacle' and 'mutual accountability'.}
}

@Article{SimolaEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Quality assurance and evaluation (QAE) in Finnish compulsory schooling: a national model or just unintended effects of radical decentralisation?},
  Author                   = {Simola, Hannu and Rinne, Risto and Varjo, Janne and Pitk\\~A\texteuronen, Hannele and Kauko, Jaakko},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930902733139},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {163--178},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {This article traces quality assurance and evaluation (QAE) developments in Finnish compulsory schooling. The central question is this: Is there a Finnish model of QAE? We conclude that it may be a rhetorical overstatement to speak about a specific Finnish \^a??Model\^a?? of QAE in a strong sense. However, neither is it valid to conclude that what happens in Finnish QAE merely reflects the unintended effects of radical decentralisation. The Finnish consensus on certain issues in QAE could be characterised as silent, and based on antipathy rather than on conscious and articulated principles. Finnish hostility towards ranking, combined with a bureaucratic tradition and a developmental approach to QAE strengthened by radical municipal autonomy, has constructed two national and local embedded policies that have been rather effective in resisting a trans-national policy of testing and ranking. It is significant, however, that both represent a combination of conscious, unintended and contingent factors.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930902733139}
}

@Article{Simon1955,
  Title                    = {A Behavioral Model of Rational Choice},
  Author                   = {Simon, Herbert A.},
  Date                     = {1955},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1884852},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {99--118},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Abstract                 = {Introduction, 99.--I. Some general features of rational choice, 100.--II. The essential simplifications, 103.--III. Existence and uniqueness of solutions, 111.--IV. Further comments on dynamics, 113.--V. Conclusion, 114.--Appendix, 115.}
}

@Article{Simon1985,
  author       = {Simon, Herbert A.},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Human Nature in Politics: The Dialogue of Psychology with Political Science},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {293--304},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {This article compares two theories of human rationality that have found application in political science: procedural, bounded rationality from contemporary cognitive psychology, and global, substantive rationality from economics. Using examples drawn from the recent literature of political science, it examines the relative roles played by the rationality principle and by auxiliary assumptions (e.g. assumptions about the content of actors' goals) in explaining human behavior in political contexts, and concludes that the model predictions rest primarily on the auxiliary assumptions rather than deriving from the rationality principle. The analysis implies that the principle of rationality, unless accompanied by extensive empirical research to identify the correct auxiliary assumptions, has little power to make valid predictions about political phenomena.},
}

@Unpublished{Simoni2010,
  Title                    = {The Employment Effect of Wage Moderation},
  Author                   = {Marco Simoni},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = apr,
  Note                     = {Presented at the Seventeenth International Conference of Europeanists, Montreal, Canada, 16 April 2010.}
}

@Article{Simpkin1995,
  Title                    = {Overcoming the Bulk Funding Blockage: The Ministerial Reference Group on School Staffing},
  Author                   = {Simpkin, Gay},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {New Zealand Annual Review of Education},
  Pages                    = {57--74},
  Url                      = {http://www.victoria.ac.nz/nzaroe/2005/.%5C../subject-area/.%5C../1995/pdf/text-simpkin.pdf},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The report of the Ministerial Reference Group on school staffing, while ostensibly addressing the mechanism by which the supply of teachers to schools is calculated, has greater significance for schools. Its recommendations appear to be related to neo-liberal theories of the state. Not only do they provide another opportunity for schools to choose to be bulk funded for teacher salaries, bu thtey also introduce competition between schools by reducing staffing levels in smaller schools, and by providing capped contestable pools of funds for which schools must compete. The article explores the implications of these developments for the national collective contracts of teachers.}
}

@Article{Singer1961,
  Title                    = {The Level-of-Analysis Problem in International Relations},
  Author                   = {Singer, J. David},
  Date                     = {1961},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {77{--}92},
  Volume                   = {14}
}

@Unpublished{Sinn2007,
  Title                    = {The Welfare State and the Forces of Globalization},
  Author                   = {Sinn, Han-Werner},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {CESIFO Working Paper no. 1925},
  Url                      = {http://www.cesifo-group.de/DocCIDL/cesifo1_wp1925.pdf},

  Abstract                 = {The emergence of the Asian tiger countries and the participation of the ex-communist countries in world trade has reduced the equilibrium price of labor in western Europe and elsewhere. However, the actual price of labor hardly reacts, because the welfare state{\textquoteright}s minimum replacement incomes are fixed. The rigidity of wages causes pathological overreactions of the European economy in terms of excessive capital exports, excessive immigration and excessive structural change towards the capital intensive export sectors. The overreactions cause unemployment, sluggish growth, a current account surplus and a high export volume, but may prevent gains from trade. To enable a more efficient economic reaction that would not jeopardize social goals but bring about more employment, growth and gains from trade, it is recommended to move the European welfare state from a system that primarily pays wage replacement incomes to one that pays wage subsidies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.cesifo-group.de/DocCIDL/cesifo1_wp1925.pdf}
}

@Article{Skaperdas2001,
  Title                    = {The political economy of organized crime: providing protection when the state does not},
  Author                   = {Skaperdas, Stergios},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics of Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/PL00011026},
  ISSN                     = {1435-6104},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {173--202},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {Organized crime emerges out of the power vaccuum that is created by the absence of state enforcement, and which can have many sources: geographic, social, and ethnic distance, prohibition, or simply collapse of state institutions. Mafias and gangs are hierarchically organized and can be thought of as providing primitive state functions, with economic costs that are typically much higher than those associated with modern governance. Though organized crime cannot be completely eradicated, its control is necessary, since it can easily corrupt existing institutions of governance. Some thoughts on what can be done to control organized crime are offered.}
}

@Article{Skarbek2011,
  author       = {Skarbek, David},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Governance and Prison Gangs},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055411000335},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {4},
  pages        = {702--716},
  volume       = {105},
  abstract     = {How can people who lack access to effective government institutions establish property rights and facilitate exchange? The illegal narcotics trade in Los Angeles has flourished despite its inability to rely on state-based formal institutions of governance. An alternative system of governance has emerged from an unexpected source -- behind bars. The Mexican Mafia prison gang can extort drug dealers on the street because they wield substantial control over inmates in the county jail system and because drug dealers anticipate future incarceration. The gang's ability to extract resources creates incentives for them to provide governance institutions that mitigate market failures among Hispanic drug-dealing street gangs, including enforcing deals, protecting property rights, and adjudicating disputes. Evidence collected from federal indictments and other legal documents related to the Mexican Mafia prison gang and numerous street gangs supports this claim.},
  month        = {11},
  numpages     = {15},
}

@Book{Skarbek2014,
  Title                    = {The Social Order of the Underworld: How Prison Gangs Govern the American Penal System},
  Author                   = {Skarbek, David},
  Date                     = {2014},
  ISBN                     = {978-0199328505},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Online{Skarbek2015,
  Title                    = {How Gangs Keep You Safe},
  Author                   = {Skarbek, David},
  Date                     = {2015-05-26},
  Url                      = {http://tedxtalks.ted.com/video/How-Gangs-Keep-You-Safe-David-S},
  Organization             = {TEDx Warwick},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-02}
}

@WWW{Skidelsky2013,
  author       = {Robert Skidelsky},
  title        = {Four Fallacies of the Second Great Depression},
  date         = {2013-11},
  url          = {https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/robert-skidelsky-explains-why-post-2008-economic-policy-has-so-often-missed-the-mark},
  urldate      = {2016-05-17},
  howpublished = {Project Syndicate},
}

@Article{Skinner2008,
  author       = {Skinner, Quentin},
  date         = {2008-05-13},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the British Academy},
  title        = {A Genealogy of the State},
  pages        = {325--370},
  url          = {https://www.thebritishacademy.ac.uk/documents/2073/pba162p325.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-09-22},
  volume       = {162},
}

@Online{Skinner2010,
  Title                    = {The Idea of the State: a Genealogy},
  Author                   = {Skinner, Quentin},
  Date                     = {2010-05},
  Url                      = {https://podcasts.ox.ac.uk/idea-state-genealogy},
  Note                     = {The State of the State lecture series},
  Organization             = {University of Oxford},
  Urldate                  = {2016-10-07}
}

@Article{Skocpol1995,
  Title                    = {Why I Am an Historical Institutionalist},
  Author                   = {Skocpol, Theda},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Polity},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {103{--}106},
  Volume                   = {28}
}

@Article{SkocpolAmenta1986,
  Title                    = {States and Social Policies},
  Author                   = {Skocpol, Theda and Amenta, Edwin},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.so.12.080186.001023},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {131--157},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Comparative social scientists have developed various arguments about the determinants of social policies, especially those connected with twentieth-century ``welfare states.'' Structure-functionalists argue that the social policies of modern nations necessarily converge due to an underlying logic of industrialism, while neo-Marxists treat such policies as state responses to the social reproduction requirements of advanced capitalism. Yet most students of social policies are more attuned to history and politics. Concentrating on two dozen or fewer industrial capitalist democracies, many scholars have explored the alternative ways in which democratic political processes have helped to create programs and expand social expenditures. For a fuller range of nations past and present, scholars have also asked how ties to the world-economy, patterns of geopolitical competition, and processes of transnational cultural modelling have influenced social policies. Finally, there is now considerable interest in the independent impact of states on social policymaking. States may be sites of autonomous official initiatives, and their institutional structures may help to shape the political processes from which social policies emerge. In turn, social policies, once enacted and implemented, themselves transform politics. Consequently, the study over time of ``policy feedbacks'' has become one of the most fruitful current areas of research on states and social policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.so.12.080186.001023}
}

@Book{Skolverket2006,
  Title                    = {Schools Like Any Other? Independent Schools as Part of the System 1991--2004},
  Author                   = {Skolverket},
  Date                     = {2006},
  ISBN                     = {978-91-85545-08-7},
  Publisher                = {Skolverket}
}

@Article{SlantchevEtAl2005,
  author       = {Slantchev, Branislav L. and Alexandrova, Anna and Gartzke, Erik},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Probabilistic Causality, Selection Bias, and the Logic of the Democratic Peace},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055405051786},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {459--462},
  url          = {http://pages.ucsd.edu/~egartzke/publications/slantchevetal_apsr_05.pdf},
  urldate      = {2015-11-22},
  volume       = {99},
  abstract     = {Rosato (2003) claims to have discredited democratic peace theories. however, the methodological approach adopted by the study cannot reliably generate the conclusions espoused by the author. rosato seems to misunderstand the probabilistic nature of most arguments about democratic peace and ignores issues that an appropriate research design should account for. further, the study's use of case studies and data sets without attention to selection-bias produces examples that actually support theories it seeks to undermine. these problems place in doubt the article&apos;s findings.},
  month        = {8},
}

@Article{SlapinProksch2008,
  Title                    = {A Scaling Model for Estimating Time-Series Party Positions from Texts},
  Author                   = {Slapin, Jonathan B. and Proksch, Sven-Oliver},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00338.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {705--722},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {Recent advances in computational content analysis have provided scholars promising new ways for estimating party positions. However, existing text-based methods face challenges in producing valid and reliable time-series data. This article proposes a scaling algorithm called WORDFISH to estimate policy positions based on word frequencies in texts. The technique allows researchers to locate parties in one or multiple elections. We demonstrate the algorithm by estimating the positions of German political parties from 1990 to 2005 using word frequencies in party manifestos. The extracted positions reflect changes in the party system more accurately than existing time-series estimates. In addition, the method allows researchers to examine which words are important for placing parties on the left and on the right. We find that words with strong political connotations are the best discriminators between parties. Finally, a series of robustness checks demonstrate that the estimated positions are insensitive to distributional assumptions and document selection.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00338.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{SlothuusdeVreese2010,
  author       = {Slothuus,Rune and {de Vreese},Claes H.},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Issue Framing Effects},
  doi          = {10.1017/S002238161000006X},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {630--645},
  volume       = {72},
  abstract     = {Issue framing is one of the most important means of elite influence on public opinion. However, we know almost nothing about how citizens respond to frames in what is possibly the most common situation in politics: when frames are sponsored by political parties. Linking theory on motivated reasoning with framing research, we argue not only that citizens should be more likely to follow a frame if it is promoted by ``their'' party; we expect such biases to be more pronounced on issues at the center of party conflicts and among the more politically aware. Two experiments embedded in a nationally representative survey support these arguments. Our findings revise current knowledge on framing, parties, and public opinion.},
}

@Article{Smeeding2006,
  Title                    = {Poor People in Rich Nations: The {United States} in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Smeeding, Timothy M.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/089533006776526094},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {69--90},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Cross-national comparisons can teach lessons about antipoverty policy. While all nations value low poverty, high levels of economic self-reliance and equality of opportunity for younger persons, they differ dramatically in the extent to which they reach these goals. Nations also exhibit differences in the extent to which working age adults mix economic self-reliance (earned incomes), family support and government support to avoid poverty. We begin by reviewing international concepts and measures of poverty. The Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) database contains the information needed to construct comparable poverty measures for more than 30 nations. It allows comparisons of the level and trend of poverty and inequality across several nations, along with considerable detail on the sources of market incomes and public policies that shape these outcomes. We will highlight the different relationships between antipoverty policy and outcomes among several countries, and consider the implications of our analysis for research and for antipoverty policy in the United States. In doing so, we will draw on a growing body of evidence that evaluates antipoverty programs in a cross-national context.},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{Smeets1990,
  Title                    = {Does {Germany} Dominate the EMS?},
  Author                   = {Smeets, Heinz-Dieter},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1990.tb00380.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {37--52},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1990.tb00380.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{SmirnovFowler2007,
  Title                    = {Policy-Motivated Parties in Dynamic Political Competition},
  Author                   = {Smirnov, Oleg and Fowler, James H.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951629807071014},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {9--31},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {We analyze a model of a dynamic political competition between two policy-motivated parties under uncertainty. The model suggests that electoral mandates matter: increasing the margin of victory in the previous election causes both parties to shift towards policies preferred by the winner, and the loser typically shifts more than the winner. The model also provides potential answers to a number of empirical puzzles in the field of electoral politics. In particular, we provide possible explanations for why close elections may lead to extreme platforms by both parties, why increased extremism in the platform of one party may lead to greater moderation in the platform of the other party, and why increasing polarization of the electorate causes winning candidates to become more sensitive to mandates. We also show that, contrary to previous findings, increasing uncertainty sometimes decreases platform divergence. Finally, we pay special attention to the proper methodology for doing numerical comparative statics analysis in computational models.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629807071014}
}

@Article{Smith1999a,
  Title                    = {Testing Theories of Strategic Choice: The Example of Crisis Escalation},
  Author                   = {Smith, Alastair},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2991827},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1254--1283},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Strategic-choice explanations of international crisis escalation imply that, because actors anticipate the likely responses of others and choose actions that avoid undesirable responses, our observations of nations' decisions to use force are interdependent and censored. For example, suppose a weak nation (B) is threatened by a powerful neighbor (A). If B believes A's threat, then it should back down. Unfortunately, this censors our ability to observe whether A would actually use violence. Many traditional methods ignore this censoring and mis-specify the extent to which variables influence crisis behavior. To ameliorate the problems of interdependence and censoring, I develop the Strategically Censored Discrete Choice model. Estimating this model using Bayesian Markov chain Monte Carlo simulation methods, I analyze Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman's (1992) dyadically-coded version of the Militarized Interstate Dispute data (Gochmann and Maoz 1984). Based on Bayesian-model comparison statistics, I conclude th...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2991827}
}

@Article{Smith2003,
  author       = {Smith, Alastair},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Election Timing in Majoritarian Parliaments},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123403000188},
  number       = {03},
  pages        = {397--418},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {I propose and test an informational theory of endogenous election timing. I assume leaders have more accurate estimates of future outcomes than citizens. The prospect of declining future performance spurs leaders to call early elections. Since leaders condition their timing decisions on their expectations of future performance, early elections signal a leader's lack of confidence in future outcomes. The earlier elections occur, relative to expectations, the stronger the signal of demise. Using data on British parliaments since 1945, I test hypotheses relating the timing of elections, electoral support and subsequent economic performance. As predicted, leaders who call elections early, relative to expectations, experience a decline in their popular support relative to pre-announcement levels.},
}

@Article{Smith2007,
  Title                    = {Concern over high academy exclusion rates},
  Author                   = {Smith, Alexandra},
  Date                     = {2007-01-29},
  Journaltitle             = {{The Guardian}},
  Urldate                  = {2015-02-19}
}

@Article{SmithSearles2013,
  Title                    = {Fair and Balanced News or a Difference of Opinion? Why Opinion Shows Matter for Media Effects},
  Author                   = {Smith, Glen and Searles, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912912465922},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {671--684},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, we examine both the content and effects of opinion shows during the 2008 presidential election. First, a content analysis shows that opinion shows devote most of their attention to attacking the opposition candidate, rather than praising the like-minded candidate. Second, analyses of panel data show that exposure to opinion shows made viewers less (more) favorable toward the opposition (like-minded) candidate. Finally, we use overtime analyses to show that coverage of the opposition candidate affects attitudes toward both candidates, whereas coverage of the like-minded candidate has negligible effects on attitudes toward either candidate.}
}

@Book{Smith2004,
  Title                    = {Reinvigorating {Europe}an Elections: The Implications of Electing the {Europe}an Commission},
  Author                   = {Smith, Julie},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {1862031606},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Royal Institute of International Affairs}
}

@Article{SmithOxley1997,
  Title                    = {Housing investment and social housing: {Europe}an comparisons},
  Author                   = {Smith, Jacqueline and Oxley, Michael},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039708720912},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {489{--}507},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines investment in social rented housing in France, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK. Although various indicators of investment are considered, social dwelling construction data are seen to be the only comparative measure available. The institutional arrangements in each country are considered together with the financing routes. An overview of the different policy approaches is provided. Explanations for differences in social rented housing investment rates are considered and the prospects for the future examined. It is argued that while the division between private and social rented housing may become increasingly blurred, the objectives of social housing can only be achieved with redistributive mechanisms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039708720912}
}

@Article{Smith2005,
  Title                    = {Data Don't Matter? Academic Research and School Choice},
  Author                   = {Smith, Kevin},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592705050218},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {285--299},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {School choice has attracted much attention from academic policy analysts. Their data analyses, however, have become entangled in the politics surrounding debates over market-driven reform rather than serving as foundations for utilitarian policy making. High-profile research programs generate an increasing number of empirical studies, which are often valued for how well they fit ideological preferences rather than how useful they may be in offering practical guidance on workable and politically feasible strategies. In this paper I assess what supportable policy message(s) can be extracted from the large research literature on choice and vouchers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592705050218}
}

@Article{Smith1994,
  Title                    = {Policy, Markets, and Bureaucracy: Reexamining School Choice},
  Author                   = {Smith, Kevin B.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {475--491},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Public choice is an idea that is gaining support as a policy option for the nation's schools. Advocates of choice argue decoupling education from the control of democratic institutions and substituting a market mechanism will promote effective schools. This paper analyzes the underlying premises of the public choice argument and empirically tests them on a district-level data set of Florida schools. The relationships hypothesized by public choice advocates to be important determinants of performance often fail to appear. The results raise questions about the effectiveness of the public choice policy option.}
}

@Article{SmithMeier1995,
  Title                    = {Public Choice in Education: Markets and the Demand for Quality Education},
  Author                   = {Smith, Kevin B. and Meier, Kenneth J.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/106591299504800301},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {461--478},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {School choice is an increasingly popular education reform. Proponents of choice argue that market forces can improve education through the mechanism of competition --- the schools that best satisfy the demands of parents and students will attract clientele and prosper and those that do not will close. A key assumption of choice theorists is that the engine driving an education marketplace will be a demand for a higher quality education. This demand for quality assumption rests heavily on comparisons between public and private schools. This paper empirically tests the demand for quality education assumption and finds it wanting. Supplying a demand for religious services and racial segregation are found to be the more likely outcomes of an education marketplace.}
}

@Article{Smith2001,
  Title                    = {Toward a theory of EU foreign policy-making: multi-level governance, domestic politics, and national adaptation to {Europe}'s common foreign and security policy},
  Author                   = {Smith, Michael},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176042000248124},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {740--758},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {The expansion of European foreign and security policy co-operation since the 1970s imposes unique requirements on European Union (EU) member states, and the co- ordination of these various obligations presents a major challenge to the EU's pursuit of a common foreign and security policy (CFSP). However, the past decade has also seen significant progress toward the multi-level governance of EU foreign policy, particularly when compared to the limited policy co-ordination of the 1970s and 1980s. This article examines the relationship between institutional development and the multi-level governance of EU foreign policy, as represented by the CFSP. In particular, it explores: (1) the extent to which the CFSP policy space can be described in terms of multi-level governance; (2) the processes by which governance mechanisms influence the domestic foreign policy cultures of EU member states; and (3) how the interaction of domestic politics and governance mechanisms produces specific policy outcomes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176042000248124},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Smith1999,
  Title                    = {Public Opinion, Elections, and Representation within a Market Economy: Does the Structural Power of Business Undermine Popular Sovereignty?},
  Author                   = {Smith, Mark A.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {842{--}863},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {According to one common theory of business power, politicians face strong electoral incentives to implement policies matching the preferences of business enterprises. The tendency for investors to choose the time and place producing the highest returns supposedly weakens or eliminates the ability of ordinary citizens to provide direction for policymakers. If the theory is accurate, substantive public input into policymaking should suffer the most during economic downturns, when officeholders are most dependent upon additional investment. Building upon recent work examining representation over time, I test the theory's predictions within the United States using time-series regression. The data set includes measures of public opinion, elections, and a broad range of federal legislative decisions important to the business community at large. Contrary to the theory's expectations, the results indicate that representation in the U.S. is not impaired by linkages between the economy and elections. Flaws in the theory's underlying assumptions show why trepidation about the structural power of business is misplaced.}
}

@Article{Smith2001a,
  Title                    = {Conforming to {Europe}: the domestic impact of EU foreign policy co-operation},
  Author                   = {Smith, Michael E.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760050165398},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {613--631},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {European co - operation in foreign policy, or political co - operation, recently completed its third decade of institutional development. Most of this change has taken place at European level, often by adopting or adapting the procedures of the European Community. Yet the expansion of foreign, and now security, policy co - operation in the European Union (EU) has also increasingly penetrated into the domestic politics of its member states. This article suggests a conceptual framework for measuring the ways political co - operation has encouraged corresponding changes in EU member states. Four indicators of national adaptation are stressed: {\'e}lite socialization, bureaucratic restructuring, constitutional changes,and changes in public perceptions about the desirability and legitimacy of this co - operation. These types of change demonstrate that the demands of foreign policy co - operation are much greater than those outlined in treaty articles, and must be taken into consideration as the EU negotiates its next enlargement with Central and Eastern European states and attempts to develop a European security and defense identity.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760050165398},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Smith1992,
  Title                    = {Error Correction, Attractors, and Cointegration: Substantive and Methodological Issues},
  Author                   = {Smith, Ren{\a\'e}e M},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/4.1.249},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {249--254},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.249}
}

@Article{Smith1985,
  author       = {Smith,Steve},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Groupthink and the Hostage Rescue Mission},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123400004099},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  issue        = {01},
  pages        = {117--123},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {Irving Janis's work on groupthink has attracted considerable attention from those who seek to explain foreign-policy decision making. The basic argument --- that excessive esprit de corps and amiability restrict the critical faculties of small decision-making groups, thereby leading to foreign-policy fiascos --- is both an appealing and a stimulating one. In addition, it is also an argument that is capable of being tested against empirical evidence. Thus, Frank Heller has suggested that groupthink may be very useful in explaining British policy during the Falklands Crisis. The purpose of this note is to indicate the utility of the notion of groupthink in explaining one recent foreign-policy fiasco, the attempt by the United States to rescue its hostages in Tehran.},
  month        = jan,
}

@Article{Smith2013,
  Title                    = {Are you sitting comfortably? Estimating incumbency advantage in the UK: 1983--2010 --- A research note},
  Author                   = {Smith, Timothy Hallam},
  Date                     = {2013-03},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2012.12.002},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {167--173},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {This note adapts two models commonly used to estimate the incumbency advantage that US members of Congress enjoy the slurge and the Gelman-King Index to provide comparable estimates for UK MPs. The results show that Liberal Democrats enjoy extremely large such advantages on a par with those of US Congressmen of between 5% and 15% of the vote. Labour and the Conservatives have incumbency advantages at around 2% and 1% respectively. The note estimates that effects could have changed the outcome in as many as 25 seats in some elections, and that they cost the Conservatives the chance to govern alone after the 2010 election.},
  Keywords                 = {Incumbency, Slurge, Gelman-King index, Member of Parliament, British General Election}
}

@Book{SnidermanTetlock1991,
  Title                    = {Reasoning and Choice: Explorations in Political Psychology},
  Author                   = {Sniderman, Paul M. and Brody, Richard A. and Tetlock, Philip E.},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{SnowbergEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Partisan Impacts on the Economy: Evidence From Prediction Markets and Close Elections},
  Author                   = {Snowberg, Erik and Wolfers, Justin and Zitzewitz, Eric},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/qjec.122.2.807},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {807{--}829},
  Volume                   = {122},

  Abstract                 = {Analyses of the effects of election outcomes on the economy have been hampered by the problem that economic outcomes also influence elections. We sidestep these problems by analyzing movements in economic indicators caused by clearly exogenous changes in expectations about the likely winner during election day. Analyzing high frequency financial fluctuations following the release of flawed exit poll data on election day 2004, and then during the vote count we find that markets anticipated higher equity prices, interest rates and oil prices, and a stronger dollar under a George W. Bush presidency than under John Kerry. A similar Republican{\textendash}Democrat differential was also observed for the 2000 Bush{\textendash}Gore contest. Prediction market based analyses of all presidential elections since 1880 also reveal a similar pattern of partisan impacts, suggesting that electing a Republican president raises equity valuations by 2{\textendash}3 percent, and that since Ronald Reagan, Republican presidents have tended to raise bond yields.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.122.2.807}
}

@Article{SnyderGroseclose2000,
  Title                    = {Estimating Party Influence in Congressional Roll-Call Voting},
  Author                   = {Snyder, James M and Groseclose, Tim},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2669305},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {193--211},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {This article develops and implements a simple procedure to estimate the extent to which party influences roll-call voting in the U.S. Congress. We find strong evidence of party influence in both the House and the Senate, in virtually all congresses over the period 1871-1998. We do not find any large, systematic differences in influence between the House and Senate. Over the post-war period, party influence in the House occurs especially often on key procedural votes-the rule on a bill, motions to cut off debate, and motions to recommit. In terms of substantive issues, party influence appears most frequently on budget resolutions, tax policy, social security, social welfare policy, and the national debt limit, while it is relatively rare on moral and religious issues and civil rights, and entirely absent on issues such as gun control. On some issues, such as agriculture, public works, and nuclear energy, party influence has varied dramatically over the period we study.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669305}
}

@Article{SobelLeeson2006,
  Title                    = {Government's response to Hurricane Katrina: A public choice analysis},
  Author                   = {Sobel, Russell and Leeson, Peter},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-7730-3},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {55--73},
  Volume                   = {127},

  Abstract                 = {We use public choice theory to explain the failure of FEMA and other governmental agencies to carry out effective disaster relief in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. The areas in which we focus are: (1) the tragedy of the anti-commons resulting from layered bureaucracy, (2) a type-two error policy bias causing over cautiousness in decision making, (3) the political manipulation of disaster declarations and relief aid to win votes, (4) the problem of acquiring timely and accurate preference revelations, (5) glory seeking by government officials, and (6) the shortsightedness effect causing a bias in governmental decision making.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-7730-3}
}

@Article{Sohrab1994,
  Title                    = {An Overview of the Equality Directive On Social Security and Its Implementation in Four Social Security Systems},
  Author                   = {Sohrab, Julia A.},
  Date                     = {1994-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095892879400400402},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {263--276},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {In December 1984 the Equality Directive 79/ 7/EEC on Statutory Social Security schemes came into force. Since then, this Directive has forced changes to the social security systems in the UK, Ireland, Belgium and the Netherlands. This article argues that, in the main, these changes have achieved the removal of bars on certain categories of women, married women and women cohabiting with male partners, from claiming benefits. Inequalities facing women in building up individual entitlements to social security benefits are of greater com plexity, however, than simply bringing about 'formal equality' between men and women. The article argues that these inequalities stem at least in part from the limited recognition in social security systems of unpaid caring work, such as bringing up children, and the care of elderly and sick persons, in establishing entitle ment to social security benefits. In the face of these problems the Directive has been con siderably less effective. The European Court of Justice has not prevented all four countries from cutting back on social security provision, even in ways which adversely affect women to a greater extent than men. Rules and con ditions such as earnings thresholds for con tributory benefits, or requirements of certain levels of previous income, both act to exclude part-time workers, most of whom are women, from social insurance systems. It is doubtful whether the Directive could be used to chal lenge these rules, partly because of the caution of the European Court of Justice in matters of equality in social security. The Directive, it is argued, is also unable to counter forms of dis crimination against women in social assistance benefits, despite the reality that greater num bers of people across the European Union are relying on these benefits. The article concludes on a note of measured enthusiasm for the ef fectiveness of this Directive in achieving sub stantial change for women.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879400400402}
}

@Article{Soifer2012,
  Title                    = {The Causal Logic of Critical Junctures},
  Author                   = {Soifer, Hillel David},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414012463902},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1572--1597},
  Url                      = {http://www3.nd.edu/~ggoertz/qmir/Soifer2012.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-06-19},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the fact that critical junctures are frequently deployed in historical analyses, we lack an explicit causal logic for them. This article proposes a distinction between permissive and productive conditions in critical junctures. Permissive conditions are necessary conditions that mark the loosening of constraints on agency or contingency and thus provide the temporal bounds on critical junctures. Productive conditions, which can take various logical forms, act within the context of these permissive conditions to produce divergence. I develop these concepts in detail and use classic analyses that apply the concept to show the implications of this new framework for the scope conditions, case selection, and theoretical completeness of historical analysis, as well as for broader issues in historical analysis such as the relationships between crisis and outcome, and between stability and change.}
}

@Article{Sokolovsky1998,
  Title                    = {The Making of National Health Insurance in {Britain} and {Canada}: Institutional Analysis and its Limits},
  Author                   = {Sokolovsky, Joan},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Historical Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-6443.00062},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {247--280},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars examining the development of health insurance reform programs from an institutionalist perspective have drawn attention to the importance of state structures and administrative capacities in shaping social policy outcomes. Focusing on the introduction of the British National Health Insurance Act of 1911 and the Canadian Hospital Insurance Act of 1957, I suggest that institutionalist analysis can obscure the historical record in three ways. Analysts may ignore the multiple institutional mechanisms that were available to policy makers at the time; they may overlook the contentiousness of policy battles; and they may underestimate the extent to which similar institutions have functioned in very different ways. In the case of Britain, I argue that national health insurance was part of a package of social reforms designed to halt the slide of Britain from a position of preeminence in the world economy. The introduction of Canadian health insurance coincided with an increased role for local and federal states in fostering economic development within the nation. Institutional structures, cultural values, and political power were all resources used within both states to create a consensus behind the new national agenda.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6443.00062}
}

@Article{Solon2002,
  Title                    = {Cross-Country Differences in Intergenerational Earnings Mobility},
  Author                   = {Solon, Gary},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/089533002760278712},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {59--66},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {International studies of the extent to which economic status is passed from one generation to the next are important for at least two reasons. First, each study of a particular country characterizes an important feature of that country's income inequality. Second, comparisons of intergenerational mobility across countries may yield valuable clues about how income status is transmitted across generations and why the strength of that intergenerational transmission varies across countries. The first section of this paper explains a benchmark measure of intergenerational mobility commonly used in U.S. studies. The second section summarizes comparable empirical findings that have accumulated so far for countries other than the United States. The third section sketches a theoretical framework for interpreting cross-country differences in intergenerational mobility.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533002760278712}
}

@Techreport{SolonEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {What Are We Weighting For?},
  Author                   = {Gary Solon and Steven J. Haider and Jeffrey Wooldridge},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Institution              = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  Doi                      = {10.3386/w18859},
  Month                    = {February},
  Number                   = {18859},
  Type                     = {Working Paper},
  Url                      = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w18859},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this paper is to help empirical economists think through when and how to weight the data used in estimation. We start by distinguishing two purposes of estimation: to estimate population descriptive statistics and to estimate causal effects. In the former type of research, weighting is called for when it is needed to make the analysis sample representative of the target population. In the latter type, the weighting issue is more nuanced. We discuss three distinct potential motives for weighting when estimating causal effects: (1) to achieve precise estimates by correcting for heteroskedasticity, (2) to achieve consistent estimates by correcting for endogenous sampling, and (3) to identify average partial effects in the presence of unmodeled heterogeneity of effects. In each case, we find that the motive sometimes does not apply in situations where practitioners often assume it does. We recommend diagnostics for assessing the advisability of weighting, and we suggest methods for appropriate inference.}
}

@Article{Solt2011,
  Title                    = {Diversionary Nationalism: Economic Inequality and the Formation of National Pride},
  Author                   = {Solt,Frederick},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S002238161100048X},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Issue                    = {3},
  Month                    = {7},
  Pages                    = {821--830},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {What accounts for differences in the extent of nationalist sentiments across countries and over time? One prominent argument is that greater economic inequality prompts states to generate more nationalism as a diversion that discourages their citizens from recognizing economic inequality and mobilizing against it. Several other theories, however, propose different relationships between economic inequality and nationalism. This article provides a first empirical test of whether and how economic inequality is related to nationalism. Multilevel analyses using survey data on nationalist sentiments in countries around the world over a quarter century and data on economic inequality from the Standardized World Income Inequality Database provide powerful support for the diversionary theory of nationalism. This finding is an important contribution to our understanding of nationalism as well as of the political consequences of economic inequality.},
  Numpages                 = {10}
}

@Article{Solt2008,
  Title                    = {Economic Inequality and Democratic Political Engagement},
  Author                   = {Solt, Frederick},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00298.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {48--60},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {What effect, if any, does the extent of economic inequality in a country have upon the political engagement of its citizens? This study examines this question using data from multiple cross-national surveys of the advanced industrial democracies. It tests the theory that greater inequality increases the relative power of the wealthy to shape politics in their own favor against rival arguments that focus on the effects of inequality on citizens' objective interests or the resources they have available for political engagement. The analysis demonstrates that higher levels of income inequality powerfully depress political interest, the frequency of political discussion, and participation in elections among all but the most affluent citizens, providing compelling evidence that greater economic inequality yields greater political inequality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00298.x}
}

@Article{Solt2009,
  Title                    = {Standardizing the World Income Inequality Database},
  Author                   = {Solt, Frederick},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Science Quarterly},
  Note                     = {SWIID Version 3.1, December 2011},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {231--242},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {Cross-national research on the causes and consequences of income inequality has been hindered by the limitations of existing inequality data sets: greater coverage across countries and over time is available from these sources only at the cost of significantly reduced comparability across observations. The goal of the Standardized World Income Inequality Database (SWIID) is to overcome these limitations. A custom missing-data algorithm was used to standardize the U.N. University's World Income Inequality Database; data collected by the Luxembourg Income Study served as the standard. The SWIID provides comparable Gini indices of gross and net income inequality for 153 countries for as many years as possible from 1960 to the present, along with estimates of uncertainty in these statistics. By maximizing comparability for the largest possible sample of countries and years, the SWIID is better suited to broad cross-national research on income inequality than previously available sources.}
}

@Article{Solt2010,
  Title                    = {Does Economic Inequality Depress Electoral Participation? Testing the Schattschneider Hypothesis},
  Author                   = {Solt, Frederick},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Behavior},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11109-010-9106-0},
  ISSN                     = {0190-9320},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {285--301},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {Nearly a half-century ago, E.E. Schattschneider wrote that the high abstention and large differences between the rates of electoral participation of richer and poorer citizens found in the United States were caused by high levels of economic inequality. Despite increasing inequality and stagnant or declining voting rates since then, Schattschneider's hypothesis remains largely untested. This article takes advantage of the variation in inequality across states and over time to remedy this oversight. Using a multilevel analysis that combines aspects of state context with individual survey responses in 144 gubernatorial elections, it finds that citizens of states with greater income inequality are less likely to vote and that income inequality increases income bias in the electorate, lending empirical support to Schattschneider's argument.},
  Keywords                 = {Electoral participation; Economic inequality; Income bias; Gubernatorial elections}
}

@Article{SoltEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Economic Inequality, Relative Power, and Religiosity},
  Author                   = {Solt, Frederick and Habel, Philip and Grant, J. Tobin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Science Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-6237.2011.00777.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-6237},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {447--465},
  Volume                   = {92},

  Abstract                 = {Objective. What effect does the extent of economic inequality within a country have on the religiosity of the people who live there? As inequality increases, does religion serve primarily as a source of comfort for the deprived and impoverished or as a tool of social control for the rich and powerful? Methods. This article examines these questions with two complementary analyses of inequality and religiosity: a multilevel analysis of countries around the world over two decades and a time-series analysis of the United States over a half-century. Results. Economic inequality has a strong positive effect on the religiosity of all members of a society regardless of income. Conclusions. These results support relative power theory, which maintains that greater inequality yields more religiosity by increasing the degree to which wealthy people are attracted to religion and have the power to shape the attitudes and beliefs of those with fewer means.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2011.00777.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{SorensRuger2012,
  Title                    = {Does Foreign Investment Really Reduce Repression?},
  Author                   = {Sorens, Jason and Ruger, William},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00722.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {427--436},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {Cross-national empirical studies have found that foreign investment has beneficial effects on human rights. We argue that these studies poorly operationalize foreign investment to test theoretical predictions and suffer from sampling bias. We demonstrate that investment stock, rather than inflow, is the superior operationalization of structural dependence theory. We construct regression models of government repression of physical integrity rights, include much more data than previous studies, and use a new multiple imputation algorithm for time-series cross-section data to resolve sampling bias. We find no evidence that foreign investment affects repression, contradicting conventional wisdom and suggesting that the political gains from repression frequently dwarf any economic costs for governments.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2013.01.08}
}

@Article{SorensenBay2002,
  Title                    = {Competitive Tendering in the Welfare State: Perceptions and Preferences among Local Politicians},
  Author                   = {Sorensen, Rune and Bay, Ann H},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00076},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {357{--}384},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Competitive tendering for public services has triggered a heated academic debate. In political economy, competition is claimed to improve efficiency. If this is true, why are most governments faithful to the monopoly model? Political economists suggest that public sector employees and unions influence the preferences of the elected politicians. In new institutional theory, competition is claimed to undermine democratic governance. If this is true, why do some elected governments make use of competitive tendering? In this tradition, organisational solutions are seen as expressions of autonomous values and perceptions about the outcomes of organisational solutions - not as manifestations of vote-maximising politicians subject to self-interested interest groups. When governments use competition, it is due to misconceived management fads that have temporarily penetrated long-established perceptions and value systems. These propositions have not been subjected to proper empirical testing. We have analysed extensive data about Norwegian local politicians, and found support for the notion that the perceptions of elected politicians affect their preferences for tendering for residential care services for elderly people and hospital services. But we found support for the political economy propositions as well. Party affiliation, interest group background and economic situation influence the perceptions and organisational preferences of elected politicians. Reform may be a question of political values and perceived consequences, but these values, perceptions and policy preferences are influenced by political self-interest and can be changed by exogenous economic shocks.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00076}
}

@Article{Soroka2006,
  Title                    = {Good News and Bad News: Asymmetric Responses to Economic Information},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00413.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {372--385},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {There is a growing body of work suggesting that responses to positive and negative information are asymmetric --- that negative information has a much greater impact on individuals --- attitudes than does positive information. This paper explores these asymmetries in mass media responsiveness to positive and negative economic shifts and in public responsiveness to both the economy itself and economic news coverage. Using time-series analyses of U.K. media and public opinion, strong evidence is found of asymmetry. The dynamic is discussed as it applies to political communications and policymaking and more generally to public responsiveness in representative democracies.}
}

@Article{Soroka2012,
  author       = {Soroka, Stuart N.},
  title        = {The Gatekeeping Function: Distributions of Information in Media and the Real World},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {74},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {514--528},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  doi          = {10.1017/S002238161100171X},
  abstract     = {There are vast literatures on the ways in which media content differs from reality, but we thus far have a rather weak sense for how exactly the representation of various topics in media differs from the distribution of information in the real world. Drawing on the gatekeeping literature, and utilizing a new automated content-analytic procedure, this article portrays both media content and ``reality'' as distributions of information. Measuring these allows us to identify the mechanism by which the distribution of information in the real world is transformed into the distribution of information in media; we can identify the gatekeeping function. Reporting on unemployment serves as a test case. Subsequent analyses focus on inflation and interest rates and on differences across Democratic and Republican presidencies. Results are discussed as they relate to negativity, to economic news, and to the broader study of distributions of information in political communication and politics.},
}

@Book{Soroka2014,
  Title                    = {Negativity in Democratic Politics: Causes and Consequences},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N.},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{SorokaEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {Auntie Knows Best? Public Broadcasters and Current Affairs Knowledge},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Andrew, Blake and Aalberg, Toril and Iyengar, Shanto and Curran, James and Coen, Sharon and Hayashi, Kaori and Jones, Paul and Mazzoleni, Gianpetro and Woong Rhee, June and Rowe, David and Tiffen, Rod},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123412000555},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Month                    = oct,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {719--739},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Public service broadcasters (PSBs) are a central part of national news media landscapes, and are often regarded as specialists in the provision of hard news. But does exposure to public versus commercial news influence citizens' knowledge of current affairs? This question is investigated in this article using cross-national surveys capturing knowledge of current affairs and media consumption. Propensity score analyses test for effects of PSBs on knowledge, and examine whether PSBs vary in this regard. Results indicate that compared to commercial news, PSBs have a positive influence on knowledge of hard news, though not all PSBs are equally effective in this way. Cross-national differences are related to factors such as de jure independence, proportion of public financing and audience share.}
}

@Article{SorokaLim2003,
  Title                    = {Issue definition and the opinion-policy link: public preferences and health care spending in the US and UK},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Lim, Elvin T.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-856X.00120},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {576{--}593},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {This article explores the extent to which yearly changes in health spending reflect yearly changes in public preferences. Time series modelling suggests that health care spending is remarkably more responsive to yearly changes in public opinion in the US than in the UK. A content analysis of party manifestos suggests the significant role of 'issue definition' in accounting for this difference. Health care issues in the US have more often been viewed as problems of expenditure, while UK policy-makers have tended to focus on efficiency. Results suggest that the responsiveness of health care expenditures to public preferences in the US and UK is linked to the way in which health care issues are differently defined by policy-makers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856X.00120}
}

@Article{SorokaEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {It's (Change in) the (Future) Economy, Stupid: Economic Indicators, the Media, and Public Opinion},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Stecula, Dominik A. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ajps.12145},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {457--474},
  Url                      = {http://www.snsoroka.com/files/2015SorokaSteculaWlezien.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-05-31},
  Volume                   = {59},

  Abstract                 = {Economic perceptions affect policy preferences and government support. It thus matters that these perceptions are driven by factors other than the economy, including media coverage. We nevertheless know little about how media reflect economic trends, and whether they influence (or are influenced by) public economic perceptions. This article explores the economy, media, and public opinion, focusing in particular on whether media coverage and the public react to changes in or levels of economic activity, and the past, present, or future economy. Analyses rely on content-analytic data drawn from 30,000 news stories over 30 years in the United States. Results indicate that coverage reflects change in the future economy, and that this both influences and is influenced by public evaluations. These patterns make more understandable the somewhat surprising finding of positive coverage and public assessments in the midst of the Great Recession. They also may help explain previous findings in political behavior.}
}

@Unpublished{SorokaWlezien2004,
  Title                    = {Degrees of Democracy: Public Preferences and Policy in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2004},

  Abstract                 = {A large and growing body of research demonstrates a correspondence between public opinion and policy behavior. Almost all of this research has focused on the US, however. Do similar patterns obtain in other countries? Or is the US unique? This paper represents one step towards answering these questions. We extend previous research on the dynamics of spending preferences and budgetary policy in the US, using comparable longitudinal measures of public preferences and government spending in the US, UK, and Canada. The nature and magnitude of opinion-policy connections vary across both policy functions and countries. We explore this variation in public and policy responsiveness and its likely institutional causes.}
}

@Article{SorokaWlezien2005,
  Title                    = {Opinion--Policy Dynamics: Public Preferences and Public Expenditure in the {United Kingdom}},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123405000347},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {665--689},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Work exploring the relationship between public opinion and public policy over time has largely been restricted to the United States. A wider application of this line of research can provide insights into how representation varies across political systems, however. This article takes a first step in this direction using a new body of data on public opinion and government spending in Britain. The results of analyses reveal that the British public appears to notice and respond (thermostatically) to changes in public spending in particular domains, perhaps even more so than in the United States. They also reveal that British policymakers represent these preferences in spending, though the magnitude and structure of this response is less pronounced and more general. The findings are suggestive about the structuring role of institutions.}
}

@Article{SorokaWlezien2008,
  author       = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  title        = {On the Limits to Inequality in Representation},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1049096508080505},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {319--327},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {The correspondence between public preferences and public policy is a critical rationale for representative democratic government. This view has been put forward in the theoretical literature on democracy and representation (e.g., Dahl 1971; Pitkin 1967; Birch 1971) and in `functional' theories of democratic politics (Easton 1965; Deutsch 1963), both of which emphasize the importance of popular control of policymaking institutions. Political science research also shows a good amount of correspondence between opinion and policy, though to varying degrees, across a range of policy domains and political institutions in the U.S. and elsewhere. This is of obvious significance.},
}

@Book{SorokaWlezien2009,
  Title                    = {Degrees of Democracy: Politics, Public Opinion, and Policy},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/CBO9780511804908},
  ISBN                     = {9780511804908},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{SorokaEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Public expenditure in the UK: how measures matter},
  Author                   = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher and McLean, Iain},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society)},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-985X.2006.00397.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {255--271},
  Volume                   = {169},

  Abstract                 = {Studying spending over time requires reliable data. It is not clear that such data exist in the UK, however. The two published sources of functional spending numbers-the Office for National Statistics's 'blue book' and Her Majesty's Treasury's Public Expenditure Statistical Analyses (PESA)-rely on estimates of past spending, using a link year method, rather than recalculating actual spending figures when functional definitions change. We assess the various measures of spending in the UK. Specifically, we do two things. First, we present a new, third, set of spending numbers applying temporally consistent functional definitions to PESA microdata. Second, we compare the three measures. Our analyses indicate that the Office for National Statistics and PESA data differ quite markedly, especially for certain functions, i.e. in some cases the two measures imply completely different histories. The differences between the original PESA data and our new measures are less pronounced on average, though significant differences are evident, especially year by year.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-985X.2006.00397.x}
}

@Incollection{Soskice2007,
  Title                    = {Macroeconomics and Varieties of Capitalism},
  Author                   = {David Soskice},
  Booktitle                = {Beyond Varieties of Capitalism: Conflict, Contradictions and Complementarities in the European Economy},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Bob Hanck\'{e} and Martin Rhodes and Mark Thatcher},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Soss1999,
  author       = {Soss, Joe},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Lessons of Welfare: Policy Design, Political Learning, and Political Action},
  doi          = {10.2307/2585401},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {363--380},
  url          = {http://urban.hunter.cuny.edu/~schram/Grad American/Participation/sosslessons.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {93},
  abstract     = {This article explores the links between welfare participation and broader forms of political involvement. Adopting a political learning perspective, I present evidence that policy designs structure clients' program experiences in ways that teach alternative lessons about the nature of government. Through their experiences under a given policy design, welfare clients develop program-specific beliefs about the wisdom and efficacy of asserting themselves. Because clients interpret their experiences with welfare bureaucracies as evidence of how government works more generally, beliefs about the welfare agency and client involvement become the basis for broader political orientations. I conclude that the views of government that citizens develop through program participation help explain broader patterns of political action and quiescence.},
  copyright    = {Copyright 1999 American Political Science Association},
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
}

@Article{SossSchram2007,
  Title                    = {A Public Transformed? Welfare Reform as Policy Feedback},
  Author                   = {Soss, Joe and Schram, Sanford S.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055407070049},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {111--127},
  Volume                   = {101},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyzes the strategic use of public policy as a tool for reshaping public opinion. In the 1990s, ``progressive revisionists'' argued that, by reforming welfare, liberals could free the Democratic Party of a significant electoral liability, reduce the race-coding of poverty politics, and produce a public more willing to invest in anti-poverty efforts. Connecting this argument to recent scholarship on policy feedback, we pursue a quantitative case study of the potential for new policies to move public opinion. Our analysis reveals that welfare reform in the 1990s produced few changes in mass opinion. To explain this result, we propose a general framework for the analysis of mass feedback effects. After locating welfare as a ``distant-visible'' case in this framework, we advance four general propositions that shed light on our case-specific findings as well as the general conditions under which mass feedback effects should be viewed as more or less likely.}
}

@Article{Sousa1993,
  Title                    = {Organized Labor in the Electorate, 1960-1988},
  Author                   = {Sousa, David J},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {741--758},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the union effect on vote choice and turnout in presidential elections from 1960 to 1988. It shows that union household status had a significant effect on vote choice in the last four presidential elections, including the widely reported debacle of 1984. Declining membership and other political-economic factors may explain organized labor's apparent political weakness, but these explanations have very different implications for our thinking about labor politics than the argument that leaders have diminishing impact on members' voting decisions. Surprisingly, union status does not have a significant impact on turnout; Verba, Nie, and Kim's "group-based political mobilization" hypothesis does not hold up well in the American context.}
}

@Article{SouvaRohde2007,
  Title                    = {Elite Opinion Differences and Partisanship in Congressional Foreign Policy, 1975-1996},
  Author                   = {Souva, Mark and Rohde, David},
  Date                     = {2007-03-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912906298630},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {113--123},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {Why are some foreign policy votes partisan and others bipartisan? The authors argue that an electoral connection drives partisanship in congressional foreign policy voting. Members of Congress depend on core supporters for mobilization and money, and primary voters are likely to follow the opinion cues of partisan elites; as a result, when Republican and Democratic opinion elites hold more distinct views on an issue, one may expect to observe more partisan behavior in Congress on both low and high-politics foreign policy issues. An empirical analysis of elite public opinion and congressional voting on foreign policy issues for six Congresses between 1975 and 1996 supports the elite opinion cleavage argument.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912906298630},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.19}
}

@Article{Sovern2012,
  author       = {Sovern, Jeff},
  title        = {Law Student Laptop Use During Class for Nonclass Purpose: Temptation v. Incentives},
  journaltitle = {University of Louiseville Law Review},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {51},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {483--534},
  url          = {http://www.louisvillelawreview.org/sites/louisvillelawreview.org/files/pdfs/printcontent/51/3/Sovern.pdf},
}

@Article{SoveyGreen2010,
  Title                    = {Instrumental Variables Estimation in Political Science: A Readers' Guide},
  Author                   = {Sovey, Allison J. and Green, Donald P.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00477.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},

  Abstract                 = {The use of instrumental variables regression in political science has evolved from an obscure technique to a staple of the political science tool kit. Yet the surge of interest in the instrumental variables method has led to implementation of uneven quality. After providing a brief overview of the method and the assumptions on which it rests, we chart the ways in which these assumptions are invoked in practice in political science. We review more than 100 articles published in the American Journal of Political Science, the American Political Science Review, and World Politics over a 24-year span. We discuss in detail two noteworthy applications of instrumental variables regression, calling attention to the statistical assumptions that each invokes. The concluding section proposes reporting standards and provides a checklist for readers to consider as they evaluate applications of this method.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00477.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{Spence2000,
  Title                    = {Plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose?: Attempting to reform the {Europe}an Commission},
  Author                   = {Spence, David},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Pages                    = {1--25},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {The resignation of the Santer Commission has brought the longstanding debate about Commission reform to the front of the EU agenda. The issues for Commission reform include the redefinition of its roles in all three pillars, how its President is appointed, the role of vice-presidents, the number of Commissioners, collegiality and the right of censure. In all these areas the reform agenda has remained the same for twenty-five years, because previous efforts to reform have been partial and the evolution of the Commission's role and functions has never been linked to a fully-fledged reform concept. But if there are hopes that the current attempts will be more successful, there are also doubts about the resolve of member states to make a practical success of their stated intentions. A review of the issues in light of the appointment of the Prodi Commission shows that the jury is still out on Commission reform.}
}

@Article{Spencer1945,
  Title                    = {Party Government and the Swedish Riksdag},
  Author                   = {Richard C. Spencer},
  Date                     = {1945},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {437--458},
  Volume                   = {39}
}

@Article{SpillaneEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {Policy Implementation and Cognition: Reframing and Refocusing Implementation Research},
  Author                   = {Spillane, James P and Reiser, Brian J and Reimer, Todd},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.3102/00346543072003387},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {387--431},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {Education policy faces a familiar public policy challenge: Local implementation is difficult. In this article we develop a cognitive framework to characterize sense-making in the implementation process that is especially relevant for recent education policy initiatives, such as standards-based reforms that press for tremendous changes in classroom instruction. From a cognitive perspective, a key dimension of the implementation process is whether, and in what ways, implementing agents come to understand their practice, potentially changing their beliefs and attitudes in the process. We draw on theoretical and empirical literature to develop a cognitive perspective on implementation. We review the contribution of cognitive science frames to implementation research and identify areas where cognitive science can make additional contributions.}
}

@Article{SpillerTommasi2003,
  Title                    = {The Institutional Foundations of Public Policy: A Transactions Approach with Application to {Argentina}},
  Author                   = {Spiller, Pablo T. and Tommasi, Mariano},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jleo/ewg012},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {281--306},
  Url                      = {http://faculty.udesa.edu.ar/tommasi/papers/articles/spito%20jleo.pdf},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Public policies are the outcomes of complex intertemporal exchanges among politicians. The political institutions of a country constitute the framework within which these transactions are accomplished. We develop a transactions theory to understand the ways in which political institutions affect the transactions that political actors are able to undertake, and hence the quality of the policies that emerge. We argue that Argentina is a case in which the functioning of political institutions has inhibited the capacity to undertake efficient intertemporal political exchanges. We use positive political theory and transaction cost economics to explain the workings of Argentine political institutions and to show how their operation gives rise to low-quality policies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://faculty.udesa.edu.ar/tommasi/papers/articles/spito%20jleo.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jleo/ewg012}
}

@Article{SpirlingMcLean2007,
  Title                    = {UK OC OK? Interpreting Optimal Classification Scores for the U.K. House of Commons},
  Author                   = {Spirling, Arthur and McLean, Iain},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpl009},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {85--96},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~spirling/documents/mcspirPA.pdf},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Poole's (2000, Non-parametric unfolding of binary choice data. Political Analysis 8:211--37) nonparametric Optimal Classification procedure for binary data produces misleading rank orderings when applied to the modern House of Commons. With simulations and qualitative evidence, we show that the problem arises from the government-versus-opposition nature of British (Westminster) parliamentary politics and the strategic voting that is entailed therein. We suggest that political scientists think seriously about strategic voting in legislatures when interpreting results from such techniques.}
}

@Article{Spitzer2014,
  author       = {Manfred Spitzer},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Trends in Neuroscience and Education},
  title        = {Information technology in education: Risks and side effects},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.tine.2014.09.002},
  issn         = {2211-9493},
  number       = {3--4},
  pages        = {81--85},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {The use of information technology (IT) in education carries risks and side effects, which are often overlooked or played down. In this paper, examples from the published literature are provided to demonstrate the down-side of {IT} in education: typing impairs reading and writing. Impaired reading and writing impairs learning and memory. {IT} leads to shallow processing, exemplified by the smaller amount of learning through the use of Google as compared to books, journals or newspapers. {WLAN} in lecture halls causes decreased student learning because of increased distraction. Finally, {IT} causes IT-addiction in a considerable number of students (up to almost 20\%). In sum, the known risks and side effects of {IT} stand in marked contrast to the often claimed but largely unproven possible benefits. Educators and policy makers should take note.},
  keywords     = {Addiction},
}

@Article{Spruyt2002,
  author       = {Spruyt, Hendrik},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {The Origins, Development, and Possible Decline of the Modern State},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.101501.145837},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {127--149},
  volume       = {5},
  abstract     = {Some contemporary states seem subject to aggregational dynamics that bring them together in larger regional associations, whereas others fall prey to centrifugal forces that pull them apart. The autonomy of all states has been drawn into question by the globalization of trade and finance. For these reasons, scholars have returned to examining the historical origins and development of the modern state in the hope that this may shed light on its future, and on the process through which new logics of organization may be emerging that might displace the state. This essay discusses various accounts of the emergence and development of the modern state, comparing security, economic, and institutionalist approaches. It then links these approaches to insights regarding contemporary statehood. Arguments regarding the autonomy of the state must be distinguished from discussions of territorial sovereignty as a constitutive principle of international relations. The latter, juridical notion of sovereignty as a regulative device in international relations has retained its influence, even if the autonomy of the state has declined.},
}

@Incollection{Stahl1980,
  Title                    = {The Growth of Health Care: Two Model Solutions},
  Author                   = {St{\aa}hl, Ingemar},
  Booktitle                = {The Shaping of the Swedish Health System},
  Date                     = {1980},
  Editor                   = {Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Nils Elvander},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {208--219},
  Publisher                = {Croom Held}
}

@Article{StaigerStock1997,
  Title                    = {Instrumental Variables Regression with Weak Instruments},
  Author                   = {Staiger, Douglas and Stock, James H.},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {557{--}586},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops asymptotic distribution theory for single-equation instrumental variables regression when the partial correlations between the instruments and the endogenous variables are weak, here modeled as local to zero. Asymptotic representations are provided for various statistics, including two-stage least squares (TSLS) and limited information maximum likelihood (LIML) estimators, Wald statistics, and statistics testing overidentification and endogeneity. The asymptotic distributions are found to provide good approximations to sampling distributions with 10-20 observations per instrument. The theory suggests concrete guidelines for applied work, including using nonstandard methods for construction of confidence regions. These results are used to interpret Angrist and Krueger's (1991) estimates of the returns to education: whereas TSLS estimates with many instruments approach the OLS estimate of 6\%, the more reliable LIML estimates with fewer instruments fall between 8\% and 10\%, with a typical 95\% confidence interval of (5\%, 15\%).}
}

@Article{Stanley2014,
  Title                    = {``We're Reaping What We Sowed'': Everyday Crisis Narratives and Acquiescence to the Age of Austerity},
  Author                   = {Liam Stanley},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {New Political Economy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13563467.2013.861412},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {895--917},
  Volume                   = {19}
}

@Article{Starke2006,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Welfare State Retrenchment: A Literature Review},
  Author                   = {Starke, Peter},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9515.2006.00479.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {104{--}120},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Welfare state retrenchment is widely seen as a highly unpopular endeavour and, therefore, as politically difficult to pursue. This assumption has underpinned most of the political science research on this issue, notably Paul Pierson's seminal contributions about the 'new politics of the welfare state'. Yet, the question remains why and under what circumstances cutbacks take place in highly developed welfare states despite these formidable political obstacles. This article reviews the literature on the politics of retrenchment, namely on the impact of socio-economic problem pressure, political parties, political institutions, welfare state structures and ideas. Most authors agree that socio-economic problems - particularly domestic problems - contribute to an atmosphere of 'permanent austerity' which inspires cutbacks. Moreover, according to most scholars, the extent of retrenchment possible depends on the specific institutional configuration of a political system and the path dependence of existing welfare state structures. The debate on the relevance of political parties and ideas, by contrast, is still far from settled. Further unresolved issues include the nature of the dependent variable in retrenchment studies. Also, the exact motives for cutbacks are theoretically still little understood, as are the political mechanisms through which they are realized. I argue that, because of the nature of these persisting issues, the pluralistic dialogue between different methods and approaches - as well as their combination - remains the most promising way forward in the study of welfare state politics.}
}

@Article{StarkeEtAl2014,
  author       = {Starke, Peter and Kaasch, Alexandra and van Hooren, Franca},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  title        = {Political Parties and Social Policy Responses to Global Economic Crises: Constrained Partisanship in Mature Welfare States},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0047279413000986},
  issn         = {1469-7823},
  issue        = {2},
  pages        = {225--246},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Based on empirical findings from a comparative study on welfare state responses to the four major economic shocks (the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession, the 2008 financial crisis) in four OECD countries, this article demonstrates that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, policy responses to global economic crises vary significantly across countries. What explains the cross-national and within-case variation in responses to crises? We discuss several potential causes of this pattern and argue that political parties and the party composition of governments can play a key role in shaping crisis responses, albeit in ways that go beyond traditional partisan theory. We show that the partisan conflict and the impact of parties are conditioned by existing welfare state configurations. In less generous welfare states, the party composition of governments plays a decisive role in shaping the direction of social policy change. By contrast, in more generous welfare states, i.e., those with highly developed automatic stabilisers, the overall direction of policy change is regularly not subject to debate. Political conflict in these welfare states rather concerns the extent to which expansion or retrenchment is necessary. Therefore, a clear-cut partisan impact can often not be shown.},
  month        = {4},
  numpages     = {22},
}

@Article{StarkeEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Convergence towards where: in what ways, if any, are welfare states becoming more similar?},
  Author                   = {Starke, Peter and Obinger, Herbert and Castles, Francis G.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760802310397},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {975--1000},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines whether or not OECD welfare states have converged since 1980. Making use of a variety of concepts of convergence, we analyse the development of a broad range of quantitative welfare state indicators, including several expenditure-based indicators, revenue patterns, benefit replacement rates and decommodification. Contrary to what one might expect from much of the theoretical literature, we find that, although there is evidence of moderate welfare state convergence, it is limited in magnitude, various in directionality and contingent upon the indicator under examination. Overall, our findings do not provide any strong evidence either for a race to the bottom or for the Americanization of social policy, the two most common convergence scenarios encountered in supposedly informed public policy commentary.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760802310397}
}

@Article{Stasavage2002,
  Title                    = {Private Investment and Political Institutions},
  Author                   = {Stasavage, David},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0343.00099},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {41--63},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Recent research has demonstrated a negative link between macroeconomic and political uncertainty and levels of private investment across countries. This raises the question whether certain types of government institutions might help reduce this uncertainty. North and Weingast (1989) propose that political institutions characterized by checks and balances can have beneficial effects on investment by allowing governments to credibly commit not to engage in ex post opportunism with respect to investors. In this paper I develop and test a modified version of their hypothesis, suggesting that checks and balances, on average, improve possibilities for commitment, but that they are not a necessary condition for doing so. Results of heteroskedastic regression and quantile regression estimates strongly support this proposition.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0343.00099}
}

@Article{Stasavage2002a,
  author       = {Stasavage, David},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization},
  title        = {Credible Commitment in Early Modern {Europe}: North and Weingast Revisited},
  doi          = {10.1093/jleo/18.1.155},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {155--186},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {This article proposes a revision to existing arguments that institutions of limited government (characterized by multiple veto points) improve the ability of governments to credibly commit. Focusing on the issue of sovereign indebtedness, I present a simple framework for analyzing credibility problems in an economy divided between owners of land and owners of capital. I then argue that establishing multiple veto points can improve credibility, but whether this takes place depends upon the structure of partisan interests in a society, on the existence of cross-issue coalitions, and on the extent to which management of government debt is delegated. I develop several propositions to take account of these factors and evaluate them with historical evidence from eighteenth century England and France. The results show that incorporating these additional factors can help to explain a broader range of phenomena than is accounted for in existing studies.},
}

@Article{Stasavage2010,
  Title                    = {When Distance Mattered: Geographic Scale and the Development of {Europe}an Representative Assemblies},
  Author                   = {Stasavage, David},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055410000444},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {625--643},
  Url                      = {http://politics.as.nyu.edu/docs/IO/5395/when_distanced_mattered.pdf},
  Volume                   = {104},

  Abstract                 = {Scholars investigating European state development have long placed a heavy emphasis on the role played by representative institutions. The presence of an active representative assembly, it is argued, allowed citizens and rulers to contract over raising revenue and accessing credit. It may also have had implications for economic growth. These arguments have in turn been used to draw broad implications about the causal effect of analogous institutions in other places and during other time periods. But if assemblies had such clear efficiency benefits, why did they not become a universal phenomenon in Europe prior to the nineteenth century? I argue that in an era of costly communications and transport, an intensive form of political representative was much easier to sustain in geographically compact polities. This simple fact had important implications for the pattern of European state formation, and it may provide one reason why small states were able to survive despite threats from much larger neighbors. I test several relevant hypotheses using an original data set that provides the first broad view of European representative institutions in the medieval and early modern eras. I combine this with a geographic information system data set of state boundaries and populations in Europe between 1250 and 1750. The results suggest a strong effect of geographic scale on the format of political representation. The broader implication of this result is to provide a reminder that if institutions help solve contracting problems, ultimately, the maintenance of institutions may itself depend on ongoing transactions costs.}
}

@Article{StasavageGuillaume2002,
  Title                    = {When are Monetary Commitments Credible? Parallel Agreements and the Sustainability of Currency Unions},
  Author                   = {Stasavage, David and Guillaume, Dominique},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123402000054},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {119--146},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the conditions which make it costly for governments to renege on institutional commitments governing monetary policy. Focusing on one such type of commitment --- monetary integration --- we develop and test a hypothesis which suggests that the presence of parallel international agreements plays an important role in raising the costs of exit for states which might otherwise withdraw from a monetary union. While existing political economy work on credible commitments in the area of monetary policy has had a heavy focus on countries in the European Union, we broaden the inquiry, using quantitative and qualitative evidence from the numerous African countries which have participated in monetary unions over the last forty years. Our results provide strong support for the parallel agreements hypothesis.}
}

@Techreport{StatisticsCanada1963,
  Title                    = {Incomes, Assets and Indebtedness of Non-Farm Families in Canada.},
  Author                   = {{Statistics Canada}},
  Date                     = {1963},
  Institution              = {Income Statistics Division}
}

@Techreport{StatisticsCanada1975,
  Title                    = {Income Distributions by Size in Canada},
  Author                   = {{Statistics Canada}},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Institution              = {Income Statistics Division}
}

@Other{NationalStatistics2007,
  Title                    = {Civil Service Statistics 2006},
  Author                   = {National Statistics},
  Date                     = {2007}
}

@Article{Stears2005,
  Title                    = {The Vocation of Political Theory: Principles, Empirical Inquiry and the Politics of Opportunity},
  Author                   = {Stears, Marc},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1474885105055981},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {325--350},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {What is the purpose of political theoretical endeavour and what methods should the
 early 21st-century political theorist employ? These questions -- which
 touch on issues which go to the very heart of the vocation of political theory
 -- have become increasingly contentious in recent years. The period since
 the late 1980s has been one in which theorists have increasingly disagreed not only
 about conventional matters of normative contention but also about the means by which
 to seek to resolve them. This article examines a central tension that has
 characterized that general methodological disagreement, namely the place of
 empirical inquiry within the repertoire of the professional political theorist.
 Having carefully examined the contentions of an eclectic range of contributors to
 the debate, including G.A. Cohen, Alasdair MacIntyre and David Miller, this article
 argues that efforts either wholly to separate empirical investigation from normative
 enquiry or to bind the two ever-closer together are fraught with difficulties. It
 concludes by contending that political theorists ought to take aspects of the
 empirical political and social sciences extremely seriously while avoiding the
 temptation to have their normative agenda dictated to them by the contingent
 pressures of the here and now.}
}

@Article{SteelHeald1982,
  Title                    = {Privatising Public Enterprise: An Analysis of the Government's Case},
  Author                   = {Steel, David R. and Heald, David A.},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-923X.1982.tb02776.x},
  Pages                    = {333--349},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.1982.tb02776.x}
}

@Article{SteenbergenJones2002,
  Title                    = {Modeling Multilevel Data Structures},
  Author                   = {Steenbergen, Marco R and Jones, Bradford S},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3088424},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {218--237},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Multilevel data are structures that consist of multiple units of analysis, one nested within the other. Such data are becoming quite common in political science and provide numerous opportunities for theory testing and development. Unfortunately, this type of data typically generates a number of statistical problems, of which clustering is particularly important. To exploit the opportunities offered by multilevel data, and to solve the statistical problems inherent in them, special statistical techniques are required. In this article, we focus on a technique that has become popular in educational statistics and sociology-multilevel analysis. In multilevel analysis, researchers build models that capture the layered structure of multilevel data, and determine how layers interact and impact a dependent variable of interest. Our objective in this article is to introduce the logic and statistical theory behind multilevel models, to illustrate how such models can be applied fruitfully in political science, and ...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088424}
}

@Article{Stegarescu2005,
  Title                    = {Public Sector Decentralisation: Measurement Concepts and Recent International Trends*},
  Author                   = {Stegarescu, Dan},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Fiscal Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2005.00014.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {301{--}333},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This paper deals with the problems encountered in defining and measuring the degree of fiscal decentralisation. Drawing on a recent analytical framework of the OECD, different measures of tax autonomy and revenue decentralisation are presented which consider the tax-raising powers of sub-central governments. Taking account of changes in the assignment of decision-making competencies over the course of time, new time series of annual data on the degree of fiscal decentralisation are provided for 23 OECD countries over the period between 1965 and 2001. It is shown that common measures usually employed tend to overestimate the extent of fiscal decentralisation considerably. Evidence is also provided of increasing fiscal decentralisation in a majority of OECD countries during the last three decades.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.2005.00014.x}
}

@Article{Stegmueller2013,
  author       = {Stegmueller, Daniel},
  title        = {Religion and Redistributive Voting in Western {Europe}},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {75},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1064--1076},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381613001023},
  abstract     = {Why some individuals, who would clearly benefit from redistribution, do not vote for parties offering redistributive policies is an old puzzle of redistributive politics. Recent work in political economy offers an explanation based on the interplay between religious identity and party policies. Strategic parties bundle conservative moral policies with anti-redistribution positions inducing individuals with a strong religious identity to vote based on moral rather than economic preferences. I test this theory using microlevel data on individuals vote choices in 24 recent multiparty elections in 15 Western European countries. I use an integrated model of religion, economic and moral preferences, and vote choice to show that religious individuals possess less liberal economic preferences, which shapes their vote choice against redistributive parties. This holds even for individuals who would clearly benefit from redistribution. Moreover, the redistributive vote of religious individuals is primarily based on economic not moral preferences.},
}

@Article{StegmuellerEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Support for Redistribution in Western {Europe}: Assessing the role of religion},
  Author                   = {Stegmueller, Daniel and Scheepers, Peer and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid and de Jong, Eelke},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcr011},

  Abstract                 = {Previous sociological studies have paid little attention to religion as a central determinant of individual preferences for redistribution. In this article we argue that religious individuals, living in increasingly secular societies, differ in political preferences from their secular counterparts. Based on the theory of religious cleavages, we expect that religious individuals will oppose income redistribution by the state. Furthermore, in contexts where the polarization between religious and secular individuals is large, preferences for redistribution will be lower. In the empirical analysis we test our predictions in a multilevel framework, using data from the European Social Survey 2002--2006 for 16 Western European countries. After controlling for a wide range of individual socio-economic factors and for welfare-state policies, religion plays and important explanatory role. We find that both Catholics and Protestants strongly oppose income redistribution by the state. The cleavage between religious and secular individuals is far more important than the difference between denominations. Using a refined measure of religious polarization, we also find that in more polarized context the overall level of support for redistribution is lower.}
}

@Article{Steinberg2013,
  Title                    = {Does Greater Autonomy Improve School Performance? Evidence from a Regression Discontinuity Analysis in Chicago},
  Author                   = {Steinberg, Matthew P.},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Finance and Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/EDFP_a_00118},
  ISSN                     = {1557-3060},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--35},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {School districts throughout the United States are increasingly providing greater autonomy to local public (non-charter) school principals. In 2005--06, Chicago Public Schools initiated the Autonomous Management and Performance Schools program, granting academic, programmatic, and operational freedoms to select principals. This paper provides evidence on how school leaders used their new autonomy and its impact on school performance. Findings suggest that principals were more likely to exercise autonomy over the school budget and curricular/instructional strategies than over professional development and the school's calendar/schedule. Utilizing regression discontinuity methods, I find that receipt of greater autonomy had no statistically significant impact on a school's average math or reading achievement after two years of autonomy. I do find evidence that autonomy positively affected reading proficiency rates at the end of the second year of autonomy. These findings are particularly relevant for policy makers considering the provision of greater school-based autonomy in their local school districts.}
}

@Article{Steinmo2002,
  Title                    = {Globalization and Taxation: Challenges to the Swedish Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Steinmo, Sven},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414002035007004},
  Number                   = {7},
  Pages                    = {839--862},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {Many have argued that the increased international mobility of both capital and labor witnessed in recent years will force advanced capitalist democracies to cut taxes and, thus, ultimately roll back their welfare states. This analysis tests this hypothesis through an examination of policy developments in Sweden, the country with the world's heaviest tax burden and largest social welfare state. The analysis focuses on the history and structure of taxation policy (the policy arena predicted to be most directly affected by globalization). The findings reveal that there have been very important changes in the Swedish welfare state: The tax and spending regimes have been changed less than the globalization thesis predicts. This analysis argues that Sweden has indeed adapted and changed in recent years but finds little support for the more dire thesis that countries like Sweden must abandon their high-tax regimes and/or their generous social welfare systems.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035007004}
}

@Article{Steinmo2003,
  Title                    = {The evolution of policy ideas: tax policy in the 20th century},
  Author                   = {Steinmo, Sven},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Politics \& International Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-856X.00104},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {206--236},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {This analysis traces the evolution of ideas about one of the most important policies facing any state: taxation. The article will demonstrate that elite ideas about tax policy have changed dramatically over the past century and that these ideas have had enormous consequences for the development of the modern state. This article argues that there is an iterative, interdependent and dynamic relationship between policy makers' ideas, political institutions and public policy outcomes.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856X.00104}
}

@Article{SteinmoTolbert1998,
  Title                    = {Do Institutions Really Matter? Taxation in Industrialized Democracies},
  Author                   = {Steinmo, Sven and Tolbert, Caroline J.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {165--187},
  Url                      = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/SteinmoTolbert1998.pdf},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {New institutionalism has emerged as one of the most prominent research agendas in the field of comparative politics, political economy, and public policy. This article examines the role of institutional variation in political/economic regimes in shaping tax burdens in industrialized democracies. An institutionalist model for tax policy variation is tested across the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) democracies. Countries are conceptualized and statistically modeled in terms of majoritarian, shifting coalition, and dominant coalition governments. Regression analysis and cluster analysis are used to statistically model crossnational tax burdens relative to the strength of labor organization and party dominance in parliament. This study finds that political and economic institutions are important in explaining tax policy variation. Specifying the structure of political and economic institutions helps to explain the size of the state in modern capitalist democracies. This article specifies and demonstrates which institutions matter and how much they matter.}
}

@Article{SteinmoWatts1995,
  author       = {Sven Steinmo and Jon Watts},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law},
  title        = {It's the institutions, stupid! Why comprehensive national health insurance always fails in {America}},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {329--372},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/ycflj6hh},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {We argue that the United States does not have comprehensive national health insurance (NHI) because American political institutions are biased against this type of reform. The original design of a fragmented and federated national political system serving an increasingly large and diverse polity has been further fragmented by a series of political reforms beginning with the Progressive era and culminating with the congressional reforms of the mid-1970s. This institutional structure yields enormous power to intransigent interest groups and thus makes efforts by progressive reformers such as President Clinton (and previous reform-minded presidents before him) to mount a successful NHI campaign impossible. We show how this institutional structure has shaped political strategies and political outcomes related to NHI since Franklin D. Roosevelt. Finally, we argue that this institutional structure contributes to the antigovernment attitudes so often observed among Americans},
}

@Article{StepanLinz2011,
  Title                    = {Comparative Perspectives on Inequality and the Quality of Democracy in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Stepan, Alfred and Linz, Juan J.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592711003756},
  Month                    = dec,
  Pages                    = {841--856},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {When Jeffrey Isaac approached us to review some recent works in American politics from a comparative perspective, we gladly accepted the task, believing it important to help overcome what some see as the ``splendid isolation'' of American politics. Indeed, the invitation arrived at a propitious time because, after completing our most recent book, we critically reflected on the fact that we had unfortunately written almost nothing on the oldest, and one of the most diverse, democracies in the world, the United States. We thus agreed to contribute some thoughts on the matter, recognizing the limits of our knowledge of the entire field of American politics, but acknowledging, too, our belief that the current distancing of the study of America from the analysis of other democracies impoverishes modern political science.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592711003756}
}

@Book{Stephens1979,
  author     = {Stephens, John D},
  date       = {1979},
  title      = {The Transition from Capitalism to Socialism},
  isbn       = {0333234073},
  location   = {London, UK},
  publisher  = {Macmillan Press},
  annotation = {Power resources.},
}

@Article{Stephens1981,
  Title                    = {The Changing Swedish Electorate: Class Voting, Contextual Effects, and Voter Volatility},
  Author                   = {Stephens, John D.},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/001041408101400202},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {163--204},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {This article attempts to assess the contribution of long-term changes in Swedish social structure to three recent developments in Swedish electoral behavior: the decline of the Social Democrats, the decline in class voting, and the increase in the volatility of party preference. The author argues that the decline of the Social Democrats cannot be attributed to long-term structural changes in the electorate but rather is a product of the policies and electoral strategies pursued by the parties. The decline in class voting is found to be partly attributable to long-term structural change. Original secondary analysis of survey data is then presented to show that the socioeconomic composition of individuals' places of residence affects their voting behavior independent of individual-level characteristics. The author then argues that the parties' policies and electoral strategies have reinforced the tendency toward decreasing class voting. Finally, both long-term structural changes and the decline in class voting itself appear to have caused the increase in the volatility of party choice.}
}

@Article{StephensWallerstein1991,
  Title                    = {Industrial Concentration, Country Size, and Trade Union Membership},
  Author                   = {Stephens, John D and Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {941--953},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {In his article, 'Union Organization in Advanced Industrial Democracies' in the June 1989 issue of the Review, Michael Wallerstein advocated a model to account for cross-national differences in trade union organization rates. He argued that the size of the labor force provided the most important determinant of variation in union density. In this controversy, John Stephens takes issue with the operationalization of a key variable in Wallerstein's model--industrial infrastructure. Stephens reanalyzes the data using an alternative measure of this variable. His reanalysis supports his claim that in fact, the two variables yield results that are statistically indistinguishable. Wallerstein responds.}
}

@Article{Stevenson2001,
  Title                    = {The Economy and Policy Mood: A Fundamental Dynamic of Democratic Politics?},
  Author                   = {Stevenson, Randolph T.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {620{--}633},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This article aims to establish empirically whether changes in the aggregate policy preferences of voters in western democracies relate systematically to national economic performance. Results from a time-series, cross-sectional regression analysis of data on aggregate policy preferences from fourteen western democracies (1956-1989) support a hypothesis originally suggested, for the American case, by Durr (1993): when the economy expands aggregate policy preferences move left, but when the economy contracts aggregate policy preferences move right. This finding sustains the normatively appealing conclusion that change in aggregate policy preference reflects the measured response of many individuals to changes in their political environment.}
}

@Article{Stevenson2002,
  Title                    = {The Cost of Ruling, Cabinet Duration, and the "Median-Gap" Model},
  Author                   = {Stevenson, Randolph T},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1020351406757},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {157--178},
  Volume                   = {113},

  Abstract                 = {In a recent article Paldam and Skott (1995) provide a theoretical explanation for an important empirical phenomenon in democratic countries: incumbent governments tend to lose votes. In this paper, I show that Paldam and Skott's theoretical explanation for this ``cost of ruling'' is potentially much stronger than they recognize. Specifically,when generalized in a straightforward way, their model explains not only the cost of ruling itself, but also a second well established empirical fact: that the longer an incumbent government has been in power, the more votes it loses.Further, this generalization of the model produces two additional empirical hypotheses that have not yet been tested in the empirical literature.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1020351406757}
}

@Article{Stewart2013,
  Title                    = {How Pisa came to rule the world},
  Author                   = {Stewart, William},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {TES Connect},
  Month                    = dec,
  Url                      = {https://www.tes.co.uk/article.aspx?storyCode=6379193},
  Urldate                  = {2014-12-18}
}

@Article{Stigler1970,
  Title                    = {Director's Law of Public Income Redistribution},
  Author                   = {Stigler, George J.},
  Date                     = {1970},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}10},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {Almost a decade ago Aaron Director proposed a law of public expenditures: Public expenditures are made for the primary benefit of the middle classes, and financed with taxes which are borne in considerable part by the poor and rich. The law was empirical, and the present essay seeks not only to present and illustrate the law (which its inventor refuses to do) but to offer an explanation for it. The philosophy of Director's law is as follows. Government has coercive power, which allows it to engage in acts (above all, the taking of resources) which could not be performed by voluntary agreement of the members of a society. Any portion of the society which can secure control of the state's machinery will employ the machinery to improve its own position. Under a set of conditions to be discussed below, this dominant group will be the middle income classes.}
}

@Article{Stiglitz2008,
  Title                    = {Getting bang for your buck},
  Author                   = {Stiglitz, Joseph E.},
  Date                     = {2008-12-05},
  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/kx9b3nc}
}

@Article{Stiglitz2010,
  Title                    = {The Non-Existent Hand},
  Author                   = {Stiglitz, Joseph E.},
  Date                     = {2010-04-22},
  Journaltitle             = {London Review of Books},
  Number                   = {8},
  Url                      = {http://www.lrb.co.uk/v32/n08/joseph-stiglitz/the-non-existent-hand},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Book{Stiglitz2012,
  Title                    = {The Price of Inequality},
  Author                   = {Stiglitz, Joseph E.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {W.W. Norton}
}

@Article{StimsonEtAl1995,
  Title                    = {Dynamic Representation},
  Author                   = {Stimson, James A. and Mackuen, Michael B. and Erikson, Robert S.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2082973},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {543{--}565},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {If public opinion changes and then public policy responds, this is dynamic representation. Public opinion is the global policy preference of the American electorate. Policy is a diverse set of acts of elected and unelected officials. Two mechanisms of policy responsiveness are (1) elections change the government's political composition, which is then reflected in new policy and (2) policymakers calculate future (mainly electoral) implications of current public views and act accordingly (rational anticipation). We develop multiple indicators of policy activity for the House, Senate, presidency, and Supreme Court, then model policy liberalism as a joint function of the two mechanisms. For each institution separately, and also in a global analysis of "government as a whole," we find that policy responds dynamically to public opinion change. This responsiveness varies by institution, both in level and in mechanism, as would be expected from constitutional design.}
}

@Article{Stix2013,
  Title                    = {Does the Broad Public Want to Consolidate Public Debt? The Role of Fairness and of Policy Credibility},
  Author                   = {Stix, Helmut},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Kyklos},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/kykl.12013},
  ISSN                     = {1467-6435},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {102--129},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {This paper employs information obtained from a public opinion survey to analyze why voters differ in their demand for fiscal consolidation, i.e. why some voters support and others oppose a reduction of public debt levels. Results demonstrate that preferences for consolidation vary considerably across individuals along economically informed dimensions. First, voters behave rationally in the sense that self-interest matters. Second, voters care for their children (but this motive seems less important than one might presume). Third, voters care strongly for how the consolidation burden is distributed among the current generation --- this is at least as important as the intergenerational aspect. Forth, the lack of credibility of fiscal policy plans is a serious impediment to voters' support for consolidation. These results imply that fiscal consolidation plans should be ``fair'' and that the imposition of credible fiscal policy rules could increase voters' support of consolidations.}
}

@Article{Stobart2001,
  Title                    = {The Validity of National Curriculum Assessment},
  Author                   = {Stobart, G},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  Pages                    = {26--39},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {This paper reviews the validity of National Curriculum assessment in England. It works with the concept of ? consequential validity ? (Messick, 1989) which incorporates both conventional ? reliability ? issues and the use to which any assessment is put. The review uses the eight stage ? threats to validity ? model developed by Crooks, Kane and Cohen (1996). The complexity of National Curriculum assessment makes evaluation difficult. These assessments are used for a variety of purposes so that the ? consequential ? aspects are compounded. National Curriculum assessment also involves both Teacher Assessment and tests ? each of which has strengths and limitations in relation to validity. The main finding is that the validity of National Curriculum assessment hinges on the balance between Teacher Assessment and testing. Between them they can meet Crooks et al. ' s requirements of a valid assessment system. The current emphasis on the use of test results for school accountability and as a measure of national standards has undermined Teacher Assessment to a point at which the validity of the system is in question.}
}

@Article{StockWatson2001,
  Title                    = {Vector Autoregressions},
  Author                   = {Stock, James H and Watson, Mark W},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {101{--}115},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Article{StoddardCorcoran2007,
  author       = {Christiana Stoddard and Sean P. Corcoran},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Urban Economics},
  title        = {The political economy of school choice: Support for charter schools across states and school districts},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jue.2006.08.006},
  issn         = {0094-1190},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--54},
  url          = {https://files.nyu.edu/sc129/public/papers/stoddard_corcoran_2007_jue_charter_schools.pdf},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {Public charter schools are one of the fastest growing education reforms in the US, currently serving more than a million students. Though the movement for greater school choice is widespread, its implementation has been uneven. State laws differ greatly in the degree of latitude granted charter schools, and --- holding constant state support --- states and localities vary widely in the availability of and enrollment in these schools. In this paper, we use a panel of demographic, financial, and school performance data to examine the support for charters at the state and local levels. Results suggest that growing population heterogeneity and income inequality --- in addition to persistently low student outcomes --- are associated with greater support for charter schools. Teachers unions have been particularly effective in slowing or preventing liberal state charter legislation; however, conditional on law passage and strength, local participation in charter schools rises with the share of unionized teachers.},
  keywords     = {Charter schools},
}

@Article{Stokes1963,
  author       = {Stokes, Donald E.},
  date         = {1963},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Spatial Models of Party Competition},
  doi          = {10.2307/1952828},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {368--377},
  volume       = {57},
  month        = jun,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Stokes1996,
  Title                    = {Public Opinion and Market Reforms},
  Author                   = {Stokes, Susan C.},
  Date                     = {1996-10-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414096029005001},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {499--519},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {The broadly held view that promarket reforms are good for most people is in conflict with the equally broadly held view that, in democracies, reforms will generate widespread resistance. Resistance is expected because reforms typically produce economic downturns, at least over the short term. Under normal circumstances, we expect citizens to withdraw support from governments during periods of economic decline. If citizens withdraw support, then governments, worried about the next election, may abandon reforms. But our expectations should be different of new democracies pursuing promarket reforms. Citizens may believe governments when they claim that things have to get worse before they get better or that economic stagnation is the fault of the past model. Research in Poland, Peru, and Mexico, reported in this special issue, supports these expectations. Hence under democracy there is more scope for support of painful reforms than frequently acknowledged.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029005001}
}

@Article{Stokes1999,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and Democracy},
  Author                   = {Stokes, Susan C.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.243},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {243--267},
  Url                      = {http://www.u.arizona.edu/~zshipley/pol431/PoliticalParties.pdf},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{Stokke2008,
  Title                    = {The Anatomy of Two-tier Bargaining Models},
  Author                   = {Stokke, Torgeir Aarvaag},
  Date                     = {2008-03-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0959680107086109},
  Month                    = mar,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {7--24},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Collective bargaining in most European countries takes the form of multi-employer collective agreements. In the three Scandinavian countries, a two-tier model of bargaining has developed in many sectors: sectoral agreements prescribe national standards and nationally agreed wage increases, but they also give procedural and economic guidelines or frameworks for local or firm-level pay arrangement. Dispute resolution procedures at local level are the crucial link between levels, and a variety of such procedures are discussed. Similar examples of two-tier models can be found in other European countries, but they seem to be more fully developed in the Scandinavian countries. Possible explanations are considered, together with a discussion of the different forms of variation in wages opened up by two-tier models.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680107086109},
  Timestamp                = {2012.05.18}
}

@Book{StoneSweet2000,
  Title                    = {Governing with Judges: Constitutional Politics in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {{Stone Sweet}, Alec},
  Date                     = {2000},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-19-829730-7},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{StoneSweetBrunell2012,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Court of Justice, State Noncompliance, and the Politics of Override},
  Author                   = {Stone Sweet, Alec and Brunell, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000019},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {204--213},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {In an article previously published by the APSR, Carrubba, Gabel, and Hankla claim that the decision making of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has been constrained --- systematically --- by the threat of override on the part of member state governments, acting collectively, and by the threat of noncompliance on the part of any single state. They also purport to have found strong evidence in favor of intergovernmentalist, but not neofunctionalist, integration theory. On the basis of analysis of the same data, we demonstrate that the threat of override is not credible and that the legal system is activated, rather than paralyzed, by noncompliance. Moreover, when member state governments did move to nullify the effects of controversial ECJ rulings, they failed to constrain the court, which continued down paths cleared by the prior rulings. Finally, in a head-to-head showdown between intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism, the latter wins in a landslide.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055412000019},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Stone2002,
  Title                    = {Bicameralism and Democracy: The Transformation of {Australia}n State Upper Houses},
  Author                   = {Stone, Bruce},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {267--281},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {Australia is unique among parliamentary federations in having strongly bicameral parliaments at regional as well as national levels. The purpose of this article is to analyse the evolution of the State-level second chambers, the Legislative Councils, over the past half-century. The main changes have concerned the electoral systems of the Councils, enhancing the latter's democratic legitimacy and recasting the mechanisms for producing differently composed chambers. Democratisation of the Councils, together with the other changes discussed, has brought about a subtle transformation of their role. Their design no longer casts them as conservative checks on the `people's houses', but makes them key elements within a more fully developed system of 'consensus democracy'. The article concludes by discussing three types of second chamber now existing in the Australian States.}
}

@Article{Stone2008,
  Title                    = {The Scope of IMF Conditionality},
  Author                   = {Stone, Randall W.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818308080211},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {589--620},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {International organizations are governed by two parallel sets of rules: formal rules, which embody consensual procedures, and informal rules, which allow exceptional access for powerful countries. A new data set drawn from the IMF's records of conditionality provides an opportunity to study the bargaining process within an important international organization and answer questions about the institution's autonomy. I find evidence of U.S. influence, which operates to constrain conditionality, but only in important countries that are vulnerable enough to be willing to draw on their influence with the United States. In ordinary countries under ordinary circumstances, broad authority is delegated to the IMF, which adjusts conditionality to accommodate local circumstances and domestic political opposition. The IMF has refrained from exploiting the vulnerability of particular countries to maximize the scope of conditionality.},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Strom1990,
  author       = {Str{\o}m, Kaare},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {A Behavioral Theory of Competitive Political Parties},
  doi          = {10.2307/2111461},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {565--598},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yxjls39x},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {The rational choice tradition has generated three models of competitive political party behavior: the vote-seeking party, the office-seeking party, and the policy-seeking party. Despite their usefulness in the analysis of interparty electoral competition and coalitional behavior, these models suffer from various theoretical and empirical limitations, and the conditions under which each model applies are not well specified. This article discusses the relationships between vote-seeking, office-seeking, and policy-seeking party behavior and develops a unified theory of the organizational and institutional factors that constrain party behavior in parliamentary democracies. Vote-seeking, office-seeking, and policy-seeking parties emerge as special cases of competitive party behavior under specific organizational and institutional conditions.},
}

@Article{StromLeipart1989,
  Title                    = {Ideology, strategy and party competition in postwar {Norway}},
  Author                   = {Str{\o}m, Kaare and Leipart, J{\o}rn Y.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00194.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {263--288},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {Electoral manifestos are a key instrument of democratic political parties in their quest for popular support. This article investigates the contents of postwar Norwegian party manifestos. The analysis builds on the saliency theory of party competition. Methodologically, it replicates the factor analysis of Budge, Robertson, and Hearl (1987). Four factors are uncovered. Two of these can be identified with the left-right dimension, one with the moral-religious axis, and one with material centre-periphery conflicts. A high degree of interparty consensus and convergence is evident, particularly prior to 1970. The results are generally consistent with previous research on Norwegian mass and party politics.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00194.x}
}

@Article{StromLeipart1993,
  Title                    = {Policy, Institutions, and Coalition Avoidance: Norwegian Governments, 1945-1990},
  Author                   = {Str{\o}m, Kaare and Leipart, J{\o}rn Y.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {870--887},
  Volume                   = {87},

  Abstract                 = {Norwegian party politics is characterized by coalition avoidance that defies conventional coalition theory. This failure of coalescence can be caused either by policy pursuit (preference-induced) or by institutional constraint (structure-induced). We test the explanatory power of policy-based and institutional explanations, relying on content analysis of authoritative party and government documents for our policy measures. The results show that the left-right policy dimension has powerfully constrained Norwegian interparty bargaining and that policy-based coalition theory can account for many apparent anomalies in Norwegian coalition politics. A permissive institutional environment has also fostered coalition avoidance. Although core-based coalition theory can thus be successfully adapted to the Norwegian case, it rests on a number of critical assumptions that limit its general applicability.}
}

@Incollection{StromMuller1999,
  Title                    = {Political Parties and Hard Choices},
  Author                   = {Str{\o}m, Kaare and M{\"u}ller, Wolfgang C.},
  Booktitle                = {Policy, Office, or Votes? How Political Parties in Western Europe Make Hard Decisions},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {M{\"u}ller, Wolfgang C. and Str{\o}m, Kaare},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--35}
}

@Article{Strange1992,
  Title                    = {States, Firms and Diplomacy},
  Author                   = {Strange, Susan},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {International Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2620458},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}15},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {Susan Strange reports on her recent work on relations between states and firms, and proposes a new research agenda in international relations: the study of firms as actors in world politics and of state-firm and firm-firm bargaining as two new dimensions to diplomacy. She argues that governments, like academics, must wake up to the structural changes in world politics and pay proper attention to the increasing importance of firms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620458}
}

@Online{Strath2004,
  author     = {Strath, Annelie},
  date       = {2004},
  title      = {Teacher Policy Reforms in {Sweden}: The Case of Individualised Pay},
  url        = {http://www.unesco.org/iiep/eng/research/basic/PDF/teachers2.pdf},
  note       = {UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning.},
  urldate    = {2010-09-09},
  annotation = {International Institute for Educational Planning, UNESCO.},
  bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.unesco.org/iiep/eng/research/basic/PDF/teachers2.pdf},
}

@Article{Stratmann1995,
  author              = {Stratmann, Thomas},
  date                = {1995},
  journaltitle        = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title               = {Campaign Contributions and Congressional Voting: Does the Timing of Contributions Matter?},
  doi                 = {10.2307/2109998},
  issn                = {0034-6535},
  language            = {English},
  number              = {1},
  pages               = {127--136},
  volume              = {77},
  abstract            = {Theoretical and empirical studies do not address whether campaign contributions from more than one election cycle are important for congressional voting behavior. Further, they do not address whether campaign contributions from different periods have different effects on legislative voting behavior. This paper analyzes the cumulative effect of campaign contributions over two time periods. Moreover, this paper studies the importance of the timing of contributions for legislative voting behavior. Ten roll call votes on price supports and quotas for various farm commodities in 1981 and 1985 are analyzed. Most of the estimated contribution coefficients are statistically significant. The results show that without campaign contributions farm interest would have lost in five of the seven votes that were won. Moreover, contributions that were given at approximately the same time as the vote have a larger impact on voting behavior than contributions that the legislator received one or two years prior to the vote.},
  bdsk-url-1          = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2109998},
  copyright           = {Copyright 1995 The MIT Press},
  jstor_articletype   = {research-article},
  jstor_formatteddate = {Feb., 1995},
  publisher           = {The MIT Press},
}

@Article{Strauss1957,
  author       = {Strauss, Leo},
  date         = {1957},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {What is Political Philosophy?},
  doi          = {10.2307/2126765},
  issn         = {1468-2508},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {343--368},
  url          = {http://detc.ls.urfu.ru/courses/cphilos0021/text/hrest_02_13.pdf},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {The meaning of political philosophy and its meaningful character are as evident today as they have been since the time when political philosophy first made its appearance in Athens. All political action aims at either preservation or change. When desiring to preserve, we wish to prevent a change to the worse; when desiring to change, we wish to bring about something better. All political action is, then, guided by some thought of better or worse. But thought of better or worse implies thought of the good. The awareness of the good which guides all our actions, has the character of opinion: it is no longer questioned but, on reflection, it proves to be questionable. The very fact that we can question it, directs us towards such a thought of the good as is no longer questionable -- towards a thought which is no longer opinion but knowledge. All political action has then in itself a directedness towards knowledge of the good: of the good life, or the good society. For the good society is the complete political good.},
  month        = {8},
}

@Online{Strauss2013-12-03,
  Title                    = {Are Finland's vaunted schools slipping?},
  Author                   = {Valerie Strauss},
  Date                     = {2013-12-03},
  Url                      = {https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/answer-sheet/wp/2013/12/03/are-finlands-vaunted-schools-slipping/},
  Organization             = {Washington Post},
  Urldate                  = {2016-01-12}
}

@Book{Strayer1970,
  Title                    = {On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State},
  Author                   = {Strayer, Joseph R.},
  Date                     = {1970},
  ISBN                     = {9780691121857},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The modern state, however we conceive of it today, is based on a pattern that emerged in Europe in the period from 1100 to 1600. Written from the experience of a lifetime of teaching and research in the field, this short, clear book is the classic work on what is known about the early history of the European state. Charles Tilly's foreword shows how Strayer's book set the agenda for a whole generation of historical analysts, not just in medieval history but also in the comparative study of state formation. William Chester Jordan's foreword addresses the scholarly and pedagogical setting within which Strayer produced his book, and how this both enhanced its accessibility and informed its focus on peculiarly English and French accomplishments in early state-building.}
}

@Article{Streeck1994,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an Social Policy after Maastricht: The `Social Dialogue' and `Subsidiarity'},
  Author                   = {Streeck, Wolfgang},
  Date                     = {1994-05-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic and Industrial Democracy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0143831X94152002},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {151--177},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The paper reviews recent changes in the institutional conditions ofa European social policy, especially the new codecision rights of the 'social partners' under the Maastricht Social Protocol. To assess the potential of the new institutional framework to add a meaningful social dimension to the integrated European market, the paper places Maastricht and its aftermath in the context of both the history of social policy as well as the overall institutional structure of the European Community. Drawing on theory derived from the study of neo-corporatism, the paper argues that the key for a productive 'social dialogue' rests with business; that business has no incentives to promote an activist, market-correcting social policy at Community level and will therefore likely use its codecision rights to delay or prevent legislation; and that neither the unions nor the European Commission, the incipient European Community executive, have a capacity to make business change its strategic calculation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831X94152002}
}

@Article{Streeck2010,
  Title                    = {The fiscal crisis continues: From liberalization to consolidation},
  Author                   = {Streeck, Wolfgang},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/cep.2010.16},
  Pages                    = {505--514},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2010.16}
}

@Article{StreeckSchmitter1985,
  author       = {Streeck, Wolfgang and Schmitter, Philippe C.},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {European Sociological Review},
  title        = {Community, Market, State-and Associations? The Prospective Contribution of Interest Governance to Social Order},
  issn         = {0266-7215},
  language     = {English},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {pp. 119-138},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/522410},
  volume       = {1},
}

@Book{StreeckThelen2005,
  author     = {Streeck, Wolfgang and Thelen, Kathleen},
  date       = {2005},
  title      = {Beyond Continuity: Institutional Change in Advanced Political Economies},
  isbn       = {0199280460},
  location   = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher  = {Oxford University Press},
  annotation = {Printed paper copy of introductory chapter by Streek and Thelen in my collection.},
}

@Article{Strike2010,
  Title                    = {{Charter schools, choice, and distributive justice: What evidence do we need?}},
  Author                   = {Strike, Kenneth},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Theory and Research in Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1477878509356343},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {63--78},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {This article looks at charter schools from the perspective of distributive justice. It suggests three principles of distributive justice that should be satisfied by schools: the adequacy principle, the equity principle, and the communicative principle. It also sketches the justice argument for charter schools and uses the three principles to examine it. The focus of the article concerns the kinds of evidence required to decide if charter schools promote distributive justice. It argues that a focus on distributive justice helps to formulate a suitably broad view of what evidence is required that serves as a corrective to the excessive emphasis on test scores that characterizes much of the empirical work on school reform. The article also considers the claim that charter schools are more effective than other public schools because they create competition. It argues that an alternative explanation of their (alleged) success is that they are more communal.}
}

@Article{Strike1998,
  Title                    = {Centralized Goal Formation, Citizenship, and Educational Pluralism: Accountability in Liberal Democratic Societies},
  Author                   = {Strike, Kenneth A},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {203--215},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article asks whether centralized goal formation of the sort involved in Goals 2000 or in the development of state curriculum standards is consistent with pluralism reasonably conceived. It argues that an educational system that is consistent with pluralism reasonably conceived must (a) provide or allow every culture fair and adequate time and resources for the reproduction of its distinctive or distinguishing values; (b) provide adequate time and resources for the reproduction of the society's public values, especially citizenship; and (c) provide adequate time and resources for members of different cultures to learn from and about one another It concludes that curriculum encompassing standards and accountability mechanisms that make schools fully accountable to the state are inconsistent with pluralism and argues for flexible standards and accountability that are more narrowly focused on the state's central interests in education, but that permit significant local variation.}
}

@Article{Strotz1955,
  Title                    = {Myopia and Inconsistency in Dynamic Utility Maximization},
  Author                   = {Strotz, R. H},
  Date                     = {1955},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {165{--}180},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Book{StucklerBasu2013,
  author       = {Stuckler, David and Basu, Sanjay},
  title        = {The Body Economic: Why Austerity Kills},
  date         = {2013},
  mainsubtitle = {Recessions, Budget Battles, and the Politics of Life and Death},
  publisher    = {Basic Books},
  location     = {Philadelphia, PA},
  isbn         = {978-0465063987},
}

@Article{Studlar2014,
  Title                    = {Conceptualizing punctuated and non-punctuated policy change: tobacco control in comparative perspective},
  Author                   = {Studlar, Donley T. and Cairney, Paul},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {International Review of Administrative Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0020852313517997},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {513--531},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {How should we conceptualize major institutional and policy changes that take place in the absence of crises, shocks or big bangs? This article uses the case study of tobacco policy (in 23 democracies) to highlight the concept of phased transition towards paradigm change. It recognizes the importance of fundamental policy change while going beyond the binary distinction between the world at one point in time replaced by a fundamentally new political world in the next. It uses multiple measures of policy change over time to identify the magnitude and speed of change and considers how the current literature conceptualizes such outcomes.Points for practitioners Major policy change need not be associated solely with crisis or a major event. Rather, it can follow a series of steps or phases during which a series of key factors change and those changes reinforce each other to produce momentum. The case of tobacco control highlights the potential for relatively coherent policy change over three decades.}
}

@Article{SturmEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Educational Pluralism-A Historical Study of So-Called "Pillarization" in the {Netherlands}, Including a Comparison with Some Developments in {South Africa}n Education},
  Author                   = {Sturm, Johan and Groenendijk, Leendert and Kruithof, Bernard and Rens, Julialet},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {281--297},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {Recently, modern democratic governments have been facing religious and other minorities demanding state funding of separate schools. A system of completely equal treatment of both state and denominational schools has existed in the Netherlands since 1920 and is firmly rooted in the Dutch history of the previous centuries. It may be of interest to know how this pluralistic system of 'pillars'-as it has been called in Dutch historiography-came into being and how it has functioned ever since, even until the present day, when 'pillarization' is still a prominent feature of the Dutch educational domain, despite strong secularising and post-modern tendencies. This paper describes the historical roots of the Dutch pillarized educational system, i.e. of this remarkable subcultural segmentation of education-and of society in general-on the basis of different religious or philosophical views. In the process of pillarization a crucial part was played by Dutch Protestants. With South Africa being heavily influenced by these Protestants and South African educational history running partly parallel to Dutch educational history during the 19th century, it seems worthwhile to examine why pillarisation did not occur in the southern hemisphere. In order to understand the process of pillarization it is necessary to look well into the history of the Netherlands since the 17th century. Relevant similarities between the South African and the Dutch developments up to 1900 are presented as well. At the time when the Dutch system of educational 'pillars'-or 'voluntary apartheid' as it has recently been called-fully developed towards the end of the 19th century, South African educational history, however, took a completely different course towards compulsory racial apartheid. The present revolutionary changes in South Africa, however, seem to entail some new interesting parallels between the educational situations in both countries. To substantiate this, the paper highlights some relevant features of 20th century South African educational developments, before analysing the present Dutch situation and giving the reasons for the permanent strength of the pillars. Not only are the old pillars still standing firmly, but new minorities of immigrants have also discovered the uses of the system of pillarization for identity-building and cultural emancipation. To conclude, the paper addresses the question of whether pillarization in education can and should be adopted outside the Netherlands.}
}

@Article{SuEtAl1993,
  Title                    = {Modeling U.S. Budgetary and Fiscal Policy Outcomes: A Disaggregated, Systemwide Perspective},
  Author                   = {Su, Tsai-Tsu and Kamlet, Mark S and Mowery, David C},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {213{--}245},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {This paper develops and estimates a model of U.S. federal budgetary outcomes that allows for considerable disaggregation across spending categories while providing, through cross-equation coefficient restrictions, substantially more statistical power than traditional approaches. We identify significant "top-down" fiscal policy effects on budgetary allocations primarily within the defense budget. Budgetary responses to macroeconomic conditions are generally countercyclical, although middle-class entitlements appear to react procyclically to inflation. Political control of Congress influences budgetary outcomes, with Democrats giving higher priority to domestic spending programs. The relative rate of public sector inflation affects spending growth, consistent with "Baumol's disease." Public opinion affects defense and low-income entitlement spending. Defense spending has also been influenced by perceived Soviet threat as well as the level of armed conflict. There appear to be small election-year effects, although not of the sort predicted by political business cycle models. With a few exceptions, administration-specific impacts are relatively small and not systematically related to the party of the president.}
}

@Article{SubramanianWei2007,
  Title                    = {The WTO promotes trade, strongly but unevenly},
  Author                   = {Subramanian, Arvind and Wei, Shang-Jin},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of International Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jinteco.2006.07.007},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {151--175},
  Volume                   = {72},

  Abstract                 = {This paper furnishes robust evidence that the WTO has had a strong positive impact on trade, amounting to about 120% of additional world trade (or US$ 8 trillion in 2000 alone). The impact has, however, been uneven. This, in many ways, is consistent with theoretical models of the GATT/WTO. The theory suggests that the impact of a country's membership in the GATT/WTO depends on what the country does with its membership, with whom it negotiates, and which products the negotiation covers. Using a properly specified gravity model, we find evidence broadly consistent with these predictions. First, industrial countries that participated more actively than developing countries in reciprocal trade negotiations witnessed a large increase in trade. Second, bilateral trade was greater when both partners undertook liberalization than when only one partner did. Third, sectors that did not witness liberalization did not see an increase in trade.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jinteco.2006.07.007}
}

@Article{Sulliv1999,
  Title                    = {A Wolf in Sheep's Clothing: The Bulk Funding Debate},
  Author                   = {Keith Sullivan},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {New Zealand Annual Review of Education},
  Pages                    = {97--116},
  Url                      = {http://www.victoria.ac.nz/nzaroe/2006/.%5C../1999/pdf/text-sullivan.pdf},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the bulk funding debate and concludes, first, that it is the injection of extra money, rather than the mechanism of bulk funding itself, which has allowed some schools to enhance their offerings. Secondly, it argues that in having taken on the responsibilities of governorship (including becoming employers of their children's teachers), parents have been diverted from the more important role of engagement with their children's learning, in partnership with teachers. An historical overview of the vigorous debate over bulk funding is also provided, from its inception with Tomorrow's Schools up until the present, in view of its promised demise undr current government policy. The article also presents a case study of a series of events at Colenso High School, Napier, where teachers, with support from the community, caused the Board of Trustees to reverse their decision to opt into bulk funding (the Fully Funded Option).}
}

@Article{Summers1974,
  Title                    = {Public Employee Bargaining: A Political Perspective},
  Author                   = {Summers, Clyde W.},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Journaltitle             = {Yale Law Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/795479},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1156--1200},
  Volume                   = {83},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/795479}
}

@Article{Summers1989,
  author              = {Summers, Lawrence H.},
  date                = {1989},
  journaltitle        = {American Economic Review},
  title               = {Some Simple Economics of Mandated Benefits},
  doi                 = {10.2307/1827753},
  issn                = {0002-8282},
  language            = {English},
  number              = {2},
  pages               = {177--183},
  volume              = {79},
  bdsk-url-1          = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1827753},
  copyright           = {Copyright 1989 American Economic Association},
  jstor_articletype   = {research-article},
  jstor_formatteddate = {May, 1989},
  jstor_issuetitle    = {Papers and Proceedings of the Hundred and First Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association},
  publisher           = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{SundellLapuente2012,
  Title                    = {Adam Smith or Machiavelli? Political incentives for contracting out local public services},
  Author                   = {Sundell, Anders and Lapuente, Victor},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-011-9803-1},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3--4},
  Pages                    = {469--485},
  Volume                   = {153},

  Abstract                 = {Why do some local governments deliver public services directly while others rely on providers from the private sector? Previous literature on local contracting out and on the privatization of state-owned enterprises have offered two competing interpretations on why center-right governments rely more on private providers. Some maintain that center-right politicians contract out more because, like Adam Smith, they believe in market competition. Others claim that center-right politicians use privatization in a Machiavellian fashion; it is used as a strategy to retain power, by `purchasing' the electoral support of certain constituencies. Using a unique dataset, which includes the political attitudes of over 8,000 Swedish local politicians from 290 municipalities for a period of 10 years, this paper tests these ideological predictions together with additional political economy factors which have been overlooked in previous studies, such as the number of veto players. Results first indicate support for the Machiavellian interpretation, as contracting out increases with electoral competition. Second, irrespective of ideological concerns, municipalities with more veto players in the coalition government contract out fewer services.}
}

@Book{SundinWillner2007,
  Title                    = {Social Change and Health in {Sweden}: 250 Years of Politics and Practice},
  Author                   = {Sundin, Jan and Willner, Sam},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {978-91-7257-534-9},
  Publisher                = {Swedish National Institute of Public Health},

  Abstract                 = {The impressive improvements in health for the Swedish population during the last two and a half centuries can be ascribed to many reasons. There has been a multifold of important public health measures including the regular collection of vital statistics from 1749 on a national level through the state church, which also played an important role in the early and widespread vaccination coverage against smallpox. Preventive mother and child care, access to health care free of charge, restrictive alcohol policy, accident prevention in several sectors and anti-tobacco campaigns have also been important. However, the increased living standard due to universal welfare policy strategies including social security, high educational standard, high degree of employment for women and men, regional and housing subsidies, appears to be equally or even more important. The Swedish National Institute of Public Health, SNIPH, has been responsible for supporting the implementation of the Swedish public health policy adopted by the Swedish Parliament, the Riksdag, in 2003, and for reporting on the implementation process as well as the results. The policy has been made available in English in a supplement to the Scandinavian Journal of Public Health (volume 32, supplement 64; eds. Hogstedt C, Lundgren B, Moberg H, Pettersson B and {\AA}gren G) as well as in a summary of the first Public Health Policy Report published in 2005. SNIPH has also contributed to the evaluation of Swedish public health research in another supplement (no. 65) to the Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 2005. Today{\textquoteright}s public health policies and results can to a large extent be explained by history and experiences from earlier decades and even centuries. Therefore, we were very pleased to publish a book in 2005 on the health of the Swedish people in a historical perspective (eds. Sundin J, Hogstedt C, Lindberg J and Moberg H) in Swedish in cooperation with Professor Jan Sundin and Associate Professor Sam Willner from Link{\"o}ping University and others. We are now equally pleased to be able to publish a summarised and modified version in English by Professor Jan Sundin and Associate Professor Sam Willner focusing on the health development in relation to social changes over the last 250 years. Bernt Lundgren, Christer Hogstedt and Henrik Moberg from SNIPH were responsible for the discussions with the authors and the processing of the book. The new Swedish public health policy from 2003 has attracted much attention internationally due to its focus on structural determinants as well as lifestyle factors. The policy has been mentioned in the WHO Bangkok Charter on Health Promotion in a Globalized World and the WHO strategy for prevention and control of non-communicable diseases in the European Region, as well as by the Independent WHO Commission on Social Determinants. It is our hope that this publication shall contribute to the understanding of the background and context for this policy. Historical lessons from one country can not be transferred uncritically to another country or be used as a basis for future decisions. However, the likelihood of the effects of different policies could be indicated by comparing differences and similarities in the contexts. We hope that this book will prove useful for policy comparisons and in the training of public health policy-makers, researchers, administrators and field workers.}
}

@Article{Sunstein1993,
  Title                    = {Against Interest-Group Theory: A Comment on Peltzman, "The Political Economy of the Decline of {America}n Public Education"},
  Author                   = {Sunstein, Cass R},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {379--383},
  Volume                   = {36}
}

@Article{Sutcliffe2000,
  Title                    = {The 1999 reform of the structural fund regulations: multi-level governance or renationalization?},
  Author                   = {Sutcliffe, John B.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/135017600343205},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {290--309},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the June 1999 reform of the European Union's structural funds. This is the second major reform to the regulations established in 1988, the first having occurred in 1993. The article evaluates the 1999 changes in relation to the earlier decisions. It also seeks to determine what they imply for a theoretical understanding of the policy sector. In particular, it evaluates whether the 1999 reforms represent a renationalization of the funds. The conclusion reached is that central governments were undoubtedly crucial to the reform process and will remain pivotal actors in the operation of the funds. Nevertheless, the 1999 reforms, as with the 1993 reforms before them, do not represent a complete renationalization of the funds. As identified by the multi-level governance perspective, the Commission will continue to be active in the sector in a bargaining relationship with the central governments. Subnational actors will also be important, although this importance will be heavily influenced by the central governments.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135017600343205},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Sutherland2008,
  author       = {Sutherland, Peter D.},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Affairs},
  title        = {Transforming Nations: How the WTO Boosts Economies and Opens Societies},
  doi          = {10.2307/20032585},
  issn         = {0015-7120},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {125--136},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {The World Trade Organization has changed the world in the past decade by welcoming China and transforming national fortunes in Cambodia and Saudi Arabia. It provides the catalyst that political leaders need to reform.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20032585},
  month        = mar,
  publisher    = {Council on Foreign Relations},
  timestamp    = {2012.12.10},
}

@Article{Sutter2003,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Fiscal Policy: An Experimental Study on the Strategic Use of Deficits},
  Author                   = {Sutter, Matthias},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1024842401703},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {313--332},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {Field data on the strategic use of deficits to limit the budgetary scope of future governments are inconclusive about the effects of political polarization or a government's re-election probability on fiscal policy. Therefore, we designed a controlled experiment to examine the strategic use of deficits. Using a within-subjects design, we find that deficits rise with a higher degree of polarization and a lower re-election probability. However, in a between-subjects design neither polarization nor re-election probabilities have asystematic effect. We discuss the implications of our experimental results for empirical tests of the strategic use of deficits with field data.}
}

@Article{Sutton1986,
  Title                    = {Non-Cooperative Bargaining Theory: An Introduction},
  Author                   = {Sutton, John},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economic Studies},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {709{--}724},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {The paper provides an informal introduction to some of the main themes of the recent literature on "non-cooperative" or "sequential" bargaining models. It focuses in particular on the relationship between the new approach and the traditional axiomatic approach exemplified by "Nash bargaining theory". It illustrates the new insights offered by the non-cooperative approach, by reference to a detailed analysis of the manner in which the presence of an outside option available to one of the parties will affect the negotiated outcome. Finally, the difficulties which arise in extending this analysis to two-person bargaining with incomplete information, and to n-person bargaining, are discussed. This is a revised version of the fourth Review of Economic Studies Lecture presented in April 1985 at the joint meeting of the Association of University Teachers of Economics and the Royal Economic Society held in Oxford. The choice of lecturer is made by a panel whose members are currently Professors Hahn, Mirrlees and Nobay, and the paper is refereed in the usual way.}
}

@Article{Suzuki1992,
  author       = {Suzuki, Motoshi},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Political Business Cycles in the Public Mind},
  issn         = {0003-0554},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {989--996},
  volume       = {86},
  abstract     = {Numerous studies have sought to discover political business cycles in macroeconomic variables. Although voters' subjective economic expectations have been shown to influence their electoral decisions, no existing research has attempted to uncover cyclical patterns in citizens' economic expectations. Using survey data, I seek to determine whether expectations shift to benefit the incumbent president's electoral interest. The analyses show that the percentage of the public predicting an economic upturn increases before a presidential election. One explanation for the findings is that voters might extrapolate cyclical expectations from macroeconomic conditions that contain election-driven cycles. Yet the analyses show that expectational cycles still appear when the macroeconomic conditions are held constant. I conclude by drawing an explanation without recourse to macroeconomic cycles.},
  month        = dec,
  publisher    = {American Political Science Association},
  timestamp    = {2012.09.18},
}

@Article{Suzuki1993,
  Title                    = {Domestic political determinants of inflation},
  Author                   = {Suzuki, Motoshi},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.1993.tb00358.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {245{--}259},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {Political economists have advanced a variety of diverse and competing hypotheses to explain the domestic political dimension of inflation. With few exceptions, however, these hypotheses have been tested individually without regard to competing explanations. This study uses pooled time-series data on fifteen industrial democracies to examine five prominent political hypotheses that purport to explain either political pressures that cause inflation or institutional arrangements that insulate governments from these pressures. The results indicate that: (1) Central Bank independence provides an effective counterweight to inflation by insulating monetary policy making from inflationary (particularly, partisan) impulses; (2) Government spending increases caused by distributive and redistributive politics intensify inflationary pressures even in countries with independent Central Banks and neocorporatist arrangements; (3) Inflation is determined partially by the ideology of the party controlling government. Leftist governments in pursuit of income redistribution produce higher inflation than conservative governments; (4) Elections do not have significant effects on inflation under any structural circumstances; and (5) Neocorporatism does not consistently reduce inflation or contain the inflationary effects of partisan manipulation and fiscal expansion. However, neocorporatism may stop inflation if wage moderation by labour is accompanied by the government's commitment to pursue restrictive monetary policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1993.tb00358.x}
}

@Article{Svallfors1991,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Welfare Policy in {Sweden}: Structural Determinants and Attitudinal Cleavages},
  Author                   = {Svallfors, Stefan},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Sociology},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {609--634},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {The article analyzes attitudes to Swedish welfare policies, using data from a survey conducted in 1986. In the first section, a number of indices tapping various aspects of attitudes to welfare policy are constructed. In the second section these indices are used to give an empirical assessment of competing theories about the impact of different structural determinants on attitudes. It is concluded (a) that there is general support for Swedish welfare policies, which, however, is mixed with criticisms of bureaucracy and suspicion about abuse of welfare programs, and (b) that class position and 'class-related' determinants such as income are more important than factors such as gender, private or public sector location or consumption groups in structuring attitudes. In the concluding section, these findings are discussed in relation to recent theorizing about newly emerging lines of division in the population. It is argued that either Sweden must be seen as a deviant case, which for specific historical and institutional reasons is characterized by class conflicts rather than other sectional splits, or the theories about new lines of division are simply mistaken.}
}

@Article{Svallfors1995,
  Title                    = {The End of Class Politics? Structural Cleavages and Attitudes to Swedish Welfare Policies},
  Author                   = {Svallfors, Stefan},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Acta Sociologica},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/000169939503800105},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {53--74},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {Sweden, by many regarded as the archetypal welfare state, has recently experienced severe problems of weak economic performance, sharply rising unemployment and cutbacks in social policies. In this paper, data from national surveys over the last decade are analysed in order to assess whether recent changes in the political arena point to more long-term problems of legitimacy for Swedish welfare policies. The purposes are (a) to track the overall attitudes to various aspects of Swedish welfare policies in order to assess which, if any, parts and aspects of the welfare state have experienced a fall in public support, and (b) to analyse what changes have taken place in how various structural cleavages are linked to attitudes It has been argued, from a variety of theoretical perspectives, that the former class-based conflicts around welfare policies are increasingly diluted, or superseded, by other conflicts emanating from gender, sector employment, client status, housing conditions or other possible sources of identity and interests. The results in this paper indicate that such claims are exaggerated, and that stability, in aggregate responses, attitudinal patterns and social cleavages, characterizes attitudes to Swedish welfare policies.}
}

@Article{Svallfors1997,
  Title                    = {Worlds of Welfare and Attitudes to Redistribution: A Comparison of Eight Western Nations},
  Author                   = {Svallfors, Stefan},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/522616},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {283--304},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper attitudes to redistribution in eight Western nations are analysed, using data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP).The paper begins with a discussion of various regime types'as presented by Esping-Andersen and Castles and Mitchell, among others. Countries are then chosen to represent four twin pairs'of countries, approximating four worlds of welfare capitalism': the social democratic (Sweden/Norway), the conservative (Germany/Austria), the liberal (US/Canada), and the radical (Australia/New Zealand). The empirical analysis assesses whether attitudes to redistribution and income differences are structured in the way suggested by the discussion of different cleavage structures in various regime types. It is concluded that while the level of attitudes regarding redistribution and income differences clearly is affected by regime type, group patterns are very similar between all the countries.}
}

@Article{Svejnar1986,
  Title                    = {Bargaining Power, Fear of Disagreement, and Wage Settlements: Theory and Evidence from U.S. Industry},
  Author                   = {Svejnar, Jan},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {1055{--}1078},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {The paper develops and estimates a theoretical model of wage determination and union-nonunion wage differentials. In order to overcome the institutional criticisms of the formal bargaining literature, the paper generalizes the Nash-Zeuthen-Harsanyi model by linking the solution to the institutional concepts of bargaining power and fear or cost of disagreement and by making the outcome depend not only on endogenous but also on exogenous factors. An operational specification of bargaining power and fear of disagreement allows the model to be estimated with data covering twelve companies and trade unions during the period from mid-1950's to the late 1970's. While giving limited support to the Nash-Zeuthen-Harsanyi solution, the empirical analysis indicates that the bargaining outcome usually deviates from the Nash-Zeuthen-Harsanyi point and, in accordance with the institutionalist claim, that it varies significantly with exogenous factors. Contrary to the traditional labor economics view, the results do not support the general conclusion that the bargaining solution lies on the marginal revenue product curve of labor. Instead, the relevant coefficients suggest that for many firms and unions the outcome might be better characterized by the efficient contract (vertical contract curve).}
}

@Article{Svensson1982,
  Title                    = {Party Cohesion in the Danish Parliament during the 1970{s}},
  Author                   = {Palle Svensson},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1982.tb00257.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {17--42},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The Danish parliamentary parties have traditionally been known for their high degree of cohesion. Recent social and political changes may, however, justify a hypothesis on a decline of party cohesion. In this paper two conflicting hypotheses on party cohesion in the Danish Parliament during the 1970s are formulated and empirically tested. The application of different operationalizations of party cohesion all give the same result: The hypothesis on a decline of party cohesion is false, whereas the hypothesis on a high degree of party cohesion is true. Party cohesion is as high in the 1970s as in previous decades, and the new parties gaining representation during the 1970s are as cohesive as the old, well established parties.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1982.tb00257.x}
}

@Incollection{Swank2003,
  Title                    = {Withering Welfare? Globalization, Political Economic Institutions, and the Foundations of Contemporary Welfare States},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane},
  Booktitle                = {States in the Global Economy: Bringing Domestic Institutions Back In},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Linda Weiss},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {58--82},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Globalization theory suggests that internationalization places substantial pressure on policy makers in the developed democracies to retrench the welfare state. In this paper, I advance an alternative view. I summarize and extend my recent work that argues institutional features of the polity and programmatic structures of welfare states influence the relative capacity of pro-welfare state interests to defend the welfare state. I extend these arguments here by exploring how the broader "production regimes" of coordinated and uncoordinated market economies are related to, and reinforce the political consequences of, national political and welfare state institutions. My central argument is that while social policy makers have cut costs and restructured programs everywhere, globalization has not led to substantial welfare state retrenchment in coordinated market economies; coordinated market institutions shape the interests, strategic choices, and capacities of labor, capital, and the state in ways favorable to maintenance of social protection. Alternatively, globalization has contributed to welfare state retrenchment in uncoordinated market economies. Qualitative case analysis of globalization, institutions, and policy change in Britain, Germany, and Sweden and quantitative analyses of 1980-to-1995 data from 15 developed democracies strongly support the central arguments.}
}

@Book{Swank2002,
  Title                    = {Global Capital, Political Institutions, and Policy Change in Developed Welfare States},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {0521001447},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Swank2005,
  Title                    = {Globalisation, Domestic Politics, and Welfare State Retrenchment in Capitalist Democracies},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy \& Society},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1474746404002337},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {183--195},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Abstract                 = {Neoliberal reforms in social welfare policy have been common across the developed capitalist democracies in the latter decades of the twentieth century. A central question for political economists has been whether or not economic globalisation has played a significant role in fostering these reforms in public social welfare provision. In the present paper, I review the best recent work on globalisation and the democratic capitalist welfare state. I also provide a synopsis of recent arguments about the domestic political sources of contemporary trajectories of the welfare state. After brief surveys of welfare state retrenchment and recent scholarship, I utilise newly available data to offer an analysis of the impacts of globalisation and key features of domestic politics on 1981--2000 variations in social welfare entitlements and decommodification.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1474746404002337}
}

@Article{Swank2006,
  Title                    = {Tax Policy in an Era of Internationalization: Explaining the Spread of Neoliberalism},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818306060280},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {847{--}882},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {I offer an explanation for the widespread diffusion of neoliberal tax policies in the developed democracies. After accounting for the policy influences of commonly experienced domestic and international forces, I consider several plausible paths of diffusion of neoliberal tax structure. My central argument is that the highly visible 1980s market-conforming tax reform in the United States should be especially important in shaping subsequent tax policies in other polities. There are substantial reasons to believe, however, that domestic political and institutional forces will shape policymaker assessment of the benefits and costs of neoliberal reforms: the strength of right parties and the degree to which the median voter has moved right should condition adoption of neoliberal tax policy; the institutions of national and sector-coordinated capitalism should also slow the enactment of neoliberal tax reforms. I assess these arguments with empirical models of 1981{--}98 tax rates on capital in sixteen nations. I find that changes in U.S. tax policy influence subsequent reforms in other polities; in the long term, all nations move toward the U.S. neoliberal tax structure. Analysis also shows, however, that the short-term responsiveness to U.S. tax reforms is notably greater where uncoordinated market institutions are dominant. Theory and extensive qualitative and quantitative evidence indicate that pressures to compete for mobile assets, as balanced against the economic and political costs of adoption, anchor the process of diffusion of neoliberal tax policy. There is little evidence for the view that systematic policy learning or social emulation drove tax policy diffusion.}
}

@Other{Swank2007,
  Title                    = {Data Set on the Political Economy of Twenty-one Developed Democracies},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Electronic Data Base, Department of Political Science, Marquette University}
}

@Unpublished{SwankEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Institutional Change and the Politics of Social Solidarity in Advanced Industrial Democracies},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane and Martin, Cathie Jo and Thelen, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Note                     = {Paper presented at the 16th International Conference of Europeanists, Council for European Studies, Chicago, IL.},

  Abstract                 = {Following insights from Martin H{\"o}pner, we argue that the political economies of the advanced industrial countries may be usefully conceptualized as {\textquotedblleft}coordinated{\textquotedblright} (or uncoordinated) across two analytically distinct dimensions:{\~} The first is economic cooperation by economic agents designed to overcome coordination and collective action problems.{\~} The second, what we call the solidarity dimension, constitutes the cooperation among economic agents and the state to sustain wages and employment, and to promote an egalitarian distribution of market incomes across households.{\~} We seek to explain variations in solidarism generally, and to explain why solidarism has declined modestly in the typical coordinated market economy (CME) and significantly in some CME{\textquoteright}s specifically. We argue that political institutions and partisan forces matter. State size, or a strong state capable of extracting resources to engage in politically negotiated efforts to sustain solidarism, should be important. Inclusive electoral institutions as well as social democratic party governments should complement these efforts to maintain sol idarism. The prevalence of insti tutional veto points should impair adjustment to post-industrial pressures that threaten solidarism. To assess our arguments, we develop and estimate empirical models of 1980s-2000s temporal and cross-national variation in a solidarity index in 17 developed capitalist democracies. We also look at the component parts of our aggregate solidarity index: an index of coverage of risks to income; an index of low-pay, employment protection and training; and the distribution of economic product among working-age households. Our models also account for the possible causal roles of deindustrialization, globalization, and economic growth. We find strong support for a political interpretation of variations in solidarism; this is especially the case for the foundational role of a strong, capable state in maintaining or even expanding solidaristic practices and outcomes.}
}

@Article{SwankSteinmo2002,
  Title                    = {The New Political Economy of Taxation in Advanced Capitalist Democracies},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane and Steinmo, Sven},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/3088405},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {642{--}655},
  Url                      = {http://stripe.colorado.edu/~steinmo/swanksteinmo.pdf},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {We articulate and test an explanation for the remarkable change and continuity in contemporary tax policy in capitalist democracies. We argue that internationalization, domestic economic change, and budgetary pressures each prompt significant changes in tax policy; yet, together, they create a system of constraints on altering the level and distribution of tax burdens. We utilize 1981 to 1995 data from fourteen developed democracies to analyze the determinants of taxation. We find that capital mobility and trade are associated with cuts in statutory corporate tax rates but not with reductions in effective average tax rates on capital income. Moreover, we find that capital mobility is negatively associated with the tax components of labor costs. Domestically, structural unemployment leads to reductions in labor and capital taxes while public sector debt and societal needs raise taxes. We conclude with a summary of the new political economy of taxation in capitalist democracies.}
}

@Article{Swank1988,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Government Domestic Expenditure in the Affluent Democracies, 1960-80},
  Author                   = {Swank, Duane H.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2111203},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1120{--}1150},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the large number of studies of the determination of government expenditure in the affluent democracies, most students of the subject admit that we know relatively little about the complex dynamics of spending change. Using multiple regression analyses of changes in nonmilitary outlays over the years 1960 to 1973 and 1973 to 1980, this study attempts to remedy some of the problems in the literature by providing new tests of several old hypotheses, by introducing and testing several relatively new hypotheses, and by evaluating such propositions in the context of an integrated theoretical framework and of analyses that span two distinct political-economic eras. Results suggest that the dynamics of domestic expenditure change are partially conditioned by macroeconomic and political environments of particular eras. Overall, the self-interests and ideological preferences of policymakers, the institutional and extrainstitutional political action of policy-relevant groups, and needs for state assistance emerge as principal sources of changes in domestic expenditure},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111203}
}

@Book{Swenson1989,
  Title                    = {Fair Shares: Unions, Pay, and Politics in {Sweden} and West {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Swenson, Peter},
  Date                     = {1989},
  ISBN                     = {0744900158},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Adamantine Press Limited}
}

@Article{Swenson1991,
  Title                    = {Labor and the Limits of the Welfare State: The Politics of Intraclass Conflict and Cross-Class Alliances in {Sweden} and West {Germany}},
  Author                   = {Swenson, Peter},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {379--399},
  Volume                   = {23}
}

@Article{Swenson1991b,
  Title                    = {Bringing Capital Back in, or Social Democracy Reconsidered: Employer Power, Cross-Class Alliances, and Centralization of Industrial Relations in {Denmark} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Swenson, Peter},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2010535},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {513--544},
  Url                      = {http://khosachonline.ucoz.com/_ld/0/36_Swenson1991-bri.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-03},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {The political domination of Social Democrats in Denmark and Sweden beginning in the 1930s was stabilized by the absence of intense opposition by capital to reformist programs aggressively opposed by business and the Right elsewhere in the world. This quiescence was not a symptom of weakness or dependency; rather, it was a product of a class-intersecting, cross-class alliance behind institutions of centralized industrial relations that served mutual interests of sectoral groupings dominating both union and employer confederations. Well-organized and militant, and backed by Social Democrats, employers in the two countries used offensive multi-industry lockouts to force centralization on reluctant unions. Analysis of these cross-class alliances and their pay-distributional objectives is used to challenge a widely held view that centralization and Social Democratic electoral strength are sources of power against capital. It also occasions a reassessment of conventional understandings of farmer-labor coalitions and the decline of industrial conflict in Scandinavia in the 1930s. According to the alternative view presented here, capital was included rather than excluded from these cross-class alliances, and industrial conflict subsided dramatically in part because employers achieved politically what they had previously tried to achieve with the lockout.}
}

@Book{Swenson2002,
  Title                    = {Capitalists Against Markets: The Making of Labor Markets and Welfare States in the {United States} and {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Swenson, Peter},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {9780195142976},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Conventional wisdom argues that welfare state builders in the US and Sweden in the 1930s took their cues from labor and labor movements. Swenson makes the startling argument that pragmatic social reformers looked for support not only from below but also from above, taking into account capitalist interests and preferences. Juxtaposing two widely recognized extremes of welfare, the US and Sweden, Swenson shows that employer interests played a role in welfare state development in both countries.}
}

@Book{Swift2019,
  author    = {Swift, Adam},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Political Philosophy: A Beginner's Guide for Students and Politicians},
  edition   = {4},
  publisher = {Polity Press},
}

@Article{SydowEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {Organizational Path Dependence: Opening the Black Box},
  Author                   = {Sydow, J{\"o}rg and Schrey{\"o}gg, Georg and Koch, Jochen},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Academy of Management Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {689--709},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {To enable a better understanding of the underlying logic of path dependence, we set forth a theoretical framework explaining how organizations become path dependent. At its core are the dynamics of self-reinforcing mechanisms, which are likely to lead an organization into a lock-in. By drawing on studies of technological paths, we conceptualize the emergent process of path dependence along three distinct stages. We also use the model to explore breakouts from organizational path dependence and discuss implications for managing and researching organizational paths.}
}

@Article{Tornudd1969,
  Title                    = {Composition of Cabinets in {Finland} 1917--1968},
  Author                   = {Klaus T{\"o}rnudd},
  Date                     = {1969},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Number                   = {A4},
  Pages                    = {58--70},
  Volume                   = {4}
}

@Article{Tabellini2010,
  Title                    = {Culture and Institutions: Economic Development in the Regions of {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Tabellini, Guido},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/jeea_a_00001},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {677--716},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {Does culture have a causal effect on economic development? The data on European regions suggest that it does. Culture is measured by indicators of individual values and beliefs, such as trust and respect for others, and confidence in individual self determination. To isolate the exogenous variation in culture, we rely on two historical variables used as instruments: the literacy rate at the end of the 19th century, and the political institutions in place over the past several centuries. The political and social history of Europe provides a rich source of variation in these two variables at a regional level. The exogenous component of culture due to history is strongly correlated with current regional economic development, after controlling for contemporaneous education, urbanization rates around 1850, and national effects.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jeea_a_00001}
}

@Article{TabelliniAlesina1990,
  Title                    = {Voting on the Budget Deficit},
  Author                   = {Tabellini, Guido and Alesina, Alberto},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {37{--}49},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes a model in which a group of rational individuals votes over the composition and time profile of public spending. All voters agree that a balanced budget is ex ante optimal. However, if there is disagreement between current and future majorities, a balanced budget is not a political equilibrium under majority rule. Under certain conditions a majority of the voters favors a budget deficit, and the equilibrium deficit is larger the greater is the polarization among voters.}
}

@Article{Taddy2013,
  author       = {Taddy, Matt},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  title        = {Multinomial Inverse Regression for Text Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1080/01621459.2012.734168},
  number       = {503},
  pages        = {755--770},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {Text data, including speeches, stories, and other document forms, are often connected to sentiment variables that are of interest for research in marketing, economics, and elsewhere. It is also very high dimensional and difficult to incorporate into statistical analyses. This article introduces a straightforward framework of sentiment-sufficient dimension reduction for text data. Multinomial inverse regression is introduced as a general tool for simplifying predictor sets that can be represented as draws from a multinomial distribution, and we show that logistic regression of phrase counts onto document annotations can be used to obtain low-dimensional document representations that are rich in sentiment information. To facilitate this modeling, a novel estimation technique is developed for multinomial logistic regression with very high-dimensional response. In particular, independent Laplace priors with unknown variance are assigned to each regression coefficient, and we detail an efficient routine for maximization of the joint posterior over coefficients and their prior scale. This ,Aeugamma-lasso,Aeu scheme yields stable and effective estimation for general high-dimensional logistic regression, and we argue that it will be superior to current methods in many settings. Guidelines for prior specification are provided, algorithm convergence is detailed, and estimator properties are outlined from the perspective of the literature on nonconcave likelihood penalization. Related work on sentiment analysis from statistics, econometrics, and machine learning is surveyed and connected. Finally, the methods are applied in two detailed examples and we provide out-of-sample prediction studies to illustrate their effectiveness.},
}

@Article{Taggart1995,
  Title                    = {New populist parties in Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Taggart, Paul},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402389508425056},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {34--51},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {This article addresses the electoral success of far right political parties in West European party systems and suggests that there is a new type of party - the New Populist. Differentiating between neo-fascism and the New Populism is instructive in two senses. First, it reveals that the current wave of comparative electoral success is more associated with the New Populism than neo-fascism. Second, it demonstrates that there are certain parallels between the New Politics and the New Populism thereby suggesting that changes in the contemporary far right may well be telling indicators of changes in West European societies that are deeper set than a simple resurgence of racist and anti-immigrant sentiment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425056}
}

@Article{Tallberg2000,
  Title                    = {The Anatomy of Autonomy: An Institutional Account of Variation in Supranational Influence},
  Author                   = {Tallberg, Jonas},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-5965.00267},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {843{--}864},
  Volume                   = {38},

  Abstract                 = {This article presents a rational institutionalist account of why the Commission and the ECJ vary in their capacity to pursue successfully a supranational agenda. In the empirical part, the explanatory power of this approach is illustrated through a comparison of the Commission's and the ECJ's autonomy in the pursuit of a joint agenda in EU enforcement. The article suggests that the EU as a strategic context is comparatively more open to autonomous actions and supranational influence by the ECJ, which is subject to less intrusive control mechanisms and enjoys more accessible means of rule creation than the Commission.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00267}
}

@Book{Tamir1993,
  Title                    = {Liberal Nationalism},
  Author                   = {Tamir, Yael},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{TangKing2005,
  Title                    = {A Comment on Roland Benabou's "Tax and Education Policy in a Heterogeneous-Agent Economy: What Levels of Redistribution Maximize Growth and Efficiency?"},
  Author                   = {Tang, Xueli and King, Ian},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {1003--1004},
  Volume                   = {73}
}

@InCollection{Tarrow1978,
  author     = {Tarrow, Sidney},
  booktitle  = {Territorial Politics in Industrial Nations},
  date       = {1978},
  title      = {Introduction},
  chapter    = {1},
  editor     = {Sidney Tarrow, Peter J. Katzenstein, and Luigi Graziano},
  location   = {New York},
  pages      = {1--27},
  publisher  = {Praeger},
  annotation = {Have print out.},
}

@Article{Tarrow1996,
  Title                    = {Making Social Science Work Across Space and Time: A Critical Reflection on Robert Putnam's Making Democracy Work},
  Author                   = {Tarrow, Sidney},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {389{--}397},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {Political scientists are becoming more self-conscious about how they connect quantitative and qualitative data in social science and about the role of systematic country studies in comparative research. As the most striking example of both practices in recent years, Robert Putnam and his collaborators' Making Democracy Work deserves more serious criticism than it has received. While Putnam's original project aimed at a precise goal{--}studying how a new administrative reform is institutionalized{--}his ultimate project aimed at nothing less than examining how differently democracy works in different sociopolitical contexts, operationalized cross-sectionally in southern and northern Italy. The sources of these differences he found in the two regions' histories, which led him to employ the quantitative interregional data he had collected for one purpose to support a model of historical development of North and South. This historical reconstruction rests largely on qualitative data; but it also rests on a set of comparative inferences about individual values and community cohesiveness in the two regions that is of questionable historical validity and innocent of structural grounding. This article applauds Putnam's joining qualitative and quantitative data but attacks his reconstruction of Italian history to fit his model of social capital.}
}

@Article{Tarrow2010,
  Title                    = {The Strategy of Paired Comparison: Toward a Theory of Practice},
  Author                   = {Tarrow, Sidney},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414009350044},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {230{--}259},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {Paired comparison is a strategy of political analysis that has been widely used but seldom theorized. This is because it is often assimilated to single-case studies or regarded as a degenerate form of multicase analysis. This article argues that paired comparison is a distinct strategy of comparative analysis with advantages that both single-case and multicase comparisons lack. After reviewing how paired comparison has been dealt with in comparative politics, the article details a number of its advantages and pitfalls, illustrates them through the work of four major pairing comparativists, and proposes what is distinct about the strategy. It closes with a number of suggestions for using paired comparison more effectively.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009350044}
}

@Book{Tarrow1994,
  Title                    = {Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics},
  Author                   = {Tarrow, Sidney G.},
  Date                     = {1994},
  ISBN                     = {9780521422710},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Tavares2004,
  Title                    = {Does right or left matter?: Cabinets, credibility and fiscal adjustments},
  Author                   = {Tavares, Jose},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2003.11.001},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {2447--2468},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {This paper tests the widely held assumption that left-wing cabinets favor higher public spending and examines whether cabinet ideology affects the persistence of major fiscal adjustments. In a panel of large fiscal adjustments in OECD countries during the last 40 years, we find evidence that left-wing and right-wing cabinets are partisan: the left tends to reduce the deficit by raising tax revenues while the right relies mostly on spending cuts. Our testable hypothesis is that cabinets can signal commitment by undertaking fiscal adjustments in ways that are not favored by their constituencies. In other words, the left gains credibility when it cuts spending while the right becomes more credible when it increases tax revenues. Probit estimates of the determinants of persistence in fiscal adjustments confirm that spending cuts by the left and tax increases by the right are associated with persistent adjustments. The effect is significant for cuts in public spending, public consumption (wage or nonwage), increases in total revenues, direct taxes on businesses and other taxes. We test for the role of several other determinants of persistence, confirming that coalition and majority cabinets are associated with less persistence while periods of high or rising levels of indebtedness favor persistence. The estimates of the impact of ideology and other variables on GDP and its components show that it is the size of the spending cut rather than cabinet ideology that is most important.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2003.11.001}
}

@Article{Tavits2004,
  Title                    = {The Size of Government in Majoritarian and Consensus Democracies},
  Author                   = {Tavits, Margit},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414003262068},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {340--359},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {This article looks at the effect of democratic institutions on the size of government. With the help of the ordinary least squares regression analysis of data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries from 1974 to 1995, the study provides considerable evidence that the variance in the type of democracy, measured by the Lijphart index of majoritarian/consensus political institutions, has a systematic effect on the variance in the size of government, measured both by total government outlays as well as total government revenue as a percentage of gross domestic product. The article further argues that such institutional effects on the size of government are strengthened by partisan politics. More specifically, the analysis demonstrates the presence of the multiplicative interaction effect of the mutually reinforcing nature between the institutional structure and partisan composition of government in their association with the size of government.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003262068}
}

@Article{Tavits2007,
  Title                    = {Principle vs. Pragmatism: Policy Shifts and Political Competition},
  Author                   = {Tavits, Margit},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00243.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {151--165},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the electoral effect of party policy shifts. I argue that whether party policy shifts are damaging or rewarding depends on whether the shift occurs in the pragmatic or principled issue domain. On pragmatic issues, voters value ``getting things done.'' Policy shifts in this domain signal responsiveness to the changing environment and are likely to be rewarded. Principled issues, however, concern core beliefs and values. Any policy shift in this domain is a sign of inconsistency and lack of credibility, which is likely to lead to voter withdrawal. These arguments are supported by evidence from 23 advanced democracies over a period of 40 years.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00243.x}
}

@Article{Tavits2007a,
  Title                    = {Clarity of Responsibility and Corruption},
  Author                   = {Tavits, Margit},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00246.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {218--229},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {This article demonstrates that political institutions influence the level of corruption via clarity of responsibility. The key hypothesis is that when political institutions provide high clarity of responsibility, politicians face incentives to pursue good policies and reduce corruption. These incentives are induced by the electorates' rejection of incumbents who do not provide satisfactory outcomes. However, if lines of responsibility are not clear, the ability of voters to evaluate and punish politicians --- as well as to create incentives for performance --- declines. The findings confirm that countries with institutions that allow for greater clarity of responsibility have lower levels of corruption.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc}
}

@Article{TavitsLetki2009,
  author       = {Tavits, Margit and Letki, Natalia},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {When Left Is Right: Party Ideology and Policy in Post-Communist {Europe}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055409990220},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  issue        = {04},
  pages        = {555--569},
  url          = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S0003055409990220},
  volume       = {103},
  abstract     = {ABSTRACT According to the classic partisan theory of spending, leftist parties are expected to increase government spending, and rightist parties are expected to decrease it. We argue that this relationship does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships. We illustrate this theoretical argument with case studies from Hungary and Poland. We then test and find support for our theory by considering the influence of cabinet ideology on total, health, and education spending in thirteen post-Communist democracies from 1989 to 2004. We explore various alternative explanations and provide further narratives to support our causal argument.},
  month        = nov,
  numpages     = {15},
}

@Article{TavitsPotter2015,
  author       = {Tavits, Margit and Potter, Joshua D.},
  title        = {The effect of inequality and social identity on party strategies},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {59},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {744--758},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12144},
  abstract     = {How do parties decide which issues to emphasize during electoral competition? We argue that the answer to this question depends on how parties of the left and of the right respond to economic inequality. Increasing inequality shifts the proportion of the population falling into lower socioeconomic categories, thereby increasing the size of the electoral constituency that is receptive toward leftist parties' redistributive economic appeals. In the face of rising inequality, then, leftist parties will emphasize economic issues in their manifestos. By contrast, the nonredistributive economic policies often espoused by rightist parties will not appeal to this burgeoning constituency. Rather, we argue, rightist parties will opt to emphasize values-based issues, especially in those cases where social demand in the electorate for values-based representation is high. We find support for these relationships with hierarchical regression models that draw from data across hundreds of parties in a diverse set of the world's democracies.},
}

@Article{TaylorEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Diversity, specialisation and equity in education},
  Author                   = {Taylor, Chris and Fitz, John and Gorard, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0305498042000337183},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {47--65},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {School diversity in the UK is not a new phenomenon. However, recent reforms to 'modernise' the secondary school system towards greater diversity of provision, primarily in England, needs to be explored in more detail. The article begins by proposing three phases in the development of state-funded school diversity and provision between 1944 and 1997. It then goes on to consider such reforms with the introduction of a Labour government in 1997. We argue that school diversity under New Labour represents a distinct fourth phase within this broad policy agenda. While there is some continuity in the expansion of school diversity this most recent phase is characterised by greater governmental intervention and a stronger commitment to provide greater resources for schools in disadvantaged communities. However, the paper then critically analyses the relationship between recent programmes of education diversity and equity. In particular, we go on to discuss the extent to which critics' fears about the emergence of a two-tier system are justified. We conclude that while the fourth phase in the UK school diversity agenda may aim to be more equitable, complementary and collaborative it perhaps fails to recognise that the education system today is more competitive and consumer-led.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305498042000337183}
}

@Unpublished{Taylor2007,
  Title                    = {The impact of the specialist schools programme on exam results},
  Author                   = {Taylor, Jim},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Note                     = {Lancaster University Management School, Working Paper 2007/007},

  Abstract                 = {The Government and its agencies have seriously overestimated the impact of the specialist schools programme on educational attainment. The substantially higher exam scores achieved on average by schools with specialist status are due primarily to sample selection bias and not to any benefits flowing from subject specialisation itself. A fixed effects model is used on the panel of maintained secondary schools in England covering the period 1992-2005 to obtain this result. It is found, however, that the specialist schools programme has had beneficial distributional consequences. There is evidence that schools with the highest proportion of pupils eligible for free school meals have experienced by far the biggest improvement in exam results as a consequence of acquiring specialist status.}
}

@Article{Taylor2006,
  Title                    = {An Analysis of the Value Added by Secondary Schools in {England}: Is the Value Added Indicator of Any Value?},
  Author                   = {Taylor, Jim and Nguyen, AnhNgoc},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Pages                    = {203--224},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {This paper argues that the value added score published for all publicly funded secondary schools in England is an unreliable indicator of school performance. A substantial proportion of the between-school variation in the value added score is accounted for by factors outside the school's control. These factors include several pupil-related variables such as the proportion of pupils on free school meals, the authorized absence rate of pupils and the proportion of pupils from ethnic minority backgrounds. The value added score is also related to several school characteristics such as the school's admission policy and its subject specialism. The main policy recommendation of this paper is that the value added score should not be used as a performance indicator, but should be used to gain a better understanding of why the value added score varies between schools.}
}

@Article{Taylor1993,
  Title                    = {Discretion Versus Policy Rules in Practice},
  Author                   = {Taylor, John B.},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0167-2231(93)90009-L},
  ISSN                     = {0167-2231},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {0},
  Pages                    = {195--214},
  Url                      = {http://www.stanford.edu/~johntayl/Papers/Discretion.PDF},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines how recent econometric policy evaluation research on monetary policy rules can be applied in a practical policymaking environment. According to this research, good policy rules typically call for changes in the federal funds rate in response to changes in the price level or changes in real income. An objective of the paper is to preserve the concept of such a policy rule in a policy environment where it is practically impossible to follow mechanically any particular algebraic formula that describes the policy rule. The discussion centers around a hypothetical but representative policy rule much like that advocated in recent research. This rule closely approximates Federal Reserve policy during the past several years. Two case studies --- German unification and the 1990 oil-price shock --- that had a bearing on the operation of monetary policy in recent years are used to illustrate how such a policy rule might work in practice.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.stanford.edu/~johntayl/Papers/Discretion.PDF},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0167-2231(93)90009-L}
}

@Article{TelhaugEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {The Nordic Model in Education: Education as part of the political system in the last 50 years},
  Author                   = {Telhaug, Alfred Oftedal and Medi{\aa}s, Odd Asbj{\o}rn and Aasen, Petter},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/00313830600743274},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {245--283},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {This article describes, analyses and discusses the development of the Nordic school model in three phases of the post-war period, viewed in the light of the development of the political system throughout the period and in comparison with the development of the school system in the western world in this period. The `classical period' from 1945 until about 1970 is often referred to as the golden era of social democracy, during which a number of special characteristics were attributed to the model. First, the reforms were introduced on the basis of national policies drawn up by a strong and innovative state in association with business organisations and industry. The main objective was to involve the school in the realisation of social goals such as equal opportunity and community fellowship. School development is very largely determined by state-managed conditions --- `input management'. The Nordic model was regarded as an ideal for school development in western countries. The Nordic countries generally followed the same course, but at different tempos, with Sweden being the main source of inspiration. During the next phase, 1970--1980/85, the Nordic model was influenced by international, political new radicalism in which increasing importance was attached to pupils' individual emancipation, and there was greater local influence over school development as well as by the teaching profession. In the third and final phase, the Nordic school model was of less importance in comparison to other countries. Partly as a result of new globalisation and free markets, economic competition between nations gained greater influence over school philosophy and development. Technical and instrumental goals were prioritised at the expense of national and social unity. Evaluation of pupils' academic skills was intensified and became an important management tool --- `output management'. State control diminished as a result of the decentralisation of power and of the increasing influence of international reports and resolutions on school reform in the Nordic countries. During the latter phase the dominant neo-liberal education policy has been subjected to criticism from the culture conservative and social democratic/progressive side.}
}

@Article{TellaMacCulloch2004,
  Title                    = {Unemployment Benefits as a Substitute for a Conservative Central Banker},
  Author                   = {Tella, Rafael Di and MacCulloch, Robert},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/0034653043125202},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {911{--}922},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Abstract                 = {In the many years since their introduction, positive theories of inflation have rarely been tested. This paper documents a negative relationship between inflation and the welfare state (proxied by the parameters of the unemployment benefit program) that is to be expected in such theories. Because unemployment benefits make the monetary authority less concerned about the plight of the unemployed, building a welfare state has a similar effect to appointing a conservative central banker. The relationship holds in a panel of 20 OECD countries over the period 1961{\textendash}1992, a region where Romer finds no evidence of commitment problems. It holds controlling for country and time fixed effects, country specific time trends, other covariates, and using a decadal panel. Interpreted as causal, the estimated effect is economically large: a 1-standard deviation decrease in benefit duration is predicted to add 1.4 percentage points onto inflation, or 31\% of the standard deviation in inflation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0034653043125202}
}

@Article{TellaEtAl2001,
  Title                    = {Preferences over Inflation and Unemployment: Evidence from Surveys of Happiness},
  Author                   = {Tella, Rafael Di and MacCulloch, Robert J and Oswald, Andrew J},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {335{--}341},
  Volume                   = {91}
}

@Article{TellaEtAl2003,
  Title                    = {The Macroeconomics of Happiness},
  Author                   = {Tella, Rafael Di and MacCulloch, Robert J and Oswald, Andrew J},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/003465303772815745},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {809{--}827},
  Volume                   = {85},

  Abstract                 = {We show that macroeconomic movements have strong effects on the happiness of nations. First, we find that there are clear microeconomic patterns in the psychological well-being levels of a quarter of a million randomly sampled Europeans and Americans from the 1970s to the 1990s. Happiness equations are monotonically increasing in income, and have similar structure in different countries. Second, movements in reported well-being are correlated with changes in macroeconomic variables such as gross domestic product. This holds true after controlling for the personal characteristics of respondents, country fixed effects, year dummies, and country-specific time trends. Third, the paper establishes that recessions create psychic losses that extend beyond the fall in GDP and rise in the number of people unemployed. These losses are large. Fourth, the welfare state appears to be a compensating force: higher unemployment benefits are associated with higher national well-being.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003465303772815745}
}

@Unpublished{TellaEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {Happiness Adaptation to Income and to Status in an Individual Panel},
  Author                   = {Tella, Rafael Di and New, John Haisken-De and MacCulloch, Robert},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {We study ``habituation'' to income and to status using individual panel data on the happiness of 7,812 people living in Germany from 1984 to 2000. Specifically, we estimate a ``happiness equation'' defined over several lags of income and status and compare the long run effects. We can (cannot) reject the hypothesis of no adaptation to income (status) during the four years following an income (status) change. In the short-run (current year) a one standard deviation increase in status and 52\\% of one standard deviation in income are associated with similar increases in happiness. In the long-run (five year average) a one standard deviation increase in status has a similar effect to an increase of 285\\% of a standard deviation in income. We also present different estimates of habituation across sub-groups. For example, we find that those on the right (left) of the political spectrum adapt to status (income) but not to income (status).}
}

@Article{Tellier2006,
  Title                    = {Public expenditures in Canadian provinces: An empirical study of politico-economic interactions},
  Author                   = {Tellier, Genevi{\a`e}ve},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-2455-x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {367--385},
  Volume                   = {126},

  Abstract                 = {It is widely believed that government ideology and electoral constraints are two major factors that influence the level of public expenditures. However, Frey and Schneider argue that the effects of the two phenomena are not simultaneous. Only when a government is popular can it pursue ideological goals, and when popularity is low, energies must be redirected toward gaining support from voters to win the next election. Data draw from the Canadian provincial case are used to test empirically this hypothesis. The findings support the Frey and Schneider explanation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-2455-x}
}

@Article{Tenn2005,
  Title                    = {An Alternative Measure of Relative Education to Explain Voter Turnout},
  Author                   = {Tenn, Steven},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00317.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2508},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {271--282},
  Volume                   = {67},

  Abstract                 = {Nie, Junn, and Stehlik-Barry (1996) develop a theory in which relative, rather than absolute education determines political participation. Empirical tests of this theory have been unable to isolate the effect of education from other factors that impact participation. We propose an alternative definition in which education is measured relative to those born in the same year. This is used to estimate a model of voter turnout that controls for both absolute and relative education. The results show that this new measure of relative education has far more explanatory power than does absolute education. This finding has significant implications regarding how education affects both aggregate voter turnout levels and inequality in voter participation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00317.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.}
}

@Article{Tepe2012,
  Title                    = {The Public/Private Sector Cleavage Revisited: The Impact of Government Employment on Political Attitudes and Behaviour in 11~{W}est {Europe}an Countries},
  Author                   = {Tepe, Markus},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2011.01961.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {230--261},
  Volume                   = {90},

  Abstract                 = {This study explores a refined model of public/private sector cleavage voting. Assuming that market and work experiences are crucial for people to develop common political views, it investigates three contexts that shape government employees' willingness to vote as a single constituency: the branch of public sector production, the occupational status, and the type of service economy. Estimation results obtained from regressions on European Social Survey (ESS) data indicate that government employees in public health, education and service production rather than public administration utilize sector cleavage voting. Regardless of their actual occupational status, public health and education employees show persistently stronger attitudes in favour of expanding state responsibility. With respect to party choice, stronger signs of alignment along the sector cleavage are observed in Social Democratic service economies. In sum, the public/private sector cleavage continues to matter in a more complex way than a simple sector dichotomy would suggest.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2011.01961.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{TeperoglouEtAl2014,
  author       = {Eftichia Teperoglou and Andr{\'e} Freire and Ioannis Andreadis and Jos{\'e} Manuel Leite Viegas},
  title        = {Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal},
  journaltitle = {South European Society and Politics},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {19},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {457--476},
  doi          = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
  abstract     = {This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-{\'a}-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.},
}

@Article{TeskeSchneider2001,
  Title                    = {What Research Can Tell Policymakers about School Choice},
  Author                   = {Teske, Paul and Schneider, Mark},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.1020},
  Pages                    = {609--631},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {American school systems have implemented several different kinds of school choice policies, and most of themare controversial. The research literature on various forms of school choice reveals some areas of consensus,but other areas where the results of studies diverge. Consensus results show that parents are more satisfiedwith choice, that they report using academic preferences to make choices, and that they tend to be more involvedwith their child's education as a consequence of choice. There is some, though mixed, evidence of improvedtest scores for children involved with various forms of choice. Actual parental use of choice and gathering ofinformation, however, show some evidence of stratification, not always by race or income, but often by the levelof parental involvement and motivation. These results provide considerable evidence about the effects onstudents whose parents have made an active choice, but more policy research is needed on the effects ofcompetition on students in schools that have not been chosen. \^A\vS 2001 by the Association for Public PolicyAnalysis and Management.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.1020}
}

@Online{Tetlow2010,
  author    = {Gemma Tetlow},
  date      = {2010},
  title     = {Public Finances: more done, more quickly},
  note      = {Accessed 23 Feb 2013},
  doi       = {10/tetlow},
  publisher = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
}

@Article{ThainWright1992,
  Title                    = {Planning and Controlling Public Expenditure in the UK, Part II: The Effects and Effectiveness of the Survey},
  Author                   = {Thain, Colin and Wright, Maurice},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00934.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {193{--}224},
  Volume                   = {70},

  Abstract                 = {Part I of this article [spring 19921 examined and explained the processes by which the Treasury plans and controls public expenditure through the Public Expenditure Survey. This second part analyses the survey's effects and effectiveness. Throughout we assess the survey by the extent to which the principal functions of planning, allocating, controlling and evaluating public expenditure are articulated and performed. We use four sets of criteria. Firstly, the survey is assessed as a means of regulating the interdependent relationships of the principal participants. Secondly, as a system for making decisions about public expenditure, the survey is judged by the extent to which it has enabled governments to achieve their broad spending objectives. Thirdly, the survey is assessed b the extent to which it provides directly for the participation of ministers collectively in tie process of decision-making, and how they decide the relative priority of both the total of public expenditure and its composition. And fourthly, its effects are measured by analysing the outputs of the system - the allocation of spending to departments and agencies. In the concluding section we address directly the question of whose interests are best served by the survey.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00934.x}
}

@Misc{Tham2012,
  Author                   = {Tham, Carl},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {May 10}
}

@Article{Economist2006,
  Title                    = {Private preferences},
  Author                   = {{The Economist}},
  Date                     = {2006},

  Abstract                 = {The French school system is more class-ridden than it pretends.}
}

@Misc{Economist2010,
  Title                    = {Leviathan stirs again: The growth of the state},
  Author                   = {{The Economist}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {January 1st},
  Url                      = {http://www.economist.com/node/15328727},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.economist.com/node/15328727}
}

@Misc{Economist2010a,
  author       = {{The Economist}},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {What's income inequality got to do with it?},
  doi          = {10/08},
  howpublished = {Democracy in America Blog},
  note         = {August 26th},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2010/08/inequality_and_crash},
}

@Misc{Economist2010b,
  author       = {{The Economist}},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {How inequality fueled the crisis},
  doi          = {10/08},
  howpublished = {Free Exchange Blog},
  note         = {August 26th},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2010/08/income_inequality},
}

@Misc{Economist2010c,
  author       = {{The Economist}},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {How egalitarian policy fueled the crisis},
  doi          = {10/08},
  howpublished = {Democracy in America Blog},
  note         = {August 26th},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2010/08/inequality_and_crash_0},
}

@Misc{Economist2010d,
  author       = {{The Economist}},
  date         = {2010},
  title        = {How exactly did inequality fuel the crisis?},
  doi          = {10/08},
  howpublished = {Democracy in America Blog},
  note         = {August 27th},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2010/08/inequality_and_crash_1},
}

@Article{Economist2011,
  Title                    = {The beautiful and the damned},
  Author                   = {{The Economist}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Note                     = {January 20th},
  Url                      = {http://www.economist.com/node/17957107?story_id=17957107},

  Abstract                 = {The links between rising inequality, the Wall Street boom and the subprime fiasco},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.economist.com/node/17957107?story_id=17957107}
}

@Online{TheEconomist2012,
  Title                    = {{Britain}'s foreign aid: Follow the money},
  Author                   = {{The Economist}},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://www.economist.com/blogs/feastandfamine/2012/11/britains-foreign-aid},
  Month                    = nov,
  Note                     = {`Feast and famine: Demography and development' blog},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Online{TheLocal2010,
  Title                    = {{Sweden} looks at limits for profit-making schools},
  Author                   = {{The Local}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://www.thelocal.se/29746/20101021/},
  Month                    = oct,
  Urldate                  = {2010-10-22}
}

@Online{TheLocal2013,
  Title                    = {Social Democrats strike deal on welfare profits},
  Author                   = {{The Local}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.thelocal.se/47166/20130405/},
  Month                    = apr,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-28},

  Abstract                 = {Social Democrat congress delegates on Friday forced the top brass to make sure private actors in the state-funded welfare sector will have to spend a certain proportion of their budget on staffing.}
}

@Online{TheLocal2013a,
  Title                    = {Swedish parties agree to major free-school reform},
  Author                   = {{The Local}},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.thelocal.se/48090/20130523/},
  Month                    = may,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-27}
}

@Incollection{Thelen2001,
  Title                    = {Varieties of Labor Politics in the Developed Democracies},
  Author                   = {Thelen, Kathleen},
  Booktitle                = {Varieties of Capitalism: the institutional foundations of comparative advantage},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Peter A. Hall and David W. Soskice},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Pages                    = {71--103},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Thelen1993,
  Title                    = {West {Europe}an Labor in Transition: {Sweden} and {Germany} Compared},
  Author                   = {Thelen, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {23--49},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyzes conflicts in the 1980s over the decentralization of bargaining between labor and capital in Sweden and Germany. The analysis highlights the role of institutional arrangements, some of them previously "dormant" politically, that mediated common pressures to enhance plant-level flexibility. Whereas the drive for plant flexibility in Sweden contributed to the demise of traditional bargaining arrangements, similar pressures in Germany were more successfully accommodated within its "dual" system. In both cases, institutional links among different levels and arenas of bargaining shaped the strategic interactions of labor and capital in ways that either complicated (Sweden) or facilitated (Germany) the search for compromise within traditional bargaining institutions. While confirming the central role of institutions in explaining cross-national variation in outcomes, the analysis also adds a dynamic element to institutional analysis, highlighting how changing substantive interests of political actors interact with preexisting institutions to produce distinctive patterns of stability and change.}
}

@Article{Thelen1999,
  Title                    = {Historical Insitutionalism in Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Thelen, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Pages                    = {369--404},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This article provides an overview of recent developments in historical institutionalism. First, it reviews some distinctions that are commonly drawn between the "historical" and the "rational choice" variants of institutionalism and shows that there are more points of tangency than typically assumed. However, differences remain in how scholars in the two traditions approach empirical problems. The contrast of rational choice's emphasis on institutions as coordination mechanisms that generate or sustain equilibria versus historical institutionalism's emphasis on how institutions emerge from and are embedded in concrete temporal processes serves as the foundation for the second half of the essay, which assesses our progress in understanding institutional formation and change. Drawing on insights from recent historical institutional work on "critical junctures" and on "policy feedbacks," the article proposes a way of thinking about institutional evolution and path dependency that provides an alternative to equilibrium and other approaches that separate the analysis of institutional stability from that of institutional change.}
}

@Book{Thelen2004,
  Title                    = {How Institutions Evolve: The Political Economy of Skills in {Germany}, {Britain}, the {United States}, and {Japan}},
  Author                   = {Thelen, Kathleen},
  Date                     = {2004},
  ISBN                     = {9780521546744},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Incollection{ThelenSteinmo1992,
  Title                    = {Historical institutionalism in comparative politics},
  Author                   = {Thelen, Kathleen and Steinmo, Sven},
  Booktitle                = {Structuring Politics: Historical institutionalism in comparative analysis},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth},
  Chapter                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {1--32},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Incollection{Therborn1986,
  Title                    = {The Working Class and the Welfare State: A Historical-Analytical Overview and a Little Swedish Monograph},
  Author                   = {G{\"o}ran Therborn},
  Booktitle                = {Det nordiska i den nordiska arbetarr{\"o}relsen},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Editor                   = {P. Kettunen},
  Location                 = {Helsinki},
  Publisher                = {Finnish Society for Labour History and Cultural Traditions}
}

@Article{Thewissen2013,
  Title                    = {Is it the income distribution or redistribution that affects growth?},
  Author                   = {Thewissen, Stefan},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwt019},

  Abstract                 = {This study addresses the central question in political economy how the objectives of attaining economic growth and restricting income inequality are related. Thus far few studies explicitly distinguish between effects of income inequality as such and effects of redistributing public interventions to equalize incomes on economic growth. In fact, most studies rely on data that do not make this distinction properly and in which top-coding is applied so that enrichment at the top end of the distribution is not adequately captured. This study aims to contribute using a pooled time-series cross-section design covering 29 countries, using OECD, LIS, and World Top Income data. No robust association between inequality and growth or redistribution and growth is found. Yet there are signs for a positive association between top incomes and growth, although the coefficient is small and a causal interpretation does not seem to be warranted.}
}

@Incollection{Thiebault2000,
  Title                    = {{France}: Forming and Maintaining Government Coalitions in the Fifth Republic},
  Author                   = {Jean-Louis Thi{\'e}bault},
  Booktitle                = {Coalition Governments in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Wolfgang M{\"u}ller and Kaare Str\om},
  Chapter                  = {13},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {498--528},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Misc{ThisAmericanLife2009,
  Title                    = {Episode 382: The Watchmen},
  Author                   = {{This American Life}},
  Date                     = {2009},
  HowPublished             = {WBEZ Radio},
  Month                    = jun,
  Url                      = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/382/the-watchmen},

  Abstract                 = {The subject? The regulators and watchdogs who were supposed to be overseeing the banks and the finance industry --- to make sure things wouldn't blow up like they have. Clearly something went wrong. Today we pound a gavel and ask: Where were the watchmen?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/382/the-watchmen}
}

@Misc{ThisAmericanLife2009a,
  Title                    = {Episode 390: Return to the Giant Pool of Money},
  Author                   = {{This American Life}},
  Date                     = {2009},
  HowPublished             = {WBEZ Radio},
  Month                    = sep,
  Url                      = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/390/return-to-the-giant-pool-of-money},

  Abstract                 = {In which we mark the anniversary of the economic collapse and the anniversary of Planet Money: Recapping some of the original episode, The Giant Pool of Money, and finding out what's happened to all those guys in the year since.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/390/return-to-the-giant-pool-of-money}
}

@Misc{ThisAmericanLife2009b,
  Title                    = {Episode 375: Bad Bank},
  Author                   = {{This American Life}},
  Date                     = {2009},
  HowPublished             = {WBEZ Radio},
  Month                    = feb,
  Url                      = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/375/bad-bank},

  Abstract                 = {Our crack economics team --- the guys who explained the mortgage crisis, Alex Blumberg and NPR's Adam Davidson --- are back to help all of us understand the news. For instance, when we talk about an insolvent bank, what does it actually mean, and why are we giving hundreds of billions of dollars to rich bankers who screwed up their own businesses? Also, two guys go to New Jersey to look at a toxic asset.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/375/bad-bank}
}

@Misc{ThisAmericanLife2010,
  Title                    = {Episode 418: Toxie},
  Author                   = {{This American Life}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  HowPublished             = {WBEZ Radio},
  Month                    = nov,
  Url                      = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/418/toxie},

  Abstract                 = {In January 2010, reporters from Planet Money bought a toxic asset --- you know, the things that blew up wall street banks, sank the economy and brought the global financial system to a halt --- one of those. And ``Toxie'' turned out to be an encyclopedia of the financial crisis. Here's an animation about Toxie. And here's an interactive timeline tracking its value.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/418/toxie}
}

@Article{Thomas2009,
  Title                    = {Explaining the negotiation of EU foreign policy: Normative institutionalism and alternative approaches},
  Author                   = {Thomas, Daniel C.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {International Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1057/ip.2009.7},
  ISSN                     = {1384-5748},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {339--357},
  Volume                   = {46},

  Abstract                 = {Despite the vast literature on the development of EU foreign policy institutions and the EU's growing experience as an international actor, relatively little effort has been made to explain the often-contentious negotiations among Member States that determine whether or not a common policy is adopted, and if so, what it will be. This paper proposes a Normative Institutionalist theory of intra-EU negotiations on foreign policy and external relations, including hypotheses that explain policy outcomes in terms of entrapment and cooperative bargaining dynamics. It compares these hypotheses' causal mechanisms and observable implications to those of hypotheses derived from Intergovernmentalism as well as theories of Social Learning and Normative Suasion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ip.2009.7},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan}
}

@Unpublished{ThomasEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Measuring Education Inequality: Gini Coefficients of Education},
  Author                   = {Thomas, Vinod and Wang, Yan and Fan, Xibo},
  Date                     = {2000},

  Abstract                 = {Equal access to education is a basic human right. But in many countries gaps in education between various groups are staggering. An education Gini index - a new indicator for the distribution of human capital and welfare - facilitates comparison of education inequality across countries and over time. Thomas, Wang, and Fan use a Gini index to measure inequality in educational attainment. They present two methods (direct and indirect) for calculating an education Gini index and generate a quinquennial data set on education Gini indexes for the over-15 population in 85 countries (1960-90). Preliminary empirical analysis suggests that: {\textbullet} Inequality in education in most of the countries declined over the three decades, with a few exceptions. {\textbullet} Inequality in education as measured by the education Gini index is negatively associated with average years of schooling, implying that countries with higher educational attainment are more likely to achieve equality in education than those with lower attainment. {\textbullet} A clear pattern of an education Kuznets curve exists if the standard deviation of education is used. {\textbullet} Gender gaps are clearly related to education inequality, and over time, the association between gender gaps and inequality becomes stronger. {\textbullet} Increases in per capita GDP (adjusted for purchasing power parity) seem to be negatively associated with education inequality and positively related to the labor force's average years of schooling, after controlling for initial income levels.}
}

@Article{ThompsonElling2000,
  Title                    = {Mapping Patterns of Support for Privatization in the Mass Public: The Case of Michigan},
  Author                   = {Thompson, Lyke and Elling, Richard C},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {338{--}348},
  Volume                   = {60},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines public attitudes about using for-profit firms or nonprofit organizations to deliver public services in Michigan. Using survey data, it shows how the public reacts to the privatization of various state and local government services. It then considers some dimensions of attitudes toward privatization. Finally, it estimates models that predict support for privatization based upon a range of characteristics of respondents to our survey.}
}

@Article{Thomson2008,
  Title                    = {National Actors in International Organizations: The Case of the {Europe}an Commission},
  Author                   = {Thomson, Robert},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414006295661},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {169--192},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006295661}
}

@Article{ThomsonHosli2006,
  Title                    = {Who Has Power in the EU? The Commission, Council and Parliament in Legislative Decision-making*},
  Author                   = {Thomson, Robert and Hosli, Madeleine},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00628.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {391{--}417},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {What is the relative power of the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament (EP) in the European Union (EU)? Both scholars and practitioners of EU affairs provide different answers to this seemingly straightforward question. In this article, we examine the balance of power among these three actors in the context of legislative decision-making. We report the results of a small survey among a select group of practitioners of EU affairs. Their judgements on the relative power of the three organizations vary considerably. We distinguish between two contrasting views: a Council-centric view that attributes more power to the Council of Ministers than to the Commission and Parliament, and a supranational view that attributes large amounts of power to the supranational organizations relative to the Council. To test the veracity of these alternative views, we incorporate them into two variants of a simple and testable bargaining model that makes forecasts of decision outcomes, based on information on actors' preferences. The models are then applied to a dataset that includes information on EU actors' policy positions on 162 controversial issues of which the decision outcomes are known. The variant of the bargaining model incorporating the Council-centric view provides significantly more accurate forecasts.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00628.x}
}

@Article{Thornqvist1999,
  Title                    = {The Decentralization of Industrial Relations: The Swedish Case in Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {Thornqvist, Christer},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/095968019951005},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {71--87},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {In many countries there has been a move towards more decentralized labour market systems in the 1980s and 1990s. This process has been particularly notable in Sweden. This study analyses the origins of the Swedish decentralization from a historical and comparative perspective. The main emphasis is on ideological motives, linked to a shifting balance of power. The more decentralized Swedish industrial relations become, the greater the likelihood that the power relations between the two main parties change in the employers' favour. Even if internationally determined changes in the organization of work are important, changes in industrial relations still seem to be very much a question of a struggle between the different interests of employers and employees.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968019951005}
}

@Article{Thorns2000,
  Title                    = {Housing Policy in the 1990{s}: {New Zealand} a Decade of Change},
  Author                   = {Thorns, David C},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673030082513},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {129--138},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines the 1990s as a decade of change within New Zealand's housing policies. The decade has seen a radical restructuring of both the public institutions and instruments designed to deliver housing assistance. The paper discusses both the nature of the reforms and their impact upon the housing opportunities of low income households. It also assesses whether they have created greater choice for low income households and increased or decreased housing-related poverty.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673030082513}
}

@Article{Thornton1982,
  Title                    = {Teacher Unionism and Collective Bargaining in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Thornton, Robert J},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {377--391},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyzes the teacher union movement and the system of teacher bargaining in England and Wales. Although the teacher union movement is marked by an unusually high degree of organizational fragmentation, salaries in both countries are negotiated in a single forum at the national level called the "Burnham Committee." This committee is unusual in the British context in that it has a statutory basis and negotiates fixed-term agreements which are legally enforceable. The author traces the postwar history of teacher negotiations and shows that the Burnham system has experienced increasing difficulties in the past decade, such as a rise in teacher militancy and a frequent resort to arbitration and other forms of government intervention in the negotiation process.}
}

@Article{Thrupp2001,
  author       = {Thrupp, Martin},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  title        = {School-Level Education Policy under New Labour and {New Zealand} Labour: A Comparative Update},
  issn         = {0007-1005},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {187--212},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {This article compares the school-level education policies of the Labour-led coalition government elected in New Zealand in late 1999 with those of New Labour in England. It illustrates that the policies being introduced by the Labour coalition have been generally less managerial and market-oriented than New Labour's even though neoliberal pressures are likely to constrain what appears to be a shift to the left in New Zealand. The difference between the two settings is explained through reference to party political and contextual factors and policy and research implications are also discussed.},
}

@Online{ThurrockGazette2011,
  Title                    = {David Cameron calls for more academies in Thurrock},
  Author                   = {{Thurrock Gazette}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.thurrockgazette.co.uk/news/8837107.David_Cameron_calls_for_more_academies_in_Thurrock/},
  Month                    = feb,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Online{ThurrockGazette2011a,
  Title                    = {Education secretary visits Gateway Academy},
  Author                   = {{Thurrock Gazette}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.thurrockgazette.co.uk/news/8863605.Education_secretary_visits_Gateway_Academy/},
  Month                    = feb,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Online{ThurrockGazette2011b,
  Title                    = {MP tells council ``stop moving the goalposts'' for schools' funding},
  Author                   = {{Thurrock Gazette}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.thurrockgazette.co.uk/news/8946508.MP_tells_council__stop_moving_the_goalposts__for_schools__funding/},
  Month                    = mar,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Online{ThurrockGazette2011c,
  Title                    = {Ockendon Academy row heats up},
  Author                   = {{Thurrock Gazette}},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {http://www.thurrockgazette.co.uk/news/9326795.Ockendon_Academy_row_heats_up/},
  Month                    = oct,
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-05}
}

@Article{TicchiVindigni2010,
  Title                    = {Endogenous Constitutions},
  Author                   = {Ticchi, Davide and Vindigni, Andrea},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2009.02309.x},
  Number                   = {543},
  Pages                    = {1--39},
  Volume                   = {120},

  Abstract                 = {We present a theory of the choice of alternative democratic constitutions, a majoritarian or a consensual one, in an unequal society. A majoritarian democracy redistributes resources from the collectivity toward relatively few people, and has a relatively small government and low level of taxation. A consensual democracy redistributes resources toward a broader spectrum of social groups but also has a larger government and a higher level of taxation. We show that a consensual system turns out to be preferred by society when ex ante income inequality is relatively low, while a majoritarian system is chosen when income inequality is relatively high. We also obtain that consensual democracies should be expected to be ruled more often by center-left coalitions while the right should have an advantage in majoritarian constitutions. The implications for the relationship between inequality and redistribution are discussed. Historical evidence and a cross-sectional analysis support our results.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2009.02309.x}
}

@Booklet{Tice2008,
  author       = {Tice, Richard},
  date         = {2008},
  title        = {Academies: A model education?},
  howpublished = {Booklet},
  abstract     = {This Reform report by Richard Tice, the Chair of Governors at Northampton Academy, one of the first fifteen academies, examines at first hand the challenges of trying to turn around a failing school and the impact of the academy model in rapidly improving such a school. The report finds that the application of the management independence of the academy model could benefit all state schools through the reform of Government policy. It makes additional recommendations for significant reform in the English state education system, in order to produce more good school places in every region.},
  annotation   = {School choice, teachers' unions, UK.},
}

@Article{Tiebout1956,
  Title                    = {A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures},
  Author                   = {Tiebout, Charles M.},
  Date                     = {1956},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {416--424},
  Volume                   = {64}
}

@Article{TietzeCryer1999,
  Title                    = {Current Trends in {Europe}an Early Child Care and Education},
  Author                   = {Tietze, Wolfgang and Cryer, Debby},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0002716299563001011},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {175--193},
  Volume                   = {563},

  Abstract                 = {In this article, selected quality characteristics of the early care and education (ECE) systems in 15 European Union (EU) countries are examined. To understand the systems in their respective national contexts, statistics concerning maternal employment, single-parent families, and birthrates are presented. Issues discussed for each country include the availability and affordability of ECE provisions for parents and children, the level of public support provided for in-home parental care, teacher educational requirements, and the quality of care and education experienced by children. Although several of the EU countries provide adequate services to support families with young children, there are areas that need improvement in many countries. The problems of insufficient services to meet the needs of children under 3 years of age and inadequate funding of ECE services in most of the EU countries are discussed.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716299563001011}
}

@Article{Tilley2002,
  Title                    = {Political generations and partisanship in the UK, 1964--1997},
  Author                   = {Tilley, James},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society)},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-985X.00628},
  ISSN                     = {1467-985X},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {121--135},
  Volume                   = {165},

  Abstract                 = {Political partisanship is often claimed to be influenced by generational and life-cycle processes, with both being cited as the factor that is responsible for higher levels of Conservative identifications among older voters. Given the existence of over-time change it is difficult to assess the validity of these claims as even with repeated survey data any model is underidentified. This paper uses smoothed additive models to isolate and examine the non-linear component of the generational effect. Some identifying assumptions are presented to try to assess the extent to which linear aging or generational processes are responsible for the increased Conservatism of the elderly. The advantage of the smoothed additive models is their ability to highlight non-linear effects, however, and this paper shows that regardless of linear trends people who entered the electorate during Conservative Parliaments are more likely to be Conservative partisan identifiers many years later. The introduction of a multiplicative term linking age to period effects supports this hypothesis by showing that younger people are more susceptible to the influence of period effects.}
}

@Article{TilleyHobolt2011,
  Title                    = {Is the Government to Blame? An Experimental Test of How Partisanship Shapes Perceptions of Performance and Responsibility},
  Author                   = {Tilley, James and Hobolt, Sara B.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0022381611000168},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {316--330},
  Url                      = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/HOBOLT/Publications/JOP.pdf},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {The idea that voters use elections to hold governments to account for their performance lies at the heart of democratic theory, and countless studies have shown that economic performance can predict support for incumbents. Nonetheless recent work has challenged this simple link between policy performance and party choice by arguing that any relationship is conditioned by prior political beliefs, notably partisanship. Some have argued that economic perceptions are shaped by party choice rather than vice versa. Others have claimed that voters tend to attribute responsibility for perceived successes to their favored party, but absolve them of responsibility if performance is poor. This study examines the effect of partisanship on both performance evaluations and responsibility attributions using survey experiments to disentangle the complex causal relationships. Our findings show that partisan loyalties have pervasive effects on responsibility attributions, but somewhat weaker effects on evaluations of performance.}
}

@InCollection{Tilly1985,
  author    = {Tilly, Charles},
  booktitle = {Bringing the State Back In},
  date      = {1985},
  title     = {War Making and State Making as Organized Crime},
  chapter   = {5},
  editor    = {Evans, Peter B. and Rueschemeyer, Dietrich and Skocpol, Theda},
  pages     = {169--191},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  url       = {https://www.bmartin.cc/pubs/19sd/refs/Tilly1985.pdf},
  urldate   = {2020-09-09},
}

@Book{Tilly1992,
  author    = {Tilly, Charles},
  date      = {1992},
  title     = {Coercion, Capital and {Europe}an States: AD 990--1992},
  publisher = {Blackwell},
  url       = {https://tinyurl.com/y58wrotj},
  urldate   = {2020-09-08},
}

@Book{Tilly2003,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Collective Violence},
  Author                   = {Tilly, Charles},
  Date                     = {2003},
  ISBN                     = {0521531454},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{Tilton1990,
  Title                    = {The Political Theory of Swedish Social Democracy: Through the Welfare State to Socialism},
  Author                   = {Tilton, Tim},
  Date                     = {1990},
  ISBN                     = {0198274963},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Tilton1974,
  Title                    = {The Social Origins of Liberal Democracy: The Swedish Case},
  Author                   = {Tilton, Timothy A.},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {561{--}571},
  Volume                   = {68}
}

@Article{Tilton1979,
  Title                    = {A Swedish Road to Socialism: Ernst Wigforss and the Ideological Foundations of Swedish Social Democracy},
  Author                   = {Tilton, Timothy A},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {505{--}520},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {The reputation of Ernst Wigforss (1881-1977), the foremost ideologist of Swedish Social Democracy, has suffered from the lack of a coherent treatment of his work in English. This article briefly surveys Wigforss' historical contributions to Swedish Social Democracy. Then it examines the structure of Wigforss' thought, analyzing first the conceptions of equality. liberty, democracy, security, economic efficiency, and solidarity that serve for Wigforss as the aims of Social Democracy. Then it considers the reformist measures Wigforss espoused to achieve these aims{--}social welfare policy, progressive taxation, economic planning, industrial democracy, and socialization of industry. It concludes with an assessment of Wigforss' importance as a Social Democratic theorist and suggests the relevance of his ideas to American politics and social science.}
}

@Article{Tilton1987,
  Title                    = {Why Don't the Swedish Social Democrats Nationalize Industry?},
  Author                   = {Tilton, Timothy A},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Studies},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {142--166},
  Volume                   = {59}
}

@Book{Timmins2001,
  Title                    = {The Five Giants: A Biography of the Welfare State},
  Author                   = {Timmins, Nicholas},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  ISBN                     = {000710264X},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Harper Collins}
}

@Article{Timmons2010,
  Title                    = {Taxation and Credible Commitment: Left, Right, and Partisan Turnover},
  Author                   = {Timmons, Jeffrey F.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041510X12911363509558},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {207--227},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {Taxation is partly a game of credible commitment. Data for eighteen OECD countries show that partisan turnover systematically affects the long-run equilibrium mix of taxes and services. When partisan turnover is low, more right-wing influence permanently increases corporate tax revenue and the corporate share of pre-tax income; more left-wing influence, by contrast, permanently increases consumption tax revenue and social spending. When turnover is high, even powerful partisans do not increase taxes that disproportionately affect their supporters. When partisans tax their own supporters, they raise more revenue, even when we account for some plausible benefits. The theoretical conjectures are consistent with the pattern of partisan behavior within countries, not just between them.}
}

@Article{Timonen2001,
  Title                    = {What explains public service restructuring? Evaluating contending explanations},
  Author                   = {Timonen, Virpi},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {43--59},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {This article assesses the explanatory power of two prominent accounts of welfare state restructuring in the area of public sector reform. Paul Pierson's work is studied as an example of the politician-constituent framework, and contrasted with a coalitional approach to welfare state restructuring. A general theoretical critique is put forward, and the theoretical frameworks are evaluated in the light of case studies of public service sector restructuring in Finland and Sweden. The coalitional approach is rejected because no evidence is found of significant divergence in the attitudes and goals of exposed and sheltered sector trade unions regarding public services. Instead, it is argued that public sector cuts resulted from decreased local tax revenue and central government determination to reduce budget deficits. Public and trade union protest was limited owing to the delayed and uncertain impact of the cuts. In essence, therefore, the article adheres to Pierson's account of the logic of welfare state restructuring.}
}

@Article{Tingley2010,
  Title                    = {Donors and domestic politics: Political influences on foreign aid effort},
  Author                   = {Tingley, Dustin},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {The Quarterly Review of Economics and Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.qref.2009.10.003},
  ISSN                     = {1062-9769},
  Month                    = feb,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {40--49},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {The vast majority of scholarship on foreign aid looks at either the effectiveness of foreign aid or why particular countries receive aid from particular donors. This paper takes a different approach: what are the domestic sources of support for foreign aid? Specifically, how does the donor's domestic political and economic environment influence aid effort? This paper uses a time-series cross-sectional data set to analyze the influence of changes in political and economic variables. As governments become more conservative, their aid effort is likely to fall. Domestic political variables appear to influence aid effort, but only for aid to low income countries and multilaterals while aid effort to middle income countries in unaffected. This suggests that models solely emphasizing donor economic and international strategic interests as determinants of donor aid policy may be mis-specified. These results also suggest sources of aid volatility that might influence recipient growth prospects.},
  Booktitle                = {Special Section: Foreign Aid},
  Keywords                 = {Foreign aid, Aid effort, Ideology, International political economy}
}

@Article{Tingley2016,
  Title                    = {Rising Power on the Mind},
  Author                   = {Tingley, Dustin},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Pubstate                 = {forthcoming},
  Url                      = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/dtingley/files/risingpowers.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2016-05-19}
}

@Article{Tirole1986,
  Title                    = {Hierarchies and Bureaucracies: On the Role of Collusion in Organizations},
  Author                   = {Tirole, Jean},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics, \& Organization},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {181--214},
  Volume                   = {2}
}

@Article{Tobias2003,
  Title                    = {Are Returns to Schooling Concentrated Among The Most Able? A Semiparametric Analysis of The Ability-earnings Relationships},
  Author                   = {Tobias, J.L},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Pages                    = {1--29},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper I explore the relationship between ability and log waves using flexible estimation techniques. I find evidence of nonlinearities in these relationships that vary across levels of schooling, and argue that ability ? sorting into higher education creates problems for accurately identifying the return to schooling over the entire ability support. Over an ability support that is ? common ? to those with and without a college education, I find that the college log wage premium is incerasing for the more able, and this premium grew during the period 1984 ? 1994 for individuals at all points in the ability distribution. The growth of this wage premium over time also appears to have followed a ? smoother ? linear path for high ? ability individuals than individuals of lower ability.}
}

@Article{Tobin1958,
  Title                    = {Estimation of Relationships for Limited Dependent Variables},
  Author                   = {Tobin, James},
  Date                     = {1958},
  Journaltitle             = {Econometrica},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1907382},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {24--36},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1907382}
}

@Article{Toma1996,
  author       = {Toma, Eugenia Froedge},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  title        = {Public Funding and Private Schooling across Countries},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {121--48},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {Production studies that have examined the relative performance of students in private and public schools typically find that the average student achievement in private schools exceeds that of the average student in public schools. The relatively small enrollment of students in private schools seriously limits policy predictions concerning the effects of vouchers and other policy reforms in the United States. The institutional arrangements for providing and funding schooling vary greatly across countries. This article examines these arrangements in five countries. Using a data set that measures achievement in mathematics, empirical results show that public funding and its subsequent effect of expanded enrollment in the private sector do not erase the superior performance of private schools relative to public ones. Government restrictions on private schools' decision-making powers can negate the superior performance of private schools.},
}

@Article{TomaEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {Political action committees at the state level: Contributions to education},
  Author                   = {Toma, Eugenia F and Berhane, Indrias and Curl, Corinna},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-7105-9},
  Number                   = {3--4},
  Pages                    = {465--484},
  Volume                   = {126},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines campaign contributions from educational political action committees (PACs). Using a new and unique data set of political activity of the educational PACs across the fifty states and throughout the decade of the nineties, the authors describe the contributions' patterns of these groups. The authors argue that teachers occupy a low cost position for organizing. Approximately 90 percent of educational PAC spending is on behalf of teachers' organizations. Generalized least squares analysis of the state-year variance in contributions indicate that competition between teachers' groups and other education interest groups is a significant factor that influences the educational PACs expenditures.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-7105-9}
}

@Article{TomzEtAl2002,
  Title                    = {An Easy and Accurate Regression Model for Multiparty Electoral Data},
  Author                   = {Tomz, Michael and Tucker, Joshua A. and Wittenberg, Jason},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/10.1.66},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {66--83},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Katz and King have previously proposed a statistical model for multiparty election data. They argue that ordinary least-squares (OLS) regression is inappropriate when the dependent variable measures the share of the vote going to each party, and they recommend a superior technique. Regrettably, the Katz-King model requires a high level of statistical expertise and is computationally demanding for more than three political parties. We offer a sophisticated yet convenient alternative that involves seemingly unrelated regression (SUR). SUR is nearly as easy to use as OLS yet performs as well as the Katz-King model in predicting the distribution of votes and the composition of parliament. Moreover, it scales easily to an arbitrarily large number of parties. The model has been incorporated into Clarify, a statistical suite that is available free on the Internet.}
}

@Article{TomzVanHouweling2008,
  Title                    = {Candidate Positioning and Voter Choice},
  Author                   = {Tomz, Michael and Van Houweling, Robert},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055408080301},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {303--318},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines a fundamental aspect of democracy: the relationship between the policy positions of candidates and the choices of voters. Researchers have suggested three criteria{\textemdash}proximity, direction, and discounting{\textemdash}by which voters might judge candidates' policy positions. More than 50 peer-reviewed articles, employing data from more than 20 countries, have attempted to adjudicate among these theories. We explain why existing data and methods are insufficient to estimate the prevalence of these criteria in the electorate. We then formally derive an exhaustive set of critical tests: situations in which the criteria predict different vote choices. Finally, through survey experiments concerning health care policy, we administer the tests to a nationally representative sample. We find that proximity voting is about twice as common as discounting and four times as common as directional voting. Furthermore, discounting is most prevalent among ideological centrists and nonpartisans, who make sophisticated judgments that help align policy with their preferences. These findings demonstrate the promise of combining formal theory and experiments to answer previously intractable questions about democracy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055408080301}
}

@Article{TomzWright2007,
  Title                    = {Do Countries Default in ``Bad Times''?},
  Author                   = {Tomz, Michael and Wright, Mark L. J.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/jeea.2007.5.2-3.352},
  ISSN                     = {1542-4774},
  Number                   = {2-3},
  Pages                    = {352--360},
  Url                      = {http://www.stanford.edu/~tomz/pubs/TW2007.pdf},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses a new dataset to study the relationship between economic output and sovereign default for the period 1820--2004. We find a negative but surprisingly weak relationship between economic output in the borrowing country and default on loans from private foreign creditors. Throughout history, countries have indeed defaulted during bad times (when output was relatively low), but they have also suspended payments when the domestic economy was favorable, and they have maintained debt service in the face of adverse shocks. This constitutes a puzzle for standard theories of international debt, which predict a much tighter negative relationship as default provides partial insurance against declines in output.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.stanford.edu/~tomz/pubs/TW2007.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jeea.2007.5.2-3.352},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{TomzWeeks2013,
  author       = {Tomz, Michael R. and Weeks, Jessica L. P.},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055413000488},
  issn         = {1537-5943},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {849--865},
  url          = {http://web.stanford.edu/~tomz/pubs/TomzWeeks-2013-11.pdf},
  urldate      = {2015-11-22},
  volume       = {107},
  abstract     = {One of the most striking findings in political science is the democratic peace: the absence of war between democracies. Some authors attempt to explain this phenomenon by highlighting the role of public opinion. They observe that democratic leaders are beholden to voters and argue that voters oppose war because of its human and financial costs. This logic predicts that democracies should behave peacefully in general, but history shows that democracies avoid war primarily in their relations with other democracies. In this article we investigate not whether democratic publics are averse to war in general, but whether they are especially reluctant to fight other democracies. We embedded experiments in public opinion polls in the United States and the United Kingdom and found that individuals are substantially less supportive of military strikes against democracies than against otherwise identical autocracies. Moreover, our experiments suggest that shared democracy pacifies the public primarily by changing perceptions of threat and morality, not by raising expectations of costs or failure. These findings shed light on a debate of enduring importance to scholars and policy makers.},
  month        = {11},
  numpages     = {17},
}

@Article{Tooley1997,
  author       = {James Tooley},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology of Education},
  title        = {On School Choice and Social Class: a response to Ball, Bowe and Gewirtz},
  doi          = {10.1080/0142569970180205},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {217--230},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {The work of Ball, Bowe and Gewirtz is probably the most important research to be published on the implications of recent school choice reforms in England and Wales. One of their most notable conclusions points to the relationship between social class and school choice. Their conclusions are challenged on methodological grounds. First, it is not clear that their qualitative method can support the generalisation about class and choice which they make. However, even as regards more modest conclusions, difficulties arise with the operationalisation of their concepts. For the details of how particular families are fitted into their analytical framework raises severe problems. This leads to their judgements about the allocation of families to categories being controversial, hence undermining even localised conclusions about social class and school choice. Drawing on this analysis, general lessons are sketched for the conduct of qualitative research and its reporting to the research community.},
}

@Article{TooleyGuthrie2007,
  Title                    = {Budgeting in {New Zealand} secondary schools in a changing devolved financial management environment},
  Author                   = {Tooley, Stuart and Guthrie, James},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Accounting \& Organizational Change},
  Doi                      = {10.1108/18325910710732830},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {4--28},
  Volume                   = {3}
}

@Article{TopeJacobs2009,
  author       = {Tope, Daniel and Jacobs, Davids},
  title        = {The Politics of Union Decline: The Contingent Determinants of Union Recognition Elections and Victories},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {74},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {842--864},
  doi          = {10.1177/000312240907400508},
  abstract     = {Despite the close political regulation of union recognition disputes, sociologists have paid little attention to recent political determinants of success in these contests. A state-centered political-opportunity approach suggests that if conservative political officials can reduce the number of union recognition elections, union organization will be blocked. Partly because many labor scholars claim there was a postwar departure in labor movement fortunes, we attempt to detect and model a contingent break in the relationship between Republican control of the presidency and these elections using interactive specifications. Our findings show that shortly after the conservative, anti-union Reagan administration took office, recognition elections, and union victories in these elections, fell sharply. With macroeconomic and other determinants held constant, other political conditions with explanatory power include congressional oversight committee ideology and conservative appointments to the key regulatory agency. Our findings support political accounts and also suggest that unions' failures to organize new workplaces were sustained by subsequent conservative administrations.},
}

@Article{Torfing2001,
  Title                    = {Path-Dependent Danish Welfare Reforms: The Contribution of the New Institutionalisms to Understanding Evolutionary Change},
  Author                   = {Torfing, Jacob},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9477.00057},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {277--309},
  Volume                   = {24},

  Abstract                 = {Political attempts to reform existing policies often fail to bring about substantial change. When they succeed, the new policy is heavily influenced by the pre-existing policy path. This is confirmed by the story of Danish welfare reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, which can be explained in terms of their path dependency. In order to understand better the mechanisms of path dependency I draw on the fundamental insights of the new institutionalisms: rational choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism, and social constructivist institutionalism. The article begins with a brief presentation and comparison of the three new institutionalisms. It then discusses the dialectics of path shaping and path dependency before seeking to explicate the mechanisms of path dependency. Finally, the various accounts of path dependency are applied in an empirical study of the failure of welfare retrenchment in the 1980s and the relatively successful restructuring of the welfare state in the 1990s.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00057}
}

@Article{Torres2004,
  Title                    = {Trajectories in public administration reforms in {Europe}an Continental countries},
  Author                   = {Torres, Lourdes},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Australian Journal of Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-8500.2004.00394.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {99{--}112},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {The aim of this article is to study key New Public Management (NPM) transformations undertaken at central level in the European Union public administrations of Germanic, Nordic and Southern European countries. Our study shows that there is no global tendency towards the same NPM model, although, within public administration models, there are strong similarities. Although some NPM initiatives have been taken as steps towards implementing these reforms, in other contexts they could have been adopted in order to ward off deeper reforms.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2004.00394.x}
}

@Article{Toshkov2007,
  Title                    = {Transposition of EU social policy in the new member states},
  Author                   = {Toshkov, Dimiter},
  Date                     = {2007-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928707081065},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {335--348},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This article analyses transposition of European Union (EU) social policy legislation in the new member states (NMS) from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). In order to account for the varying rate of adoption of EU law at the national level the article develops several hypotheses about the impact of government preferences and administrative capacity on the pace of transposition in the social policy field. The hypotheses are tested on a new dataset comprising data on the transposition of EU social policy directives in the new member states. The results of the quantitative empirical analysis show that government support for European integration and administrative effectiveness has positive and substantial effects on the number of directives transposed in a given period of time. However, government positions on the Left--Right and libertarianism--traditionalism dimensions do not affect the adoption of EU social policy legislation in CEE.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928707081065}
}

@Article{Toynbee2011,
  Title                    = {Do we care about 300,000~{m}ore children in poverty?},
  Author                   = {Toynbee, Polly},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {May 13th},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/6e229u7},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://tinyurl.com/6e229u7},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.19}
}

@Article{Toynbee2011a,
  Title                    = {Class still matters: Q\&A with Polly Toynbee},
  Author                   = {Toynbee, Polly},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian},
  Month                    = aug,
  Note                     = {August 31st},
  Url                      = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/aug/31/polly-toynbee-class-q-and-a},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/aug/31/polly-toynbee-class-q-and-a},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.22}
}

@Article{Travis2010,
  Title                    = {Problems, Politics, and Policy Streams: A Reconsideration US Foreign Aid Behavior toward {Africa}1},
  Author                   = {Travis, Rick},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00610.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-2478},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {797--821},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This article is designed to explore the usefulness of an alternative conceptualization of the foreign assistance policy process. The common assumption is that US foreign aid outputs are rationally determined in response to external stimuli such as US security or economic interests or human need in a country. Yet, consistent with the logic of two-level games, foreign aid policy can become ensnared in domestic politics, especially those of a partisan distinction. In this article, I build an interactive model of foreign policy where external stimuli and domestic partisan differences are coupled to explain foreign assistance behavior toward Africa over the fiscal 1982--2003 period. I find that shifts in party control of the Presidency and the Congress lead to different valuations of the importance of external factors in making economic assistance policy. This interaction of domestic and foreign inputs serves to offer a fundamental reassessment of explanations concerning foreign assistance policy specifically, and foreign policy generally.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00610.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Traxler2003,
  Title                    = {Bargaining (De)centralization, Macroeconomic Performance and Control over the Employment Relationship},
  Author                   = {Traxler, Franz},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-8543.00259},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}27},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Based on data for 20 OECD countries, this paper analyses the effect of bargaining centralization on performance and control over the employment relationship. Rejecting both the corporatist thesis and the hump-shape thesis, the paper finds that performance either increases or decreases with centralization, depending on the ability of the higher level to bind lower levels. There is a clear effect on control in that bargaining coverage significantly declines with decentralization. Employers can therefore expect to extend management prerogatives, rather than improve performance, when enforcing decentralization. Hence the literature on bargaining structures when focusing on performance has lost sight of their contested nature.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8543.00259}
}

@Article{TraxlerKittel2000,
  Title                    = {The Bargaining System and Performance: A Comparison of 18 OECD Countries},
  Author                   = {Traxler, Franz and Kittel, Bernhard},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414000033009003},
  Number                   = {9},
  Pages                    = {1154--1190},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {Theoretical reasoning disagrees about what type of bargaining system performs best. The authors have tested the explanatory power of three competing hypotheses: neoliberalism, corporatism, and the hump-shape hypothesis. All of these hypotheses lack empirical support due to two main shortcomings. First, they ignore that wage restraint raises three distinct types of collective-action problems. Second, they do not consider qualitative differences among the national bargaining systems (particularly the role of the state) that do not allow analysis to construct such ordinal rankings of bargaining coordination as adopted by all previous empirical studies. Proceeding from a revised hypothesis and new measures of national bargaining systems, the authors have found a nonlinear relationship between the bargaining system and economic performance in a way that economy-wide wage coordination is superior only when the bargaining system is able to make local bargaining comply with coordination activities.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033009003}
}

@Article{TreierJackman2008,
  Title                    = {Democracy as a Latent Variable},
  Author                   = {Treier, Shawn and Jackman, Simon},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00308.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {201--217},
  Volume                   = {52},

  Abstract                 = {We apply formal, statistical measurement models to the Polity indicators, used widely in studies of international relations to measure democracy. In so doing, we make explicit the hitherto implicit assumptions underlying scales built using the Polity indicators. Modeling democracy as a latent variable allows us to assess the "noise" (measurement error) in the resulting measure. We show that this measurement error is considerable and has substantive consequences when using a measure of democracy as an independent variable in cross-national statistical analyses. Our analysis suggests that skepticism as to the precision of the Polity democracy scale is well founded and that many researchers have been overly sanguine about the properties of the Polity democracy scale in applied statistical work.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00308.x}
}

@Article{Treisman2006,
  Title                    = {Explaining Fiscal Decentralisation: Geography, Colonial History, Economic Development and Political Institutions},
  Author                   = {Treisman, Daniel},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Commonwealth and Comparative Politics},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {289{--}325},
  Volume                   = {44}
}

@Article{Trichet2010,
  Title                    = {State of the Union: The Financial Crisis and the ECB's Response between 2007 and 2009},
  Author                   = {Trichet, Jean-Claude},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02091.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Pages                    = {7--19},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02091.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Troy1994,
  Title                    = {The New Unionism in the New Society: Public Sector Unions in the Redistributive State},
  Author                   = {Troy, Leo},
  Date                     = {1994},
  ISBN                     = {0913969699},
  Location                 = {Fairfax, VA},
  Publisher                = {George Mason University Press}
}

@Book{Troy2004,
  author     = {Troy, Leo},
  date       = {2004},
  title      = {The Twilight of the Old Unionism},
  isbn       = {0765607468},
  location   = {Armonk, NY},
  publisher  = {M.E. Sharpe},
  annotation = {"Issues in Work \& Human Resources S." Includes a chapter case study discussing teachers' unions in the USA. Distinguishes between the public and private sector - with education as an example.},
}

@Incollection{TrueEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Punctuated Equilibrium Theory: Explaining Stability and Change in Public Policymaking},
  Author                   = {True, James L. and Jones, Bryan D. and Baumgartner, Frank R.},
  Booktitle                = {Theories of the Policy Process},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {P.A. Sabatier},
  Chapter                  = {6},
  Location                 = {Boulder, CO},
  Pages                    = {155--187},
  Publisher                = {Westview Press}
}

@Article{Tsebelis1995,
  Title                    = {Decision Making in Political Systems: Veto Players in Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, Multicameralism and Multipartyism},
  Author                   = {Tsebelis, George},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123400007225},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {289--325},
  Url                      = {http://www.web.pdx.edu/~mev/pdf/Tsebelis_Article2.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-11-30},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {The article compares different political systems with respect to one property: their capacity to produce policy change. I define the basic concept of the article, the 'veto player': veto players are individual or collective actors whose agreement (by majority rule for collective actors) is required for a change of the status quo. Two categories of veto players are identified in the article: institutional and partisan. Institutional veto players (president, chambers) exist in presidential systems while partisan veto players (parties) exist at least in parliamentary systems. Westminster systems, dominant party systems and single-party minority governments have only one veto player, while coalitions in parliamentary systems, presidential or federal systems have multiple veto players. The potential for policy change decreases with the number of veto players, the lack of congruence (dissimilarity of policy positions among veto players) and the cohesion (similarity of policy positions among the constituent units of each veto player) of these players. The veto player framework produces results different from existing theories in comparative politics, but congruent with existing empirical studies. In addition, it permits comparisons across different political and party systems. Finally, the veto player framework enables predictions about government instability (in parliamentary systems) or regime instability (in presidential systems); these predictions are supported by available evidence.}
}

@Article{Tsebelis1999,
  author       = {Tsebelis, George},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Veto Players and Law Production in Parliamentary Democracies: An Empirical Analysis},
  doi          = {10.2307/2585576},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {591--608},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y6938ohd},
  urldate      = {2020-09-10},
  volume       = {93},
  abstract     = {This article investigates hypotheses generated by the veto players' theory. The fundamental insight of this theory is that an increase in the number of veto players (for all practical purposes, in parliamentary systems the number of parties in government) and their ideological distance from one another will reduce the ability of both government and parliament to produce significant laws. In addition, the number of significant laws increases with the duration of a government and with an increase in the ideological difference between current and previous government. These propositions are tested with legislative data (both laws and government decrees) on working time and working conditions identified in two legislative sources: the NATLEX computerized database in Geneva (produced by the International Labour organization) and Blanpain's International Encyclopedia for Labour Law and Industrial Relations. The data cover fifteen West European countries for the period 1981-91. The evidence corroborates the proposed hypotheses.},
}

@Book{Tsebelis2002,
  Title                    = {Veto Players: How Political Institutions Work},
  Author                   = {Tsebelis, George},
  Date                     = {2002},
  ISBN                     = {0691099898},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Article{TsebelisChang2004,
  Title                    = {Veto players and the structure of budgets in advanced industrialized countries},
  Author                   = {Tsebelis, George and Chang, Eric C.C.},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2004.00161.x},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {449--476},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This article tests expectations generated by the veto players theory with respect to the over time composition of budgets in a multidimensional policy space. The theory predicts that countries with many veto players (i.e., coalition governments, bicameral political systems, presidents with veto) will have difficulty altering the budget structures. In addition, countries that tend to make significant shifts in government composition will have commensurate modifications of the budget. Data collected from 19 advanced industrialized countries from 1973 to 1995 confirm these expectations, even when one introduces socioeconomic controls for budget adjustments like unemployment variations, size of retired population and types of government (minimum winning coalitions, minority or oversized governments). The methodological innovation of the article is the use of empirical indicators to operationalize the multidimensional policy spaces underlying the structure of budgets. The results are consistent with other analyses of macroeconomic outcomes like inflation, budget deficits and taxation that are changed at a slower pace by multiparty governments.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2004.00161.x}
}

@Article{TsebelisGarrett2001,
  Title                    = {The Institutional Foundations of Intergovernmentalism and Supranationalism in the {Europe}an Union},
  Author                   = {Tsebelis, George and Garrett, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/00208180151140603},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {357--390},
  Volume                   = {55},

  Abstract                 = {We present a unified model of the politics of the European Union (EU). We focus on the effects of the EU's changing treaty base from the founding Rome Treaty (ratified in 1958) to the Single European Act (SEA, 1987), the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (1993), and the Amsterdam Treaty (1999) on the relations among its three supranational institutions{\textemdash}the Commission of the European Communities, the European Court of Justice, and the European Parliament{\textemdash}and between these actors and the intergovernmental Council of Ministers. We conceive of these institutions in terms of the roles they perform in the three core functions of the modern state: to legislate and formulate policy (legislative branch), to administer and implement policy (executive branch), and to interpret policy and adjudicate disputes (judicial branch).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00208180151140603}
}

@Article{TsebelisMoney1995,
  Title                    = {Bicameral Negotiations: The Navette System in {France}},
  Author                   = {Tsebelis, George and Money, Jeannette},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {101{--}129},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the decision-making process in the French bicameral legislature: the navette system. In this system, the legislation shuttles between the two houses until agreement is reached or until a stopping rule is applied. We examine the interaction between upper and lower houses as a bargaining game with complete and one-sided incomplete information. The complete information model permits us to evaluate the political implications of the navette's various institutional features (where the bill is first introduced, number of iterations, final veto power, etc.). The incomplete information approach permits us to predict the duration of the navette process. Data from the French Fifth Republic in the 1959-86 period corroborate the conclusions of the model. Because the navette system is the most commonly used method of decision making in bicameral legislatures, the model can be usefully generalized to other countries.}
}

@Book{Tufte1974,
  Title                    = {Data Analysis for Politics and Policy},
  Author                   = {Tufte, Edward R.},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Location                 = {Englewood Cliffs, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Prentice Hall},
  Url                      = {http://www.edwardtufte.com/tufte/dapp/},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.edwardtufte.com/tufte/dapp/}
}

@Article{Tufte1975,
  Title                    = {Determinants of the Outcomes of Midterm Congressional Elections},
  Author                   = {Edward R. Tufte},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1958391},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {812--826},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Timestamp                = {2012.10.09}
}

@Book{Tufte1978,
  Title                    = {Political Control of the Economy},
  Author                   = {Edward R. Tufte},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2012.09.18}
}

@Article{Tullock1974,
  Title                    = {Dynamic hypothesis on bureaucracy},
  Author                   = {Tullock, Gordon},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {127--131},
  Volume                   = {19}
}

@Article{TurnbullChang1998,
  Title                    = {The Median Voter according to GARP},
  Author                   = {Turnbull, Geoffrey K and Chang, Chinkun},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Southern Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1001{--}1010},
  Volume                   = {64},

  Abstract                 = {This paper adapts the generalized axiom of revealed preference (GARP) empirical method to the public goods problem to test whether observed municipal public spending can be explained "as if" the city governments maximize the utility of the median income voter. It applies the test procedure for medium-size municipal governments in five Midwest states. The data are consistent with GARP and reveal that the local governments in the sample behave as if they maximize median voter utility once we control for the state-specific effects, government management structure, and population density.}
}

@Article{TurnbullGeon2006,
  Title                    = {Local government internal structure, external constraints and the median voter},
  Author                   = {Turnbull, Geoffrey K and Geon, Gyusuck},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-006-9068-2},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {487--506},
  Volume                   = {129},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines how internal structure and external constraints affect local government ability to meet voters' demands. It applies the revealed preference method to US counties to identify those that fail to satisfy the pure democracy outcome of the median voter hypothesis (MVH). Probit analysis identifies the factors associated with counties that satisfy the MVH. Internal government structure does not matter but restricting home rule increases the likelihood of satisfying the MVH equilibrium, the latter result consistent with the leviathan model. The systematic differences found for urban and rural county governments reinforce this conclusion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-9068-2}
}

@Article{TverskyKahneman1973,
  author       = {Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman},
  date         = {1973},
  journaltitle = {Cognitive Psychology},
  title        = {Availability: A heuristic for judging frequency and probability},
  doi          = {10.1016/0010-0285(73)90033-9},
  issn         = {0010-0285},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {207--232},
  volume       = {5},
}

@Article{TverskyKahneman1991,
  Title                    = {Loss Aversion in Riskless Choice: A Reference-Dependent Model},
  Author                   = {Tversky, Amos and Kahneman, Daniel},
  Date                     = {1991-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2937956},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1039--1061},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {Much experimental evidence indicates that choice depends on the status quo or reference level: changes of reference point often lead to reversals of preference. We present a reference-dependent theory of consumer choice, which explains such effects by a deformation of indifference curves about the reference point. The central assumption of the theory is that losses and disadvantages have greater impact on preferences than gains and advantages. Implications of loss aversion for economic behavior are considered.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2937956}
}

@Online{Twigg2013,
  Title                    = {No School Left Behind},
  Author                   = {Twigg, Stephen},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.labour.org.uk/no-school-left-behind},
  Month                    = jun,
  Note                     = {Speech given to the Royal Society for the encouragement of Arts, 2013/06/17},
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-28},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Ugur1998,
  Title                    = {Explaining protectionism and liberalization in {Europe}an Union trade policy: the case of textiles and clothing},
  Author                   = {Ugur, Mehmet},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501769880000071},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {652--670},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The political economy of trade policy models and theories of European Union (EU) policy-making can explain only the incidence of protectionism or inertia in EU trade policy. To address this weakness, this article proposes an alternative approach based on state-society interaction under different degrees of issue transparency/divisibility. In this perspective, four endogenous policy outcomes may emerge: strict protectionism, selective protectionism, selective liberalization and dominant liberalization. The conclusion is that the level of protectionism is determined by the level of issue transparency/divisibility rather than the level of protectionist demands. This conclusion --- based on the functionality of European integration in equalizing the rates of returns on societal loyalty to a territorial jurisdiction --- is tested against evidence on the evolution of the EU's textiles and clothing policy during the Multifibre Arrangement and Uruguay Round negotiations. The evidence lends support to this argument and suggests that regional integration, in contrast to the unqualified claims of its opponents and proponents, is conducive to both protectionism and liberalization --- depending on the extent to which trade policy issues are treated as transparent/divisible.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769880000071},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{UraEllis2008,
  Title                    = {Income, Preferences, and the Dynamics of Policy Responsiveness},
  Author                   = {Ura, Joseph Daniel and Ellis, Christopher R.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S104909650808102X},
  Number                   = {04},
  Pages                    = {785--794},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {A variety of measures indicate that income inequality has grown significantly in the United States during the last three decades (APSA 2004; Brandolini and Smeeding 2006). In a flurry of recent research, scholars have attributed this trend to the failure of the national government to represent the preferences of ordinary citizens in general and less wealthy citizens in particular (APSA 2004; Bartels 2004; 2006; Gilens 2005), who participate in politics less consistently and contribute fewer resources to political candidates than their wealthier peers (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995). The American Political Science Association's (APSA) Task Force on Inequality and American Democracy summarizes this representative failure hypothesis: ``disparities in participation ensure that ordinary Americans speak in a whisper while the most advantaged roar'' (2004, 2).},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S104909650808102X},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{Urquiola2005,
  Title                    = {Does School Choice Lead to Sorting? Evidence from Tiebout Variation},
  Author                   = {Urquiola, Miguel},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {American Economic Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1310{--}1326},
  Volume                   = {95}
}

@Article{UslanerBrown2005,
  Title                    = {Inequality, Trust, and Civic Engagement},
  Author                   = {Uslaner, Eric M. and Brown, Mitchell},
  Date                     = {2005-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {American Politics Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1532673X04271903},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {868--894},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines why people violate rationality and take part in their communities, differentiating by types of participation, particularly political versus other, more communal types of participation. The authors argue that trust plays an important role in participation levels, but contrary to more traditional models, the causal relationship runs from trust to participation. In addition, the authors posit that trust is strongly affected by economic inequality. Using aggregated American state-level data for the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, the authors present a series of two-stage least squares models on the effects of inequality and trust on participation, controlling for other related factors. Findings indicate that inequality is the strongest determinant of trust and that trust has a greater effect on communal participation than on political participation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X04271903},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.23}
}

@Article{Uusitalo1985,
  Title                    = {Redistribution and equality in the welfare state:: An effort to interpret the major findings of research on the redistributive effects of the welfare state},
  Author                   = {Uusitalo, Hannu},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {163{--}176},
  Volume                   = {1}
}

@Article{Vossing2011,
  Title                    = {Social Democratic Party Formation and National Variation in Labor Politics},
  Author                   = {V{\"o}ssing, Konstantin},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041511793931771},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {167--186},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {The model of labor politics --- social democracy (quasi-revolutionary, evolutionary), insurrectionism (bolshevism, anarchism-syndicalism), or moderate syndicalism --- that emerges as dominant in an industrializing society depends on the choices made by labor elites in response to their case-specific environment of labor inclusion. By developing a systematic account for the interaction between elite agency and constraining environment, this theoretical proposition overcomes both theoretical and empirical limitations of prior structural and overly deterministic approaches. An empirical analysis for all industrialized polities during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries reveals that variation in labor inclusion correctly predicts the outcome in seventeen out of twenty cases, representing a significant increase in predictive power over prior approaches.}
}

@Article{Vail2009,
  Title                    = {Bending the Rules: Institutional Analysis, Political Change, and Labor Market Reform in Advanced Industrial Societies},
  Author                   = {Vail, Mark I.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041509X12911362972755},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {21--39},
  Volume                   = {42},

  Abstract                 = {The relationship among economic contexts, political institutions, and the dynamics of national policymaking can be examined through an analysis of contemporary French and German labor market reform. Economic austerity and the failure of earlier policymaking models have led to qualitative shifts in the incentives facing governments and interest groups. These shifts have produced new bargaining patterns --- "competitive interventionism" in France and "conflictual corporatism" in Germany --- within formal institutional stability. These changes have implications for understanding national models of capitalism and institutional change and require rethinking the relationship between formal institutions and the dynamics of bargaining across economic and historical contexts.}
}

@Article{ValkenburgEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {The Effects of News Frames on Readers' Thoughts and Recall},
  Author                   = {Valkenburg, Patti M. and Semetko, Holli A. and {de Vreese}, Claes H.},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Communication Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/009365099026005002},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {550--569},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This study investigated whether and how journalistic news frames affect readers' thoughts about and recall of two issues. A sample of 187 participants was randomly assigned to one of four experimental framing conditions, which included (a) conflict, (b) human interest, (c) attribution of responsibility, and (d) economic consequences, as well as a control condition. Each participant was presented with two newspaper stories that dealt with two socially and politically pertinent issues in Europe: crime and the introduction of the euro, the common European currency. Each story had an identical core component, whereas the title, opening paragraph, and closing paragraph were varied to reflect the frame. The study found that frames played a significant role in the readers' thought-listing responses, and they defined the ways that readers presented information about both issues. The results showed that the human interest news frame can have negative consequences for recall.}
}

@Phdthesis{vanAtteveldt2008,
  Title                    = {Semantic Network Analysis: Techniques for Extracting, Representing, and Querying Media Content},
  Author                   = {{van Atteveldt}, Wouter},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Institution              = {Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam}
}

@Article{VanBelle1996,
  Title                    = {Leadership and Collective Action: The Case of Revolution},
  Author                   = {Van Belle, Douglas A},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {107--132},
  Volume                   = {40},

  Abstract                 = {Based upon the idea that leadership could provide a rational and parsimonious solution to the collective action problem, this article develops a simple utility equation and a conceptual model of choice that is used to interconnect the rational choice, short-term exogenous shock, and long-run socioeconomic perspectives on revolutionary collective action. Leadership plays a critical role in overcoming both the initial barriers to collective action and the ongoing difficulties encountered in the pursuit of public goods. Though much work remains to be accomplished, this modeling project builds a conceptual foundation from which a more rigorous, more formal depiction of the proposed relationships can be developed and from which the empirical testing of the dynamics of revolution and other collective actions can be facilitated.}
}

@Article{VanDalenVanAelst2014,
  Title                    = {The Media as Political Agenda-Setters: Journalists' Perceptions of Media Power in Eight West {Europe}an Countries},
  Author                   = {Van Dalen, Arjen and Van Aelst, Peter},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {West European Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01402382.2013.814967},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {42--64},
  Volume                   = {37},

  Abstract                 = {Studies in different countries have shown that the media can influence the attention politicians devote to different issues. However, knowledge about the cross-national contingencies of the political agenda-setting power of the media is limited. This study compares the perceptions of journalists of the political agenda-setting power of the mass media in eight parliamentary democracies with varying media and political systems: Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Norway, Spain, Sweden, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Building on a power balance perspective, the article looks at the autonomy of the media system (audience reach and political control) and the concentration of power in the political system (number of political parties, concentration of executive power) to contextualise the role of the media in political agenda-setting. Journalists perceive most media influence in Norway and Sweden and least in Spain. The results indicate that the power balance between the media and political actors to a large extent reflects the institutional structure of the political system, but that media characteristics such as the autonomous position of television should also be taken into account.}
}

@Article{VanDalenSwank1996,
  Title                    = {Government spending cycles: Ideological or opportunistic?},
  Author                   = {Van Dalen, Hendrik P. and Swank, Otto H.},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Number                   = {1-2},
  Pages                    = {183--200},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines whether partisan and opportunistic motives affect government expenditure growth in the Netherlands. The time series analysis, covering the period 1953--1993, allows for different types of government spending. In general, spending is inspired by ideological and opportunistic motives: all government expenditure categories show an upward drift during election times and the lsquopartisanrsquo motives behind government spending are clearly revealed: left-wing cabinets attach greater importance to social security and health care than right-wing cabinets and right-wing cabinets value expenditure on infrastructure and defense more than left-wing parties.}
}

@Article{VandeWalleJilke2014,
  Title                    = {Savings in public services after the crisis: a multilevel analysis of public preferences in the EU-27},
  Author                   = {Van de Walle, Steven and Jilke, Sebastian},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {International Review of Administrative Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0020852313517994},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {597--618},
  Volume                   = {80},

  Abstract                 = {Policy responses to the global financial crisis can be divided into pro- and counter-cyclical approaches. The former advocates reducing public spending in times of financial constraints. The latter approach advocates public spending to boost the economy. Using public opinion (N?=?23,652) data from 27 EU member countries, we empirically test a model for citizen preferences for reducing spending in public services versus government investment in measures to boost the economy as a response to the financial crisis. We look at individual- and country-level determinants of attitudes to savings in public services, and concentrate on four groups of explanations: political disaffection, ideology, self-interest, and macro-economic conditions. It was found that political disaffection and the respondent's ideological orientation both have effects on preferences, as well as whether one experiences economic strain or receives welfare services. Macro-economic conditions, such as a country's government deficit level, public debt or public expenditure have, surprisingly, no effect on citizens' financial policy preferences. We discuss the implications of our results for public administration theory and practice.Points for practitioners The article analyses citizens' preferred government reactions to the financial crisis. It distinguishes between reducing public spending and measures to boost the economy. It was found that macro-economic conditions matter very little for these preferences. In fact, explanations for these attitudes and preferences need to be looked for primarily at the individual level, not the country level. Preferences for or against savings in public services are largely influenced by ideological dispositions, age, education, overall levels of political trust, and whether citizens are (potential) beneficiaries of welfare services. The article contributes to understanding why citizens support or oppose pro- or counter-cyclical policy measures to emerge from the crisis.}
}

@Article{VandeWerfhorstMijs2010,
  Title                    = {Achievement Inequality and the Institutional Structure of Educational Systems: A Comparative Perspective},
  Author                   = {{Van de Werfhorst}, Herman G. and Mijs, Jonathan J.B.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.soc.012809.102538},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {407--428},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {We review the comparative literature on the impact of national-level educational institutions on inequality in student achievement. We focus on two types of institutions that characterize the educational system of a country: the system of school-type differentiation (between-school tracking) and the level of standardization (e.g., with regard to central examinations and school autonomy). Two types of inequality are examined: inequality in terms of dispersion of student test scores and inequality of opportunity by social background and race/ethnicity. We conclude from this literature, which mostly uses PISA, TIMSS, and/or PIRLS data, that inequalities are magnified by national-level tracking institutions and that standardization decreases inequality. Methodological issues are discussed, and possible avenues for further research are suggested.},
  Timestamp                = {2013.02.12}
}

@Incollection{vanZanten1996,
  Title                    = {Market Trends in the French School System: overt policy, hidden strategies, actual changes},
  Author                   = {{van Zanten}, Agnes},
  Booktitle                = {School Choice and the Quasi-market},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Geoffrey Walford},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {Wallingford},
  Pages                    = {63{--}76},
  Publisher                = {Triangle}
}

@Article{vanZanten2002,
  Title                    = {Educational change and new cleavages between head teachers, teachers and parents: global and local perspectives on the French case},
  Author                   = {{van Zanten}, Agnes},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680930210127568},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {289--304},
  Volume                   = {17},

  Abstract                 = {This article combines a global, national and local perspective to study the effects if educational changes over the last 20 years on the relationship between head teachers, teachers and parents in France. Five kinds of transformations - decentralization, marketization, accountability, managerialism and professionalization - are examined in terms of their impact on definitions of the social and professional identities of educational agents and on the redistribution of power among them. The first section of the paper examines main shifts in policy and practice that these transformations were designed to produce from the perspective of policy-makers. The second section analyses the interaction between these global discourses and transformations of French educational models and realities at the level of the nation state. The third section shows how reform projects interact in very different ways with school realities in two contrasting local settings.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930210127568}
}

@Article{Vandenberghe1999,
  Title                    = {Combining Market and Bureaucratic Control in Education: An Answer to Market and Bureaucratic Failure?},
  Author                   = {Vandenberghe, Vincent},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {271--282},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {This article focuses on institutional arrangements in education across Western countries. It essentially deals with the recent trend towards extended school choice presumably aimed at creating a competitive environment for schools and teachers. For many years the functioning of educational systems, in particular the way schools were institutionally co-ordinated, was not perceived as fundamental to economic analysis. But more and more economists now believe that the institutional setting in which schools are embedded-their governance structure-is decisive regarding both efficiency and equity. In this respect, it is worth noting that most Western countries rely essentially on bureaucratic control to co-ordinate their educational sector. Yet some of them, such as Belgium, The Netherlands, England and Wales, New Zealand and Sweden incorporate market-oriented mechanisms at the heart of their institutional arrangements. The main focus of this article is to analyse the origins, as well as the economic relevance, of this-in some cases relatively recent-tendency to mix bureaucratic and market approaches to education.}
}

@Article{VandenbergheRobin2004,
  author       = {V. Vandenberghe and S. Robin},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Labour Economics},
  title        = {Evaluating the effectiveness of private education across countries: a comparison of methods},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.labeco.2004.02.007},
  issn         = {0927-5371},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {487--506},
  volume       = {11},
  abstract     = {This paper aims at estimating the effect of private vs. public education on pupils' achievement using the 2000 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) survey and taking into account the potential bias due to the existence of unobserved confounding factors. To deal with these selection biases, three methods are implemented in a comparative perspective: (1) instrumental variable (IV) regression; (2) Heckman's two-stage approach and (3) propensity score matching. This exercise underlines important divergences between the results of parametric and non-parametric estimators. All results, however, show that private education does not generate systematic benefits.},
  keywords     = {Educational economics},
}

@Unpublished{VanderHoff2007,
  Title                    = {Parental Valuation of Charter Schools and Student Performance},
  Author                   = {VanderHoff, Jim},
  Date                     = {2007},

  Abstract                 = {This paper reports evidence that parental value of charter schools is primarily determined by the schools{\textquoteright} academically effectiveness. Data on the New Jersey charter schools indicate that not all charter schools are equally effective, measured by student test scores, or equally valued, measured by the number of students on their waiting list. The charter school value model estimates the effect of tests score, student demographics and school characteristics for both the charter school and the home district traditional public schools. The estimates indicate that the charter school test scores have the largest and most robust effect on the size of the waiting list. Neither the charter school students{\textquoteright} race or income nor traditional public school students{\textquoteright} test scores affect charter school parental value. Thus this research supports a basic tenet for competitive, market based public school improvement--parents choose academically effective schools.}
}

@Book{Vanhala2010,
  Title                    = {Making Rights a Reality? Disability Rights Activists and Legal Mobilization},
  Author                   = {Vanhala, Lisa},
  Date                     = {2010},
  ISBN                     = {9781107000872},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{Varian1980,
  author       = {Hal R. Varian},
  date         = {1980},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Redistributive taxation as social insurance},
  doi          = {10.1016/0047-2727(80)90004-3},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {49--68},
  url          = {http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/handle/2027.42/23175/0000102.pdf},
  volume       = {14},
  abstract     = {The modern literature on nonlinear optimal taxation treats differences in income as being due to unobserved differences in ability. A striking result of this assumption is that high income agents should face a zero marginal tax rate. In this paper I assume that differences in observed income are due to exogenous differences in luck. Hence the optimal redistributive tax involves trading off the benefits due to `social insurance' with the costs due to reduced incentives. I derive the optimal forms for linear and nonlinear taxes, and compute some algebraic and numeric examples. Typically high income individuals will face quite high marginal tax rates.},
}

@Article{Varshney2003,
  Title                    = {Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Rationality},
  Author                   = {Varshney, Ashutosh},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {1},

  Abstract                 = {Why do we have so many ethnic partisans in the world ready to die as suicide bombers? Does a rational calculus lie beneath the nationalist pride and passions? Can it be discovered if only we apply our understanding of rationality more creatively? This article seeks to answer these questions by focusing on the nationalism of resistance. It argues that a focus on dignity, self-respect, and recognition, rather than a straightforward notion of self-interest, is a better prism for understanding ethnic and nationalist behavior, although self-interest is not entirely absent as a motivation in ethnic conflict. In the process of developing this argument, a distinction once made by Max Weber{\textemdash}between instrumental rationality and value rationality{\textemdash}is recovered and refined further. No more arresting emblems of the modern culture of nationalism exist than cenotaphs and tombs of Unknown Soldiers{\textellipsis}. They are either deliberately empty or no one knows who lies inside them{\textellipsis}. The cultural significance of such monuments becomes even clearer if one tries to imagine, say, a Tomb of the Unknown Marxist or a cenotaph for fallen Liberals. Is a sense of absurdity avoidable? The reason is that neither Marxism nor Liberalism is much concerned with death and immortality. If the nationalist imagining is so concerned, this suggests a strong affinity with religious imaginings{\textellipsis}. {\textemdash}Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, 1983}
}

@Article{VedderHall2000,
  Title                    = {Private School Competition and Public School Teacher Salaries},
  Author                   = {Vedder, Richard and Hall, Joshua},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Labor Research},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {161--168},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {Teacher unions have fiercely fought public policy measures (e.g., vouchers, tuition tax credits) that might increase the proportion of students attending private schools. Yet increased competition in the educational service market should also lead to greater labor market competition, reducing any quasi-monopsony tendencies depressing teacher salaries. Using detailed data on over 600 Ohio school districts, we find that increased private school competition leads to higher salaries for public school teachers. It may be that union leaders disregard the interests of their members in trying to maximizing union size and power. An alternative interpretation is that unions sacrifice short-run income gains for their members in order to maintain long-term economic rents associated with substantial political power.}
}

@Article{VeigaVeiga2004,
  Title                    = {Popularity Functions, Partisan Effects and Support in Parliament},
  Author                   = {Veiga, Linda Gon{\c c}alves and Veiga, Francisco Jos{\a\'e}},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {101{--}115},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the popularity of the main political entities in Portugal. After describing the recent evolution and structure of the Portuguese political system, we present estimations of popularity functions for the Assembly, Government, Prime Minister, and President using several estimation techniques to incorporate the timeseries and cross-equation aspects of the models. The results strongly favor the responsibility hypothesis, with unemployment, and to a lesser extent inflation, affecting popularity levels. There is also evidence that voters{\textquoteright} evaluations of incumbents{\textquoteright} economic performance depends on the ideology and support in Parliament of the latter. Finally, there is evidence of popularity erosion over consecutive terms and of honeymoon effects.}
}

@Article{VenetoklisKiander2006,
  Title                    = {Spending Preferences of Public Sector Officials: Survey Evidence from {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Venetoklis, Takis and Kiander, Jaakko},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Budgeting and Finance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5850.2006.00845.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {20--44},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {We examine the determinants that shape the spending preferences of public sector officials on several budgetary appropriations. Following Niskanen's budget-maximizing theory, we test whether these officials prefer larger budgetary appropriations rather than less. We measure their preferences to increase their own bureau's appropriations and compare those against their preferences for other bureaus' appropriations. The empirical evidence is gathered via a mail survey targeting high-level officials from different ministries in Finland. The analysis of the responses suggests that Niskanen's theory is in part supported.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5850.2006.00845.x}
}

@Book{VerbaEtAl1995,
  Title                    = {Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in {America}n Politics},
  Author                   = {Verba, Sydney and Schlozman, Kay Lehman and Brady, Henry E.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {Harvard University Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Vergari2007,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Charter Schools},
  Author                   = {Vergari, Sandra},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904806296508},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {15--39},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {Charter schools, and other market-based reforms such as school vouchers and the student tutoring provision of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, are steeped in politics largely because they challenge the legitimacy of traditional power and funding arrangements in public education. The charter school reform is a significant public-private hybrid on the education landscape. Two advocacy coalitions engaged in charter school politics advance opposing perspectives on market-based education policy. This article begins with a framework for examining privatization in education and charter school politics. Following this, several key subjects of charter school politics are examined: financing and state caps on the number of charter schools permitted, parental choice, teachers unions and education management companies, and research on charter schools. Despite heated battles over student achievement data, the future of charter school politics is likely to be shaped more by the respective values and mobilization power of the two advocacy coalitions than by data on student performance.}
}

@Book{Vertzberger1990,
  Title                    = {The World in Their Minds: Information Processing, Cognition and Perception in Foreign Policy Decisionmaking},
  Author                   = {Yaacov Vertzberger},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Location                 = {Palo Alto, CA},
  Publisher                = {Stanford University Press}
}

@Incollection{VerzichelliCotta2000,
  Title                    = {{Italy}: From `Constrained' Coalitions to Alternating Governments?},
  Author                   = {Luca Verzichelli and Maurizio Cotta},
  Booktitle                = {Coalition Governments in Western Europe},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Wolfgang M{\"u}ller and Kaare Str\om},
  Chapter                  = {13},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {498--528},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{VeugelersMagnan2005,
  Title                    = {Conditions of far-right strength in contemporary Western {Europe}: an application of Kitschelt's theory*},
  Author                   = {Veugelers, John and Magnan, Andr{\a\'e}},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00249.x},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {837--860},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Applying the demand-side claims of Kitschelt's theory, and the expectation that electoral systems affect voter choice, this article provides an explanation of cross-national variation in support for new radical right (NRR) parties between 1982 and 1995. After discussing concepts and measures, two versions of qualitative comparative analysis (Boolean analysis and fuzzy-set analysis) are applied to data for ten West European countries. The results suggest that, in combination with electoral systems that had larger district magnitudes, NRR strength resulted from a restructuring of the space of party competition due to post-industrialism and growth in the welfare state. Convergence between major parties of the left and right was not among the combination of conditions that led to NRR success. Apart from demonstrating that fuzzy-set analysis can yield a simpler explanation than Boolean analysis, this study reveals anomalous NRR outcomes for Austria, Belgium and France.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00249.x}
}

@Article{VickersYarrow1991,
  Title                    = {Economic Perspectives on Privatization},
  Author                   = {Vickers, John and Yarrow, George},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/1942688},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {111{--}132},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1942688}
}

@Book{Vincent1987,
  Title                    = {Theories of the State},
  Author                   = {Vincent, Andrew},
  Date                     = {1987},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-631-14729-9},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Wiley-Blackwell}
}

@Article{ViningBoardman1992,
  Title                    = {Ownership versus competition: Efficiency in public enterprise},
  Author                   = {Vining, Aidan R. and Boardman, Anthony E.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF00145092},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {205--239},
  Volume                   = {73},

  Abstract                 = {Certainly the introduction of product market competition into potentially competitive or, at least contestable, markets can improve performance. To take just one example, Morrison and Whinston (1986, 1986) estimate that even in the imperfectly contestable U.S. airline industry, the annual U.S. welfare gains from deregulation have been around \$6 billion.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00145092}
}

@Article{VisvanKersbergen2012,
  author       = {Vis, Barbara and {van Kersbergen}, Kees},
  title        = {Towards an Open Functional Approach to Welfare State Change: Pressures, Ideas, and Blame Avoidance},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  date         = {2012},
  issn         = {1467-9299},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02071.x},
  abstract     = {Why are some governments able to push through radical welfare state reforms while others, operating in similar circumstances, are not? Why are some ideas more acceptable than others? We present an open functional approach to reform to answer these questions and illustrate it empirically by discussing the drastic reform of the Dutch disability scheme in the early 1990s. Ideas translate a functional pressure that existentially threatens a social insurance system into a drastic welfare state reform, such as a severe tightening of eligibility criteria. Functional requirements constrain the range of ideas that political actors can consider for welfare state reform, although they do not determine which ideas are adopted. But once adopted, ideas influence the reforms pursued. A government's choice of ideas and the political strategies to implement them determine the success or failure of the reform. Blame avoidance strategies mediate vitally between the functional pressure, the idea and the reform.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2012.02071.x},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
  timestamp    = {2012.10.26},
}

@Article{Visser1998,
  Title                    = {Two Cheers for Corporatism, One for the Market: Industrial Relations, Wage Moderation and Job Growth in the {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Visser, Jelle},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {269--292},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {The success of economic policies in the Netherlands with regard to enhancing job growth and bringing down unemployment has attracted international attention, especially against the background of persistent high unemployment in many continental European countries. The paper considers the role of Dutch industrial relations, and in particular trade unions, in the turnaround from the `Dutch disease' to the current `employment miracle'. It is argued that Dutch unions, weakened by the severe jobs and membership crisis of the early 1980s but assured of continued institutional support, have chosen a public-regarding `jobs before wages' strategy. The two main features are continued wage moderation and negotiated flexibility of working hours, particularly part-time jobs. The paper stresses the importance of co-ordination within the unions as well as between unions and employers, and compares the contents, causes and consequences of the two central accords of 1982 and 1993. Finally, it considers the renewal of Dutch corporatism in an environment of increased market pressure.}
}

@Article{Visser2000,
  Title                    = {From Keynesianism to the Third Way: Labour Relations and Social Policy in Postwar Western {Europe}},
  Author                   = {Visser, Jelle},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic and Industrial Democracy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0143831X00214002},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {421--456},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {This article attempts to highlight the interaction of developments in European social and employment policy-making with the changing conditions and patterns in national political economies, labour markets and labour relations. It argues that a shift is taking place from traditional social policy, aiming at equality of outcomes, to an activating employment policy, directed towards achieving equality of opportunity. This shift is analysed against the background of the demise of the Fordist model, the Keynesian compromise of the mixed economy, the increase in product market competition and internationalization of the European economy, the externalization of social policy from large firms, the rise in unemployment, Europe's continued high-cost welfare states and the decline of organized labour.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831X00214002}
}

@Article{Visser2006,
  Title                    = {Union Membership Statistics in 24~{C}ountries},
  Author                   = {Visser, Jelle},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Monthly Labor Review},
  Pages                    = {38--49},

  Abstract                 = {An analysis of "adjusted" union membership data in 24 countries yields past and present union density rates; the data provide explanatory factors for the differences and trends in unionization.}
}

@Unpublished{Visser2011,
  Title                    = {{ICT}WSS: Database on Institutional Characteristics of Trade Unions, Wage Setting, State Intervention and Social Pacts in 34 countries between1960 and 2007},
  Author                   = {Visser, Jelle},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {Version 3},
  Url                      = {http://www.uva-aias.net/208},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.uva-aias.net/208}
}

@Article{Voeten2008,
  Title                    = {The Impartiality of International Judges: Evidence from the {Europe}an Court of Human Rights},
  Author                   = {Voeten, Erik},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055408080398},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {417--433},
  Volume                   = {102},

  Abstract                 = {Can international judges be relied upon to resolve disputes impartially? If not, what are the sources of their biases? Answers to these questions are critically important for the functioning of an emerging international judiciary, yet we know remarkably little about international judicial behavior. An analysis of a new dataset of dissents in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) yields a mixed set of answers. On the bright side, there is no evidence that judges systematically employ cultural or geopolitical biases in their rulings. There is some evidence that career insecurities make judges more likely to favor their national government when it is a party to a dispute. Most strongly, the evidence suggests that international judges are policy seekers. Judges vary in their inclination to defer to member states in the implementation of human rights. Moreover, judges from former socialist countries are more likely to find violations against their own government and against other former socialist governments, suggesting that they are motivated by rectifying a particular set of injustices. I conclude that the overall picture is mostly positive for the possibility of impartial review of government behavior by judges on an international court. Like judges on domestic review courts, ECtHR judges are politically motivated actors in the sense that they have policy preferences on how to best apply abstract human rights in concrete cases, not in the sense that they are using their judicial power to settle geopolitical scores.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055408080398}
}

@Article{Voitchovsky2005,
  Title                    = {Does the Profile of Income Inequality Matter for Economic Growth?: Distinguishing Between the Effects of Inequality in Different Parts of the Income Distribution},
  Author                   = {Voitchovsky, Sarah},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Growth},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {273--296},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {This paper investigates the importance of the shape of the income distribution as a determinant of economic growth in a panel of countries. Using comparable data on disposable income from the Luxembourg Income Study, results suggest that inequality at the top end of the distribution is positively associated with growth, while inequality lower down the distribution is negatively related to subsequent growth. These findings highlight potential limitations of an exploration of the impact of income distribution on growth using a single inequality statistic. Such specifications may capture an average effect of inequality on growth, and mask the underlying complexity of the relationship.}
}

@Online{ManifestoProject2013,
  Title                    = {Manifesto Project Database},
  Author                   = {Volkens, Andrea and Lehmann, Pola and Merz, Nicolas and Regel, Sven and Werner, Annika and
Lacewell, Onawa Promise and Schultze, Henrike},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/datasets},
  Urldate                  = {2014-05-29},

  HowPublished             = {Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin f{\"u}r Sozialforschung (WZB)}
}

@Article{VolkerinkdeHaan2001,
  Title                    = {Fragmented Government Effects on Fiscal Policy: New Evidence},
  Author                   = {Volkerink, Bj{\o}rn and {de Haan}, Jakob},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1013048518308},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {221--242},
  Volume                   = {109}
}

@Article{VolschoKelly2012,
  Title                    = {The Rise of the Super-Rich: Power Resources, Taxes, Financial Markets, and the Dynamics of the Top 1 Percent, 1949 to 2008},
  Author                   = {Volscho, Thomas W. and Kelly, Nathan J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0003122412458508},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {679--699},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {The income share of the super-rich in the United States has grown rapidly since the early 1980s after a period of postwar stability. What factors drove this change? In this study, we investigate the institutional, policy, and economic shifts that may explain rising income concentration. We use single-equation error correction models to estimate the long- and short-run effects of politics, policy, and economic factors on pretax top income shares between 1949 and 2008. We find that the rise of the super-rich is the result of rightward-shifts in Congress, the decline of labor unions, lower tax rates on high incomes, increased trade openness, and asset bubbles in stock and real estate markets.}
}

@Online{Vox2014,
  Title                    = {King v. Burwell: The new Supreme Court case that could gut Obamacare, explained},
  Author                   = {Vox.com},
  Date                     = {2014-11-07},
  Editor                   = {McIntyre, Adrianna},
  Url                      = {http://www.vox.com/2014/11/7/7148215/obamacare-supreme-court-subsidies-king}
}

@Book{Vreeland2008,
  Title                    = {The International Monetary Fund: Politics of Conditional Lending},
  Author                   = {James Vreeland},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},

  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{deVries2000,
  author       = {de Vries, Michiel S.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {The rise and fall of decentralization: A comparative analysis of arguments and practices in {Europe}an countries},
  doi          = {10.1023/A:1007149327245},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {193--224},
  volume       = {38},
  abstract     = {This paper addresses the arguments in favour of both the decentralization and centralization of public policy making. It points out that the same arguments are sometimes used to advance either claim and that in different countries opposite arguments are used to support the same claim. Clearly, the inherent features of centralization and decentralization are far from obvious. A closer look at the attention given to the issue by political parties at the national level in four European countries reveals that decentralization becomes an issue in these countries at different periods and as a cause of different arguments, which rather reflect the dominant values in the political culture than refer to inherent properties of decentralization itself. An analysis of opinions of local elites points at the relation between their opinion on decentralizing responsibilities in a specific field and the support for existing institutional arrangements, their own influence in the policy field and the predisposition towards decentralization tendencies. This results in the conclusion that the support for decentralization tendencies is more closely related to existing specific institutional arrangements, and to the degree to which it is expected to influence one's own position, than to its inherent merits.},
  annotation   = {Germany, England, Sweden, Netherlands},
}

@Article{Vuchelen2003,
  Title                    = {Electoral systems and the effects of political events on the stock market: The Belgian case},
  Author                   = {Vuchelen, Jef},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0343.00116},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0343},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {85--102},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {Efficient stock markets react to news. News about future economic policies can be derived from political events such as elections, the formation of new governments, changes in the composition of governments, etc. However, the news content of these events depends on the electoral system. In the American electoral system, characterized as it is by majority representation and single-party governments, elections generate news to the extent that the results are unexpected. In countries with proportional representation, governments are frequently multi-party coalitions whose composition is difficult to predict from the election results. These results therefore contain much less information about future policies. Our results, obtained for the Brussels stock market, support this distinction. Furthermore, the ideological composition of the government also matters; these effects support a rational partisan approach.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0343.00116},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.}
}

@Article{VuorenkoskiEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {{Finland}: Health System Review},
  Author                   = {Lauri Vuorenkoski and Philipa Mladovsky and Elias Mossialos},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Systems in Transition},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {1--168},
  Volume                   = {10}
}

@Article{deVuyst1984,
  Title                    = {Federalism and Educational Policy: The West German Experience},
  Author                   = {de Vuyst, J},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {377--386},
  Volume                   = {20}
}

@Article{Woesmann2003,
  Title                    = {Schooling Resources, Educational Institutions and Student Performance: the International Evidence},
  Author                   = {W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-0084.00045},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {117{--}170},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {This paper estimates the effects of family background, resources and institutions on mathematics and science performance using an international database of more than 260,000 students from 39 countries which includes extensive background information at the student, teacher, school and system level. The student-level estimations show that international differences in student performance cannot be attributed to resource differences but are considerably related to institutional differences. Among the many institutions which combine to yield major positive effects on student performance are centralized examinations and control mechanisms, school autonomy in personnel and process decisions, individual teacher influence over teaching methods, limits to teacher unions' influence on curriculum scope, scrutiny of students' achievement and competition from private schools.}
}

@Article{Woesmann2007,
  Title                    = {International Evidence on School Competition, Autonomy, and Accountability: A Review},
  Author                   = {W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Peabody Journal of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01619560701313176},
  Number                   = {2{--}3},
  Pages                    = {473{--}497},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {This article reviews evidence from four international student achievement tests on the effects on student performance of competition from privately managed schools, schools' freedom to make autonomous decisions, and accountability introduced by external exit exams. The multivariate cross-country regressions are performed at the level of individual students and control for extensive family and school background information. The results reveal that students perform better in countries with more competition from privately managed schools, in countries where public funding ensures that all families can make choices, in schools that have freedom to make autonomous process and personnel decisions, where teachers have both freedom and incentives to select appropriate teaching methods, where parents take interest in teaching matters, and where school autonomy is combined with external exams that provide an information basis allowing for well-informed choices and holding schools accountable for their autonomous decisions.}
}

@Article{Wosmann2005,
  Title                    = {Educational production in {Europe}},
  Author                   = {W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0327.2005.00144.x},
  Number                   = {43},
  Pages                    = {445--504},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {Available data and recently developed estimation methods make it possible to assess school performance in terms of a production process, where 'inputs' of students, teachers, and resources are combined to create a very important 'output': the cognitive skills of students. This paper estimates the education production function using representative samples of middle-school students in 15 West European countries. The size of teaching classes is a particularly important feature of the educational production process because it can be relatively easily manipulated by policy makers. However, no statistically and economically significant class-size effect is detected by any of the evidence considered in this paper. The results suggest that, at least in the context of the resources and organizational structure of West European lower secondary education systems, expensive across-the-board reduction of class sizes is extremely unlikely to foster student learning.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0327.2005.00144.x}
}

@Incollection{vanWaarden2003,
  Title                    = {The societal and historical embeddedness of Dutch corporatism},
  Author                   = {van Waarden, Frans},
  Booktitle                = {Renegotiating the Welfare State: Flexible adjustment through corporatist concertation},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Frans van Waarden and Gerhard Lehmbruch},
  Chapter                  = {3},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Pages                    = {70--96},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Waddington2003,
  Title                    = {Heightening Tension in Relations between Trade Unions and the Labour Government in 2002},
  Author                   = {Waddington, Jeremy},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Industrial Relations},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-8543.00275},
  ISSN                     = {1467-8543},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {335--358},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {During 2002 tension between trade unions and the Labour government reached a level not seen before in their relationship. This review examines the source of the tension and its manifestations. It shows that during the year a range of issues emerged that divided the government and unions. New Labour `modernizers' cited these differences as reasons to further distance the Party from trade unions. The article argues that relations between trade unionism and the government are at low ebb, and that the extent of disagreement between the two is now more pronounced than at any other time since 1997.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8543.00275},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
  Timestamp                = {2012.05.18}
}

@Article{Wagner2011,
  Author                   = {Wagner, Andrea},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {The Forum},
  Doi                      = {10.2202/1540-8884.1400},
  Number                   = {2},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Economic voting models predict a direct translation of ``objective'' economic conditions into voter's preferences. These models posit that declining micro- and macroeconomic circumstances will automatically lead to a vote against the incumbent government. The 2008 financial crisis provides a valuable opportunity to test the applicability of these theories. This paper argues that the framing of the crisis and the competency signals voters received during the 2008 US and the 2009 German campaigns mediate the link between economic perceptions and the vote intention.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1540-8884.1400}
}

@Book{Wagner2012,
  Title                    = {Deficits, Debt, and Democracy: Wrestling with Tragedy on the Fiscal Commons},
  Author                   = {Wagner, Richard E.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Location                 = {Cheltenham, UK},
  Publisher                = {Edward Elgar}
}

@Article{Wagner2001,
  Title                    = {Why the EU's common foreign and security policy will remain intergovernmental: a rationalist institutional choice analysis of {Europe}an crisis management policy},
  Author                   = {Wagner, Wolfgang},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1350176032000101262},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {576--595},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Critics have suggested communitarizing the European Union's common foreign and security policy in order to increase its effectiveness. Drawing on rationalist theories of regimes and institutional choice, this paper argues that the delegation of competencies to the EU's supranational institutions is unlikely to make European crisis management more effective. Crisis management policy is best understood as a fast co-ordination game in which member states react to international crises under tight time pressure. From this perspective, agreements are self-enforcing and strong institutions are not required. In particular, none of the functions that a delegation of competencies is expected to perform - i.e. formal agenda- setting, monitoring and sanctioning, executing as well as locking-in agreements - plays a pivotal role in crisis management. In contrast, the extension and application of qualified majority voting can speed up decision-making which is the key to a more effective common foreign and security policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176032000101262},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Waldman2007,
  Title                    = {Reading, Writing, Resurrection},
  Author                   = {Waldman, Amy},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {The Atlantic},

  Abstract                 = {Hurricane Katrina destroyed one of America's worst school systems and made New Orleans the nation's laboratory for educational reform. But can determined educators and entrepreneurs transcend the damage of the flood --- and of history?}
}

@Article{Waldow2009,
  Title                    = {Undeclared imports: silent borrowing in educational policy-making and research in {Sweden}},
  Author                   = {Waldow, Florian},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03050060903391628},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {477--494},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Research on educational policy borrowing has mostly focused on explicit transfer processes, often highlighting how explicit reference to the international has served legitimatory purposes in the borrowing country. In contrast, this paper focuses on `silent' borrowing, i.e. non-acknowledged processes of policy transfer. The paper argues that keeping processes of policy transfer `silent' can also follow a logic of legitimation, depending on which patterns of legitimation are favoured in a political culture. Three propositions are argued in the paper, using the case of Sweden as an empirical example: (1) educational policy-making in Sweden has been heavily influenced by international discursive currents; this, however, has largely been left unacknowledged by policy-makers; (2) The educational research community has largely followed the official image of policy-making in its exclusive focus on the national context; and (3) Silent borrowing was so prevalent in Sweden for a long time because political culture was characterised by a powerful myth of rationality and national superiority, favouring strategies of legitimation other than explicit borrowing.}
}

@Article{Walford2000,
  Title                    = {From City Technology Colleges to Sponsored Grant-maintained Schools},
  Author                   = {Walford, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03054980050031363},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--158},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {During the 18 years of Conservative government in Britain, only two attempts were made to stimulate the 'supply side' of the quasi-market of schools. These were the introduction of City Technology Colleges and sponsored grant-maintained schools. This paper draws comparisons between the two initiatives. It is shown that, while the CTCs were largely a 'top down' policy, and the sponsored grant-maintained schools might be seen as the result of 'grass roots' pressure group activity, there were many similarities between the two programmes. In practice, both initiatives stalled at just 15 schools, but it is argued that their significance is far greater than their numerical strength would indicate. Both can be seen as examples of increased privatisation and selection, and it is shown that what may develop from them is a greatly changed education system.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03054980050031363},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Walford2000a,
  Title                    = {A Policy Adventure: Sponsored grant-maintained schools},
  Author                   = {Walford, Geoffrey},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713664273},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {247--262},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the implementation of that part of the 1993 Education Act for England and Wales that concerned sponsored grant-maintained schools. The 1993 Education Act for England and Wales introduced changes that allowed the expansion of the supply side of the quasi-market of schools. As a result of that Act, since April 1994, it has been possible for groups of parents or independent sponsors to apply to the Secretary of State for Education and Employment in England or the Secretary of State for Wales to establish their own grant-maintained schools. Additionally, existing faith-based or other private schools could apply to become re-established as grant-maintained schools. This paper gives an account of the results of this `policy adventure', and suggests that insights can be gained about the nature of the policy process through a consideration of `policy as text' and `policy as discourse'.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713664273},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Online{Walker2013,
  Title                    = {Ofsted inspectors target failing council areas with city-wide school swoops},
  Author                   = {Walker, Peter},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Url                      = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2013/jan/17/ofsted-inspectors-councils-city-swoops},
  Month                    = jan,
  Note                     = {The Guardian},
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-28},

  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian}
}

@Article{WalkerBoyne2006,
  Title                    = {Public management reform and organizational performance: An empirical assessment of the U.K. Labour government's public service improvement strategy},
  Author                   = {Walker, Richard M. and Boyne, George A.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.20177},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {371--393},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {We present the first empirical assessment of the U.K. Labour government's program of public management reform. This reform program is based on rational planning, devolution and delegation, flexibility and incentives, and enhanced choice. Measures of these variables are tested against external and internal indicators of organizational performance. The setting for the study is upper tier English local governments, and data are drawn from a multiple informant survey of 117 authorities. The statistical results indicate that planning, organizational flexibility, and user choice are associated with higher performance. Conclusions are drawn for the theory and practice of public management reform.}
}

@Article{WalkerSmith1999,
  Title                    = {Regulatory and Organisational Responses to Restructured Housing Association Finance in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Walker, Richard M and Smith, Robert S},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0042098993439},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {737{--}754},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {Risk was shifted from government to housing associations during the late 1980s producing a very different operating environment for associations based around competition. Critical in this has been an increased emphasis on financial management. The paper explores the impacts of these changes through an examination of the Welsh regulator's (Housing for Wales) responses and through changing management and organisation within associations. The policy responses by Housing for Wales indicate an increasing emphasis on social policy regulatory objectives, though within a very interventionist framework, which works to limit the ability of associations financially to plan their future. Innovations in housing associations are also examined to highlight organisational responses to the new environment. These innovations have focused on the, often uncritical, importation of private-sector management practices including telephonebased housing management services, demonstration projects and moves towards core-periphery organisational models. Current evidence in these underresearched areas indicates a changing culture within the sector towards a more business-like ethos emanating from the market-led system in which associations now operate, whilst indicating that there is substantial outstanding knowledge about the changing nature of housing associations.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0042098993439}
}

@Article{Wallerstein1974,
  Title                    = {The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist System},
  Author                   = {Wallerstein, Immanuel},
  Date                     = {1974},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Studies in Society and History},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {387--415},
  Volume                   = {16}
}

@Article{Wallerstein1987,
  Title                    = {Unemployment, Collective Bargaining, and the Demand for Protection},
  Author                   = {Wallerstein, Michael},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {729--752},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {There is a widespread consensus among nonacademic observers that labor unions with large numbers of unemployed members have been central actors in political coalitions demanding protectionist trade policies since the mid-1970s in advanced industrial societies. Yet trade unions and unemployment are hardly mentioned in most theories of the politics of international trade. The purpose of this paper is to develop a theoretical framework for understanding the importance of unemployment as a determinant of protectionist demands that is consistent with optimizing behavior on the part of union members and firms. Models of labor negotiations derived from cooperative bargaining theory are used to illustrate why the material benefits of protection received by union members and their employers in protected industries increase when union members are unemployed, even when workers are risk neutral and capital is immobile.}
}

@Article{Wallerstein1989,
  author       = {Wallerstein, Michael},
  date         = {1989},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Union Organization in Advanced Industrial Democracies},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {481--501},
  volume       = {83},
  abstract     = {I suggest a new explanation of cross-national differences in unionization rates: the size of the labor force. Size matters because the gains unions are able to achieve in collective bargaining depend on the proportion of substitutable workers who are organized, while the costs of organizing depend in part on the absolute number to be recruited. The comparison of the costs and benefits of organizing new workers yields the conclusion that unions in larger labor markets will accept lower levels of unionization. Statistical analysis of cross-national differences in unionization rates among advanced industrial societies in the late 1970s indicates that the size of the labor force and the cumulative participation of leftist parties in government explain most of the variance.},
  annotation   = {Partisanship},
}

@Article{Wallerstein1999,
  author       = {Wallerstein, Michael},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Wage-Setting Institutions and Pay Inequality in Advanced Industrial Societies},
  doi          = {10.2307/2991830},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {649--680},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {The distribution of pay differs significantly across countries and over time among advanced industrial societies. In this paper, institutional and political determinants of pay inequality are studied in sixteen countries from 1980 to 1992. The most important factor in explaining pay dispersion is the level of wage-setting, i.e., whether wages are set at the level of the individual, the plant, the industry, or the entire private sector. The impact of centralization is the same whether centralization occurs via collective bargaining or via government involvement in private-sector wage-setting. The concentration of unions and the share of the labor force covered by collective bargaining agreements also matter. After controlling for wage-setting institutions, other variables such as the governing coalition, the size of government, international openness, and the supply of highly educated workers have little impact. Economic, political, and norm-based explanations for the association of centralization with egalitarian outcomes are discussed.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2991830},
  month        = jul,
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{WallersteinEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Unions, Employers' Associations, and Wage-Setting Institutions in Northern and Central {Europe}, 1950-1992},
  Author                   = {Wallerstein, Michael and Golden, Miriam and Lange, Peter},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {379--401},
  Volume                   = {50},

  Abstract                 = {The eight countries examined in this study-Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden-have long been viewed as exemplifying "corporatist" industrial relations systems, in which union coverage is high, unions are influential and commonly have strong ties to political parties, and collective bargaining is institutionalized and relatively centralized. Many observers have recently argued that such corporatist bargaining institutions are every-where being undermined by changes in the global economy. The authors, using data from a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, test whether changes in patterns of wage-setting in the private sector are consistent with that claim. Although they find some signs that corporatist wage-setting institutions are in decline, they also find offsetting signs of the resiliency of such institutions. Overall, the evidence does not indicate that wage-setting in the private sector is undergoing a general process of decentralization in these eight countries.}
}

@Article{WallersteinWestern2000,
  Title                    = {Unions in Decline? What Has Changed and Why},
  Author                   = {Wallerstein, Michael and Western, Bruce},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.355},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {355--377},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {Between 1950 and 1980, labor markets grew increasingly organized in advanced industrial societies. Union membership in most countries expanded more rapidly than the labor force, centralized wage setting became more common, and union members became increasingly concentrated in a small number of large unions. Between 1980 and 1992, however, union density fell on average, and centralized wage setting grew increasingly rare. Only union concentration continued to increase in the 1980s. Existing theories of union organization and collective bargaining institutions are largely successful in explaining both the trends over time and much of the cross-national variation from 1950 to 1980, but they fail to account for the dramatic declines in union strength that some (but not all) countries have experienced since 1980.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.355},
  Keywords                 = {industrial relations, collective bargaining, wage setting}
}

@Article{Walsh2012,
  Title                    = {Putting Inequality in Its Place: Rural Consciousness and the Power of Perspective},
  Author                   = {Walsh, Katherine Cramer},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000305},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {517--532},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {Why do people vote against their interests? Previous explanations miss something fundamental because they do not consider the work of group consciousness. Based on participant observation of conversations from May 2007 to May 2011 among 37 regularly occurring groups in 27 communities sampled across Wisconsin, this study shows that in some places, people have a class- and place-based identity that is intertwined with a perception of deprivation. The rural consciousness revealed here shows people attributing rural deprivation to the decision making of (urban) political elites, who disregard and disrespect rural residents and rural lifestyles. Thus these rural residents favor limited government, even though such a stance might seem contradictory to their economic self-interests. The results encourage us to consider the role of group consciousness-based perspectives rather than pitting interests against values as explanations for preferences. Also, the study suggests that public opinion research more seriously include listening to the public.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055412000305},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{WalshEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {The Effects of Social Class Identification on Participatory Orientations Towards Government},
  Author                   = {Walsh, Katherine Cramer and Jennings, M. Kent and Stoker, Laura},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0007123404000146},
  ISSN                     = {1469-2112},
  Issue                    = {03},
  Month                    = jul,
  Pages                    = {469--495},
  Volume                   = {34},

  Abstract                 = {This article calls into question the common claim that class identity does not matter for American political behaviour. Using panel-study data spanning thirty-two years and two generations, we investigate the effects of social-class identity on five participatory orientations towards government. As expected, working-class identifiers in both generations consistently display lower levels of involvement in politics than do middle-class identifiers. Significantly, however, these differences typically persist when the analysis controls for objective indicators of class and are always enhanced among those who retain the same class identity over time. Rather than sustaining a conclusion that class identification has little relevance for Americans, the results suggest that class may be particularly important in the present political context.},
  Numpages                 = {27}
}

@Article{Walter2010,
  Title                    = {Globalization and the Welfare State: Testing the Microfoundations of the Compensation Hypothesis},
  Author                   = {Walter, Stefanie},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00593.x},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {403--426},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {The debate on how globalization affects the welfare state has so far largely neglected to examine the microlevel causal mechanism underlying different macrolevel claims. Based on survey data from Switzerland, this article provides empirical microfoundations for the so-called compensation hypothesis. It finds that globalization losers are more likely to express feelings of economic insecurity. Such feelings, in turn, increase preferences for welfare state expansion, which in turn increase the likelihood of voting for the Social Democratic Party. The analysis also shows that globalization losers and winners differ significantly with regard to their social policy preferences and their propensity to vote for left parties. The article is innovative on two counts: First, it uses a number of different and more nuanced indicators measuring individuals' positions as beneficiaries or losers of increasing global competition. Second, rather than focusing on one particular part of the causal chain, it tests the entire individual-level causal mechanism implied by the compensation hypothesis.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00593.x}
}

@Book{Waltz1979,
  author     = {Waltz, Kenneth},
  date       = {1979},
  title      = {Theory of International Politics},
  isbn       = {0075548526},
  publisher  = {McGraw-Hill},
  annotation = {Neorealism. Chapters 5 and 6 on file.},
}

@Book{Waltz1959,
  author     = {Waltz, Kenneth N},
  date       = {1959},
  title      = {Man, The State, and War},
  location   = {New York, NY},
  publisher  = {Columbia University Press},
  annotation = {Chapters 1 and 6 on file.},
}

@Article{Wand2006,
  Title                    = {Comparing Models of Strategic Choice: The Role of Uncertainty and Signaling},
  Author                   = {Wand, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/mpi017},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {101{--}120},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {Testing the fit of competing equilibrium solutions to extensive form games crucially depends on assumptions about the distribution of player types. To illustrate the importance of these assumptions for differentiating standard statistical models of strategic choice, I draw on a game previously analyzed by Lewis and Schultz (2003). The differences that they highlight between a pair of perfect Bayesian equilibrium and quantal response equilibrium models are not produced by signaling and updating dynamics as claimed, but are instead produced by different assumptions about the distribution of player types. The method of analysis developed and the issues raised are applicable to a broad range of structural models of conflict and bargaining.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpi017}
}

@Article{Wane2001,
  Title                    = {The optimal income tax when poverty is a public `bad'},
  Author                   = {Wane, Waly},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00143-2},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {271{--}299},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {Poverty is considered as an aggregate negative externality that may affect people differently depending on their aversion to poverty. If society is on average averse to poverty, then the optimal income tax schedule displays negative marginal tax rates at least for the less skilled individuals. Negative marginal tax rates play the role of a Pigouvian earnings subsidy and foster the supply of labor of poor individuals. The no-distortion at the endpoints result which is therefore violated can be restored once the focus is shifted from individual to social distortions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2727(00)00143-2}
}

@Article{WardEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Globalization, Party Positions, and the Median Voter},
  Author                   = {Ward, Hugh and Ezrow, Lawrence and Dorussen, Han},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {World Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S004388711100013X},
  Number                   = {03},
  Pages                    = {509--547},
  Volume                   = {63},

  Abstract                 = {The authors argue that the effects of economic globalization on social democratic parties in Western Europe are conditional on the position of the median voter. If the median is far enough to the right, such parties will adopt business-friendly policies because they are required to win office. Only when the median is relatively far to the left will globalization constrain social democratic parties, forcing them to adopt policies further to the right in order to retain credibility. It is on this basis the authors argue that empirical studies are misspecified unless they include an interaction between measures of globalization and the position of the median. In addition to presenting formal theoretical arguments, the article reports empirical findings from fifteen countries in the period from 1973 to 2002 that support the conclusion that the effects of globalization are indeed contingent on the median. The authors find that the effects of globalization are significant for social democratic parties only in circumstances in which the median is relatively far to the left.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S004388711100013X},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Book{WardGleditsch2008,
  Title                    = {Spatial Regression Models},
  Author                   = {Michael D. Ward and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch},
  Date                     = {2008},
  ISBN                     = {9781412954150},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Sage}
}

@PhdThesis{Warren2008,
  author      = {Warren, Patrick L},
  date        = {2008},
  institution = {MIT},
  title       = {Three Essays on Political Economy},
  location    = {Boston, MA},
  type        = {PhD Thesis},
  annotation  = {Partisanship},
}

@Article{WarrenEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {Trust schools and the politics of persuasion and the mobilisation of interest},
  Author                   = {Warren, Simon and Webb, Darren and Franklin, Anita and Bowers-Brown, Julian},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02680939.2011.589010},
  ISSN                     = {0268-0939},
  Month                    = jun,
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {839--853},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This paper sets out the theoretical and methodological approach of a study of the politics of persuasion and the mobilisation of interest in relation to the Trust schools initiative in England. Drawing on the discourse theoretical approach of Laclau and Mouffe the paper argues that the politics of consensus associated with New Labour reconfigures the field of politics, closing down legitimate democratic space. Building on this approach and that of policy sociology the paper outlines how the researchers seeks to address the following questions --- if the space for legitimate democratic debate is so severely constrained then how does a social democratic government deal with the kind of opposition that Labour faced in relation to Trust schools? How do governments persuade dissident citizens to support unpopular policies? How are citizens mobilised to support such policies? This also raises questions about how, in such a restricted political space, do those questioning or resisting such policies, engage in the politics of persuasion and the mobilisation of interests? The reconfiguration of the field of politics and what this means for the constitution of legitimate democratic debate is the object of study of the research.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2011.589010},
  Booktitle                = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.11.01}
}

@Article{Warwick1992,
  Title                    = {Economic Trends and Government Survival in West {Europe}an Parliamentary Democracies},
  Author                   = {Warwick, Paul},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {875--887},
  Volume                   = {86},

  Abstract                 = {In this study, I investigate the linkage between trends in key economic indicators (inflation, unemployment, and growth in gross domestic product) and government survival in 16 postwar European parliamentary democracies. The partial likelihood method, which allows for variation in indicator values over the lifetimes of individual governments, constitutes the basic analytic tool. The findings reveal overall causal roles for both inflation and unemployment, as well as important differences in these roles between socialist and bourgeois governments and between pre-oil crisis and post-oil crisis eras. Most significant, the introduction of these indicators to the analysis helps to resolve the debate between two rival explanations of governmental stability, the bargaining complexity hypothesis and the ideological diversity hypothesis, in favor of the latter.}
}

@Article{WarwickEaston1992,
  Title                    = {The Cabinet Stability Controversy: New Perspectives on a Classic Problem},
  Author                   = {Warwick, Paul and Easton, Stephen T},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {122{--}146},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {Empirical research into cabinet stability or duration has bifurcated into two contending streams: the "attributes" approach, which explains duration with attributes or causal factors, and the "events" approach, which models the phenomenon as a process of random cabinet collapses. Recently, a unified model has been proposed that uses maximum likelihood estimation to combine the two. In this article we demonstrate that the cabinet duration phenomenon is more complex than the unified model allows for, and we develop an alternative research strategy and model.}
}

@Article{Warwick2009,
  Title                    = {Relative Extremism and Relative Moderation},
  Author                   = {Warwick, Paul V.},
  Date                     = {2009-06-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Research Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/1065912908320663},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {276--288},
  Volume                   = {62},

  Abstract                 = {This article investigates the ways in which parties stake out left--right positions that deviate from the mean positions of their supporters. Previous research has shown that parties tend to adopt positions that are more extreme than those of their supporters, but there are at least two arguments that also imply the presence of relative moderation --- a tendency for moderate parties to be more moderate than their supporters. Using surveys covering 34 countries compiled by the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, this investigation shows that parties in coalitional systems display both phenomena.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912908320663},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.15}
}

@Article{Warwick2010,
  Title                    = {Bilateralism or the median mandate? An examination of rival perspectives on democratic governance},
  Author                   = {Warwick, Paul V.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01878.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--24},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {Michael McDonald and Ian Budge have recently advanced an interpretation of democratic governance based on what they term the ,Aeomedian mandate,Aeo. This perspective locates the key element of liberal democracy in a close correspondence between government policy and the policy preferences of the median voter on the left-right scale. The cross-national evidence they produce in favour of this interpretation is impressive, but it largely hinges on a method for measuring the median voter position in each election that relies on the positions of the various parties in the election and the vote shares they received. This article examines the validity of the median mandate hypothesis when median positions are measured more directly from public opinion surveys (particularly, the Eurobarometer and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems series). The findings show that choice between distinct alternatives, rather than conformity to the median, more accurately characterises governance in democratic systems.},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Warwick2011,
  Title                    = {Voters, Parties, and Declared Government Policy},
  Author                   = {Warwick, Paul V.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414011407475},
  Number                   = {12},
  Pages                    = {1675--1699},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {A perennial question for students of democracy is the extent to which government policies align with voter preferences. This is often studied by comparing median voter opinion on a left--right scale with the cabinet weighted mean, that is, the mean left--right position of cabinet parties, weighted by their legislative sizes. Government positions may also be estimated from their declarations, however. In a recent investigation, McDonald and Budge found that declared government policy better accords with the voter median than with the cabinet weighted mean, a finding they interpreted as consistent with their hypothesis that actual government policy tends to reflect a ``median mandate.'' This investigation retests the McDonald--Budge model using a time-series cross-section methodology and an expanded data set. It finds no support for a median mandate interpretation but strong evidence that declared government positions respond to the positions of cabinet parties and, where present, external support parties. It also reveals a tendency for declared positions to be shifted to the right of the cabinet mean, a tendency that increases with the length of time that has elapsed since the last election (particularly for left-wing governments). This evidence that the policies governments set out to implement are systematically ``right shifted'' bears major consequences for our understanding of representative democracy.}
}

@Article{Warwick2012,
  Title                    = {Representation as a median mandate? A response to Best, Budge and McDonald},
  Author                   = {Warwick, Paul V.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01999.x},
  ISSN                     = {1475-6765},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {57--63},
  Volume                   = {51},

  Abstract                 = {The preceding article by Best, Budge and McDonald acknowledges much of the substance of the alternative `bilateralist' interpretation of democratic governance I advocated and attempts to re-focus the median mandate approach towards a longer-term, and potentially more productive, understanding of the opinion-policy relationship. Both are welcome developments. Despite taking these steps, however, the authors choose to allow the fate of the median mandate thesis to rest ultimately on an attempt to re-establish the short-term one-to-one relationship that I challenged. In this brief note, I argue that this not only undercuts the more positive initiatives noted above, but also is based on a flawed understanding of how the short-term relationship should be operationalised and tested.},
  Keywords                 = {median mandate, bilateralism, policy responsiveness},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Waud1966,
  Title                    = {Small Sample Bias Due to Misspecification in the ``Partial Adjustment'' and ``Adaptive Expectations'' Models},
  Author                   = {Waud, Roger N},
  Date                     = {1966},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  Number                   = {316},
  Pages                    = {1130{--}1152},
  Volume                   = {61},

  Abstract                 = {The "partial adjustment" and "adaptive expectations" models are simply special cases of a more general model. This fact has not been commonly recognized by investigators who have used one or the other of these two models in empirical economic research. An examination of the results of small sample experiments shows that the bias in the estimated regression coefficients and the estimated mean lag which occurs when either one of the models is fitted by least squares to data generated by the more general model is quite serious. Also it is found that the spread of the distribution of these estimates is very sensitive to this misspecification. The departures from normality of these distributions are notable for the smallest sample sizes examined, but perhaps less significant in view of the severity of the other problems noted.}
}

@Article{Waud1968,
  Title                    = {Misspecification in the ``Partial Adjustment'' and ``Adaptive Expectations'' Models},
  Author                   = {Waud, Roger N},
  Date                     = {1968},
  Journaltitle             = {International Economic Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {204{--}217},
  Volume                   = {9}
}

@Article{Waugh2015,
  Title                    = {Tax Credit Cuts U-Turn From George Osborne Just Weeks After Lords Forced Him To Retreat On \pounds4.4bn Plan},
  Author                   = {Waugh, Paul},
  Date                     = {2015-11-25},
  Journaltitle             = {The Huffington Post UK},
  Url                      = {http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/11/25/story_n_8646322.html},
  Urldate                  = {2015-11-30}
}

@Article{Wawro2002,
  Title                    = {Estimating Dynamic Panel Data Models in Political Science},
  Author                   = {Wawro, Gregory},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {25--48},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Abstract                 = {Panel data are a very valuable resource for finding empirical solutions to political science puzzles. Yet numerous published studies in political science that use panel data to estimate models with dynamics have failed to take into account important estimation issues, which calls into question the inferences we can make from these analyses. The failure to account explicitly for unobserved individual effects in dynamic panel data induces bias and inconsistency in cross-sectional estimators. The purpose of this paper is to review dynamic panel data estimators that eliminate these problems. I first show how the problems with cross-sectional estimators arise in dynamic models for panel data. I then show how to correct for these problems using generalized method of moments estimators. Finally, I demonstrate the usefulness of these methods with replications of analyses in the debate over the dynamics of party identification.}
}

@Article{Way2000,
  Title                    = {Central Banks, Partisan Politics, and Macroeconomic Outcomes},
  Author                   = {Way, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414000033002002},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {196--224},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Abstract                 = {What are the implications of the trend toward granting central bank independence for partisan theories of the macroeconomy? The conventional view is that parties of the Left and Right strive to achieve distinctive macroeconomic outcomes when in government. However, when faced with an independent central bank, parties of the Left may prove unable to produce their preferred partisan outcomes, whereas Right parties may be privileged in their ability to pursue their goals. Moreover, granting the central bank independence can be expected to have differing effects depending on whether Left or Right parties prevail in government. These issues are explored with a pooled time-series model of inflation and unemployment in 16 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 1961 through 1991. The results support the claim that the effects of partisan government and central bank organization are mutually contingent. The pattern of results anticipated by partisan theory only arises where central banks are under political control, whereas when central banks are independent, Left governments are disadvantaged and Right governments privileged in their ability to achieve their partisan goals. On the other hand, the effects of central bank independence also depend on the partisanship of government, casting doubt on the claim that an independent central bank always provides a "free lunch" of lower inflation with no attendant costs in terms of increased unemployment.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002002}
}

@Book{Weale2007,
  author    = {Weale, Albert},
  title     = {Democracy},
  date      = {2007},
  edition   = {2},
  publisher = {Palgrave MacMillan},
  location  = {Basingstoke, UK},
}

@Article{Webb2003,
  Title                    = {Parties and Party System: Prospects for Realignment},
  Author                   = {Webb, Paul},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsg019},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {283--296},
  Volume                   = {56},

  Abstract                 = {This review of the current state of British party politics considers the prospects for realignment of the Westminster party system. In view of the problems that Labour faces in office and the continuing entrenched crisis which confronts the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats have been presented with historically favourable conditions in which to break into the citadel of major party politics, though realignment is far from inevitable. In 2002, evidence emerged that the strategy of the Liberal Democrats to achieve their goal would consist of distancing themselves from Labour in order to replace the Conservatives as the most credible party of opposition.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsg019}
}

@Article{WebbVulliamy1999,
  Title                    = {Managing curriculum policy changes: a comparative analysis of primary schools in {England} and {Finland}},
  Author                   = {Webb, Rosemary and Vulliamy, Graham},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/026809399286404},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {117--137},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Abstract                 = {The York-Finnish project compares the effects of national policy changes on the management of change in two countries where the curriculum reforms are moving in opposite directions. During the fieldwork, primary schools in England were managing policy changes related to the revision of the National Curriculum and its associated assessment. Their counterparts in Finland were developing school-based curricula in response to the dismantling of the centralized Finnish curriculum. Schools' prior experiences of both the process and content of policy changes in combination with the values of individual teachers were powerful determinants of policy interpretation. In the English context the intensification of teachers' work and increased managerialism harnessed to external agendas were found to de-motivate and disenfranchise teachers leading to change without commitment. In Finland, despite the educational context being different, teachers were also experiencing some negative effects of intensification. It is argued that the culture of small schools enables teachers to preserve their values and preferred practices more easily than their colleagues in larger schools.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/026809399286404}
}

@Article{WebberTonwsend1998,
  Title                    = {The Comparative Politics of Accountability of New South {Wales} and Alberta},
  Author                   = {Webber, Charles F and Townsend, David},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {177--190},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {This article summarizes qualitative data gathered during a series of large group presentations and focus group discussions that addressed the comparative politics of accountability in New South Wales, Australia, and Alberta, Canada. Participants compared government mandated accountability initiatives and highlighted salient features of the politics of accountability: confusion surrounding the definition of quality; the importance of involving stake-holders in the establishment of evaluation criteria; the need to articulate clearly stakeholders 'beliefs; and the changing nature of responses to questions like "Why evaluate?" and "What constitutes credible evaluation data?" Further, participants noted the potentially destructive nature of popular accountability slogans and described the need for sufficient time for educators to implement change initiatives, some teachers' resistance to change, and the importance of supportive administrative leadership. Finally, the participants noted that accountability measures in both countries had a negative impact on professional development, staff morale, and career ambition.}
}

@Incollection{Weber2015,
  Title                    = {Fiscal Policy},
  Author                   = {Cameron M. Weber},
  Booktitle                = {Booms and Busts: An Encyclopedia of Economic History from Tulipmania of the 1630s to the Global Financial Crisis of the 21st Century},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Editor                   = {James Ciment},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Pages                    = {274--276},
  Publisher                = {Routlege}
}

@Incollection{Weber2005,
  Title                    = {The Distribution of Power Within the Group: Class, Status, Party},
  Author                   = {Weber, Max},
  Booktitle                = {Max Weber: Readings and Commentary on Modernity},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Stephen Kalberg},
  Chapter                  = {8},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/9780470773369.ch8},
  Pages                    = {151--162},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell}
}

@Misc{Weber1917,
  Title                    = {Science as a Vocation},
  Author                   = {Weber, Max},
  Date                     = {1917},
  HowPublished             = {Originally delivered as a speech at Munich University},
  Url                      = {http://www.wisdom.weizmann.ac.il/~oded/X/WeberScienceVocation.pdf},
  Urldate                  = {2015-03-29}
}

@Misc{Weber1919,
  author       = {Weber, Max},
  date         = {1919},
  title        = {Politics as a Vocation},
  howpublished = {Originally delivered as a speech at Munich University},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y6z5o7tn},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
}

@Book{Webster1988,
  Title                    = {Problems of Health Care: The National Health Service Before 1957},
  Author                   = {Webster, Charles},
  Date                     = {1988},
  ISBN                     = {0116309423},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Her Majesty's Stationery Office},
  Volume                   = {I}
}

@Book{Webster1998,
  Title                    = {The National Health Service: A Political History},
  Author                   = {Webster, Charles},
  Date                     = {1998},
  ISBN                     = {0192892967},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{Wehner2006,
  Title                    = {Assessing the Power of the Purse: An Index of Legislative Budget Institutions},
  Author                   = {Wehner, Joachim},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00628.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9248},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {767--785},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {To compare parliamentary capacity for financial scrutiny, I construct an index using data for 36 countries from a 2003 survey of budgeting procedures. The index captures six institutional prerequisites for legislative control, relating to amendment powers, reversionary budgets, executive flexibility during implementation, the timing of the budget, legislative committees and budgetary information. Various methods of index construction are reviewed. The results reveal substantial variation in the level of financial scrutiny of government by the legislature among contemporary liberal democracies. The US Congress has an index score that is more than three times as great as those for the bottom nine cases, predominantly Westminster systems. Even allowing for US exceptionalism, the top quartile of legislatures score twice as high on this index as the bottom quartile. These findings suggest that the power of the purse is a discrete and non-fundamental element of liberal democratic governance. For some countries it is a key safeguard against executive overreach, while others maintain a constitutional myth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00628.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Wehner2010,
  Title                    = {Institutional Constraints on Profligate Politicians: The Conditional Effect of Partisan Fragmentation on Budget Deficits},
  Author                   = {Wehner, Joachim},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414009347828},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {208{--}229},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {The literature on the common pool resource problem in budgeting has thus far not explored the likely interaction between size fragmentation (the number of decision makers) and procedural fragmentation (the structure of the process in which they interact).The argument put forward in this article is that the effects of these two types of fragmentation should not be additive, but multiplicative, because theory suggests that the impact of size fragmentation on fiscal policy is conditional on the extent of procedural fragmentation. Using panel data for 57 countries over the period of 1975 to 1998, the author empirically investigates this interaction in the legislative context and finds strong evidence that partisan fragmentation is associated with higher deficits only when it is not moderated by limits on parliamentary amendment authority.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009347828}
}

@Article{Wehner2010a,
  Title                    = {Cabinet structure and fiscal policy outcomes},
  Author                   = {Wehner, Joachim},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {European Journal of Political Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01914.x},
  Number                   = {5},
  Volume                   = {49},

  Abstract                 = {A central explanation of fiscal performance focuses on the structure of the cabinet. However, the partisan context of cabinet decisions remains under-explored, the findings are based on small samples and the variables of interest are often poorly operationalised. Using a new dataset of spending ministers and partisan fragmentation in the cabinets of 58 countries between 1975 and 1998, this study finds a strong positive association between the number of spending ministers and budget deficits and expenditures, as well as weaker evidence that these effects increase with partisan fragmentation.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01914.x}
}

@Article{WeigleButterfield1992,
  author       = {Weigle, Marcia and Butterfield, Jim},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Civil Society in Reforming Communist Regimes: The Logic of Emergence},
  doi          = {10.2307/422094},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--24},
  url          = {https://ceses.cuni.cz/CESES-141-version1-4_2__Weigle_Butterfield_civil_society_in_postcommunism.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {25},
}

@Article{Weiler1988,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Reform and Nonreform in French Education},
  Author                   = {Weiler, Hans N},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education Review},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {251--265},
  Volume                   = {32}
}

@Article{Weiler1994,
  Title                    = {A Quiet Revolution: The {Europe}an Court of Justice and its Interlocutors},
  Author                   = {Weiler, J.H.H},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414094026004006},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {510--534},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {Although the governments of the member states of the European Community (EC) have always had a principal role in fashioning EC policies and norms, from the 1960s through the 1980s the European Court of Justice played a key role in imposing a compliance regime with these norms that has resembled in its structure and rigor the constitutional order of a federal state. To an extent unprecedented in other international organizations, states have found themselves locked into this regime and unable to enjoy the more common international legal compliance latitude. Interestingly, member state courts, legislatures, and governments seemed, by and large, to accept the new constitutional regime "imposed" by the European Court with a large measure of equanimity{--}a veritable "quiet revolution." In this essay, the author restates the principal features of the new order and then explores the possible reasons that explain the acceptance and endorsements of the European Court by major constituencies in the member states. In the conclusion, the author hints at factors that bode a much rougher future relationship between the European Court and its national interlocutors.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414094026004006}
}

@Article{WeimerWolkoff2001,
  Title                    = {School Performance and Housing Values: Using Non-Contiguous District and Incorporation Boundaries to Identify School Effects},
  Author                   = {Weimer, David L and Wolkoff, Michael J},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {National Tax Journal},
  Pages                    = {231--254},
  Volume                   = {54},

  Abstract                 = {This study examines housing value capitalization of the characteristics and tax costs of public education by exploiting the imperfect congruence of the boundaries of public school districts and elementary enrollment areas with the boundaries of incorporated jurisdictions providing other public services in Monroe County, New York. The study finds, after controlling for student body composition, high school characteristics, and other public services, substantively large effects of elementary school output on housing values using both a standard log-linear specification and a multiplicative specification that estimates indexes of quality-adjusted housing quantity and locational price. The empirical results suggest that housing values in the central city are elastic with respect to improvements in elementary school outputs.}
}

@Article{Weingast1995,
  Title                    = {The Economic Role of Political Institutions: Market-Preserving Federalism and Economic Development},
  Author                   = {Weingast, Barry R.},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics, \& Organization},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}31},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Thriving markets require not only an appropriately designed economic system, but a secure political foundation that limits the ability of the state to confiscate wealth. This requires a form of limited government, that is, political institutions that credibly commit the state to honor economic and political rights. This article studies how limited government arose in the developed West, focusing on the critical role of federalism for protecting markets in both England and the United States. Federalism proved fundamental to the impressive economic rise of England in the 18th century and the United States in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The article also shows that federalism underpins the spectacular economic growth in China over the past 15 years.}
}

@Article{WeingastMarshall1988,
  Title                    = {The Industrial Organization of Congress; or, Why Legislatures, Like Firms, Are Not Organized as Markets},
  Author                   = {Weingast, Barry R. and Marshall, William J.},
  Date                     = {1988},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {132{--}163},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides a theory of legislative institutions that parallels the theory of the firm and the theory of contractual institutions. Like market institutions, legislative institutions reflect two key components: the goals or preferences of individuals (here, representatives seeking reelection) and the relevant transactions costs. We present three conclusions. First, we show how the legislative institutions enforce bargains among legislators. Second, we explain why, given the peculiar form of bargaining problems found in legislatures, specific forms of nonmarket exchange prove superior to market exchange. Third, our approach shows how the committee system limits the types of coalitions that may form on a particular issue.}
}

@Article{WeingastMoran1983,
  author       = {Weingast, Barry R. and Moran, Mark J.},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Bureaucratic Discretion or Congressional Control? Regulatory Policymaking by the Federal Trade Commission},
  issn         = {0022-3808},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {765--800},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/1837369},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {This paper extends Stigler and Peltzman's approach to regulation by incorporating a legislature. The model yields comparative statics results and hence testable implications. The paper then tests between two opposing approaches about regulatory agency behavior. The first assumes agencies operate independently of the legislature and hence exercise discretion; the second assumes that Congress controls agency decisions. The recent behavior of the Federal Trade Commission provides the empirical setting. Substantial evidence is found for the specific predictions of the model, including the hypothesis of systematic congressional influence over FTC decisions.},
  publisher    = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{WeingastEtAl1981,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Benefits and Costs: A Neoclassical Approach to Distributive Politics},
  Author                   = {Weingast, Barry R. and Shepsle, Kenneth A. and Johnsen, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1981},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Political Economy},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {642{--}664},
  Volume                   = {89},

  Abstract                 = {This essay offers a rational political explanation for the notorious inefficiency of pork barrel projects with an optimization model of legislative behavior and legislative institutions. The model emphasizes the (economically arbitrary, from a welfare point of view) importance of the geographic incidence of benefits and costs owing to the geographic basis for political representation. We explore the implications of a legislator's objective function and derive conditions under which a representative legislature will select an omnibus of projects each of which exceeds the efficient scale.}
}

@Book{WeingastWittman2006,
  Title                    = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Economy},
  Author                   = {Weingast, Barry R. and Wittman, Donald},
  Date                     = {2006},
  ISBN                     = {9780199272228},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Over its long lifetime, "political economy" has had manydifferent meanings: the science of managing the resources of a nation so as to provide wealth to its inhabitants for Adam Smith; the study of how the ownership of the means of production influenced historical processes for Marx; the study of the inter-relationship between economics and politics for some twentieth-century commentators; and for others, a methodology emphasizing individual rationality (the economic or "public choice" approach) or institutional adaptation (the sociological version). This Handbook views political economy as a grand (if imperfect) synthesis of these various strands, treating political economy as the methodology of economics applied to the analysis of political behavior and institutions. This Handbook surveys the field of political economy, with fifty-eight chapters ranging from micro to macro, national to international, institutional to behavioral, methodological to substantive. Chapters on social choice, constitutionaltheory, and public economics are set alongside ones on voters, parties and pressure groups, macroeconomics and politics, capitalism and democracy, and international political economy and international conflict.}
}

@Incollection{Weir1992,
  Title                    = {Ideas and the politics of bounded innovation},
  Author                   = {Weir, Margaret},
  Booktitle                = {Structuring Politics: Historical institutionalism in comparative perspective},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth},
  Chapter                  = {7},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Pages                    = {188--216},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{WellsEtAl1999,
  Title                    = {Underlying Policy Assumptions of Charter School Reform: The Multiple Meanings of a Movement},
  Author                   = {Wells, Amy Stuart and Grutzik, Cynthia and Carnochan, Sibyll and Slayton, Julie and Vasudeva, Ash},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Teachers College Record},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0161-4681.00002},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {513{--}535},
  Volume                   = {100},

  Abstract                 = {Based on interviews with more than 50 policy makers in six states, this article examines the politics of charter school reform and argues that the bipartisan support for these more autonomous schools masks often opposing viewpoints regarding the purpose of this reform. The authors identify three salient and conflicting themes that emerge from policy makers' explanations of their support for charter schools. The first theme was voiced by policy makers who see charter schools as the beginning of the end of government-run public education and the forefront of a move toward vouchers. The second theme was articulated by policy makers who are committed to a system of public education, but who see charter school reform as a "last chance" to save that system. And the third theme arose in interviews with policy makers who see charter schools as one of many, but not necessarily the central, reform that could strengthen the public schools. Thus, the authors write that charter school reform embodies less of a consensus of views about the future of public education than a fragile bargain between political adversaries who all seek to prove they favor educational reform, but for different reasons and toward different ends.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0161-4681.00002}
}

@Article{Wendt1987,
  Title                    = {The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory},
  Author                   = {Wendt, Alexander E},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {335{--}370},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {While neorealism and world-system theory both claim to be "structural" theories of international relations, they embody very different understandings of system structure and structural explanation. Neorealists conceptualize system structures in individualist terms as constraining the choices of preexisting state agents, whereas world-system theorists conceptualize system structures in structuralist terms as generating state agents themselves. These differences stem from what are, in some respects, fundamentally opposed solutions to the "agent-structure" or "micromacro" problem. This opposition, however, itself reflects a deeper failure of each theory to recognize the mutually constitutive nature of human agents and system structures{--}a failure which leads to deep-seated inadequacies in their respective explanations of state action. An alternative solution to the agent-structure problem, adapted from "structuration theory" in sociology, can overcome these inadequacies by avoiding both the reduction of system structures to state actors in neorealism and their reification in world-system theory. Structuration theory requires a philosophical basis in scientific realism, arguably the "new orthodoxy" in the philosophy of natural science, but as yet largely unrecognized by political scientists. The scientific realist/structuration approach generates an agenda for "structural-historical" research into the properties and dispositions of both state actors and the system structures in which they are embedded.}
}

@Article{Wendt2009,
  Title                    = {Mapping {Europe}an healthcare systems: a comparative analysis of financing, service provision and access to healthcare},
  Author                   = {Wendt, Claus},
  Date                     = {2009-12-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928709344247},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {432--445},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Healthcare systems have been institutionalized to provide healthcare for those in need. Therefore, comparisons should focus in particular on differences in healthcare provision and on how access to healthcare services is regulated. This article presents a typology of healthcare systems which simultaneously takes into account data on expenditures, financing, provision and access to healthcare in 15 European countries. On this basis, three types of healthcare system have been constructed using statistical cluster analysis: a health service provision-oriented type that is characterized by a high number of service providers and free access for patients to medical doctors; a universal coverage--controlled access type where healthcare provision has the status of a social citizenship right and equal access to healthcare is of higher importance than free access and freedom of choice; and a low budget--restricted access type where financial resources for healthcare are limited and patients' access to healthcare is restricted by high private out-of-pocket payments and the regulation that patients have to sign up on a general practitioner's list for a longer period of time.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928709344247}
}

@Article{Wenzelburger2014,
  author       = {Wenzelburger, Georg},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Parties, Institutions and the Politics of Law and Order: How Political Institutions and Partisan Ideologies Shape Law-and-Order Spending in Twenty Western Industrialized Countries},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123413000501},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {663--687},
  volume       = {45},
  abstract     = {Although the politics of law and order are currently a major issue of debate among criminologists, comparative public policy research has largely neglected it. This article fills that gap by bringing together criminological and public policy theories, and by examining law-and-order policies in twenty Western industrialized countries. It adds to the existing literature in two important ways: it provides a straightforward quantitative test of the existing criminological explanations of law-and-order policies using public spending as the dependent variable; and it shows that governments' partisan ideology matters for law-and-order policies. Government ideology influences how much countries spend on public order and safety, but the effect depends on the budgetary room for manoeuvre and the strength of institutional barriers.},
  numpages     = {25},
}

@Incollection{Wertheimer2002,
  Title                    = {Liberty, Coercion, and the Limits of the State},
  Author                   = {Wertheimer, Alan},
  Booktitle                = {The Blackwell Guide to Social and Political Philosophy},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Simon, Robert L.},
  Chapter                  = {2},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/b.9780631221272.2002.00003.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell}
}

@Article{West2006,
  Title                    = {The pre-school education market in {England} from 1997: quality, availability, affordability and equity},
  Author                   = {West, Anne},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {283--301},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores changes in the pre-school education market in England since the Labour Government came into office in 1997. It focuses in particular on quality, availability and affordability and in so doing explores issues of equity. It will be argued that whilst overall levels of pre-school educational provision have increased, there are still not enough places, costs are too high for some and the quality is variable. In the light of research evidence indicating greater cognitive and social progress in certain types of pre-school provision, it is argued that there is a particular need to improve access to such forms of provision as they can enhance the educational and social outcomes of children from disadvantaged backgrounds. A number of policy changes are proposed in order to enhance the quality, availability and affordability of pre-school education for children from disadvantaged backgrounds.}
}

@Article{WestBailey2013,
  author       = {West, Anne and Bailey, Elizabeth},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Educational Studies},
  title        = {The Development of the Academies Programme: `Privatising' School-Based Education in England 1986--2013},
  doi          = {10.1080/00071005.2013.789480},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {137--159},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {The secondary school system in England has undergone a radical transformation since 2010 with the rapid expansion of independent academies run by private companies (`academy trusts') and funded directly by central government. This paper examines the development of academies and their predecessors, city technology colleges, and explores the extent and nature of continuity and change. It is argued that processes of layering and policy revision, together with austerity measures arising from economic recession, have resulted in a system-wide change with private, non-profit-making companies, funded by central government, rapidly replacing local authorities as the main providers of secondary school education.},
}

@Article{WestCurrie2008,
  Title                    = {The role of the private sector in publicly funded schooling in {England}: finance, delivery and decision making},
  Author                   = {West, Anne and Currie, Peter},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1332/030557308783995062},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {191--207},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {In England, there is significant involvement of the private sector in publicly funded schools. This article focuses on different forms of involvement via academies and city technology colleges; specialist schools; Education Action Zones; outsourcing of services; and the Private Finance Initiative. Private sector involvement varies along different dimensions: service delivery, source of funding and locus of decision making. In the most far-reaching forms of involvement, decision making no longer rests with the public sector but is transferred to the private sector. The effects of the blurring of public and private finance and delivery are discussed in relation to democratic accountability.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557308783995062}
}

@Article{WestPennell1997,
  Title                    = {Educational Reform and School Choice in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {West, Anne and Pennell, Hazel},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Economics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/09645299700000024},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {285--305},
  Volume                   = {5},

  Abstract                 = {The paper examines the educational reforms relating to school choice that were introduced in England and Wales by Conservative governments during the 1980s and 1990s. The political background is outlined and the reforms themselves are examined. We evaluate the extent to which choice has increased, and for whom, and whether the Conservative goverments' stated intention of increasing standards of educational achievement has been met. We conclude that although the range of schools from which parents can choose has increased in some areas, the scope for curricular diversity is constrained by the national curriculum. Insofar as choice has increased, the beneficiaries are more likely to be from higher socio-economic groups. There has also been a fragmentation in the process of school admissions which appears to be exacerbating inequities. While performance at the end of compulsory and post-compulsory secondary education has improved, it is not clear to what extent this can be attributed to the reforms. The advent of a new Labour government in May 1997 is likely to result in a policy shift and reference is made to key areas of reform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09645299700000024},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{WestEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {New Labour and School-based Education in {England}: changing the system of funding?},
  Author                   = {West, A and Pennell, H and West, R},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {British Educational Research Journal},
  Pages                    = {523--536},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {This article focuses on the financing of school-based education and the ways in which this has changed since the Labour Government was elected into office in May 1997. It also analyses fundamental problems associated with the current system and how these might be rectified. The main conclusions are that although the Labour Government has made clear efforts to target money on areas with high levels of poverty, the system by which most funds for education are allocated, via local authorities, is fundamentally flawed. In order to make informed, evidence-based judgements about how much money is needed for education, high quality research needs to be carried out. This should establish the resources needed to enable children with different levels of prior attainment to meet specified educational goals in the context of different levels of disadvantage in schools. Only then can the Government be sure that adequate funds are being targeted where they are most needed.}
}

@Article{WestYloenen2010,
  Title                    = {Market-oriented school reform in {England} and {Finland}: school choice, finance and governance},
  Author                   = {West, Anne and Yl{\"o}nen, Annamari},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03055690902880307},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--12},
  Volume                   = {36},

  Abstract                 = {This paper explores the introduction of market-oriented reforms into school-based education in England and Finland. The contexts into which reforms were introduced differed, with a fully comprehensive system being in place in Finland but not in England; the motives were also different; and different trajectories have since been followed. Whilst there are apparent similarities, with choice and diversity having a high political profile in each country, the policy mix varies: two different models can be discerned, with the Finnish reforms being characterised by more regulatory control in relation to school access and choice, but less in relation to the financing of schools by local authorities. It is argued that the mediating role played by local authorities in jurisdictions with high levels of decentralisation means that the legislative framework needs to be taken into account when examining policy implementation and educational outcomes.}
}

@Book{West1965,
  Title                    = {Education and the State: A Study in Political Economy},
  Author                   = {West, E.G},
  Date                     = {1965},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Institute of Economic Affairs}
}

@Article{West1997,
  Title                    = {Education Vouchers in Principle and Practice: A Survey},
  Author                   = {West, E.G},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {World Bank Research Observer},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {83--103},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {An education voucher system exists when governments make payments to families that enable their children to enter public or private schools of their choice. The tax-funded payments can be made directly to parents or indirectly to the selected schools; their purpose is to increase parental choice, to promote school competition, and to allow low-income families access to private schools. Some opponents predict that vouchers will destroy the public system, aggravate poverty, and foster segregation. Others fear that voucher-receiving independent schools will be regulated out of recognition. The main purpose of this article is to examine the recent emergence of voucher systems as an interesting phenomenon in its own right. The evidence summarized relates to voucher systems operating in twenty countries, provinces, and states. The typical "funds-follow-the-child" voucher system, in which governments subsidize "schools of choice" in strict proportion to enrollment, appears to be the favorite form. This type of voucher has been adopted by developing countries{\textemdash}notably Bangladesh, Belize, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, and Lesotho{\textemdash}as well as by industrial countries such as Poland, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Much of the recorded experience with such programs is pertinent to the longstanding theoretical debates on the desirability of voucher systems.}
}

@Book{West2003,
  author     = {West, E.G},
  date       = {2003},
  title      = {Government Failure: E.G. West on Education},
  isbn       = {0255365527},
  location   = {London},
  publisher  = {Institute of Economic Affairs},
  annotation = {Edited volume of some of E.G. West's articles, compiled by James Tooley and James Stanfield.},
}

@Article{West1982,
  Title                    = {Education Vouchers: Evolution or Revolution?},
  Author                   = {West, Edwin G},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Affairs},
  Number                   = {1},
  Volume                   = {3},

  Abstract                 = {The Prime Minister, the Secretary of State for Education, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and other Ministers have spoken of school vouchers. The Secretary of State invited two organisations to comment on 'difficulties' raised by his officials. One FEVER (Friends of the Education Voucher Experiment in Representative Regions), invited 12 of its advisors from around the world to respond. This article is based on a reply from Professor E.G. West.}
}

@Article{West1986,
  Title                    = {Education Reform: Administrative Objections Over-ruled},
  Author                   = {West, Edwin G},
  Date                     = {1986},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Affairs},
  Number                   = {4},
  Volume                   = {6}
}

@Unpublished{West2008,
  Title                    = {Bargaining with Authority: The Political Origins of Public-Sector Collective Bargaining},
  Author                   = {West, Martin R},
  Date                     = {2008},

  Abstract                 = {Organized government employees have been active in American politics for more than a century. Initially they lobbied elected officials for better compensation, improved working conditions, and more control over their activities{\textemdash}often to great apparent effect. Yet the nature of this activity changed dramatically in the 1960s and 1970s, when the federal government and most states adopted policies granting public employees the right to bargain collectively over the terms and conditions of their employment. The institutionalization of collective bargaining within government opened to public employees a new avenue of influence, one that stands apart from conventional pressure group politics. Membership in public sector unions exploded, enabling them to emerge as an influential contingent within the American labor movement.}
}

@Article{WestPeterson2006,
  Title                    = {The Efficacy of Choice Threats Within School Accountability Systems: Results from Legislatively Induced Experiments},
  Author                   = {West, Martin R. and Peterson, Paul E.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Number                   = {510},
  Pages                    = {C46-C62},
  Volume                   = {116},

  Abstract                 = {Targeted stigma and school voucher threats under a revised 2002 Florida accountability law have positive impacts on school performance as measured by the test score gains of their students. In contrast, stigma and public school choice threats under the US federal accountability law, No Child Left Behind, do not have similar effects in Florida. Estimation relies upon individual-level data and is based upon regression analyses that exploit discontinuities within the accountability regimes. Choice threats embedded within accountability regimes can moderate educational inequalities by boosting achievement at the lowest-performing schools, but policy design is crucial.}
}

@Article{WestWossmann2010,
  Title                    = {`Every Catholic Child in a Catholic School': Historical Resistance to State Schooling, Contemporary School Competition, and Student Achievement across Countries},
  Author                   = {West, Martin R. and W{\"o}{\ss}mann, Ludger},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Economic Journal},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2010.02375.x},
  Number                   = {546},
  Pages                    = {229--255},
  Volume                   = {120},

  Abstract                 = {Nineteenth-Century Catholic doctrine strongly opposed state schooling. We show that countries with larger shares of Catholics in 1900 (but without a Catholic state religion) tend to have larger shares of privately operated schools even today. We use this historical pattern as a natural experiment to estimate the causal effect of contemporary private competition on student achievement in cross-country student-level analyses. Our results show that larger shares of privately operated schools lead to better student achievement in mathematics, science, and reading and to lower total education spending, even after controlling for current Catholic shares.}
}

@Article{Westerlund2007,
  Title                    = {Testing for Error Correction in Panel Data},
  Author                   = {Westerlund, Joakim},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0084.2007.00477.x},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {709{--}748},
  Volume                   = {69},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.2007.00477.x}
}

@Article{Western1993,
  Title                    = {Postwar Unionization in Eighteen Advanced Capitalist Countries},
  Author                   = {Western, Bruce},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Journaltitle             = {American Sociological Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {266--282},
  Volume                   = {58},

  Abstract                 = {Unionization follows strongly divergent patterns among OECD countries in the postwar period. I propose business cycle, demographic, and political arguments to explain varying unionization over time. Centralized union movements that engage in corporatist bargaining and union disbursement of unemployment benefits suggest explanations of cross-national variability in unionization. Analysis of annual data for 18 OECD countries from 1950 to 1985 indicates strong positive effects of union centralization and union disbursement of unemployment benefits on unionization. Union centralization also shapes the longitudinal effect of strike activity on unionization while union disbursement of unemployment benefits positively influences longitudinal effects of unemployment and employment growth. Results suggest that labor movements flourish when they establish an institutional control over labor market outcomes beyond wage bargaining. When labor's institutional control is weak, worker militancy may encourage working class organization in trade unions.}
}

@Article{WesternJackman1994,
  Title                    = {{Bayes}ian Inference for Comparative Research},
  Author                   = {Western, Bruce and Jackman, Simon},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2944713},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {412--423},
  Volume                   = {88},

  Abstract                 = {Regression analysis in comparative research suffers from two distinct problems of statistical inference. First, because the data constitute all the available observations from a population, conventional inference based on the long-run behavior of a repeatable data mechanism is not appropriate. Second, the small and collinear data sets of comparative research yield imprecise estimates of explanatory variables. We describe a Bayesian approach to statistical inference that provides a unified solution to these two problems. This approach is illustrated in a comparative analysis of unionization.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944713}
}

@Article{Weyland1998,
  Title                    = {Swallowing the Bitter Pill: Sources of Popular Support for Neoliberal Reform in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Weyland, Kurt},
  Date                     = {1998-11-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414098031005001},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {539--568},
  Volume                   = {31},

  Abstract                 = {What accounts for the surprisingly widespread popular approval that painful neoliberal reforms elicited in several Latin American countries? This article compares the explanatory power of two rival hypotheses, which draw on conventional rational choice and psychological decision theory. The compensation hypothesis claims that governments can engineer support for costly reforms by compensating the losers through targeted social benefits. The rescue hypothesis questions this claim and maintains that draconian adjustment only finds support if it promises to revert a deep crisis and avert further losses. Data from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela suggest that the rescue hypothesis accounts much better for the initial endorsement of neoliberal shock programs immediately after their enactment. When these shock programs bring about economic stabilization and recovery, targeted social benefits help consolidate support for neoliberalism, which a statistical analysis of the impact of social spending on voting in Argentina's and Peru's presidential elections of 1995 reveals.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005001}
}

@Article{WeymouthBroz2013,
  Title                    = {Government Partisanship and Property Rights: Cross-Country Firm-Level Evidence},
  Author                   = {Weymouth, Stephen and Broz, J. Lawrence},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Economics \& Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/ecpo.12011},
  ISSN                     = {1468-0343},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {229--256},
  Volume                   = {25},

  Abstract                 = {Property rights are essential to economic development but vary with the political environment. We develop and test the claim that government partisanship influences the security of business firms' property rights: the perceived security of property rights increases when right-wing parties take power and declines with the election of left-leaning parties. Unlike research that uses country-level aggregates to draw inferences about the determinants of secure property rights, we analyze survey responses of over 7,400 firm owners from 73 countries using a novel difference-in-differences approach. We find that the political partisanship of the government in power strongly affects individual perceptions of property rights: firm owners are more likely to perceive that their property rights are secure under right-leaning governments. Our results are robust to firm- and country-level economic performance as well as controls for political institutions that might induce more stability to property rights, such as the number of checks and balances (veto players) in a system. Overall, our results indicate that business owners' beliefs about the security of property rights are highly responsive to changes in government partisanship.}
}

@Article{WheatleyWu2014,
  author       = {Wheatley, Daniel and Wu, Zhongmin},
  title        = {Dual careers, time-use and satisfaction levels: evidence from the British Household Panel Survey},
  journaltitle = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {45},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {443--464},
  issn         = {1468-2338},
  doi          = {10.1111/irj.12071},
  abstract     = {This article empirically examines time-use and its impact on satisfaction levels among dual career households in a post-industrial economy, the UK. Analysis explores the 1993--2009 British Household Panel Survey using panel probit regression. The evidence reveals distinctions in time-use relative to gender, occupations and employment sector. Long hours persist among managers and professionals. The uneven division of household labour, further, continues to burden women with extensive amounts of housework and care. Satisfaction with working hours and amount/use of leisure time are lower among women, especially the public sector professionals. Provision of care, occupation and partner employment characteristics represent important satisfaction determinants present among women, while income (including partner's income) only has relevance among men. Housework does not itself generate dissatisfaction. It is the overload of household tasks, due to inequality in the household division of labour, which constrains many highly skilled working women reducing satisfaction with time-use and life overall.},
}

@Article{WhelanMaitre2007,
  Title                    = {Levels and Patterns of Material Deprivation in {Ireland}: After the `Celtic Tiger'},
  Author                   = {Whelan, Christopher T. and Ma{\^\i}tre, Bertrand},
  Date                     = {2007-04-01},
  Journaltitle             = {European Sociological Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/esr/jcl025},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {139--154},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {In this article we use the first full wave of the Irish component of the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions survey to evaluate conflicting interpretations of levels and patterns of material deprivation in Ireland after the `Celtic Tiger'. Radical critics of Irish economic policies have seen the Irish case as a particularly good illustration of the tendency for globalization to be accompanied by widespread economic vulnerability and marginalization. Here, employing a multidimensional perspective we identify one fifth of the population as being economically vulnerable and one in 14 as vulnerable to maximal deprivation, in that they exhibit high risks of deprivation across a range of life-style deprivation dimensions. Current levels and depth of material deprivation are a good deal more modest than suggested by radical critics of the Irish experience of economic globalization.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcl025},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.20}
}

@Article{White1996,
  Title                    = {Public Sector Pay Bargaining: Comparability, Decentralization and Control},
  Author                   = {White, Geoff},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.1996.tb00859.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9299},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {89--111},
  Volume                   = {74},

  Abstract                 = {Public sector pay, as a key component of public expenditure, has been a major issue for government since the mid-1970s. This article analyses public services pay bargaining since 1979 and examines the continuing tension between the control of public sector pay levels on the one hand and the wish to make pay levels more responsive to external market forces on the other. The article concentrates on the changes in pay bargaining in the public services. It does not purport to provide a detailed economic analysis of the outcomes of the various phases in public sector pay policy, but does attempt to explain the process implications of the political contingencies and rationale driving government policy on pay determination. In particular it notes the resilience of national pay-setting arrangements and pay comparability throughout most of the period under review, despite the political rhetoric, emphasizing the pragmatism of government policy. The latter section of the article reviews the current policy, with its emphasis on decentralized pay determination, and considers these new developments within the context of private sector collective bargaining theory. The evidence from the private sector suggests that pay determination in the private sector is complex and that levels of bargaining relate to various factors. Decentralization is neither a panacea for poor performance nor necessarily problem free. Devolved pay determination can lead to problems of control over costs and, in the context of high levels of trade union organization, to pay `leapfrogging'. The article concludes that there is a continuing contradiction between the role of the government as an employer, keen to devolve pay decisions to local level, and that of economic regulator with responsibility for the wider economy. This continuing tension indicates that decentralized pay bargaining in the public sector will be limited in its scope by some form of central government control.}
}

@Article{WhiteHatchett2003,
  Title                    = {The Pay Review Bodies in {Britain} Under the Labour Government},
  Author                   = {White, Geoff and Hatchett, Alastair},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Money and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1467-9302.00378},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {237--244},
  Volume                   = {23},

  Abstract                 = {The current Labour Government's public sector 'modernization' policy has placed new pressures on the 30-year-old Pay Review Body system. The Government is now expecting the six Review Bodies to make recommendations on pay reform and restructuring and key decisions on pay for public sector groups are being taken by Government outside of the Review Body process. Despite these problems, the Pay Review Body system still offers the main parties-the Government, employers and unions-a useful political device for handling pay determination at 'arm's length' in the public sector. While political expediency is the main defence for the Pay Review Bodies, the move to long-term agreements may undermine their role.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9302.00378}
}

@Article{White2011,
  author       = {John Wesley White},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Language, Identity \& Education},
  title        = {Resistance to Classroom Participation: Minority Students, Academic Discourse, Cultural Conflicts, and Issues of Representation in Whole Class Discussions},
  doi          = {10.1080/15348458.2011.598128},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {250--265},
  volume       = {10},
  abstract     = {When trying to utilize class discussions as an effective pedagogical tool, teachers need to be aware of the conflicts that may arise due to issues of personal and cultural representation, linguistic differences, and misunderstandings of the tacit ``rules'' for participation. Because of cultural and linguistic variances in student populations, not all students are equally adept at class participation nor are all students equally prone to participate. Educators must understand and take into account in their grading practices that a failure to participate does not necessarily reflect disrespect for the teacher or the class, a disinterest in the subject matter, or apathy in general. Sometimes, minority students choose not to participate in an effort to maintain their sense of personal and cultural identity and/or because they lack a full understanding of the kinds of academic discourse employed in classroom discussions.},
}

@Misc{Whitehead2012,
  Author                   = {Whitehead, Alan},
  Date                     = {2012},
  HowPublished             = {Personal interview},
  Note                     = {November 8}
}

@Article{WhiteleyEtAl2015,
  Title                    = {The Economic and Electoral Consequences of Austerity Policies in Britain},
  Author                   = {Whiteley, Paul and Clarke, Harold D. and Sanders, David and Stewart, Marianne C.},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pa/gsu015},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {4--24},
  Volume                   = {68},

  Abstract                 = {This article examines the relationship between electoral support and the economy over the period 2004-2013, paying particular attention to the impact of the economic strategy pursued by the Coalition government in Britain since the 2010 general election. This involves modelling the relationship between voting intentions, perceptions of economic performance and a variety of other variables using survey data collected from 2004. The evidence shows that when Labour was in office, support for the party was strongly influenced by the state of the economy, as was support for the opposition parties. However, since the Coalition came to power, the relationship between the economy and political support has changed, with neither the Conservatives nor the Liberal Democrats gaining from a fairly rapid growth in economic optimism which has taken place since early 2013. The article explains this change in terms of a growing perception among the public that none of the major parties can effectively manage Britain's economic problems. Optimism about the national economy has not significantly percolated down to the level of the individual voter. So individuals may be more optimistic about the future of the national economy but they are still being badly affected by the recession.}
}

@Article{Whittaker1983,
  Title                    = {Ten Years on: Progress and Problems in {Finland}'s School Reform},
  Author                   = {Whittaker, David J},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {31{--}41},
  Volume                   = {19}
}

@Article{WhittenPalmer1999,
  author       = {Guy D. Whitten and Harvey D. Palmer},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Cross-national analyses of economic voting},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0261-3794(98)00043-2},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {49--67},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {The present paper replicates and extends Powell and Whitten's study of comparative economic voting (Powell, G. Bingham and Whitten, Guy D. (1993) A Cross-National Analysis of Economic Voting: Taking Account of the Political Context. American Journal of Political Science 37, 391--414). We extend Powell and Whitten's research in three ways. First, we have developed a theoretically more appealing method for dividing our cases according to the clarity of government responsibility. Second, we consider whether the electoral effect of economic growth varies with government composition, with large coalitions focusing on the consensual goal of improving economic growth. Third, 40 new cases have been added to the original 102 analyzed by Powell and Whitten. Using a more appropriate methodology and an expanded data set, we find strong confirmation of the results presented in Powell and Whitten's study. We also find evidence that supports our theory about coalition governments and economic growth.},
}

@Article{Whitten-WoodringVanBelle2015,
  author       = {Whitten-Woodring,Jenifer and {Van Belle},Douglas A.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {The Correlates of Media Freedom: An Introduction of the Global Media Freedom Dataset},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.68},
  issn         = {2049-8489},
  url          = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S2049847015000680},
  volume       = {FirstView},
  abstract     = {Media freedom has motivated substantial political activism, yet there are surprising gaps in the related academic literature, in part because of a lack of historic and consistent data. We introduce the newly expanded Global Media Freedom Dataset, which includes 196 countries from 1948 to 2012, and demonstrate how it can be used to test previous hypotheses and assumptions about the correlates of media freedom.},
  numpages     = {10},
}

@Article{WhittyPower2000,
  author       = {Geoff Whitty and Sally Power},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Educational Development},
  title        = {Marketization and privatization in mass education systems},
  doi          = {10.1016/S0738-0593(99)00061-9},
  issn         = {0738-0593},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {93--107},
  url          = {https://www.ntpu.edu.tw/social/upload/P_920100307132656.pdf},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {Recent education reform in many countries has sought to dismantle centralized educational bureaucracies to create systems that emphasize parental choice and competition between schools, thereby creating quasi-markets in educational services. In addition to this widespread marketization of public education systems, publicly financed and provided education services have been privatized. In this paper, marketization and privatization policies are compared, and initial research evidence on the impact of marketization and privatization in England, the USA, Australia and New Zealand is examined in the light of the claims about diversity of provision, efficiency, effectiveness and equity. Also considered in the significance of attempts currently underway in the \{UK\} and elsewhere to temper the emphasis on consumer rights within policies of marketization and privatization with a renewed concern for the citizen rights traditionally associated with social-democratic approaches to education policy.},
  keywords     = {Educational policy},
}

@Article{WhittyEtAl1998a,
  Title                    = {The assisted places scheme: its impact and its role in privatization and marketization},
  Author                   = {Whitty, Geoff and Power, Sally and Edwards, Tony},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Education Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0268093980130205},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {237--250},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {The Conservative government that was in power in Britain from 1979 to 1997 introduced a range of policies designed to restructure education provision. The Assisted Places Scheme was one of its first major reforms, enabling academically able children with limited financial means to attend private schools. Although subsequent provisions have focused more on the marketization of the public sector, the scheme was identified by the Conservative Government as the first significant step towards more far-reaching restructuring. This paper draws upon interviews in private and maintained schools to explore the effects of the scheme. It discusses the scheme's articulation with the discourses of diversity, selection and choice, the relationship between privatizing and marketizing policies, and the nature of similar initiatives elsewhere. It concludes that, while there are differences between schemes that use public funds to subsidize private provision, those that seek to marketize public provision, and fully fledged voucher systems, they all tend to compound the promotion of individual decision making within education at the expense of collective responsibility.}
}

@Book{WhittyEtAl1998,
  author     = {Whitty, Geoff and Power, Sally and Halpin, David},
  date       = {1998},
  title      = {Devolution and Choice in Education: The School, the State and the Market},
  isbn       = {0335197116},
  location   = {Buckingham, UK},
  publisher  = {Open University Press},
  annotation = {Investigates education policy in England \& Wales, Australia, New Zealand, the USA, and Sweden.},
}

@Article{Wibbels2006,
  Title                    = {Madison In Baghdad?: Decentralization and Federalism in Comparative Politics},
  Author                   = {Wibbels, Erik},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170504},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {165--188},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {Research on comparative decentralization and federalism is a booming industry. Recent research integrates insights from political science, economics, and economic history in emphasizing the importance of incentives for the operation of decentralized government. Such work has focused particular attention on fiscal, representative, and party institutions. In reviewing the past decade's research, I make two arguments. First, the comparative research on decentralization and federalism provides a model for how comparative politics can address some of the most profound questions in social thought by focusing on a theoretically and empirically tractable aspect of governance. Second, although the research addresses many of the key questions in comparative politics, it also struggles with some of the same problems and challenges as comparative politics writ large, particularly the issue of institutional endogeneity. Attention to endogeneity is central to better understanding the workings of decentralized governmen...},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170504},
  Keywords                 = {decentralization, federalism, comparative politics, institutions}
}

@Article{WibbelsArce2003,
  Title                    = {Globalization, Taxation, and Burden-Shifting in Latin {America}},
  Author                   = {Wibbels, Erik and Arce, Mois{\'e}s},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {International Organization},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0020818303571041},
  Number                   = {01},
  Pages                    = {111--136},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {Most researchers interested in the relationship between global markets and public policy focus on advanced industrial democracies. In contrast, we examine competing hypotheses as to globalization's effect on governments by expanding the scope of the discussion to include developing nations. More specifically, we investigate the relationship between international market integration and the evolving burden of taxation on capital, as well as the subsequent response of markets to shifts in tax policy in Latin America since the late 1970s. Consistent with our theoretical expectations, we find that global market forces are more constraining vis-{\`a}-vis tax policy in Latin America than in the world's wealthiest nations. Despite these market-based pressures, however, national politics continue to influence tax policy in Latin America in a manner consistent with findings on advanced industrial democracies. As such, developing nations continue to have some room to manipulate policy, though within the context of a more strictly neoliberal context than their counterparts in advanced industrial democracies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818303571041},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Wiborg2004,
  Title                    = {Education and Social Integration: a comparative study of the comprehensive school system in Scandinavia},
  Author                   = {Wiborg, Susanne},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {London Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/1474846042000229430},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {83--93},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {The purpose of this article is to outline a framework of explanation of the unique tradition of comprehensive schooling in Scandinavia. All the countries developed an all-through system of education from grade one to nine/ten with mixed ability classes for nearly all. This allthrough system of education is a product of a long historical development. It will be argued that four factors shaped this development: strong state involvement, a relative egalitarian class structure, powerful Liberal Party and a strong Social Democracy.},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Article{Widfeldt2007,
  Title                    = {The Swedish parliamentary election of 2006},
  Author                   = {Anders Widfeldt},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Electoral Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/j.electstud.2007.04.003},
  ISSN                     = {0261-3794},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {820--823},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.04.003}
}

@Book{WigforssEtAl1946,
  Title                    = {The Postwar Programme of Swedish Labour: Summary in 27 Points and Comments},
  Author                   = {Wigforss, Ernst and Fredriksson, Karl and Lindberg, August and Andersson, Gunnar and Grewin, John and Westerlund, Oscar and Myrdal, Alva and Johansson, Bertil},
  Date                     = {1946},
  Location                 = {Stockholm, Sweden},
  Publisher                = {Landsorganisationen}
}

@Article{Wildavsky1973,
  Title                    = {If planning is everything, maybe it's nothing},
  Author                   = {Wildavsky, Aaron},
  Date                     = {1973},
  Journaltitle             = {Policy Sciences},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/BF01405729},
  ISSN                     = {0032-2687},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {127--153},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Publisher                = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}
}

@Book{Wildavsky1979,
  Title                    = {The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis},
  Author                   = {Wildavsky, Aaron},
  Date                     = {1979},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {MacMillan}
}

@Article{Wildavsky1987,
  Title                    = {Choosing Preferences by Constructing Institutions: A Cultural Theory of Preference Formation},
  Author                   = {Wildavsky, Aaron},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {3{--}22},
  Volume                   = {81},

  Abstract                 = {Preferences come from the most ubiquitous human activity: living with other people. Support for and opposition to different ways of life, the shared values legitimating social relations (here called cultures) are the generators of diverse preferences. After discussing why it is not helpful to conceive of interest as preferences or to dismiss preference formation as external to organized social life, I explain how people are able to develop many preferences from few clues by using their social relations to interrogate their environment. The social filter is the source of preferences. I then argue that culture is a more powerful construct than conceptual rivals: heuristics, schemas, ideologies. Two initial applications{--}to the ideology of the left-right distinctions and to perceptions of danger{--}test the claim that this theory of how individuals use political cultures to develop their preferences outperforms the alternatives.}
}

@Article{Wilde2002,
  Title                    = {Secondary Education in {Germany} 1990-2000: 'one decade of non-reform in unified German education'?},
  Author                   = {Wilde, Stephanie},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Oxford Review of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/03054980120113625},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {39--51},
  Volume                   = {28},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the question of whether the period since German unification has been one of reform in the education system of Germany. It outlines the developments in secondary education in Germany since 1990, and argues that the changes in the eastern federal states do not represent reform, but rather a restoration of the less than ideal educational structures that have been in place for so long in the western federal states.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03054980120113625}
}

@Article{Wilds2000,
  Title                    = {Identity creation and the culture of contrition: Recasting `normality' in the Berlin Republic},
  Author                   = {Wilds, Karl},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {German Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/09644000008404581},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {83--102},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This paper considers transformations in the concept of national identity post-unification. In particular, it is interested in examining the changed status of the NS past in contemporary formulations of national identity. Whilst during the Historikerstreit conservative thinkers predicated the plea for conventional patriotism upon a `normalisation' or `relativisation' of the NS past, left-liberal discourse based the case for a post-national Verfassungspatriotismus upon the critical engagement with the NS period. The collapse of the Cold War political framework has profoundly altered the polarised discourse over the German past and during the 1990s the critical consciousness of National Socialism became a central tenet of contemporary formulations of national identity. The paper attempts to place the contemporary discourse on national identity within a broader historical context and to consider reasons for recent transformations in perceptions of the German national past.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000008404581}
}

@Article{Wilkerson2003,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Health in the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Wilkerson, John D},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.6.121901.085546},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {327--343},
  Volume                   = {6},

  Abstract                 = {The United States pays a high price for its health system, and governments pay about half the costs. At the same time, the United States distinguishes itself by failing to provide health insurance for 15\% of its population. In this article, I review research on the politics and economics of health to investigate three questions. Does this spending represent good value? Why does the United States spend so much on health? Finally, what technical and political challenges do policy makers face as they turn away from government solutions and toward market-based solutions to the challenge of balancing costs, access, and quality?},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.6.121901.085546},
  Keywords                 = {health politics, health markets, health care reform, politics of health}
}

@Article{Wilkinson2011,
  Title                    = {Measuring the WTO's Performance: An Alternative Account},
  Author                   = {Wilkinson, Rorden},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Global Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1758-5899.2010.00058.x},
  ISSN                     = {1758-5899},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {43--52},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {This article offers an alternative account of the performance of the World Trade Organization (WTO) --- an institution whose performance is usually assessed in terms of its capacity to function as a forum for the exchange of mutually beneficial trade concessions, its ability to act as an arena in which trade rules can be negotiated and its capacity to serve as a forum for settling trade disputes. The article argues that when understood in these ways, the performance of the WTO inevitably appears lacklustre. However, the fact that member states remain committed suggests that the criteria on which an assessment of the institution's performance ought to be based are different and the way in which we conceive of the institution is flawed. The article argues that if WTO performance is measured as the institution's capacity to act as a strategic device to maintain and exacerbate the advantages of a group of industrial states over their less powerful and developing counterparts (an aim that is much closer to the institution's intended purpose), then it has actually been quite successful, albeit undesirably so.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-5899.2010.00058.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{WilkinsonPickett2006,
  author       = {Wilkinson, Richard G. and Pickett, Kate E.},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Social Science \& Medicine},
  title        = {Income inequality and population health: A review and explanation of the evidence},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.socscimed.2005.08.036},
  issn         = {0277-9536},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {1768--1784},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {Whether or not the scale of a society's income inequality is a determinant of population health is still regarded as a controversial issue. We decided to review the evidence and see if we could find a consistent interpretation of both the positive and negative findings.

We identified 168 analyses in 155 papers reporting research findings on the association between income distribution and population health, and classified them according to how far their findings supported the hypothesis that greater income differences are associated with lower standards of population health. Analyses in which all adjusted associations between greater income equality and higher standards of population health were statistically significant and positive were classified as ``wholly supportive''; if none were significant and positive they were classified as ``unsupportive''; and if some but not all were significant and supportive they were classified as ``partially supportive''. Of those classified as either wholly supportive or unsupportive, a large majority (70 per cent) suggest that health is less good in societies where income differences are bigger.

There were substantial differences in the proportion of supportive findings according to whether inequality was measured in large or small areas. We suggest that the studies of income inequality are more supportive in large areas because in that context income inequality serves as a measure of the scale of social stratification, or how hierarchical a society is.

We suggest three explanations for the unsupportive findings reported by a minority of studies. First, many studies measured inequality in areas too small to reflect the scale of social class differences in a society; second, a number of studies controlled for factors which, rather than being genuine confounders, are likely either to mediate between class and health or to be other reflections of the scale of social stratification; and third, the international relationship was temporarily lost (in all but the youngest age groups) during the decade from the mid-1980s when income differences were widening particularly rapidly in a number of countries. We finish by discussing possible objections to our interpretation of the findings.},
  keywords     = {Income inequality},
}

@Book{WilkinsonPickett2010,
  Title                    = {The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone},
  Author                   = {Wilkinson, Richard G. and Pickett, Kate E.},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Penguin Books}
}

@Book{Wilkinson2006,
  Title                    = {Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India},
  Author                   = {Wilkinson, Steven I.},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University}
}

@Article{Williams1992,
  Title                    = {Dynamic Change, Specification Uncertainty, and {Bayes}ian Vector Autoregression Analysis},
  Author                   = {Williams, John T},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/4.1.97},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {97--125},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.97}
}

@Article{Williams1992a,
  Title                    = {What Goes Around Comes Around: Unit Root Tests and Cointegration},
  Author                   = {Williams, John T},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/pan/4.1.229},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {229--235},
  Volume                   = {4},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.229}
}

@Article{Williams2004,
  Title                    = {Accounting for change in public sector industrial relations: the erosion of national bargaining in further education in {England} and {Wales}},
  Author                   = {Williams, Steve},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial Relations Journal},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {233--248},
  Volume                   = {35},

  Abstract                 = {The recent transformation of industrial relations in further education in England and Wales is examined, in particular the role of the national 'Silver Book' dispute over lecturers' conditions of service in causing the erosion of national bargaining in the sector. The experience of further education points to the limits of the strategic choice approach as a device for explaining change in public sector industrial relations and to the importance of supplementing it with a perspective that emphasises the role of power.}
}

@Online{Williamson2011,
  Author                   = {Williamson, Chris},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Url                      = {https://twitter.com/ChriswMP/status/143309423153127424},
  Month                    = dec,
  Note                     = {[Tweet]},
  Urldate                  = {2013-06-28},

  Abstract                 = {I'm delighted da Vinci School in my constituency of Derby North has rejected the Tory academy model is becoming a cooperative trust instead}
}

@Article{Williamson1990,
  author       = {Williamson, Oliver E},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law, Economics, \& Organization},
  title        = {Political Institutions: The Neglected Side of the Story: Comment},
  pages        = {263--266},
  volume       = {6},
  annotation   = {Special Issue: Papers from the Organization of Political Institutions Conference},
}

@Article{Williamson1999,
  Title                    = {Public and private bureaucracies: a transaction cost economics perspectives},
  Author                   = {Williamson, Oliver E},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {306--342},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Abstract                 = {The public bureaucracy is a puzzle. How is it that an organizational form that is so widely used is also believed to be inefficient - both in relation to a hypothetical ideal and in comparison with private bureaucracies? This article examines public bureaucracy through the lens of transaction cost economics, according to which the public bureaucracy, like other alternative modes of governance, is well suited to some transactions and poorly suited to others. Rather than proceed in a completely general way, I focus on what James Q. Wilson describes as 'sovereign transactions', of which foreign affairs is an example. I ask what it is that distinguishes sovereign transactions, after which I compare the efficacy of public and private bureaucracies for managing such transactions. I conclude that there is an efficiency place for public bureaucracy, but that all modes of governance (markets, hybrids, firms, regulation), of which public bureaucracy is one, need to be kept in their place. I further observe that public bureaucracies are not all of a kind and that differences between them need to be distinguished.}
}

@Article{Wilson2009,
  Title                    = {Exit, Voice and Quality in the English Education Sector},
  Author                   = {Wilson, Deborah},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9515.2009.00681.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9515},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {571--584},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {The use of choice as a mechanism to improve public service delivery is now well established in the UK. Current policy discourse additionally considers voice as a further, complementary, user-driven mechanism. In this article I scrutinize the assumption that choice (exit) and voice complement each other in creating user-driven incentives to increase quality for all consumers in the context of education. I do this by going back to Hirschman's thesis on `Exit, Voice and Loyalty', focusing in particular on the definitions of quality put forward by him. I apply his analysis to the English education sector and show that, while the current policy discourse evokes the language of Hirschman, it doesn't follow through on the actual implications of his analysis. In particular, I argue that in the current system, choice and voice may complement each other for only a subset of consumers.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2009.00681.x},
  Keywords                 = {Exit, Choice, Voice, Education},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Book{Wilson1989,
  Title                    = {Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do It},
  Author                   = {Wilson, James Q.},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Basic Books},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{WilsonButler2007,
  author       = {Wilson, Sven E and Butler, Daniel M},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {A Lot More to Do: The Sensitivity of Time-Series Cross-Section Analyses to Simple Alternative Specifications},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpl012},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {101--123},
  url          = {https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/21989690/Papers/TSCS_PolAnlaysis.pdf},
  urldate      = {2017-04-03},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {In 1995, Beck and Katz (B&K) instructed the profession on "What to do (and not to do) with time-series, cross-section data," and almost instantly their prescriptions became the new orthodoxy for practitioners. Our assessment of the intellectual aftermath of this paper, however, does not inspire confidence in the conclusions reached during the past decade. The 195 papers we reviewed show a widespread failure to diagnose and treat common problems of time-series, cross-section (TSCS) data analysis. To show the importance of the consequences of the B&K assumptions, we replicate eight papers in prominent journals and find that simple alternative specifications often lead to drastically different conclusions. Finally, we summarize many of the statistical issues relative to TSCS data and show that there is a lot more to do with TSCS data than many researchers have apparently assumed.},
  bdsk-url-1   = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpl012},
}

@Article{Wincott1995,
  Title                    = {Institutional Interaction and {Europe}an Integration: Towards an Everyday Critique of Liberal Inter governmentalism},
  Author                   = {Wincott, Daniel},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.1995.tb00553.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {597--609},
  Volume                   = {33},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1995.tb00553.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{WinshipRadbill1994,
  author       = {Winship, Christopher and Radbill, Larry},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  title        = {Sampling Weights and Regression Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1177/0049124194023002004},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {230--257},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {Most major population surveys used by social scientists are based on complex sampling designs where sampling units have different probabilities of being selected. Although sampling weights must generally be used to derive unbiased estimates of univariate population characteristics, the decision about their use in regression analysis is more complicated. Where sampling weights are solely a function of independent variables included in the model, unweighted OLS estimates are preferred because they are unbiased, consistent, and have smaller standard errors than weighted OLS estimates. Where sampling weights are a function of the dependent variable (and thus of the error term), we recommend first attempting to respecify the model so that they are solely a function of the independent variables. If this can be accomplished, then unweighted OLS is again preferred. If the model cannot be respecified, then estimation of the model using sampling weights may be appropriate. In this case, however, the formula used by most computer programs for calculating standard errors will be incorrect. We recommend using the White heteroskedastic consistent estimator for the standard errors.},
}

@Misc{WinstonEtAl2009,
  Title                    = {What's the Matter with Kansas?},
  Author                   = {Winston, Joe and Cohen, Laura and Frank, Thomas},
  Date                     = {2009},
  HowPublished             = {Documentary film},
  Url                      = {http://whatsthematterwithkansas.com/},

  Abstract                 = {Based on the Thomas Frank's best-seller, What's the Matter with Kansas? shows how Kansas transformed from an outpost of radicalism to a bastion of conservatism. Unforgettable characters and their stories shed new light on our nation's political divide.}
}

@Article{WinterBryson1998,
  Title                    = {Economic restructuring and state intervention in Holdenist suburbia: understanding urban poverty in {Australia}},
  Author                   = {Winter, Ian and Bryson, Lois},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2427.00123},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {60{--}75},
  Volume                   = {22},

  Abstract                 = {From the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s a particular conjuncture of capital-state relations formed in Australia, leading to the development of a distinctive urban form --- `Holdenist suburbia': built by government; of a large scale and uniform appearance; constructed of poor quality, cheap materials; home to relatively high percentages of public renters; comprised of predominantly working-class families; adjacent to manufacturing employment; and stigmatized. An examination of one such Holdenist suburban estate in 1966 and 1991 illustrates how certain aspects of economic restructuring and state intervention have forged such spaces as sites of urban poverty. With the broad aim of connecting Australian urban studies to ongoing international debates about the nature of contemporary urban poverty, it is noted that distinctive characteristics of Australian urban and welfare state development render the application of concepts derived from different cultural settings problematic. This paper makes two points. First, a 'finer-combed' interpretation of Australian postwar suburban development is required to delineate the role of the state in shaping a particular urban form during this period - the Holdenist suburban form. Second, this delineation is particularly important to understanding contemporary urban poverty in Australia, for the social provisions of state policy have, in contradictory fashion, both prevented the full development of outcast ghettos (Marcuse, 1996) and, in conjunction with the processes of economic restructuring, forged sites of urban poverty.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00123}
}

@Article{WintersPage2009,
  Title                    = {Oligarchy in the {United States}?},
  Author                   = {Winters,Jeffrey A. and Page,Benjamin I.},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Perspectives on Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S1537592709991770},
  ISSN                     = {1541-0986},
  Issue                    = {04},
  Month                    = dec,
  Pages                    = {731--751},
  Volume                   = {7},

  Abstract                 = {We explore the possibility that the US political system can usefully be characterized as oligarchic. Using a material-based definition drawn from Aristotle, we argue that oligarchy is not inconsistent with democracy; that oligarchs need not occupy formal office or conspire together or even engage extensively in politics in order to prevail; that great wealth can provide both the resources and the motivation to exert potent political influence. Data on the US distributions of income and wealth are used to construct several Material Power Indices, which suggest that the wealthiest Americans may exert vastly greater political influence than average citizens and that a very small group of the wealthiest (perhaps the top tenth of 1 percent) may have sufficient power to dominate policy in certain key areas. A brief review of the literature suggests possible mechanisms by which such influence could occur, through lobbying, the electoral process, opinion shaping, and the US Constitution itself.}
}

@Article{WiseSzucs1996,
  Title                    = {The Public/Private Cleavage in a Welfare State: Attitudes Toward Public Management Reform},
  Author                   = {Wise, Lois R and Szucs, Stefan},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {43--70},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {This study contributes to the growing literature on differences in attitudes between public and private sector employees, particularly with respect to their receptivity or resistance to public management reforms. We begin by asking the question: to what degree does perceived self-interest play a role in accounting for attitudes toward public management reforms such as downsizing, privatization, and public spending? Using attitudinal data from Sweden, a social welfare state with a large public bureaucracy, a tension is observed both among public employees in different levels of government and between public and private sector employees. In the context of public management reforms, national government employees emerge as more right-leaning politically and more supportive of public management reforms than those working in local government. The analysis finds, particularly among national government employees, that while interest as measured here is strongly related to attitudes toward reform, status as a public employee and status as a public bureaucrat are not as significant as other components of interest in accounting for attitudes toward public management reform.}
}

@Article{WisemanWright2008,
  Title                    = {The Legislative Median and Partisan Policy},
  Author                   = {Wiseman, Alan E and Wright, John R},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0951629807084037},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {5--29},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {We show that the median legislator in the US House is unambiguously closer to the majority party median than to the minority party median. An important implication of this finding is that the median legislator is predisposed to support the majority party's policy agenda. Thus, in the event that the majority party organization exerts no influence over the legislative process, and in the event that all policies then default to the legislative median, policy outcomes will still substantially favor the majority party over the minority. We demonstrate that the legislative median moves predictably toward the majority party in response to changes in majority control and the size and ideological homogeneity of the two parties. Consequently, the median legislators' partisan predisposition increases and decreases in response to electoral change. We conclude that partisan and floor majority, or median, theories of lawmaking are more often complementary than conflicting, and that party activities in the electoral arena have implications for legislative partisanship.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629807084037}
}

@Article{WitteEtAl2007,
  author       = {Witte, John F. and Weimer, David and Shober, Arnold and Schlomer, Paul A.},
  title        = {The performance of charter schools in Wisconsin},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {557--573},
  issn         = {1520-6688},
  doi          = {10.1002/pam.20265},
  abstract     = {How have charter schools in Wisconsin performed relative to traditional public schools? Two analyses provide an answer: First, a comparison of achievement test scores for students in Milwaukee charter and traditional schools from 1998 to 2002 for grades 3 through 10 finds a relative advantage for charter school students using fixed effects and first difference specifications. Second, a methodological approach new to the debate over performance in choice schools assesses schoollevel standardized tests in the fourth and eighth grades for 2000--01 and 2001--02. The results for fourth grade are generally favorable for charter schools; those for eighth grade are mixed. Overall, the results from these two analyses suggest that charter schools in Wisconsin are performing somewhat better than the traditional public schools from which they draw students.},
  publisher    = {Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company},
}

@Article{Witte1998,
  Title                    = {The Milwaukee Voucher Experiment},
  Author                   = {Witte, John F.},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis},
  Doi                      = {10.3102/01623737020004229},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {229--251},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This article provides a summary of the results of the first five years of the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program, which was the first program in the United States to allow students to attend private schools with public vouchers. I begin with a brief discussion of the theoretical and research issues. Following a description of the initial program and subsequent changes, I outline who participated in the program --- including characteristics of students and families and schools. I then describe the results in terms of the effects on families, student outcomes, and schools. I conclude with a discussion of the implications for this type of program and more open-ended voucher programs. For those holding extreme positions on this controversial issue, there will be both ammunition and frustration, for the results contain both positive and negative elements. The quality of both the public and private schools and therefore student outcomes vary within and between schools, and that variance is more extreme than in middle-class or wealthy communities. Some schools are excellent, and families fight to get in them and stay in them. Some are so bad that they fail and, if they are private, cease to exist --- often in mid-year. The general results of the voucher program follow that pattern: Some results are clearly positive, some can be interpreted either way, and others are negative.}
}

@Book{Witte2001,
  Title                    = {The Market Approach to Education: An Analysis of {America}'s First Voucher Program},
  Author                   = {Witte, John F.},
  Date                     = {2001},
  ISBN                     = {0691089833},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Unpublished{WitteEtAl2003,
  author   = {Witte, John F. and Shober, Arnold F. and Manna, Paul},
  title    = {Analyzing State Charter School Laws and Their Influence on the Formation of Charter Schools in the {United States}},
  date     = {2003},
  note     = {Paper prepared for the American Political Science Association 2003 Annual Meeting, Philadelphia, PA, August 28-31, 2003.},
  abstract = {This paper analyzes charter school state laws in terms of two general dimensions: 1) the flexibility, freedom, and support extended in the law; and 2) the degree of public accountability required of charter schools. The paper proposes a much more complex set of analyzes of those laws than have been accomplished to date. After analyzing the empirical properties of the subscales, we briefly compare them to the widely used Center for Education Reform scale. We then estimate what state characteristics appear to best predict both flexibility and accountability. Finally, we study the relationship between variance in laws, other independent variables and the number of charter schools established in a state. We find somewhat surprisingly that flexibility in laws along our multiple dimensions is also highly correlated with high levels of required public accountability. We are very unsuccessful in finding any linear relationships that appear to explain which states enact flexible laws and which do not. We do, however, find a number of interesting relationships between the number of charters existing in states and the nature of their laws, as well as other demographic and political factors.},
}

@Unpublished{WitteEtAl2004,
  author   = {Witte, John F. and Shober, Arnold F. and Schlomer, Paul A. and Engle, P{\"a}r Jason},
  title    = {The Political Economy of School Choice},
  date     = {2004},
  note     = {Prepared for the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Chicago.},
  abstract = {In this paper, we analyze the complex political economy of school choice, primarily as it has developed in Wisconsin, although we believe the models we develop will generalize to other locales. We focus specifically on how these various forms of choice interact and compete with each other. Most striking to us was that school choices, particularly charter schools, have expanded beyond the inner city and urban areas to include mid-sized cities and smaller towns. To explain this expansion of choice, we develop a theory derived from spatial economic theory. Spatial theory, which explains firm placement relative to customer and supplier location, is applicable to school districts and schools. The empirical data we analyze, in addition to our rich case study materials, include the growth and expansion in charter schools; and, for Wisconsin, the use of open enrollment by charter-school districts. The results are startling in terms of how well they seem to conform to our abstract spatial-economic theory. An exception is the creation of virtual charter schools that draw on a market defined only by the borders of the state.},
}

@Article{Wittman1977,
  Title                    = {Candidates with policy preferences: A dynamic model},
  Author                   = {Wittman, Donald},
  Date                     = {1977},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1016/0022-0531(77)90091-6},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {180{--}189},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-0531(77)90091-6}
}

@Article{Wittman1973,
  author       = {Wittman, Donald A},
  date         = {1973},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Parties as Utility Maximizers},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {490--498},
  volume       = {67},
  annotation   = {An alternative to Hotelling-Downsian party competition.},
}

@Article{Wittman1983,
  Title                    = {Candidate Motivation: A Synthesis of Alternative Theories},
  Author                   = {Wittman, Donald A},
  Date                     = {1983},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {142--157},
  Volume                   = {77},

  Abstract                 = {A formal model of electoral behavior is developed under the assumption that candidates have policy preferences as well as an interest in winning per se. This model is shown to have an equilibrium in a k-issue space when there are two candidates. The implications of this model are compared to the implications of the Downsian-type model where candidates are interested only in winning. Testable propositions are derived via the use of comparative statics. The results of recent studies are shown to coincide with the synthesis model but not the pure Downsian model. The theoretical model bridges the gap between formal theory and empirical research and unifies a variety of seemingly unrelated studies.}
}

@Article{Wlezien1995,
  Title                    = {The Public as Thermostat: Dynamics of Preferences for Spending},
  Author                   = {Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.2307/2111666},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {981--1000},
  Volume                   = {39},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111666}
}

@Article{Wlezien1996,
  Title                    = {Dynamics of Representation: The Case of US Spending on Defence},
  Author                   = {Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Journaltitle             = {British Journal of Political Science},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {81{--}103},
  Volume                   = {26},

  Abstract                 = {The representation of public preferences in public policy is fundamental to most conceptions of democracy. If representation is effectively undertaken, we would expect to find a correspondence between public preferences for policy and policy itself. If representation is dynamic, policy makers should respond to changes in preferences over time. The integrity of the representational connection, however, rests fundamentally on the expectation that the public actually notices and responds to policy decisions. Such a public would adjust its preferences for 'more' or 'less' policy in response to what policy makers actually do, much like a thermostat. Despite its apparent importance, there is little research that systematically addresses this feedback of policy on preferences over time. Quite simply, we do not know whether the public adjusts its preferences for policy in response to what policy makers do. By implication, we do not fully understand the dynamics of representation. This research begins to address these issues and focuses on the relationships between public preferences and policy in a single, salient domain.}
}

@Article{Wlezien2004,
  Title                    = {Patterns of Representation: Dynamics of Public Preferences and Policy},
  Author                   = {Wlezien, Christopher},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1046/j.1468-2508.2004.00139.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1{--}24},
  Volume                   = {66},

  Abstract                 = {Much research shows that politicians represent public preferences in public policy. Although we know that there is representation, we do not understand the nature of the relationship in different policy areas. We do not know whether and to what extent representation varies across domains. Even where we find representation, we do not know what policy makers actually represent. This article explicitly addresses these issues, focusing on a set of nine spending domains in the United States. At the heart of the article is a simple conjecture: representation varies across domains, and the pattern is symmetrical to the pattern of public responsiveness to budgetary policy itself. Analysis of the relationships between opinion and policy over time in the different spending domains supports the conjecture. The patterns fit quite nicely with what we know about the influence of different issues on voting behavior in American national elections. Based on this analysis, then, it appears that politicians' responsiveness to public preferences reflects the public importance of different policy domains.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1468-2508.2004.00139.x}
}

@Article{WlezienEtAl1997,
  Title                    = {Economic perceptions and vote choice: disentangling the endogeneity},
  Author                   = {Wlezien, Christopher and Franklin, Mark and Twiggs, Daniel},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Behavior},
  Doi                      = {10.1023/A:1024841605168},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {7--17},
  Volume                   = {19}
}

@Article{WolbrechtHartney2014,
  author       = {Wolbrecht,Christina and Hartney,Michael T.},
  title        = {``Ideas about Interests'': Explaining the Changing Partisan Politics of Education},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {12},
  issue        = {03},
  month        = sep,
  pages        = {603--630},
  issn         = {1541-0986},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592714001613},
  abstract     = {In recent years, the American political parties have shifted their positions on elementary and secondary education policy, both relative to each other and to their own past positions. Established explanations for party issue position-taking privilege the influence of groups in the parties' coalitions; yet in this case, both parties have taken positions opposed by important components of their bases. We develop a general framework for understanding party issue position adoption and change that highlights the role of issue definition -- the considerations, values, and goals associated with a policy debate at any one time. This framework helps us to explain the participation and preferences of groups regarding an issue; the perceived ideological fit and strategic benefits of issue positions for parties; and how parties negotiate and manage issue conflict within their coalition. We apply that framework to the case of education policy, showing how education issue definition has changed over time -- from a focus on resources and equality to an emphasis on values and excellence -- and how those changes have been consequential for each party's changing, and converging, positions on education policy. We conclude by discussing the potential application of our model of party issue positioning to other issues in American politics.},
  numpages     = {28},
}

@Article{WolfZohlnhofer2009,
  Title                    = {Investing in human capital? The determinants of private education expenditure in 26 OECD countries},
  Author                   = {Wolf, Frieder and Zohlnhfer, Reimut},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0958928709104738},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {230--244},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {By employing multiple regression analysis, the article identifies the social, economic and political determinants of overall private education expenditure and private spending on tertiary education in 26 OECD countries, testing hypotheses derived from theories of comparative public policy. We find that overall private education expenditure is higher in federal countries and under Conservative parties in government, while it is lower where voters prefer state-centred solutions, where Catholicism is strong and where a Church tax exists. Analysing private expenses for tertiary education only, these findings reappear with one exception: the size of the student population, which is without substantive effect on general private education expenditure, yields the largest single effect in the tertiary sector.}
}

@Article{Wolf2012,
  Title                    = {Time to use room for manoeuvre},
  Author                   = {Wolf, Martin},
  Date                     = {2012-12-05},
  Journaltitle             = {Financial Times},
  Url                      = {http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/cb107fa2-3a5c-11e2-baac-00144feabdc0.html}
}

@Article{Wolf2008,
  Title                    = {School Voucher Programs: What the Research Says About Parental School Choice},
  Author                   = {Wolf, Patrick J.},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Brigham Young University Law Review},
  Volume                   = {415}
}

@Article{WolfEtAl2013,
  Title                    = {School Vouchers and Student Outcomes: Experimental Evidence from Washington, {DC}},
  Author                   = {Wolf, Patrick J. and Kisida, Brian and Gutmann, Babette and Puma, Michael and Eissa, Nada and Rizzo, Lou},
  Date                     = {2013},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/pam.21691},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {246--270},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {School vouchers are the most contentious form of parental school choice. Vouchers provide government funds that parents can use to send their children to private schools of their choice. Here we examine the empirical question of whether or not a school voucher program in Washington, DC, affected achievement or the rate of high school graduation for participating students. The District of Columbia Opportunity Scholarship Program (OSP) has operated in the nation's capital since 2004, funded by a federal government appropriation. Because the program was oversubscribed in its early years of operation, and vouchers were awarded by lottery, we were able to use the `gold standard' evaluation method of a randomized experiment to determine what impacts the OSP had on student outcomes. Our analysis revealed compelling evidence that the DC voucher program had a positive impact on high school graduation rates, suggestive evidence that the program increased reading achievement, and no evidence that it affected math achievement. We discuss the implications of these findings in light of recent policy developments including the reauthorization of the OSP and the enactment or expansion of more than a dozen school voucher or voucher-type programs throughout the United States in 2011 and 2012.}
}

@Article{WolfMcShane2012,
  Title                    = {Is the Juice Worth the Squeeze? A Benefit/Cost Analysis of the District of Columbia Opportunity Scholarship Program},
  Author                   = {Wolf, Patrick J. and McShane, Michael},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Education Finance and Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1162/EDFP_a_00083},
  ISSN                     = {1557-3060},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {74--99},
  Volume                   = {8},

  Abstract                 = {School voucher programs have become a prominent aspect of the education policy landscape in the United States. The DC Opportunity Scholarship Program is the only federally funded voucher program in the United States. Since 2004 it has offered publicly funded private school vouchers to nearly four thousand students to attend any of seventy-three different private schools in Washington, DC. An official experimental evaluation of the program, sponsored by the federal government's Institute of Education Sciences, found that the students who were awarded Opportunity Scholarships graduated from high school at a rate 12 percentage points higher than the students in the randomized control group. This article estimates the benefit/cost ratio of the DC Opportunity Scholarship Program, primarily by considering the increased graduation rate that it induced and the estimated positive economic returns to increased educational attainment. We find a benefit to cost ratio of 2.62, or $2.62 in benefits for every dollar spent on the program.},
  Booktitle                = {Education Finance and Policy},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Online{Wolf2012a,
  Title                    = {Conservatives Worry Ben Bernanke's Fed Action Could Re-Elect Obama},
  Author                   = {Wolf, Z. Byron},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Url                      = {http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2012/09/conservatives-worry-ben-bernankes-fed-action-could-re-elect-obama/},
  Month                    = sep,
  Note                     = {Published by ABC News},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2012/09/conservatives-worry-ben-bernankes-fed-action-could-re-elect-obama/},
  Timestamp                = {2012.09.18}
}

@Book{Wolff1996,
  Title                    = {An Introduction to Political Philosophy},
  Author                   = {Wolff, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Edition                  = {1},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Wolff2006,
  Title                    = {An Introduction to Political Philosophy},
  Author                   = {Wolff, Jonathan},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Edition                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Wolffde-Shalit2007,
  Title                    = {Disadvantage},
  Author                   = {Wolff, Jonathan and {de-Shalit}, Avner},
  Date                     = {2007},
  ISBN                     = {9780199278268},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Wolff1970,
  Title                    = {In Defense of Anarchism},
  Author                   = {Wolff, Robert Paul},
  Date                     = {1970},
  ISBN                     = {978-0520215733},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Harper \& Row}
}

@Article{Wolhuter1997,
  Title                    = {Classification of National Education Systems: A Multivariate Approach},
  Author                   = {Wolhuter, C. C},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Education Review},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {161--177},
  Volume                   = {41}
}

@Book{Woll2014,
  Title                    = {The Power of Collective Inaction: Bank Bailouts in Comparison},
  Author                   = {Woll, Cornelia},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Location                 = {Ithaca, NY},
  Publisher                = {Cornell University Press}
}

@Article{WollebaekEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {Three Forms of Interpersonal Trust: Evidence from Swedish Municipalities},
  Author                   = {Wolleb{\ae}k, Dag and Lund{\aa}sen, Susanne Wallman and Tr{\"a}g{\aa}rd, Lars},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00291.x},
  ISSN                     = {1467-9477},
  Pages                    = {no--no},

  Abstract                 = {Social trust is usually treated as a dichotomy between particularized and generalized trust. In this article it is argued that a third distinct form, community trust, is neither particularized nor generalized and bounded in space rather than persons. Factor analysis of survey data from 33 Swedish municipalities (N = 6,453) distinguishes between particularized, generalized and community trust. Furthermore, regression analyses show that the three trust forms have partly distinct antecedents and linked to different types of behaviours. While generalized trust best predicts leaps of faith in relation to strangers, community trust is the only trust form significantly predicting taking part in local problem solving. Finally, multilevel analysis shows that community trust is the trust form most vulnerable to changes with respect to ethnic diversity and socioeconomic equality.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00291.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{Wollmann2004,
  Title                    = {Local Government Reforms in {Great Britain}, {Sweden}, {Germany} and {France}: Between Multi-Function and Single-Purpose Organisations},
  Author                   = {Wollmann, Hellmut},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Local Government Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/0300393042000318030},
  ISSN                     = {0300-3930},
  Month                    = dec,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {639--665},
  Volume                   = {30},

  Abstract                 = {This four-country comparison has four sections. First, some remarks on appropriate definitions and concepts are made (inter alia by introducing and emphasising the distinction between 'traditional' and New Public Management-inspired administrative reforms). Then, country by country accounts of the pertinent reforms are submitted 'in a nutshell'. Third, with the 'convergence or divergence?' question in mind, the conclusion is put forward that significant differences persist (and even increase), particularly between Sweden and Germany, on the one hand, and England and France on the other. In the final section, an attempt is made to assess the 'performance' of the different local government systems in looking at their capacity to 'co-ordinate' policies and activities. It is argued that Sweden's and Germany's traditional type of democratically accountable, multi-functional and territorially viable local government does relatively well in achieving policy co-ordination, democratic participation and political accountability. Great Britain and France, however, could do better.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0300393042000318030},
  Booktitle                = {Local Government Studies},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.07}
}

@Book{Wolman1936,
  author     = {Wolman, Leo},
  date       = {1936},
  title      = {Ebb and Flow in Trade Unionism},
  location   = {New York},
  publisher  = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  annotation = {A study of the trade union movement in the United States. Includes ideas that government policy (and therefore, presumably, partisanship) can affect union growth/density/levels.},
}

@Online{WomensBudgetGroup2010,
  Title                    = {Budget Proposals in Party Manifestos {May} 2010},
  Author                   = {{Women's Budget Group}},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Url                      = {http://wbg.org.uk/RRB_Reports_12_3556891183.pdf},
  Note                     = {Accessed 21 Feb 2013}
}

@Article{WongLangevin2007,
  Title                    = {Policy Expansion of School Choice in the {America}n States},
  Author                   = {Wong, Kenneth K. and Langevin, Warren E.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Peabody Journal of Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/01619560701313085},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {440--472},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {This research study explores the policy expansion of school choice within the methodological approach of event history analysis. The first section provides a comparative overview of state adoption of public school choice laws. After creating a statistical portrait of the contemporary landscape for school choice, the authors introduce event history analysis as a methodological solution to the problem of measuring policy expansion. Building on previous studies in the social science literature, we proceed to discuss political, economic, and social factors related to the passage of charter school laws. A multivariate analysis finds state adoption is significantly related to partisan gubernatorial control, classroom spending, private schools, education finance litigation, and minority representation. The final section discusses the empirical results in the modern policy environment and proposes future directions for comparative state research.}
}

@Article{WongShen2002,
  Title                    = {Politics of State-Led Reform in Education: Market Competition and Electoral Dynamics},
  Author                   = {Wong, Kenneth K. and Shen, Francis X.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {Educational Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0895904802016001009},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {161--192},
  Url                      = {http://www.fxshen.com/Wong\&Shen_2002_EducationalPolicy.pdf},
  Volume                   = {16},

  Abstract                 = {State-led educational initiatives have gained prominence across the nation. In this study, the authors examine two very different types of reform-state adoption of charter school legislation and state implementation of school district take-over-to explore the proposition that the type of education reform a state chooses will be significantly affected by a state's electoral dynamics, that is, the extent to which there is political competition or party dominance in a given state. The authors examine charter schools and school district takeover with the expectation that the factors leading to charter schools in a state will be different than the political climate in which takeover reform is realized. To test various hypotheses on the role of electoral dynamics in state-led reform, the authors use an event history analysis using pooled cross-sectional time-series and a traditional cross-sectional model using ordinary least square regression techniques.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.fxshen.com/Wong%5C&Shen_2002_EducationalPolicy.pdf},
  Bdsk-url-2               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904802016001009}
}

@Article{Wonka2007,
  Title                    = {Technocratic and independent? The appointment of {Europe}an Commissioners and its policy implications},
  Author                   = {Wonka, Arndt},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760601122241},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {169--189},
  Volume                   = {14},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760601122241}
}

@Article{Wonka2008,
  Title                    = {Decision-making dynamics in the {Europe}an Commission: partisan, national or sectoral?},
  Author                   = {Wonka, Arndt},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/13501760802407656},
  Number                   = {8},
  Pages                    = {1145--1163},
  Volume                   = {15},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760802407656}
}

@Article{WoodTheobald2003,
  Title                    = {Political Responsiveness and Equity in Public Education Finance},
  Author                   = {Wood, B. Dan and Theobald, Nick A},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/1468-2508.00209},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {718{--}738},
  Volume                   = {65},

  Abstract                 = {This study explores how politics affects the propensity of the American states to pursue equity in local outcomes. Using state education finance as an object of analysis, we develop a theoretical model that emphasizes the social welfare implications of equity versus allocative efficiency and distributive politics. We then hypothesize that the relative liberalism of a state's citizens and institutions should affect both the weight attached to equity in the social welfare function and the ability of the courts to alter those weights. Using a panel design, we explain state funding allocations to 8,048 local school districts from 1992 through 1996. The statistical results show that the relative emphasis on equity differs substantially across states based on political values. States with conservative citizens and institutions place less emphasis on revenue equity than states with liberal citizens and institutions. Judicial mandates are generally unsuccessful in producing more equal allocations but are more successful when accompanied by receptive citizens and institutions. The larger implication is that responsiveness to political values is a major determinant of state propensity toward equalizing outcomes across local jurisdictions.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.00209}
}

@Article{WoodfieldGunby2003,
  Title                    = {The Marketization of {New Zealand} Schools: Assessing Fiske and Ladd},
  Author                   = {Woodfield, Alan and Gunby, Philip},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  Doi                      = {10.1257/002205103322436214},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {863--884},
  Volume                   = {41},

  Abstract                 = {Edward Fiske and Helen Ladd's review of market-based educational reforms in New Zealand are assessed in light of recent developments. We agree that predicted benefits were overstated, that there were both losers and winners, and that educational nirvana did not result. In our view, however, the main impact was to make schools' problems more transparent, creating discomforting pressures and attempts to undermine this transparency. We examine responses to changes in zoning laws, the effects of socioeconomic status on observed outcomes, signalling and value-added behavior, and school accountability. We find that educational reforms produce substantial short-term changes, largely on the demand-side.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/002205103322436214}
}

@Article{Woodford2011,
  author       = {Woodford, Michael},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics},
  title        = {Simple Analytics of the Government Expenditure Multiplier},
  doi          = {10.1257/mac.3.1.1},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--35},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {This paper explains the key factors that determine the output multiplier of government purchases in New Keynesian models, through a series of simple examples that can be solved analytically. Sticky prices or wages allow for larger multipliers than in a neoclassical model, though the size of the multiplier depends crucially on the monetary policy response. A multiplier well in excess of one is possible when monetary policy is constrained by the zero lower bound, and in this case welfare increases if government purchases expand to partially fill the output gap that arises from the inability to lower interest rates.},
}

@Article{Woodhouse2004,
  Title                    = {UK Ministerial Responsibility in 2002: The Tale of Two Resignations},
  Author                   = {Woodhouse, Diana},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0033-3298.2004.00380.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {1--19},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {The resignations in 2002 of Stephen Byers and Estelle Morris (UK Secretaries of State for Transport and Education respectively) suggest the need to review the constitutional and political aspects of resignation. In both cases, ministers recognized that they had failed in the oversight or supervision of their departments and thus in the fulfilment of their ministerial role. Their resignations therefore provide evidence of a move away from {\textquoteleft}causal responsibility{\textquoteright}, with its complication of the policy/operations and accountability/responsibility distinctions, towards {\textquoteleft}role responsibility{\textquoteright}. In so doing, they raise the possibility that what are commonly understood as {\textquoteleft}departmental fault{\textquoteright} resignations may be more appropriately subsumed within an expanded category of personal fault. The resignations also challenge Finer's thesis on the conditions that need to be meet for a resignation to be forthcoming. In neither instance was the political party out for blood or the prime minister unbending. In both cases the press was relentless, suggesting that the media has become a prime actor in determining resignation, and the minister yielding, a recognition, perhaps, of constitutional principle over political pragmatism.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-3298.2004.00380.x}
}

@Article{Woodley2007,
  Title                    = {Ending the Labour-union link would benefit only the Tories},
  Author                   = {Woodley, Tony},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {The Guardian},
  Url                      = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/jul/13/comment.politics1},

  Abstract                 = {We may not get all we want from the party, but we'd have less influence from the outside, says Tony Woodley},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/jul/13/comment.politics1},
  Timestamp                = {2011.09.27}
}

@Article{Woods2001,
  Title                    = {Implementation of School Choice Policy: interpretation and response by parents of students with special educational needs},
  Author                   = {Woods, G and Bagley, C and Woods, C.A},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {British Educational Research Journal},
  Pages                    = {287--311},
  Volume                   = {27},

  Abstract                 = {In England a restructured school system has been functioning throughout the 1990s. An integral aspect of this restructuring is the creation of a more competitive public-market school system aimed at enhancing parental opportunities for choice amongst publicly-funded schools. What has been the experience of the restructured system by one particular group of parents with specific needs and preferences, namely parents of students with special educational needs (SEN)? This article is intended to provide empirically-based insights into the preferences, perceptions and responses of such parents. It draws on analyses of quantitative and qualitative data generated by a large-scale, more general research study on school choice, funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ref. no. R000234079). The findings reveal the depth and range of problems and difficulties encountered by parents of SEN students as they attempt to exercise choice in a more competitive public-market environment.}
}

@Article{Wooldridge2001,
  Title                    = {Applications of Generalized Method of Moments Estimation},
  Author                   = {Wooldridge, Jeffrey M},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {87{--}100},
  Volume                   = {15}
}

@Book{Wooldridge2002,
  Title                    = {Econometric Analysis of Cross Section and Panel Data},
  Author                   = {Wooldridge, Jeffrey M.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Book{Wooldridge2003,
  Title                    = {Introductory Econometrics: A Modern Approach},
  Author                   = {Wooldridge, Jeffrey M.},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Edition                  = {Second},
  Location                 = {Mason, OH},
  Publisher                = {South-Western},

  Timestamp                = {2011.06.07}
}

@Article{Worcester1984,
  Title                    = {The Polls: {Britain} at the Polls 1945--1983},
  Author                   = {Worcester, Robert M.},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {824--833},
  Volume                   = {48}
}

@Online{WorldBank2015,
  Title                    = {World Development Indicators},
  Author                   = {{World Bank}},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Url                      = {http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/world-development-indicators},
  Urldate                  = {2015-12-06}
}

@Article{WrenRehm2014,
  Title                    = {The end of the consensus? Labour market developments and the politics of retrenchment},
  Author                   = {Wren, Anne and Rehm, Philipp},
  Date                     = {2014},
  Journaltitle             = {Socio-Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/ser/mwu012},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {409--435},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {Recent decades have witnessed rapidly increasing levels of trade in several areas of services. This development affects the distribution of workers at different skill levels between exposed and sheltered sectors. Using EU-KLEMS data, we show that low- and medium-skilled workers have become increasingly concentrated in sectors sheltered from global markets. High-skilled workers, in contrast, have become increasingly concentrated in sectors that are internationally exposed. We contend that this shift has important consequences for welfare state politics. While conventional wisdom has it that exposure to international trade fuels demand for social protection, we argue that international trade is correlated with more conservative social policy attitudes and less support for left parties, at least for highly skilled workers (likely because exposed workers worry about international competitiveness). We present evidence, based on European Social Surveys, that is consistent with our account.}
}

@Article{Wren-Lewis2015,
  Title                    = {The Macroeconomic Record of the Coalition Government},
  Author                   = {Wren-Lewis, Simon},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {National Institute Economic Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/002795011523100102},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {R5--R16},
  Volume                   = {231},

  Abstract                 = {This paper examines the outcomes for changes introduced by the UK Coalition government in 2010. The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) is generally regarded as a success, and should become a permanent part of fiscal policymaking. The form of the primary fiscal mandate, involving a five-year rolling target, appears to be a sensible way to shape fiscal decisions when monetary policy is able to stabilise the economy. Unfortunately it was introduced, along with a five-year programme of severe fiscal consolidation (austerity), while the economy was in a liquidity trap. The OBR estimates austerity reduced GDP growth by 1 per cent in both 2010-11 and 2011-12, and monetary policy was unable to offset this. For the Liberal Democrats a misreading of the Eurozone crisis may have been responsible for this mistake, but for the Conservatives this mistake appears to derive from an unconventional view that the liquidity trap is unimportant.}
}

@Article{Wren-Lewis2015a,
  Title                    = {The Austerity Con},
  Author                   = {Wren-Lewis, Simon},
  Date                     = {2015-02-19},
  Journaltitle             = {London Review of Books},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {9--11},
  Url                      = {http://www.lrb.co.uk/v37/n04/simon-wren-lewis/the-austerity-con},
  Volume                   = {37}
}

@Online{Wren-Lewis2016,
  Title                    = {A General Theory of Austerity},
  Author                   = {Wren-Lewis, Simon},
  Date                     = {2016-05},
  Url                      = {https://www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/sites/www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/files/documents/BSG-WP-2016-014.pdf},
  Note                     = {BSG-WP-2016/014},
  Urldate                  = {2016-06-03},

  Abstract                 = {Austerity is defined as a fiscalcontraction that causes a significant increase in aggregate unemployment. For the global economy, or an economy with a flexible exchange rate, or a monetary union as a whole, an increase in unemployment following a fiscal consolidation can and should be avoided because monetary policy can normally offset the demand impact of the consolidation. The tragedy of global austerity after 2010 was that fiscal consolidation was not delayed until monetary policy was able to do this.

An individual member of a currency union that requires a greater fiscal contraction than the union as a whole cannot use its own monetary policy to offset the impact of fiscal consolidation. Even in this case, however, a sharp and deep fiscal contraction is unlikely to be optimal. Providing this economy is in a union where the central bank acts as a sovereign lender of last resort, a more gradual fiscal adjustment is likely to minimise the unemployment cost.

As the theory behind these propositions is simple and widely accepted, the interesting question is why global austerity happened. Was austerity an unfortunate accident, or is there a more general political economy explanation for why it occurred? Answeringthis question is vital to avoid the next global recession being followed by yet more austerity.},
  HowPublished             = {Blavatnik School of Government Working Paper Series}
}

@Book{WrightMills1956,
  Title                    = {The Power Elite},
  Author                   = {{Wright Mills}, C.},
  Date                     = {1956},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Article{WrightMills1958,
  author       = {{Wright Mills}, C.},
  date         = {1958},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {The Structure of Power in {America}n Society},
  doi          = {10.2307/587620},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {29--41},
  volume       = {9},
}

@Book{Wright1997,
  Title                    = {Class Counts: Comparative Studies in Class Analysis},
  Author                   = {Wright, Erik Olin},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Article{WrightSchaffner2002,
  Title                    = {The Influence of Party: Evidence from the State Legislatures},
  Author                   = {Wright, Gerald C. and Schaffner, Brian F.},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055402000229},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {367--379},
  Volume                   = {96},

  Abstract                 = {American legislative studies in recent years have been occupied to a large degree with the question of the effects of political parties on the policy behavior of elected legislators, with most of the research focusing on the U.S. Congress. We undertake a comparative analysis of state legislatures for a window into the character and extent of party's effects. Specifically, we compare the impact of party on the partisan polarization and dimensionality of campaign issue stances and roll call voting in the Kansas Senate and the largely comparable, though nonpartisan, Nebraska Unicameral. This comparison offers us a nice quasi-experiment to assess the impact of party by establishing a baseline condition in Nebraska for what happens when party is absent. We argue that party lends order to conflict, producing the ideological low-dimensional space that is a trademark of American politics. Where parties are not active in the legislature --- Nebraska is our test case --- the clear structure found in partisan politics disappears. This works to sever the connection between voters and their elected representatives and, with it, the likelihood of electoral accountability that is essential for the health of liberal democracy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055402000229}
}

@Article{Wright2009,
  Title                    = {How Foreign Aid Can Foster Democratization in Authoritarian Regimes},
  Author                   = {Wright, Joseph},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Journaltitle             = {American Journal of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00386.x},
  ISSN                     = {1540-5907},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {552--571},
  Volume                   = {53},

  Abstract                 = {Donors in recent years have made some foreign aid conditional on progress toward democracy. This study investigates whether and how such conditionality works in practice. The promise of higher aid if the country democratizes only provides an incentive for democratization for political leaders who expect to remain in office after democratization occurs. I show that dictators with large distributional coalitions, who have a good chance of winning fair elections, tend to respond to aid by democratizing. In contrast, aid helps dictators with the smallest distributional coalitions hang on to power. I present a model that shows a dictator's decision calculus, given different a priori support coalitions and varying degrees of aid conditionality, and test the model implications with data from 190 authoritarian regimes in 101 countries from 1960 to 2002.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00386.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{WrightWinters2010,
  Title                    = {The Politics of Effective Foreign Aid},
  Author                   = {Wright, Joseph and Winters, Matthew},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Journaltitle             = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Doi                      = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.032708.143524},
  ISSN                     = {1094-2939},
  Month                    = may,
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {61--80},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {There is little consensus on whether foreign aid can reliably increase economic growth in recipient countries. We review the literature on aid allocation and provide new evidence suggesting that since 1990 aid donors reward political contestation but not political inclusiveness. Then we examine some challenges in analyzing cross-national data on the aid/growth relationship. Finally, we discuss the causal mechanisms through which foreign aid might affect growth and argue that politics can be viewed as both (a) an exogenous constraint that conditions the causal process linking aid to growth and (b) an endogenous factor that is affected by foreign aid and in turn impacts economic growth.
There is little consensus on whether foreign aid can reliably increase economic growth in recipient countries. We review the literature on aid allocation and provide new evidence suggesting that since 1990 aid donors reward political contestation but not political inclusiveness. Then we examine some challenges in analyzing cross-national data on the aid/growth relationship. Finally, we discuss the causal mechanisms through which foreign aid might affect growth and argue that politics can be viewed as both (a) an exogenous constraint that conditions the causal process linking aid to growth and (b) an endogenous factor that is affected by foreign aid and in turn impacts economic growth.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.032708.143524},
  Booktitle                = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  Comment                  = {doi: 10.1146/annurev.polisci.032708.143524},
  Publisher                = {Annual Reviews},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{Wright2012,
  Title                    = {Unemployment and the Democratic Electoral Advantage},
  Author                   = {Wright, John R.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {American Political Science Review},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0003055412000330},
  ISSN                     = {1537-5943},
  Issue                    = {4},
  Month                    = nov,
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {685--702},
  Volume                   = {106},

  Abstract                 = {This article calls into question the conventional wisdom that incumbent parties are rewarded when unemployment is low and punished when it is high. Using county-level data on unemployment and election returns for 175 midterm gubernatorial elections and 4 presidential elections from 1994 to 2010, the analysis finds that unemployment and the Democratic vote for president and governor move together. Other things being equal, higher unemployment increases the vote shares of Democratic candidates. The effect is greatest when Republicans are the incumbent party, but Democrats benefit from unemployment even when they are in control. The explanation for these findings is that unemployment is a partisan issue for voters, not a valence issue, and that the Democratic Party ``owns'' unemployment. When unemployment is high or rising, Democratic candidates can successfully convince voters that they are the party best able to solve the problem.}
}

@Article{Wright1986,
  author       = {Randall Wright},
  date         = {1986},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {The redistributive roles of unemployment insurance and the dynamics of voting},
  doi          = {10.1016/0047-2727(86)90066-6},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {377--399},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {Public unemployment insurance is analyzed as the majority voting equilibrium policy of a dynamic stochastic economy. Abstracting from incentive effects, we focus on redistribution. Some results are: because of the distribution of heterogeneous employment opportunities, public insurance may be democratically chosen even if complete private markets exist: and because of the dynamics, even when agents are intrinsically homogeneous, the equilibrium benefit level (or duration-benefit schedule) deviates from what has been described as optimal in the literature. The effects of differences in the average frequency or duration of unemployment on equilibrium taxes and benefits are investigated, with some unanticipated results.},
}

@Article{Wright1975,
  Title                    = {Presidentialism and the Parties in the French Fifth Republic},
  Author                   = {Wright, Vincent},
  Date                     = {1975},
  Journaltitle             = {Government and Opposition},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1477-7053.1975.tb00628.x},
  Pages                    = {24--45},
  Volume                   = {10},

  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1975.tb00628.x}
}

@Article{WrinkleEtAl1999,
  author       = {Wrinkle, Robert D. and Stewart, Joseph, Jr. and Polinard, J. L.},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Public School Quality, Private Schools, and Race},
  issn         = {0092-5853},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1248--1253},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2991826},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Recent research suggests two competing theories explaining the relationship between public school performance and private school enrollment. The "market reform" theory posits that poor public school performance drives private school enrollment. A competing theory, suggested by Smith and Meier, contends that private school enrollment is a result of desires for religious instruction and racially segregated schools. We apply regression analyses to a pooled data set of seventy-three Texas counties over the period of 1991-95. Our analysis provides partial support for the Smith and Meier findings and no support for the ``market reform'' position.},
  publisher    = {Midwest Political Science Association},
}

@Article{Wyplosz1997,
  Title                    = {EMU: Why and How It Might Happen},
  Author                   = {Wyplosz, Charles},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {3--21},
  Volume                   = {11}
}

@Article{Yack1996,
  author       = {Bernard Yack},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Critical Review},
  title        = {The myth of the civic nation},
  doi          = {10.1080/08913819608443417},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {193--211},
  volume       = {10},
  abstract     = {The idea of a purely civic nationalism has attracted Western scholars, most of whom rightly disdain the myths that sustain ethnonationalist theories of political community. Civic nationalism is particularly attractive to many Americans, whose peculiar national heritage encourages the delusion that their mutual association is based solely on consciously chosen principles. But this idea misrepresents political reality as surely as the ethnonationalist myths it is designed to combat. And propagating a new political myth is an especially inappropriate way of defending the legacy of Enlightenment liberalism from the dangers posed by the growth of nationalist political passions.},
}

@Article{Yates1997,
  Title                    = {Changing directions in {Australia}n housing policies: The end of muddling through?},
  Author                   = {Yates, Judith},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039708720895},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {265{--}277},
  Volume                   = {12},

  Abstract                 = {From the post-war period through to the 1980s, Australia's housing system was dominated by tenure-based policies directed towards home ownership and the provision of public housing. Private tenants were virtually excluded from housing assistance of any form. The 1990s, however, have seen an apparent U-turn in housing policies with elimination of explicit home ownership policies, the withdrawal from direct involvement in public housing funding and a rapid expansion of rental assistance for private tenants. Australia is about to follow its New Zealand neighbour in undertaking a wholesale shift away from direct intervention in the production of housing and moving towards consumer subsidies which rely on the effective operation of the private sector in meeting housing needs. This paper provides a brief overview of changes in policies towards home ownership, public rental and private rental, a framework for interpreting these and an assessment of the appropriateness of the directions currently being followed in light of current economic trends.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039708720895}
}

@Article{YatesWhitehead1998,
  Title                    = {In Defence of Greater Agnosticism: A Response to Galster's `Comparing Demand-side and Supply-side Housing Policies'},
  Author                   = {Yates, Judith and Whitehead, Christine},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Journaltitle             = {Housing Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/02673039883353},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {415{--}423},
  Volume                   = {13},

  Abstract                 = {This paper provides a response to Galster's claim that demand-side subsidies are generally superior to supply-side subsidies. It argues that Galster's conclusion is based on a US view of how different housing systems work, that it fails to consider empirical outcomes, that it abstracts from the structure and delivery of subsidies and, despite recognising the importance of this, that it ignores the particular contexts within which markets operate. It also queries Galster's choice of goals against which policy effectiveness is assessed. Galster ignores the direct impact of subsidy design on recipient households; he ignores the effect of delivery mechanisms on social segregation and socio-tenurial polarisation; he ignores a range of macro-economic concerns. The paper presents a case for greater agnosticism in the light of imperfect information.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039883353}
}

@Article{YatesWulff2000,
  Title                    = {W(h)ither Low Cost Private Rental Housing?},
  Author                   = {Yates, Judith and Wulff, Maryann},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Urban Policy and Research},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/08111140008727823},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {45--64},
  Volume                   = {18},

  Abstract                 = {This paper uses census data for 1986 and 1996 to estimate the shortage of low cost private rental stock in Australia. During this period there was a 34 per cent increase in the number of households in private rental, with a disproportionate growth in households with either low or high incomes. At the same time, however, the private rental stock affordable for these households declined significantly. This combination of increased need and decreased supply has resulted in an overall shortage of low cost stock. This shortage is exacerbated by a `misallocation' of existing low cost stock, arising from its use by high income households.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08111140008727823}
}

@Article{YesilkagitChristensen2010,
  Title                    = {Institutional Design and Formal Autonomy: Political versus Historical and Cultural Explanations},
  Author                   = {Yesilkagit, Kutsal and Christensen, J{\o}rgen Gr{\o}nnegaard},
  Date                     = {2010-01-01},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  Doi                      = {10.1093/jopart/mup002},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {53--74},
  Volume                   = {20},

  Abstract                 = {This article tests two competing hypotheses in the study of the institutional design of regulatory agencies. Political explanations consider the degree of institutional design of regulatory agencies as a function of political factors, such as the degree of policy conflict and political uncertainty. By contrast, historical-cultural explanations of institutional design claim that the design of regulatory agencies is a function of path dependency and national administrative traditions. In this article, we test these hypotheses on a data set of 293 regulatory agencies that were created between 1945 and 2000 in Sweden, the Netherlands, and Denmark. We find strong support for historical-cultural explanations, while our findings suggest that political factors play almost no role in the institutional design of regulatory agencies within parliamentary regimes.}
}

@Article{YesilkagitdeVries2004,
  Title                    = {Reform Styles of Political and Administrative Elites in Majoritarian and Consensus Democracies: Public Management Reforms in {New Zealand} and the {Netherlands}},
  Author                   = {Yesilkagit, Kutsal and de Vries, Jouke},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Administration},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.0033-3298.2004.00426.x},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {951--974},
  Volume                   = {82},

  Abstract                 = {One of the most important claims advanced by comparative public management reform studies is that these reforms have been more successfully implemented in majoritarian than in consensus democracies. The claim is built on the premise that the institutional structure of a majoritarian democracy enables a parliamentary majority to implement policies unilaterally and in a desired way whereas the institutional structure of a consensus democracy forces parliamentary majorities to negotiate compromises. This claim, we argue, lacks sufficient empirical backing, is biased by studies focusing on the initiation of reforms, and needs serious rethinking in the light of recent empirical studies that downplay the salience of institutions as an explanatory factor for variations in policy reform. With The Netherlands and New Zealand as cases, this article first shows that far-reaching reforms can be implemented in consensus systems too; secondly, it develops a model that centres on the interplay between institutions and politicians' reform styles and applies this to these countries.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-3298.2004.00426.x}
}

@Article{Yetiv2003,
  author       = {Yetiv, Steve A.},
  date         = {2003},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Groupthink and the Gulf Crisis},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123403000231},
  issn         = {1469-2112},
  issue        = {03},
  pages        = {419--442},
  url          = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S0007123403000231},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {`Groupthink' refers to a situation in which decision makers seek to achieve concurrence among group members more than to make calculated, carefully considered decisions. In this study, the theory is explored in the case of the 1990--91 Persian Gulf crisis, with particular emphasis on President George Bush's inner circle. Using rare interviews and primary sources, it is revealed that some important conditions of the theory were present that affected how decisions were made, and it is explained theoretically why the outcome was none the less positive, contrary to what the theory would seem to predict.},
  month        = jul,
}

@Article{Yom2015,
  Title                    = {From Methodology to Practice: Inductive Iteration in Comparative Research},
  Author                   = {Yom, Sean},
  Date                     = {2015},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414014554685},
  Number                   = {5},
  Pages                    = {616--644},
  Volume                   = {48},

  Abstract                 = {Most methods in comparative politics prescribe a deductive template of research practices that begins with proposing hypotheses, proceeds into analyzing data, and finally concludes with confirmatory tests. In reality, many scholars move back and forth between theory and data in creating causal explanations, beginning not with hypotheses but hunches and constantly revising their propositions in response to unexpected discoveries. Used transparently, such inductive iteration has contributed to causal knowledge in comparative-historical analysis, analytic narratives, and statistical approaches. Encouraging such practices across methodologies not only adds to the toolbox of comparative analysis but also casts light on how much existing work often lacks transparency. Because successful hypothesis testing facilitates publication, yet as registration schemes and mandatory replication do not exist, abusive practices such as data mining and selective reporting find easy cover behind the language of deductive proceduralism. Productive digressions from the deductive paradigm, such as inductive iteration, should not have the stigma associated with such impropriety.}
}

@Incollection{Young2010,
  Title                    = {The Single Market: Deregulation, Reregulation, and Integration},
  Author                   = {Young, Alasdair R.},
  Booktitle                = {Policy-Making in the European Union},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Editor                   = {Helen Wallace, Mark A. Pollack, and Alasdair R. Young},
  Chapter                  = {5},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Pages                    = {107--132},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},

  Abstract                 = {The single European market programme marked a turning point in European integration. Its roots, however, stretch back well before 1985. Detailed harmonization had proved a frustrating approach to market integration, especially as external competition challenged European industry. New ideas about market regulation permeated the EU policy process and, supported by ECJ judgments and Commission entrepreneurship, facilitated legislative acivitism and important changes in the policy-implementing processes. Although the task of `completing' the single market remains unfinished, it has moved ot the heart of European integration and altered the pattern of state--market relations in Europe.}
}

@Article{Young2007,
  Title                    = {Trade Politics Ain't What It Used to Be: The {Europe}an Union in the Doha Round},
  Author                   = {Young, Alasdair R.},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00748.x},
  ISSN                     = {1468-5965},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {789--811},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {The European Union is a key player in the Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations. This article argues that its negotiating position reflects distinctive patterns of politics underlying three aspects of trade policy --- traditional trade policy, commercial policy and social trade policy --- characterized by different sets of actors and political dynamics. Although there is significant variation in the substance of the EU's position within each aspect of trade policy, their distinctive patterns of politics help to explain why the EU's negotiating position is most liberal in traditional trade policy and least in social trade policy.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00748.x},
  Publisher                = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd}
}

@Article{YoungFindley2011,
  Title                    = {Can peace be purchased? A sectoral-level analysis of aid's influence on transnational terrorism},
  Author                   = {Young, Joseph K. and Findley, Michael G.},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Journaltitle             = {Public Choice},
  Doi                      = {10.1007/s11127-011-9875-y},
  ISSN                     = {0048-5829},
  Number                   = {3-4},
  Pages                    = {365--381},
  Volume                   = {149},

  Abstract                 = {Does foreign aid reduce terrorism? We examine whether foreign aid decreases terrorism by analyzing whether aid targeted toward certain sectors is more effective than others. We use the most comprehensive databases on foreign aid and transnational terrorism --- AidData and ITERATE --- to provide a series of statistical tests. Our results show that foreign aid decreases terrorism especially when targeted toward sectors, such as education, health, civil society, and conflict prevention. These sector-level results indicate that foreign aid can be an effective instrument in fighting terrorism if allocated in appropriate ways.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9875-y},
  Booktitle                = {Public Choice},
  Keywords                 = {Foreign aid, Sectoral aid and terrorism, Transnational terrorism, Panel analysis, F35, D74},
  Publisher                = {Springer US},
  Timestamp                = {2012.12.10}
}

@Article{YoungSoroka2012,
  Title                    = {Affective News: The Automated Coding of Sentiment in Political Texts},
  Author                   = {Young, Lori and Soroka, Stuart N.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Political Communication},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/10584609.2012.671234},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {205--231},
  Volume                   = {29},

  Abstract                 = {An increasing number of studies in political communication focus on the sentiment or tone of news content, political speeches, or advertisements. This growing interest in measuring sentiment coincides with a dramatic increase in the volume of digitized information. Computer automation has a great deal of potential in this new media environment. The objective here is to outline and validate a new automated measurement instrument for sentiment analysis in political texts. Our instrument uses a dictionary-based approach consisting of a simple word count of the frequency of keywords in a text from a predefined dictionary. The design of the freely available Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary (LSD) is discussed in detail here. The dictionary is tested against a body of human-coded news content, and the resulting codes are also compared to results from nine existing content-analytic dictionaries. Analyses suggest that the LSD produces results that are more systematically related to human coding than are results based on the other available dictionaries. The LSD is thus a useful starting point for a revived discussion about dictionary construction and validation in sentiment analysis for political communication.}
}

@Book{Young1958,
  Title                    = {The Rise of the Meritocracy},
  Author                   = {Young, Michael Dunlop},
  Date                     = {1958},
  Publisher                = {Thames and Hudson}
}

@Article{Zahariadis2001,
  Title                    = {Asset Specificity and State Subsidies in Industrialized Countries},
  Author                   = {Zahariadis, Nikolaos},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Journaltitle             = {International Studies Quarterly},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/0020-8833.00216},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {603--616},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {Why do national governments in industrialized countries subsidize many of their industries? Borrowing insights from literature on transaction cost economics and international trade, I build a model which tests the hypothesis that under threat of international competition disbursement of state subsidies varies systematically with the degree of asset (factor) specificity employed in a national economy. Asset specificity refers to the cost of moving factors (assets) from one activity to the next. I pool annual data on state subsidies in thirteen OECD countries during the period 1990-93 and regress them on two measures of asset specificity (physical and human capital) in the face of competition from abroad. Physical capital exercises a significant u-shaped effect on total and sectoral subsidies. Human capital has a weak negative effect on horizontal subsidies. The results extend the literature on asset specificity and trade in two ways. First, they provide empirical support in favor of the argument that asset specificity and subsidy protection are related. While theoretical claims concerning asset specificity abound, the literature is generally short of empirical studies. Second, asset specificity helps determine the scope of subsidies.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00216}
}

@Article{Zahariadis2012,
  Title                    = {Complexity, coupling and policy effectiveness: the {Europe}an response to the Greek sovereign debt crisis},
  Author                   = {Zahariadis, Nikolaos},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Public Policy},
  Doi                      = {10.1017/S0143814X12000062},
  Number                   = {02},
  Pages                    = {99--116},
  Volume                   = {32},

  Abstract                 = {What is the impact of Greece's fiscal meltdown on the effectiveness of Europe's response? Using Perrow's normal accidents theory, I argue that efforts to reduce the likelihood of a Greek default activated conflicting centripetal and centrifugal modes of governance. Greater centralisation in decision-making at the European Union level improves policy effectiveness because it addresses problems of contagion but it simultaneously raises the risk of overall failure by increasing diagnosis, coordination and compliance costs. Three episodes are explored: the first bailout in May 2010, the mid-term fiscal strategy in June--July 2011 and the second bailout in February 2012. Implications are drawn for theories of delegation, intergovernmentalism and the future of EU crisis management.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0143814X12000062},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge Journals Online}
}

@Article{Zakaria1992,
  Title                    = {Realism and Domestic Politics: A Review Essay},
  Author                   = {Zakaria, Fareed},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Journaltitle             = {International Security},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {177{--}198},
  Volume                   = {17}
}

@Article{Zaller2012,
  author       = {Zaller, John},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Critical Review},
  title        = {What Nature and Origins Leaves Out},
  doi          = {10.1080/08913811.2012.807648},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {569--642},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion synthesizes leading studies of public opinion from the late 1980s in a top-down model of opinion formation and change. The core feature of this synthesis, the Receive-Accept-Sample (RAS) model, remains sound, but the book overstates the importance of the form of public opinion that it explains --- elite-induced survey statements of issue positions --- and understates the force of opinions that elites cannot easily shape and that citizens may not be able to articulate in response to survey prompts. Moreover, there are major problems in the book's Parable of Purple Land. What, then, becomes of the top-down view of elite-mass interaction outlined in Nature and Origins? To answer this question, I begin by characterizing the kinds of opinions Nature and Origins leaves out: Converse's ``group interest'', ``nature of the times'' voters, and issue publics. I then add a model of political parties as policy-motivated organizers of Converse's voter types. The upshot is an account of elite/mass interactions that is still largely top-down and that has roles for both the elite-led attitudes that the RAS model explains and the less conventional and harder-to-shape attitudes that it overlooks.},
}

@Book{Zaller1992,
  Title                    = {The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion},
  Author                   = {Zaller, John R.},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Quality                  = {1}
}

@Article{Zambeta2000,
  Title                    = {Religion and national identity in Greek education},
  Author                   = {Zambeta, Evie},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Intercultural Education},
  Doi                      = {10.1080/713665239},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {145--156},
  Volume                   = {11},

  Abstract                 = {Religion has been an important element in the shaping of collective identities in Europe in the past. In some cases, for example in Southern and Eastern Europe, religious identities have been associated with the emergence of national awareness and nationalism. This paper argues that in many European countries religion continues to be a key component of identity politics, exercised by the state through education. This process is examined with regard to educational policies and knowledge control in the context of the Greek educational system. It is argued that, in Greece, religious instruction extends far beyond the religious education curriculum, a fact that has certain implications for the secularist character of education, for the construction of dominant identities and for social exclusion practices.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713665239}
}

@Article{ZaxIchniowski1990,
  Title                    = {Bargaining Laws and Unionization in the Local Public Sector},
  Author                   = {Zax, Jeffrey S and Ichniowski, Casey},
  Date                     = {1990},
  Journaltitle             = {Industrial and Labor Relations Review},
  Number                   = {4},
  Pages                    = {447--462},
  Volume                   = {43},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes the effects of bargaining law characteristics on rates of unionization in over 10,000 local government departments, representing five different government services, that were without bargaining units in 1977. Duty-to-bargain laws significantly increased the probability of bargaining union formation between 1977 and 1982. The results of the analysis reject the hypotheses that this effect reflects only underlying union strength, the release of pent-up demand for unionization, or the transformation of nonbargaining unions into bargaining unions. The changes in unionization attributable to duty-to-bargain laws are so large that they account for nearly all of the differences in average unionization rates between states with and without these laws.}
}

@Article{Zehavi2012,
  Title                    = {Welfare State Politics in Privatization of Delivery},
  Author                   = {Zehavi, Amos J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Political Studies},
  Doi                      = {10.1177/0010414011421307},
  Number                   = {2},
  Pages                    = {194--219},
  Volume                   = {45},

  Abstract                 = {This article asks whether alleged partisan policy convergence has eradicated differences in relation to privatization of delivery of welfare state services. The study utilizes a novel methodological approach --- numerous intrastate comparisons set in a consilience research framework --- to assess the extent of convergence and its underlying reasons. It explores the partisan politics of school privatization of delivery across five countries that differ in their position on the left--right continuum: England, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden. Privatization of delivery in health care was selected as a secondary policy domain. Analysis of within-country variation in both domains indicates that there remain significant differences between left and right across all countries. The right tends to set the privatization agenda, and the left is more reluctant than the right to privatize delivery of services. This difference in approach is related to the disparate influence that public and private program constituencies have over left and right parties.}
}

@Article{Zehavi2012a,
  Title                    = {Veto Players, Path Dependency, and Reform of Public Aid Policy Toward Private Schools: {Australia}, {New Zealand}, and the {United States}},
  Author                   = {Zehavi, Amos J.},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Journaltitle             = {Comparative Politics},
  Doi                      = {10.5129/001041512800078922},
  Number                   = {3},
  Pages                    = {311--330},
  Volume                   = {44},

  Abstract                 = {Two main weaknesses of the new institutionalism literature, one associated with veto player theories and the other with path dependency theories, help account for the framework's inadequacy in theorizing change, especially radical change. A comparison of the divergent development of public aid to private schools in three countries --- Australia, New Zealand, and the United States --- demonstrates the importance of two factors that potentially mitigate the status quo-preserving effect of veto points and path dependency: the multifaceted nature of veto points and the political clout of status quo challengers. Even in what initially appear to be highly constrained institutional systems, significant reform can occur, at either a rapid or slow pace.}
}

@Article{Zellner1962,
  Title                    = {An Efficient Method of Estimating Seemingly Unrelated Regressions and Tests for Aggregation Bias},
  Author                   = {Zellner, Arnold},
  Date                     = {1962},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  Number                   = {298},
  Pages                    = {348{--}368},
  Volume                   = {57},

  Abstract                 = {In this paper a method of estimating the parameters of a set of regression equations is reported which involves application of Aitken's generalized least-squares [1] to the whole system of equations. Under conditions generally encountered in practice, it is found that the regression coefficient estimators so obtained are at least asymptotically more efficient than those obtained by an equation-by-equation application of least squares. This gain in efficiency can be quite large if {\"\i}ndependent" variables in different equations are not highly correlated and if disturbance terms in different equations are highly correlated. Further, tests of the hypothesis that all regression equation coefficient vectors are equal, based on "micro" and "macro" data, are described. If this hypothesis is accepted, there will be no aggregation bias. Finally, the estimation procedure and the "micro-test" for aggregation bias are applied in the analysis of annual investment data, 1935-1954, for two firms.}
}

@Unpublished{ZimmerBuddin2005,
  Title                    = {Charter School Performance in Urban School Districts: Are They Closing the Achievement Gap?},
  Author                   = {Zimmer, Ron and Buddin, Richard},
  Date                     = {2005},

  Abstract                 = {In the national effort to improve educational achievement, urban districts offer the greatest challenge as they often serve the most disadvantaged students. Many urban leaders, including mayors and school district superintendents, have initiated charter schools, which are publicly supported, autonomously operated schools of choice, as a mechanism of improving learning for these disadvantaged students. In this analysis, we examine the effect charter schools are having on student achievement generally, and on different demographic groups, in two major urban districts in California . The results show that achievement scores in charters are keeping pace, but not exceeding those in traditional public schools. The findings also show that the charter effect does not vary systematically with the race/ethnicity or English proficiency status of students.}
}

@Article{ZimmerToma2000,
  Title                    = {Peer effects in private and public schools across countries},
  Author                   = {Zimmer, Ron W. and Toma, Eugenia F.},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Journaltitle             = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  Doi                      = {10.1002/(SICI)1520-6688(200024)19:1<75::AID-PAM5>3.0.CO;2-W},
  ISSN                     = {1520-6688},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {75--92},
  Volume                   = {19},

  Abstract                 = {Many argue that the composition of a school or classroom-that is, the characteristics of the students themselves-affect the educational attainment of an individual student. This influence of the students in a classroom is often referred to as a peer effect. There have been few systematic studies that empirically examine the peer effect in the educational process. In this research, we examine the peer effect with a unique data set that includes individual student achievement scores and comprehensive characteristics of the students' families, teachers, other school characteristics, and peers for five countries. The data allow an examination of peer effects in both private and public schools in all countries. Our analysis indicates that peer effects are a significant determinant of educational achievement; the effects of peers appear to be greater for low-ability students than for high-ability students. The finding is robust across countries but not robust across school type. 2000 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.},
  Publisher                = {John Wiley \& Sons, Inc.}
}

@Article{ZohlnhoeferObinger2006,
  Title                    = {Selling Off the `Family Silver': The Politics of Privatization},
  Author                   = {Zohlnh{\"o}fer, Reimut and Obinger, Herbert},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Journaltitle             = {World Political Science Review},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {30--52},
  Volume                   = {2},

  Abstract                 = {The 1990s have witnessed unprecedented attempts at privatizing state owned enterprises in virtually all OECD democracies. This contribution analyzes the differences in the privatization proceeds raised by EU- and OECD-countries between 1990 and 2000. It turns out that privatizations are part of a policy of economic liberalisation in previously highly regulated economies as well as a reaction to the fiscal policy challenges imposed by European integration and the globalisation of financial markets. In addition, institutional pluralism exerts significant and negative effects on privatization proceeds. Partisan differences only emerge if economic problems are moderate, while intense economic, particularly fiscal problems foreclose differing partisan strategies.}
}

@Article{ZohlnhoeferEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Partisan Politics, Globalization, and the Determinants of Privatization Proceeds in Advanced Democracies (1990-2000)},
  Author                   = {Zohlnh{\"o}fer, Reimut and Obinger, Herbert and Wolf, Frieder},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Journaltitle             = {Governance},
  Doi                      = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2007.00387.x},
  Number                   = {1},
  Pages                    = {95{--}121},
  Volume                   = {21},

  Abstract                 = {The 1990s have witnessed unprecedented attempts at privatizing state-owned enterprises in virtually all OECD democracies. This contribution analyzes the extent to which the partisan control of the government can account for the differences in the privatization proceeds raised by EU and OECD countries between 1990 and 2000. It turns out that privatizations are part of a process of economic liberalization in previously highly regulated economies as well as a reaction to the fiscal policy challenges imposed by European integration and the globalization of financial markets. Partisan differences only emerge if economic problems are moderate, while intense economic, particularly fiscal, problems foreclose differing partisan strategies.}
}

@Unpublished{Zudenkova2011,
  Title                    = {Political Competition in Hard Times},
  Author                   = {Zudenkova, Galina},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Month                    = may,
  Note                     = {MPRA Paper No. 30943},
  Url                      = {http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/30943/},

  Abstract                 = {This paper analyzes a spatial model of political competition between two policy-motivated parties in hard times of crisis. Hard times are modeled in terms of policy-making costs carried by a newly elected party. The results predict policy divergence in equilibrium. If the ideological preferences of parties are quite diverse and extreme, there is a unique equilibrium in which the parties announce symmetric platforms and each party wins with probability one half. If one party is extreme while the other is more moderate, there is a unique equilibrium in which the parties announce asymmetric platforms. If the preferred policies of the parties are not very distinct, there are two equilibria with asymmetric platforms. An important property of equilibrium with asymmetric platforms is that a winning party necessarily announces its most preferred policy as a platform.},
  Bdsk-url-1               = {http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/30943/}
}

@Collection{AtkinsonPiketty2007,
  date      = {2007},
  editor    = {Atkinson, A. B. and Piketty, T.},
  title     = {Top Incomes over the Twentieth Century: A Contrast Between European and English-Speaking Countries},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-928688-1},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{BatesEtAl1998,
  Title                    = {Analytic Narratives},
  Date                     = {1998},
  Editor                   = {Bates, Robert H. and Greif, Avner and Levi, Margaret and Rosenthal, Jean-Laurent and Weingast, Barry R.},
  ISBN                     = {9780691001296},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Analytic Narratives is an innovative and provocative work that bridges the gap between the game-theoretic and empirically driven approaches in political economy. Political historians will find the use of rational-choice models novel; theorists will discover arguments more robust and nuanced than those derived from abstract models. The book improves on earlier studies by advocating--and applying--a cross-disciplinary approach to explain strategic decision making in history.}
}

@Book{BaylisEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {The Globalization of World Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Edition                  = {Fourth},
  Editor                   = {Baylis, John and Smith, Steve and Owens, Patricia},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-19-929777-1},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Berinsky2012,
  Title                    = {New Directions in Public Opinion},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Berinsky, Adam J.},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Collection{BlanchardEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {{I}n the Wake of the Crisis: Leading Economists Reassess Economic Policy},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Blanchard, Olivier J. and Romer, David and Spence, A. Michael and Stiglitz, Joseph E.},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-262-01761-9},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, MA},
  Publisher                = {MIT Press}
}

@Book{BoixStokes2007,
  Title                    = {The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Boix, Carles and Stokes, Susan C.},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-19-927848-0},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/nufmtj8}
}

@Collection{BoucherKelly2009,
  Title                    = {Political Thinkers: From Socrates to the Present},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Editor                   = {Boucher, David and Kelly, Paul},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-19-921552-2},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{BowlesEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Unequal Chances},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert and Groves, Melissa Osborne},
  ISBN                     = {0691119309},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press},

  Timestamp                = {2011.09.26}
}

@Book{BudgeEtAl2001,
  date       = {2001},
  title      = {Mapping Policy Preferences: Estimates for Parties, Electors, and Governments 1945-1998},
  editor     = {Budge, Ian and Klingemann, Hans-Dieter and Volkens, Andrea and Bara, Judith and Tanenbaum, Eric},
  isbn       = {978-0-19-924400-3},
  location   = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher  = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract   = {This book uniquely enriches and empowers its readers. It enriches them by giving them the most detailed and extensive data available on the policies and preferences of key democratic actors - parties, governments, and electors in 25 democracies over the post-war period. Estimates are provided for every election and most coalitions of the post-war period and derive from the programmes, manifestos, and platforms of parties and governments themselves. Thus they form a uniquely authoritative source, recognized as such and provided through the labour of a team of international scholars over 25 years.The book empowers readers by providing these estimates on the CD ROM contained in it. The printed text provides documentation and suggested uses for data, along with much other background information. The changing ideologies and concerns of parties trace general social developments over the post-war period, as well as directly affecting economic policy making. Indispensable for any serious discussion of democratic politics, the book provides necessary information for political scientists, policy analysts, comparativists, sociologists, and economists. A must for every social science library - private as well as academic or public.},
  annotation = {Manifesto Research Group / Comparative Manifestos Project},
}

@Book{BurchillEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {Theories of International Relations},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Edition                  = {Third},
  Editor                   = {Burchill, Scott and Devetak, Richard and Linklater, Andrew and Paterson, Matthew and Reus-Smit, Christian and True, Jacquie},
  ISBN                     = {1403948666},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave},

  Abstract                 = {The fully updated and revised third edition of this widely used text provides a comprehensive survey of leading perspectives in the field including an entirely new chapter on Realism by Jack Donnelly. The introduction explains the nature of theory and the reasons for studying international relations in a theoretically informed way. The nine chapters which follow--written by leading scholars in the US, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand--provide thorough examinations of each of the major approaches currently prevailing in the discipline.}
}

@Book{Burtless1996,
  Title                    = {Does Money Matter? The Effect of School Resources on Student Achievement and Adult Success},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Burtless, Gary},
  ISBN                     = {0815712758},
  Publisher                = {The Brookings Institution}
}

@Book{CiniPerez-SolorzanoBorragan2009,
  Title                    = {{Europe}an Union Politics},
  Date                     = {2009},
  Edition                  = {3rd},
  Editor                   = {Cini, Michelle and Perez-Solorzano Borragan, Nieves},
  ISBN                     = {9780199548637},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{DowdingKing1995,
  Title                    = {Preferences, Institutions, and Rational Choice},
  Date                     = {1995},
  Editor                   = {Dowding, Keith and King, Desmond},
  ISBN                     = {0198278950},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{DunneEtAl2007,
  Title                    = {International Relations Theories: Discipline and Diversity},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Editor                   = {Dunne, Tim and Kurki, Milya and Smith, Steve},
  ISBN                     = {9780199298334},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{EnnsWlezien2011,
  Title                    = {Who Gets Represented?},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Enns, Peter K. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-87154-242-7},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation},

  Keywords                 = {Inequality}
}

@Book{EvansEtAl1985,
  Title                    = {Bringing the State Back In},
  Date                     = {1985},
  Editor                   = {Evans, Peter B and Rueschemeyer, Dietrich and Skocpol, Theda},
  ISBN                     = {9780521313131},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press},

  Abstract                 = {Until recently, dominant theoretical paradigms in the comparative social sciences did not highlight states as organizational structures or as potentially autonomous actors. Indeed, the term {\textquoteleft}state{\textquoteright} was rarely used. Current work, however, increasingly views the state as an agent which, although influenced by the society that surrounds it, also shapes social and political processes. The contributors to this volume, which includes some of the best recent interdisciplinary scholarship on states in relation to social structures, make use of theoretically engaged comparative and historical investigations to provide improved conceptualizations of states and how they operate. Each of the book{\textquoteright}s major parts presents a related set of analytical issues about modern states, which are explored in the context of a wide range of times and places, both contemporary and historical, and in developing and advanced-industrial nations. The first part examines state strategies in newly developing countries. The second part analyzes war making and state making in early modern Europe, and discusses states in relation to the post-World War II international economy. The third part pursues new insights into how states influence political cleavages and collective action. In the final chapter, the editors bring together the questions raised by the contributors and suggest tentative conclusions that emerge from an overview of all the articles. As a programmatic work that proposes new directions for the analysis of modern states, the volume will appeal to a wide range of teachers and students of political science, political economy, sociology, history, and anthropology.}
}

@Book{Flora1987,
  Title                    = {Growth to Limits: The Western {Europe}an Welfare States Since World War II},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Editor                   = {Peter Flora},
  ISBN                     = {0899252664},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Walter de Gruyter \& Co.},
  Volume                   = {4: Appendix (Synopses, Bibliographies, Tables)}
}

@Book{Goldthorpe1984,
  Title                    = {Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Editor                   = {Goldthorpe, John H},
  ISBN                     = {0198780087},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{GoodinLeGrand1987,
  Title                    = {Not Only the Poor: Middle Classes and the Welfare State},
  Date                     = {1987},
  Editor                   = {Goodin, Robert E and Le Grand, Julian},
  ISBN                     = {9780043360958},
  Location                 = {London},
  Publisher                = {Allen \& Unwin}
}

@Collection{GoodinPettit2005,
  Title                    = {Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Goodin, Robert E. and Pettit, Philip},
  Edition                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Wiley-Blackwell}
}

@Collection{GoodinEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Goodin, Robert E. and Pettit, Philip and Pogge, Thomas W.},
  Edition                  = {2},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Wiley-Blackwell}
}

@Book{GronbergJansen2006,
  Title                    = {Improving School Accountability: Check-Ups or Choice},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Gronberg, Timothy J and Jansen, Dennis W},
  ISBN                     = {076231351X},
  Location                 = {Oxford},
  Publisher                = {Elsevier JAI},

  Abstract                 = {This volume brings together ten papers by outstanding researchers who tackle important economic issues surrounding school accountability reforms. The existing state of K-12 public education in the United States is perceived as unacceptable by a large number and wide variety of critics. How to improve upon this state is the subject of much disagreement. The public discussion is heated, and even the academic debate is often sharp. One common thread of argument stresses the need to increase accountability as a strategy for improving public school quality. There are two broad mechanisms for increasing accountability. If current outcomes are too low, then setting acceptable performance standards is one approach to generating quality improvements. The task becomes one of defining appropriate accountability standards and establishing a system of incentives to implement those standards. Alternatively, the low current performance may reflect weak productivity incentives traceable to the limited competition which many school operators face. The suggested remedy is a dose of increased choice, either increased public sector offerings such as charter schools or increased private sector choice via voucher-type programs. The papers in this volume employ relevant microeconomic analysis and current econometric techniques to better our understanding of these vital economic and public policy issues.}
}

@Book{GruskyEtAl2011,
  Title                    = {The Great Recession},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Grusky, David B. and Western, Bruce and Wimer, Christopher},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-87154-421-6},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation}
}

@Collection{Hall1994,
  Title                    = {The State: Critical Concepts},
  Date                     = {1994},
  Editor                   = {Hall, John A.},
  ISBN                     = {0-203-41992-8},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge},
  Url                      = {http://tinyurl.com/p549cpy},
  Urldate                  = {2015-09-03},
  Volume                   = {3}
}

@Book{Hall1989,
  Title                    = {The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism across Nations},
  Date                     = {1989},
  Editor                   = {Hall, Peter A.},
  ISBN                     = {069107799},
  Location                 = {Princeton, NJ},
  Publisher                = {Princeton University Press}
}

@Book{HallSoskice2001,
  Title                    = {Varieties of Capitalism: The Institutional Foundations of Comparative Advantage},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Hall, Peter A. and Soskice, David},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Collection{HamiltonEtAl1788,
  Title                    = {The Federalist Papers},
  Date                     = {1788},
  Editor                   = {Hamilton, Alexander and Madison, James and Jay, John},
  Eprint                   = {http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1404}
}

@Collection{HayEtAl2005,
  Title                    = {The State: Theories and Issues},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Hay, Colin and Lister, Michael and Marsh, David},
  ISBN                     = {9781403934253},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave MacMillan}
}

@Book{Hooghe1996,
  Title                    = {Cohesion Policy and {Europe}an Integration: Building Multi-Level Governance},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Hooghe, Liesbet},
  ISBN                     = {0198280645},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Hoxby2003a,
  Title                    = {The Economics of School Choice},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {Hoxby, Caroline M.},
  ISBN                     = {0226355330},
  Location                 = {Chicago, IL},
  Publisher                = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@Book{HudsonLidstrom2002,
  Title                    = {Local Education Policies: Comparing {Sweden} and {Britain}},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Hudson, Christine and Lidstr{\"o}m},
  ISBN                     = {0-333-79040-5},
  Location                 = {Basingstoke, UK},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave}
}

@Book{IversenEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Unions, Employers, and Central Banks: Macroeconomic Coordination and Institutional Change in Social Market Economies (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics)},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Iversen, Torben and Pontusson, Jonas and Soskice, David},
  ISBN                     = {0521650399},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{JenkinsEtAl2012,
  Title                    = {The Great Recession and the Distribution of Household Income},
  Date                     = {2012},
  Editor                   = {Stephen P. Jenkins and Andrea Brandolini and John Mickelwright and Brian Nolan},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{KatznelsonMilner2002,
  Title                    = {Political Science: State of the Discipline},
  Date                     = {2002},
  Editor                   = {Katznelson, Ira and Milner, Helen},
  ISBN                     = {0393978710},
  Location                 = {New York},
  Publisher                = {W. W. Norton \& Company}
}

@Book{KatznelsonWeingast2005,
  Title                    = {Preferences and Situations: Points of Intersection Between Historical and Rational Choice Institutionalism},
  Date                     = {2005},
  Editor                   = {Katznelson, Ira and Weingast, Barry R.},
  ISBN                     = {9780871544421},
  Location                 = {New York, NY},
  Publisher                = {Russell Sage Foundation},

  Abstract                 = {A scholarly gulf has tended to divide historians, political scientists, and social movement theorists on how people develop and act on their preferences. Rational choice scholars assumed that people{\textemdash}regardless of the time and place in which they live{\textemdash}try to achieve certain goals, like maximizing their personal wealth or power. In contrast, comparative historical scholars have emphasized historical context in explaining people{\textquoteright}s behavior. Recently, a common emphasis on how institutions{\textemdash}such as unions or governments{\textemdash}influence people{\textquoteright}s preferences in particular situations has emerged, promising to narrow the divide between the two intellectual camps. In Preferences and Situations, editors Ira Katnelson and Barry Weingast seek to expand that common ground by bringing together an esteemed group of contributors to address the ways in which institutions, in their wider historical setting, induce people to behave in certain ways and steer the course of history. The contributors examine a diverse group of topics to assess the role that institutions play in shaping people{\textquoteright}s preferences and decision-making. For example, Margaret Levi studies two labor unions to determine how organizational preferences are established. She discusses how the individual preferences of leaders crystallize and become cemented into an institutional culture through formal rules and informal communication. To explore how preferences alter with time, David Brady, John Ferejohn, and Jeremy Pope examine why civil rights legislation that failed to garner sufficient support in previous decades came to pass Congress in 1964. Ira Katznelson reaches back to the 13th century to discuss how the institutional development of Parliament after the signing of the Magna Carta led King Edward I to reframe the view of the British crown toward Jews and expel them in 1290. The essays in this book focus on preference formation and change, revealing a great deal of overlap between two schools of thought that were previously considered mutually exclusive. Though the scholarly debate over the merits of historical versus rational choice institutionalism will surely rage on, Preferences and Situations reveals how each field can be enriched by the other.}
}

@Book{KeatingLoughlin1997,
  Title                    = {The Political Economy of Regionalism},
  Date                     = {1997},
  Editor                   = {Keating, Michael and Loughlin, John},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Frank Cass}
}

@Book{KeohaneMilner1996,
  Title                    = {Internationalization and Domestic Politics},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Keohane, Robert O and Milner, Helen V},
  ISBN                     = {0521565871},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{KlingemannEtAl2006,
  date       = {2006},
  title      = {Mapping Policy Preferences II Estimates for Parties, Electors, and Governments in Eastern {Europe}, {Europe}an Union, and OECD 1990-2003},
  editor     = {Klingemann, Hans-Dieter and Volkens, Andrea and Bara, Judith and Budge, Ian and McDonald, Michael D},
  isbn       = {978-0-19-929631-6},
  location   = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher  = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract   = {This book is probably the most important source of evidence published up to now on the consolidation of democracy in Eastern Europe. It provides estimates of party positions, voter preferences and government policy from election programmes collected systematically for 51 countries from 1990 onwards. Time-series are presented in the text. This also reports party life histories (essential to over time analyses) and provides updated and newly validated vote statistics. All this information and much more is available on the CD Rom sold with the book. The final chapter gives instructions on how to access the data on your own computer. For comparative purposes, similar estimates of policy and preferences are given for CEE, OECD and EU countries. These estimates update the prize-winning data set covered in Mapping Policy Preferences: Estimates for Parties, Electors and Governments 1945-1998 - also published by OUP. A must-buy for all commentators, students and analysts of democracy, in Eastern Europe and the world.},
  annotation = {Manifesto Research Group / Comparative Manifestos Project},
}

@Collection{KnightStemplowska2011,
  Title                    = {Responsibility and Distributive Justice},
  Date                     = {2011},
  Editor                   = {Knight, Carl and Stemplowska, Zofia},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{LawtonEtAl2000,
  Title                    = {Strange Power: Shaping the parameters of international relations and international political economy},
  Date                     = {2000},
  Editor                   = {Lawton, Thomas C and Rosenau, James N and Verdun, Amy C},
  ISBN                     = {0754612340},
  Location                 = {Aldershot, UK},
  Publisher                = {Ashgate}
}

@Book{LeGrandBartlett1993,
  Title                    = {Quasi-Markets and Social Policy},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Le Grand, Julian and Bartlett, Will},
  ISBN                     = {0333565193},
  Publisher                = {Palgrave Macmillan}
}

@Book{LeschinskyMayer1999,
  Title                    = {The Comprehensive School Experiment Revisited: Evidence from Western {Europe} (Comparative Studies Series, Bd. 2.)},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {Leschinsky, Achim and Mayer, Karl Ulrich},
  ISBN                     = {0820435945},
  Publisher                = {Peter Lang Pub Inc},

  Abstract                 = {Comprehensive schooling and associated policies striving for a greater equality of educational opportunity have been at the centre of debate in many Western countries, since the 1950s. In this volume, the educational and social outcomes of several decades of comprehensive school reform in Sweden, Great Britain, France and the Federal Republic of Germany are examined by recognized social scientists from each of the countries concerned. Particular attention is given to the issue of social selectivity. The contributions, originally for an international symposiums organized by the Max Planck Institute for Human Development and Education in Berlin, are all based on original research. They hav been thoroughly revised and updated, and, in some cases, even completely rewritten. This new edition represents the most recent state of research on the topic.}
}

@Book{MullerStrom1999,
  Title                    = {Policy, Office, or Votes? How Political Parties Make Hard Choices},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {M{\"u}ller, Wolfgang C. and Str{\o}m, Kaare},
  ISBN                     = {0-521-63723-6},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Collection{MaclennanEtAl1984,
  Title                    = {The Idea of the Modern State},
  Date                     = {1984},
  Editor                   = {Maclennan, Gregor and Hall, Stuart and Held, David},
  ISBN                     = {0335105971},
  Location                 = {Buckingham, UK},
  Publisher                = {Open University Press}
}

@Book{Moe2001a,
  Title                    = {A Primer on {America}'s Schools},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Moe, Terry M.},
  ISBN                     = {978-0-8179-9942-1},
  Location                 = {Stanford, CA},
  Publisher                = {Hoover Press}
}

@Book{NicolaidisHowse2001,
  Title                    = {The Federal Vision: Legitimacy and Levels of Governance in the {United States} and the {Europe}an Union},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Nicola{\"\i}dis, Kalypso and Howse, Robert},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{Pierson2001,
  title     = {The New Politics of the Welfare State},
  date      = {2001},
  editor    = {Pierson, Paul},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  isbn      = {0198297564},
}

@Book{ThomsonEtAl2006,
  Title                    = {The {Europe}an Union Decides: Testing Theories of {Europe}an Decision-Making},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Robert Thomson, Frans N. Stokman, Christopher H. Achen, and Thomas K{\"o}nig},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{Sabatier2007,
  date      = {2007},
  title     = {Theories of the Policy Process},
  edition   = {3},
  editor    = {Sabatier, Paul A.},
  isbn      = {9780813349268},
  publisher = {Westview Press},
  url       = {http://edwardwimberley.com/courses/IntroEnvPol/theorypolprocess.pdf},
  urldate   = {2020-09-09},
}

@Collection{SabatierJenkins-Smith1993,
  Title                    = {Policy Change And Learning: An Advocacy Coalition Approach},
  Date                     = {1993},
  Editor                   = {Sabatier, Paul A. and Jenkins-Smith, Hank C.},
  Location                 = {Boulder, CO},
  Publisher                = {Westview Press}
}

@Book{SaltmanEtAl2004,
  Title                    = {Social health insurance systems in western {Europe}},
  Date                     = {2004},
  Editor                   = {Richard B. Saltman and Reinhard Busse and Josep Figueras},
  ISBN                     = {0335213642},
  Location                 = {Maidenhead, UK},
  Publisher                = {Open University Press}
}

@Collection{SenWilliams1982,
  Title                    = {Utilitarianism and Beyond},
  Date                     = {1982},
  Editor                   = {Sen, Amartya and Williams, Bernard},
  ISBN                     = {9780521287715},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{SteinmoEtAl1992,
  Title                    = {Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis},
  Date                     = {1992},
  Editor                   = {Steinmo, Sven and Thelen, Kathleen and Longstreth, Frank},
  ISBN                     = {0521417805},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{Stokes2001,
  Title                    = {Public Support for Market Reforms in New Democracies},
  Date                     = {2001},
  Editor                   = {Stokes, Susan C.},
  Location                 = {Cambridge, UK},
  Publisher                = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@Book{SugarmanKemerer1999,
  Title                    = {School Choice and Social Controversy: Politics, Policy and Law},
  Date                     = {1999},
  Editor                   = {Sugarman, Stephen D and Kemerer, Frank R},
  ISBN                     = {0815782756},
  Publisher                = {Brookings Institution,U.S.}
}

@Book{TarrowEtAl1978,
  Title                    = {Territorial Politics in Industrial Nations},
  Date                     = {1978},
  Editor                   = {Tarrow, Sidney and Katzenstein, Peter J and Graziano, Luigi},
  Publisher                = {Praeger}
}

@Book{TurnerZedlewski2006,
  Title                    = {Rebuilding Opportunity and Equity into the New New Orleans},
  Date                     = {2006},
  Editor                   = {Turner, Margery Austin and Zedlewski, Sheila R},
  Location                 = {Washington, DC},
  Publisher                = {Urban Institute}
}

@Book{vanWaardenLehmbruch2003,
  Title                    = {Renegotiating the Welfare State: Flexible adjustment through corporatist concertation},
  Date                     = {2003},
  Editor                   = {van Waarden, Frans and Lehmbruch, Gerhard},
  ISBN                     = {0415223458},
  Location                 = {London, UK},
  Publisher                = {Routledge}
}

@Book{Walford1996,
  Title                    = {School Choice and the Quasi-market},
  Date                     = {1996},
  Editor                   = {Walford, Geoffrey},
  ISBN                     = {1873927231},
  Location                 = {Wallingford},
  Publisher                = {Triangle}
}

@Book{WallaceEtAl2010,
  Title                    = {Policy-Making in the {Europe}an Union},
  Date                     = {2010},
  Editor                   = {Wallace, Helen and Pollack, Mark A. and Young, Alasdair R.},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Oxford University Press}
}

@Book{WattEtAl2008,
  Title                    = {Privatisation and liberalisation of public services in {Europe}: An analysis of economic and labour market impacts},
  Date                     = {2008},
  Editor                   = {Watt, Andrew and Leschke, Janine and Keune, Martin},
  ISBN                     = {9782874521355},
  Location                 = {Brussels, Belgium},
  Publisher                = {ETUI},

  Abstract                 = {The liberalisation and privatisation of public sector activities have been the subject of heated debate since the 1970s. The chapters in this volume contribute to this debate by analysing the effects of liberalisation and privatisation on productivity and service provision, employment, wages and working conditions in a number of European countries. The focus is on the service sector, which has been the main source of employment growth in recent years.}
}

@Book{Webster1991,
  Title                    = {Aneurin Bevan on the National Health Service},
  Date                     = {1991},
  Editor                   = {Webster, Charles},
  ISBN                     = {0906844096},
  Location                 = {Oxford, UK},
  Publisher                = {Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine}
}

@Article{Strandberg-Larsen2007,
  Title                    = {{Denmark}: Health System Review},
  Date                     = {2007},
  Journaltitle             = {Health Systems in Transition},
  Number                   = {6},
  Pages                    = {1--164},
  Volume                   = {9},

  Abstract                 = {The Health Systems in Transition (HiT) profiles are country-based reports that provide a detailed description of a health system and of policy initiatives in progress or under development. HiTs examine different approaches to the organization, financing and delivery of health services and the role of the main actors in health systems; describe the institutional framework, process, content and implementation of health and health care policies; and highlight challenges and areas that require more in-depth analysis. Denmark is a small country with 5.4 million inhabitants; however, it is one of the wealthiest countries in the world. It is a monarchy with fairly autonomous local governments, consisting of 5 regions and 98 municipalities. Population health, as measured by life expectancy, is relatively low in comparison to other European countries, but it has recently increased. The Danish health care sector is dominated by the public sector and is financed by local and state taxes. Somatic and psychiatric health care, carried out at public hospitals, and primary health services, which are delivered by general practitioners (GPs) and other practising health professionals, are administered by the regions. The regions are financed by the State and to a certain extent by the municipalities. The regions own and run most hospitals, and practising health professionals are self-employed and reimbursed by the regions, mainly using a fee-for-service mechanism. The municipalities are responsible for elderly care, social psychiatry, prevention and health promotion, rehabilitation and other types of care that are not directly related to hospital inpatient care. Access to health care is fairly equal when health status is taken into account. For all citizens with residence permits, access to health care is free of charge at hospitals and from GPs, whereas access to pharmaceuticals, dentists and some other services require co-payment. During recent years, the focus of health care reforms has been on patient choice, waiting times, quality assurance and coordination of care. A major structural reform in 2007 has changed the political and administrative landscape of health care, dramatically reducing the number of regional and local units and transferring health care responsibilities for prevention and rehabilitation from the regional to the local level.}
}

@Article{KuziemkoEtAl2015,
  author       = {Ilyana Kuziemko and Michael I. Norton and Emmanuel Saez and Stefanie Stantcheva},
  title        = {How Elastic Are Preferences for Redistribution? Evidence from Randomized Survey Experiments},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2015-04},
  volume       = {105},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1478--1508},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.20130360},
  abstract     = {We analyze randomized online survey experiments providing interactive, customized information on US income inequality, the link between top income tax rates and economic growth, and the estate tax. The treatment has large effects on views about inequality but only slightly moves tax and transfer policy preferences. An exception is the estate tax --- informing respondents of the small share of decedents who pay it doubles support for it. The small effects for all other policies can be partially explained by respondents' low trust in government and a disconnect between concerns about social issues and the public policies meant to address them.},
}

@Article{Barnes2016,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy},
  title        = {Private Debt and the Anglo-Liberal Growth Model},
  journaltitle = {Government and Opposition},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {51},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {529--552},
  doi          = {10.1017/gov.2015.17},
  abstractnote = {Was there really a debt-fuelled ``liberal growth model'' that preceded the 2008 financial crisis? The accepted narrative about the pre-crisis boom is that some liberal countries relied on domestic consumption to fuel economic growth, and on household debt to fuel this consumption. In this, they contrasted with coordinated economies. While eventually unsustainable, the growth strategy was politically necessary to maintain middle-class living standards in the context of increasing income inequality. In this article, I take these contentions to the data. Economic evidence from 1995--2007 and political data from the Comparative Manifesto Project Database undermine this received wisdom: while household debt increased in the liberal countries, it does not differentiate this particular growth model. Further, there is no evidence that politicians in liberal countries advocate different economic policies, including those concerning borrowing, to claim credit and stay in power. Differences in the importance of finance between countries, however, suggest a more elite-driven divergence.},
  place        = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{AbadieEtAl2015,
  author       = {Abadie, Alberto and Diamond, Alexis and Hainmueller, Jens},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Comparative Politics and the Synthetic Control Method},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12116},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {495--510},
  url          = {http://faculty.smu.edu/Millimet/classes/eco7377/papers/abadie%20et%20al%202015.pdf},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {In recent years, a widespread consensus has emerged about the necessity of establishing bridges between quantitative and qualitative approaches to empirical research in political science. In this article, we discuss the use of the synthetic control method as a way to bridge the quantitative/qualitative divide in comparative politics. The synthetic control method provides a systematic way to choose comparison units in comparative case studies. This systematization opens the door to precise quantitative inference in small-sample comparative studies, without precluding the application of qualitative approaches. Borrowing the expression from Sidney Tarrow, the synthetic control method allows researchers to put ``qualitative flesh on quantitative bones.'' We illustrate the main ideas behind the synthetic control method by estimating the economic impact of the 1990 German reunification on West Germany.},
  keywords     = {comparative case studies, synthetic control method, difference-in-differences, matching, German reunification},
}

@Article{DobbinsEtAl2011,
  author       = {Dobbins, Michael and Knill, Christoph and V{\"o}gtle, Eva Maria},
  title        = {An analytical framework for the cross-country comparison of higher education governance},
  journaltitle = {Higher Education},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {665--683},
  issn         = {1573-174X},
  doi          = {10.1007/s10734-011-9412-4},
  abstract     = {In this article we provide an integrated framework for the analysis of higher education governance which allows us to more systematically trace the changes that European higher education systems are currently undergoing. We argue that, despite highly insightful previous analyses, there is a need for more specific empirically observable indicators of policy change and inertia. We therefore propose a systematic classification of empirical indicators of higher education governance. To do so, we look at three historically entrenched and still highly relevant European models of higher education---academic self-governance, the state-centered model and the market-oriented model. Based on these broader overarching models which reflect the tensions between the state, market and academia, we develop three ideal-types that take internal university governance as well as the role of the state and external stakeholders into account. Against this background, we derive empirical indicators with regard to the institutional balance of power, financial governance, personnel autonomy and substantive matters. Our analytical contribution shall enable scholars, and in particular political and social scientists, to trace ongoing patterns of change and convergence as well as persistence and inertia in higher education governance arrangements.},
}

@Book{Garritzmann2016,
  author    = {Garritzmann, Julian L.},
  title     = {The Political Economy of Higher Education Finance. The Politics of Tuition Fees and Subsidies in OECD Countries, 1945--2015},
  date      = {2016},
  publisher = {Palgrave MacMillan},
  location  = {London},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-29913-6_1},
}

@Article{Garritzmann2017,
  author       = {Garritzmann, Julian L.},
  title        = {The Partisan Politics of Higher Education},
  journaltitle = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  date         = {2017},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1049096516002924},
}

@Book{Few2012,
  author    = {Stephen Few},
  date      = {2012},
  title     = {Show me the Numbers: Designing Tables and Graphs to Enlighten},
  edition   = {2},
  location  = {Burlingame, CA},
  publisher = {Analytics Press},
}

@Article{Leeper2017,
  author       = {Leeper, Thomas J.},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
  title        = {How does treatment self-selection affect inferences about political communication?},
  doi          = {10.1017/xps.2017.1},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--33},
  pubstate     = {In press},
  url          = {http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67604/},
  volume       = {4},
}

@Article{IyengarHahn2009,
  author       = {Iyengar, Shanto and Hahn, Kyu S},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Communication},
  title        = {Red Media, Blue Media: Evidence of Ideological Selectivity in Media Use},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.01402.x},
  issn         = {1460-2466},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {19--39},
  volume       = {59},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
}

@Article{NyhanReifler2010,
  author       = {Nyhan, Brendan and Reifler, Jason},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  title        = {When Corrections Fail: The Persistence of Political Misperceptions},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-010-9112-2},
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {303--330},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {An extensive literature addresses citizen ignorance, but very little research focuses on misperceptions. Can these false or unsubstantiated beliefs about politics be corrected? Previous studies have not tested the efficacy of corrections in a realistic format. We conducted four experiments in which subjects read mock news articles that included either a misleading claim from a politician, or a misleading claim and a correction. Results indicate that corrections frequently fail to reduce misperceptions among the targeted ideological group. We also document several instances of a ``backfire effect'' in which corrections actually increase misperceptions among the group in question.},
}

@Article{BolsenEtAl2014,
  author       = {Bolsen,Toby and Druckman, James N. and Cook, {Fay Lomax}},
  title        = {The Influence of Partisan Motivated Reasoning on Public Opinion},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {235--262},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-013-9238-0},
  abstract     = {Political parties play a vital role in democracies by linking citizens to their representatives. Nonetheless, a longstanding concern is that partisan identification slants decision-making. Citizens may support (oppose) policies that they would otherwise oppose (support) in the absence of an endorsement from a political party --- this is due in large part to what is called partisan motivated reasoning where individuals interpret information through the lens of their party commitment. We explore partisan motivated reasoning in a survey experiment focusing on support for an energy law. We identify two politically relevant factors that condition partisan motivated reasoning: (1) an explicit inducement to form an ``accurate'' opinion, and (2) cross-partisan, but not consensus, bipartisan support for the law. We further provide evidence of how partisan motivated reasoning works psychologically and affects opinion strength. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for understanding opinion formation and the overall quality of citizens' opinions.},
  keywords     = {Political Science; Public opinion surveys; Political parties; Cognition & reasoning; Trust},
}

@Article{AnsolabehereEtAl2012,
  author       = {Ansolabehere, Stephen and Meredith, Marc and Snowberg, Erik},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {Asking About Numbers: Why and How},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mps031},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {48},
  volume       = {21},
}

@Article{ChzhenEtAl2014,
  author       = {Chzhen,Kat and Evans,Geoffrey and Pickup,Mark},
  title        = {When do Economic Perceptions Matter for Party Approval?},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {291--313},
  abstract     = {Do economic perceptions influence partisan preferences or vice versa? We argue that the direction of influence between government approval and economic perceptions is conditional on the state of the economy. Under conditions of economic crisis, when economic signals are relatively unambiguous, perceptions of the economy can be expected to exogenously influence government approval but this is not found when the economy is experiencing a more typical pattern of moderate growth and economic signals are more mixed. We test these arguments using British election panel surveys covering electoral cycles of moderate economic growth (1997-2001) and dramatic and negative disruption (2005--2010). We examine the most commonly employed measures of retrospective economic perceptions and estimate a range of models using structural equations modelling. We demonstrate that when the economy is performing extremely badly economic perceptions have an exogenous effect on government approval and provide a means of electoral accountability, but this is not the case in under more normal circumstances.},
  keywords     = {Political Science; Perceptions; Economic conditions; Voter behavior; Elections; Political parties; Public opinion surveys},
}

@Article{Bisgaard2015,
  author       = {Martin Bisgaard},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Bias Will Find a Way: Economic Perceptions, Attributions of Blame, and Partisan-Motivated Reasoning during Crisis},
  doi          = {10.1086/681591},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {849-860},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {Partisans often perceive real world conditions in a manner that credits their own party. Yet recent findings suggest that partisans are capable of setting their loyalties aside when confronted with clear evidence, for example, during an economic crisis. This study examines a different possibility. While partisans may acknowledge the same reality, they may find other ways of aligning undeniable realities with their party loyalties. Using monthly survey data collected before and after the unexpected collapse of the British national economy (2004--10), this study presents one key finding: As partisans came to agree that economic conditions had gotten much worse, they conversely polarized in whether they thought the government was responsible. While the most committed partisans were surprisingly apt in acknowledging the economic collapse, they were also the most eager to attribute responsibility selectively. For that substantial share of the electorate, partisan-motivated reasoning seems highly adaptive.},
}

@Article{ImaiRatkovic2014,
  author       = {Imai, Kosuke and Ratkovic, Marc},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series B (Statistical Methodology)},
  title        = {Covariate balancing propensity score},
  doi          = {10.1111/rssb.12027},
  issn         = {1467-9868},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {243--263},
  volume       = {76},
  keywords     = {Causal inference, Instrumental variables, Inverse propensity score weighting, Marginal structural models, Observational studies, Propensity score matching, Randomized experiments},
}

@Article{DiamondSekhon2013,
  author       = {Diamond, Alexis and Sekhon, Jasjeet S.},
  date         = {2013-07},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {Genetic Matching for Estimating Causal Effects: A General Multivariate Matching Method for Achieving Balance in Observational Studies},
  doi          = {10.1162/rest_a_00318},
  issn         = {0034-6535},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {932--945},
  volume       = {95},
  abstract     = {This paper presents genetic matching, a method of multivariate matching that uses an evolutionary search algorithm to determine the weight each covariate is given. Both propensity score matching and matching based on Mahalanobis distance are limiting cases of this method. The algorithm makes transparent certain issues that all matching methods must confront. We present simulation studies that show that the algorithm improves covariate balance and that it may reduce bias if the selection on observables assumption holds. We then present a reanalysis of a number of data sets in the LaLonde (1986) controversy.},
  publisher    = {MIT Press},
}

@Article{RosenbaumRubin1983,
  author       = {Paul R. Rosenbaum and Donald B. Rubin},
  date         = {1983},
  journaltitle = {Biometrika},
  title        = {The Central Role of the Propensity Score in Observational Studies for Causal Effects},
  issn         = {0006-3444},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {41--55},
  volume       = {70},
  abstract     = {The propensity score is the conditional probability of assignment to a particular treatment given a vector of observed covariates. Both large and small sample theory show that adjustment for the scalar propensity score is sufficient to remove bias due to all observed covariates. Applications include: (i) matched sampling on the univariate propensity score, which is a generalization of discriminant matching, (ii) multivariate adjustment by subclassification on the propensity score where the same subclasses are used to estimate treatment effects for all outcome variables and in all subpopulations, and (iii) visual representation of multivariate covariance adjustment by a two-dimensional plot.},
  publisher    = {[Oxford University Press, Biometrika Trust]},
}

@Article{RosenbaumRubin1984,
  author       = {Paul R. Rosenbaum and Donald B. Rubin},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  title        = {Reducing Bias in Observational Studies Using Subclassification on the Propensity Score},
  doi          = {10.1080/01621459.1984.10478078},
  number       = {387},
  pages        = {516-524},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {The propensity score is the conditional probability of assignment to a particular treatment given a vector of observed covariates. Previous theoretical arguments have shown that subclassification on the propensity score will balance all observed covariates. Subclassification on an estimated propensity score is illustrated, using observational data on treatments for coronary artery disease. Five subclasses defined by the estimated propensity score are constructed that balance 74 covariates, and thereby provide estimates of treatment effects using direct adjustment. These subclasses are applied within sub-populations, and model-based adjustments are then used to provide estimates of treatment effects within these sub-populations. Two appendixes address theoretical issues related to the application: the effectiveness of subclassification on the propensity score in removing bias, and balancing properties of propensity scores with incomplete data.},
}

@Article{Solt2016,
  author       = {Solt, Frederick},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  title        = {The Standardized World Income Inequality Database},
  doi          = {10.1111/ssqu.12295},
  issn         = {1540-6237},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1267--1281},
  volume       = {97},
}

@Online{ACASNodate,
  author  = {ACAS},
  title   = {Acas guidance for academies and free schools},
  url     = {http://www.acas.org.uk/index.aspx?articleid=3793},
  urldate = {2017-03-01},
}

@Article{Parker-Stephen2013,
  author       = {Evan Parker-Stephen},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Tides of Disagreement: How Reality Facilitates (and Inhibits) Partisan Public Opinion},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381613000789},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1077-1088},
  volume       = {75},
  abstract     = {Research on American mass behavior finds that party identifiers discount policy-relevant facts and interpret the same facts differently. Both findings imply enduring differences in the opinions that direct policy change. What this research does not consider, however, is that partisans confront the burden of evidence when they interpret facts about policy conditions. And thus, because policy-relevant evidence is always changing, the information environment could facilitate or inhibit partisan-directed rationalization. Employing national survey data and a Bayesian multilevel model, this study tests whether the distribution of economic facts moderates partisan disagreement about the U.S. economy. The results indicate that, when economic facts move in the positive and negative direction simultaneously, disagreement about the economy grows. When these facts move in one direction, however, disagreement recedes. In general, this study contributes theory and evidence on the tides of disagreement in partisan public opinion.},
}

@Article{ValkenburgEtAl2016,
  author       = {Patti M. Valkenburg and Jochen Peter and Joseph B. Walther},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Psychology},
  title        = {Media Effects: Theory and Research},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033608},
  issue        = {1},
  pages        = {315-338},
  volume       = {67},
}

@Article{GerberHuber2009,
  author       = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A.},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Partisanship and Economic Behavior: Do Partisan Differences in Economic Forecasts Predict Real Economic Behavior?},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055409990098},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {407--426},
  volume       = {103},
  abstract     = {Survey data regularly show that assessments of current and expected future economic performance are more positive when a respondent?s partisanship matches that of the president. To determine if this is a survey artifact or something deeper, we investigate whether partisanship is associated with behavioral differences in economic decisions. We construct a new data set of county-level quarterly taxable sales to examine the effect of partisanship on consumption. Consumption change following a presidential election is correlated with a county's partisan complexion, a result consistent with partisans acting outside the domain of politics in accordance with the opinions they express in surveys. These results support an expansive view of the role of partisanship in mass politics and help validate surveys as a method for studying political behavior.},
  place        = {New York, USA},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Stroud2008,
  author       = {Stroud,Natalie J.},
  title        = {Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {30},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {341--366},
  abstract     = {Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs. Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that people's political beliefs are related to their media exposure --- a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses suggest that people's political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.},
  keywords     = {Political Science; News media; Political behavior; Presidential elections; Political parties},
}

@Article{TaberLodge2006,
  author       = {Taber, Charles S. and Lodge, Milton},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Motivated Skepticism in the Evaluation of Political Beliefs},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {755--769},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {We propose a model of motivated skepticism that helps explain when and why citizens are biased-information processors. Two experimental studies explore how citizens evaluate arguments about affirmative action and gun control, finding strong evidence of a prior attitude effect such that attitudinally congruent arguments are evaluated as stronger than attitudinally incongruent arguments. When reading pro and con arguments, participants (Ps) counterargue the contrary arguments and uncritically accept supporting arguments, evidence of a disconfirmation bias. We also find a confirmation bias—the seeking out of confirmatory evidence—when Ps are free to self-select the source of the arguments they read. Both the confirmation and disconfirmation biases lead to attitude polarization—the strengthening of t2 over t1 attitudes—especially among those with the strongest priors and highest levels of political sophistication. We conclude with a discussion of the normative implications of these findings for rational behavior in a democracy.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Inc},
}

@TechReport{BlinderHoltz-Eakin1983,
  author      = {Alan S. Blinder and Douglas Holtz-Eakin},
  title       = {Public Opinion and the Balanced Budget},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  date        = {1983-11},
  type        = {Working Paper},
  number      = {1234},
  doi         = {10.3386/w1234},
  url         = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w1234},
  abstract    = {While most Americans have long favored a balanced federal budget , not all do. This paper uses cross-sectional differences among respondents to two public opinion polls to try to discriminate among competing hypotheses about why Americans want the budget balanced. Logit models are fit to data from two different public opinion polls : a Gallup poll and a CBS/New York Times poll conducted , respectively, in March and April of 1980, a time when the proposed balanced budget amendment to the Constitution was very much in the news. In each case , a large majority favored a balanced budget requirement. However, they favor it for a smorgasbord of reasons and at unclear price. It appears that political affiliation, ideology and personal circumstances are far less important determinants of the choice than economic rationales.},
  series      = {Working Paper Series},
}

@Book{SearsCitrin1982,
  author    = {Sears, David O. and Citrin, Jack},
  title     = {Tax: Something for Nothing in California},
  date      = {1982},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
  location  = {Cambridge, MA},
  isbn      = {0-674-86835-8},
}

@Article{EdlundJohanssonSevae2013,
  author       = {Edlund, Jonas and Johansson Sev{\"a}, Ingemar},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  title        = {Exploring the `Something for Nothing' Syndrome: Confused Citizens or Free Riders? Evidence from Sweden},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00300.x},
  issn         = {1467-9477},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {293--319},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {This article examines the occurrence of political non-attitudes in Sweden and identifies the population segment possessing a `something for nothing' (SFN) mentality regarding social spending. Sweden -- often regarded as epitomizing the advanced welfare state -- constitutes an analytically interesting case, providing a useful counterpoint to the predominantly American-based evidence on the subject. It is argued here that national political institutions fundamentally affect the prevalence -- and social base -- of the SFN segment. To identify SFN sentiments, two question batteries measuring social spending preferences are used. One battery contains `priced' items emphasizing the cost of public spending, while the other set of `unpriced' items does not explicitly connect increased public spending with increased taxes. The patterning of attitudes across these items is explored in order to determine whether SFN sentiments are common in the Swedish electorate. The observed attitude patterns are then linked to broader sets of attitudes to the welfare state, testing whether the degree of ideological coherence differs fundamentally between the SFN segment and other groups. The analysis then explores the individual-level determinants associated with different attitude patterns. The overall results show that: SFN sentiments are not dominant among the Swedish citizenry; the quality of the SFN segment's belief system, in terms of ideological coherence, does not represent a deviant case; and the background characteristics associated with SFN sentiments suggest that members of this segment should rather be viewed as free riders in economically vulnerable positions than ignorant and politically confused citizens.},
}

@Article{EllisFaricy2011,
  author       = {Christopher Ellis and Christopher Faricy},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Social Policy and Public Opinion: How the Ideological Direction of Spending Influences Public Mood},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381611000806},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1095--1110},
  volume       = {73},
  abstract     = {This article develops a model of public responsiveness to social policy in the United States, focusing in particular on the public's ability to distinguish between direct and indirect government spending as means of financing social benefits. We argue that public opinion should be responsive to changes in both direct (appropriations) and indirect (tax expenditures encouraging the private provision of social goals) spending. Further, the public should respond to changes in direct and indirect spending in distinct ways consistent with the divergent resource and interpretive effects of the two types of spending. We find that while public opinion is not responsive to the total amount of federal social spending, it is attentive to changes in direct and indirect spending, considered as separate concepts. The results show that the electorate treats changes in the relative allocation of government spending as representing important shifts in the ideological direction of public policy.},
}

@Article{PoppRudolph2011,
  author       = {Elizabeth Popp and Thomas J. Rudolph},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {A Tale of Two Ideologies: Explaining Public Support for Economic Interventions},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381611000478},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {808-820},
  volume       = {73},
  abstract     = {This article proposes a theory of two ideologies in which we explain how the different evaluative processes underlying operational and symbolic ideology should influence public support for an economic recovery plan. Exploiting the political and economic uncertainties of a postelection, pre-inauguration period, we conduct a survey experiment in which we manipulate the source of an economic recovery package. We find that symbolic attachments and principled beliefs have independent yet comparably sized impacts on policy judgments. We show that the directional effects of symbolic attachments are contingent upon source cues while the directional effects of principled beliefs are fixed. Finally, the results demonstrate the conditions under which the symbolic sacrifice of ideological attachment and the principled sacrifice of ideological beliefs moderate the impact of political trust on support for government intervention.},
}

@Article{WhiteEtAl2013,
  author       = {White, Andrew Edward and Kenrick, Douglas T. and Neel, Rebecca and Neuberg, Steven L.},
  title        = {From the bedroom to the budget deficit: Mate competition changes men's attitudes toward economic redistribution},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {105},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {924--940},
  abstract     = {How do economic recessions influence attitudes toward redistribution of wealth? From a traditional economic self-interest perspective, attitudes toward redistribution should be affected by one's financial standing. A functional evolutionary approach suggests another possible form of self-interest: That during periods of economic threat, attitudes toward redistribution should be influenced by one's mate-value --- especially for men. Using both lab-based experiments and real-world data on voting behavior, we consistently find that economic threats lead low mate-value men to become more prosocial and supportive of redistribution policies, but that the same threats lead high mate-value men to do the opposite. Economic threats do not affect women's attitudes toward redistribution in the same way, and, across studies, financial standing is only weakly associated with attitudes toward redistribution. These findings suggest that during tough economic times, men's attitudes toward redistribution are influenced by something that has seemingly little to do with economic self-interest -- their mating psychology.},
}

@Article{FiglioKenny2007,
  author       = {David N. Figlio and Lawrence W. Kenny},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Individual teacher incentives and student performance},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2006.10.001},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  number       = {5--6},
  pages        = {901--914},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {This paper is the first to systematically document the relationship between individual teacher performance incentives and student achievement using the United States data. We combine data from the National Education Longitudinal Survey on schools, students, and their families with our own survey conducted in 2000 regarding the use of teacher incentives. This survey on teacher incentives has unique data on frequency and magnitude of merit raises and bonuses, teacher evaluation, and teacher termination. We find that test scores are higher in schools that offer individual financial incentives for good performance. Moreover, the estimated relationship between the presence of merit pay in teacher compensation and student test scores is strongest in schools that may have the least parental oversight. The association between teacher incentives and student performance could be due to better schools adopting teacher incentives or to teacher incentives eliciting more effort from teachers; it is impossible to rule out the former explanation with our cross sectional data.},
  keywords     = {Teacher salaries, Incentive systems, Merit pay, Teacher incentives, Student performance},
}

@Article{StuitSmith2012,
  author       = {David A. Stuit and Thomas M. Smith},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  title        = {Explaining the gap in charter and traditional public school teacher turnover rates},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2011.09.007},
  issn         = {0272-7757},
  note         = {Special Issue: Charter Schools},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {268--279},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {This study uses national survey data to examine why charter school teachers are more likely to turnover than their traditional public school counterparts. We test whether the turnover gap is explained by different distributions of factors that are empirically and theoretically linked to turnover risk. We find that the turnover rate of charter school teachers was twice as high as traditional public school teachers in 2003--04. Differences in the distributions of our explanatory variables explained 61.0\% of the total turnover gap. The higher proportions of uncertified and inexperienced teachers in the charter sector, along with the lower rate of union membership, were the strongest contributors to the turnover gap. Charter school teachers were more likely to self-report that working conditions motivated their decisions to leave the profession or move schools, although we found no measurable evidence that the actual working conditions of charter and traditional public schools were different.},
  keywords     = {Human capital, School choice},
}

@Article{DeeWyckoff2015,
  author       = {Dee, Thomas S. and Wyckoff, James},
  title        = {Incentives, Selection, and Teacher Performance: Evidence from IMPACT},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {34},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {267--297},
  issn         = {1520-6688},
  doi          = {10.1002/pam.21818},
  abstract     = {Teachers in the United States are compensated largely on the basis of fixed schedules that reward experience and credentials. However, there is a growing interest in whether performance-based incentives based on rigorous teacher evaluations can improve teacher retention and performance. The evidence available to date has been mixed at best. This study presents novel evidence on this topic based on IMPACT, the controversial teacher-evaluation system introduced in the District of Columbia Public Schools by then-Chancellor Michelle Rhee. IMPACT implemented uniquely high-powered incentives linked to multiple measures of teacher performance (i.e., several structured observational measures as well as test performance). We present regression-discontinuity (RD) estimates that compare the retention and performance outcomes among low-performing teachers whose ratings placed them near the threshold that implied a strong dismissal threat. We also compare outcomes among high-performing teachers whose rating placed them near a threshold that implied an unusually large financial incentive. Our RD results indicate that dismissal threats increased the voluntary attrition of low-performing teachers by 11 percentage points (i.e., more than 50 percent) and improved the performance of teachers who remained by 0.27 of a teacher-level standard deviation. We also find evidence that financial incentives further improved the performance of high-performing teachers (effect size = 0.24).},
}

@Article{HanushekRivkin2007,
  author       = {Eric A. Hanushek and Steven G. Rivkin},
  title        = {Pay, Working Conditions, and Teacher Quality},
  journaltitle = {The Future of Children},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {17},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {69-86},
  issn         = {10548289, 15501558},
  abstract     = {Eric Hanushek and Steven Rivkin examine how salary and working conditions affect the quality of instruction in the classroom. The wages of teachers relative to those of other college graduates have fallen steadily since 1940. Today, average wages differ little, however, between urban and suburban districts. In some metropolitan areas urban districts pay more, while in others, suburban districts pay more. But working conditions in urban and suburban districts differ substantially, with urban teachers reporting far less administrator and parental support, worse materials, and greater student problems. Difficult working conditions may drive much of the difference in turnover of teachers and the transfer of teachers across schools. Using rich data from Texas public schools, the authors describe in detail what happens when teachers move from school to school. They examine how salaries and student characteristics change when teachers move and also whether turnover affects teacher quality and student achievement. They note that both wages and student characteristics affect teachers' choices and result in a sorting of teachers across schools, but they find little evidence that teacher transitions are detrimental to student learning. The extent to which variations in salaries and working conditions translate into differences in the quality of instruction depends importantly on the effectiveness of school personnel policies in hiring and retaining the most effective teachers and on constraints on both entry into the profession and the firing of low performers. The authors conclude that overall salary increases for teachers would be both expensive and ineffective. The best way to improve the quality of instruction would be to lower barriers to becoming a teacher, such as certification, and to link compensation and career advancement more closely with teachers' ability to raise student performance.},
  publisher    = {Princeton University},
}

@Article{ClotfelterEtAl2008,
  author       = {Charles Clotfelter and Elizabeth Glennie and Helen Ladd and Jacob Vigdor},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Would higher salaries keep teachers in high-poverty schools? Evidence from a policy intervention in North Carolina},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.07.003},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  number       = {5--6},
  pages        = {1352--1370},
  volume       = {92},
  abstract     = {For a three-year time period beginning in 2001, North Carolina awarded an annual bonus of \$1800 to certified math, science and special education teachers working in public secondary schools with either high-poverty rates or low test scores. Using longitudinal data on teachers, we estimate hazard models that identify the impact of this differential pay by comparing turnover patterns before and after the program's implementation, across eligible and ineligible categories of teachers, and across eligible and barely-ineligible schools. Results suggest that this bonus payment was sufficient to reduce mean turnover rates of the targeted teachers by 17\%. Experienced teachers exhibited the strongest response to the program. Finally, the effect of the program may have been at least partly undermined by the state's failure to fully educate teachers regarding the eligibility criteria. Our estimates most likely underpredict the potential outcome of a program of permanent salary differentials operating under complete information.},
  keywords     = {Employee turnover rates, Retention bonus, Compensating differential, Information quality, Policy design},
}

@Article{RivkinEtAl2005,
  author       = {Rivkin, Steven G. and Hanushek, Eric A. and Kain, John F.},
  title        = {Teachers, Schools, and Academic Achievement},
  journaltitle = {Econometrica},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {73},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {417--458},
  issn         = {1468-0262},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0262.2005.00584.x},
  abstract     = {This paper disentangles the impact of schools and teachers in influencing achievement with special attention given to the potential problems of omitted or mismeasured variables and of student and school selection. Unique matched panel data from the UTD Texas Schools Project permit the identification of teacher quality based on student performance along with the impact of specific, measured components of teachers and schools. Semiparametric lower bound estimates of the variance in teacher quality based entirely on within-school heterogeneity indicate that teachers have powerful effects on reading and mathematics achievement, though little of the variation in teacher quality is explained by observable characteristics such as education or experience. The results suggest that the effects of a costly ten student reduction in class size are smaller than the benefit of moving one standard deviation up the teacher quality distribution, highlighting the importance of teacher effectiveness in the determination of school quality.},
  keywords     = {Student achievement, teacher quality, school selection, class size, teacher experience},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{HanushekEtAl2004,
  author       = {Hanushek, Eric A. and Kain, John F. and Rivkin, Steven G.},
  title        = {Why Public Schools Lose Teachers},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Human Resources},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {XXXIX},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {326--354},
  doi          = {10.3368/jhr.XXXIX.2.326},
  abstract     = {Many school districts experience difficulties attracting and retaining teachers, and the impending retirement of a substantial fraction of public school teachers raises the specter of severe shortages in some public schools. Schools in urban areas serving economically disadvantaged and minority students appear particularly vulnerable. This paper investigates those factors that affect the probabilities that teachers switch schools or exit the public schools entirely. The results indicate that teacher mobility is much more strongly related to characteristics of the students, particularly race and achievement, than to salary, although salary exerts a modest impact once compensating differentials are taken into account.},
}

@Article{BoydEtAl2011,
  author       = {Donald Boyd and Pam Grossman and Marsha Ing and Hamilton Lankford and Susanna Loeb and James Wyckoff},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {American Educational Research Journal},
  title        = {The Influence of School Administrators on Teacher Retention Decisions},
  doi          = {10.3102/0002831210380788},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {303--333},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {This article explores the relationship between school contextual factors and teacher retention decisions in New York City. The methodological approach separates the effects of teacher characteristics from school characteristics by modeling the relationship between the assessments of school contextual factors by one set of teachers and the turnover decisions by other teachers in the same school. We find that teachers' perceptions of the school administration has by far the greatest influence on teacher retention decisions. This effect of administration is consistent for first-year teachers and the full sample of teachers and is confirmed by a survey of teachers who have recently left teaching.},
}

@Article{HighamEarley2013,
  author       = {Rob Higham and Peter Earley},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Educational Management Administration \& Leadership},
  title        = {School Autonomy and Government Control},
  doi          = {10.1177/1741143213494191},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {701-717},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {The Conservative--Liberal Democrat Coalition government elected in 2010 has argued contemporary reform will increase the autonomy of schools in England. Given the complexities that exist, however, in the balance between autonomy and control, we explore how school leaders view autonomy as it exists within the wider policy framework. The article develops, first, a historical and analytical perspective on school autonomy. Second, it analyses a survey of almost 2000 school leaders, as well as case study data, to explore their views on autonomy, accountability, external support and managing change. Third, it considers the implications. Drawing on Simkins's concepts of operational and criteria power, school leaders are shown to commonly anticipate greater power over aspects of school management but not over the aims and purposes of schooling. A significant variation is also found between school leaders in their perceived capacity and freedom to act. This leads to a proposed typology of confident, cautious, concerned and constrained schools. A key implication, we conclude, is that increasing operational power for schools, declining Local Authority support and differentiated school autonomy have a very real potential to exacerbate existing local hierarchies between schools.},
}

@Article{ChiangEtAl2017,
  author       = {Chiang, Hanley S. and Clark, Melissa A. and McConnell, Sheena},
  title        = {Supplying Disadvantaged Schools with Effective Teachers: Experimental Evidence on Secondary Math Teachers from Teach For America},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {97--125},
  issn         = {1520-6688},
  doi          = {10.1002/pam.21958},
  abstract     = {Teach For America (TFA) is an important but controversial source of teachers for hard-to-staff subjects in high-poverty U.S. schools. We present findings from the first large-scale experimental study of secondary math teachers from TFA. We find that TFA teachers are more effective than other math teachers in the same schools, increasing student math achievement by 0.07 standard deviations over one school year. Addressing concerns about the fact that TFA requires only a two-year commitment, we find that TFA teachers in their first two years of teaching are more effective than more experienced non-TFA teachers in the same schools.},
}

@Article{Gershenson2016,
  author       = {Gershenson, Seth},
  title        = {Performance Standards and Employee Effort: Evidence From Teacher Absences},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {35},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {615--638},
  issn         = {1520-6688},
  doi          = {10.1002/pam.21910},
  abstract     = {The 2001 No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) increased accountability pressure in U.S. public schools by threatening to impose sanctions on Title-1 schools that failed to make adequate yearly progress (AYP) in consecutive years. Difference-in-difference estimates of the effect of failing AYP in the first year of NCLB on teacher effort in the subsequent year suggest that on average, teacher absences in North Carolina fell by about 10 percent. The probability of being frequently absent similarly decreased. These reductions in teacher absences were driven by within-teacher increases in effort and by teachers in the bottom half of the effectiveness distribution. On average, only a modest amount of the achievement gains attributable to the increased accountability pressure are explained by the corresponding decline in teacher absences.},
}

@Article{SteinbergCox2017,
  author       = {Matthew P. Steinberg and Amanda Barrett Cox},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Leadership and Policy in Schools},
  title        = {School Autonomy and District Support: How Principals Respond to a Tiered Autonomy Initiative in Philadelphia Public Schools},
  doi          = {10.1080/15700763.2016.1197278},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {130--165},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {A tiered autonomy policy was recently implemented in Philadelphia, where select principals were granted autonomy to manage school operations while others were promised greater district support to improve school functioning. This article provides evidence on how principals used their autonomy and the extent of district support for non-autonomous principals. Principals granted greater autonomy were more likely to change teacher professional development and curriculum and instructional strategies, while principals with longer tenures and more leadership training were more likely to implement organizational changes. Non-autonomous principals reported a misalignment between school and district priorities and limited district support for improving school functioning.},
}

@Article{AbadieEtAl2010,
  author       = {Alberto Abadie and Alexis Diamond and Jens Hainmueller},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the American Statistical Association},
  title        = {Synthetic Control Methods for Comparative Case Studies: Estimating the Effect of California's Tobacco Control Program},
  doi          = {10.1198/jasa.2009.ap08746},
  number       = {490},
  pages        = {493-505},
  volume       = {105},
  abstract     = {Building on an idea in Abadie and Gardeazabal (2003), this article investigates the application of synthetic control methods to comparative case studies. We discuss the advantages of these methods and apply them to study the effects of Proposition 99, a large-scale tobacco control program that California implemented in 1988. We demonstrate that, following Proposition 99, tobacco consumption fell markedly in California relative to a comparable synthetic control region. We estimate that by the year 2000 annual per-capita cigarette sales in California were about 26 packs lower than what they would have been in the absence of Proposition 99. Using new inferential methods proposed in this article, we demonstrate the significance of our estimates. Given that many policy interventions and events of interest in social sciences take place at an aggregate level (countries, regions, cities, etc.) and affect a small number of aggregate units, the potential applicability of synthetic control methods to comparative case studies is very large, especially in situations where traditional regression methods are not appropriate.},
}

@Article{Oesch2008,
  author       = {Daniel Oesch},
  title        = {The Changing Shape of Class Voting: An individual-level analysis of party support in Britain, Germany and Switzerland},
  journaltitle = {European Societies},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {10},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {329--355},
  doi          = {10.1080/14616690701846946},
  abstract     = {In the 1990s, sociologists engaged in a heated controversy about class voting. Although empirical evidence accumulated, positions remained surprisingly divided. This paper argues that this disagreement is due to two factors. Firstly, it reflects diverging understandings as to the concept of class voting. Secondly, it is explained by the use of class models that do not satisfactorily represent today's social stratification in Western Europe. In consequence, this paper uses a detailed multi-class schema and examines two cleavages running through the social structure: (i) the economic divide separating holders of organizational power from the workingclass, (ii) the cultural divide opposing high-skilled classes engaged in interpersonal work settings (who hold a liberation view of community) from low-skilled classes occupied in object-related tasks (who hold an authoritarian view of community). Based on individual level data, our analyses show that classes continue to systematically differ in their party support. There is strong electoral evidence for the traditional economic cleavage in Britain's and Germany's class structure, while in Switzerland the cultural cleavage seems more salient. Hence, class voting continues but appears to involve more (and different) class-party alliances than just leftvoting by the woking class. Among others, we find salaried professionals in the social and cultural services to rally the libertarian left, while managers support parties on the right. Moreover, where a right-wing populist party alternative exists, it attracts disproportionate support from production workers and small business owners.},
}

@Book{InglehartWelzel2005,
  author    = {Inglehart, Ronald and Welzel, Christian},
  date      = {2005},
  title     = {Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9780511790881},
  isbn      = {978-0-511-25288-4},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Weber1930,
  author     = {Weber, Max},
  title      = {The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism},
  date       = {1930},
  translator = {Parsons, Talcott},
  publisher  = {George Allen \& Unwin},
  location   = {London, UK},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2008,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and Campante, Filipe R. and Tabellini, Guido},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  title        = {Why is Fiscal Policy Often Procyclical?},
  doi          = {10.1162/JEEA.2008.6.5.1006},
  issn         = {1542-4774},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1006--1036},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {Fiscal policy is procyclical in many developing countries. We explain this policy failure with a political agency problem. Procyclicality is driven by voters who seek to ``starve the Leviathan'' to reduce political rents. Voters observe the state of the economy but not the rents appropriated by corrupt governments. When they observe a boom, voters optimally demand more public goods or lower taxes, and this induces a procyclical bias in fiscal policy. The empirical evidence is consistent with this explanation: Procyclicality of fiscal policy is more pronounced in more corrupt democracies.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{Wagner1976,
  author       = {Richard E. Wagner},
  title        = {Revenue Structure, Fiscal Illusion, and Budgetary Choice},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  date         = {1976},
  volume       = {25},
  pages        = {45--61},
  doi          = {10.1007/BF01726330},
}

@Book{BuchananWagner1977,
  author    = {Buchanan, James M. and Wagner, Richard E.},
  date      = {1977},
  title     = {Democracy in Deficit: The Political Legacy of Lord Keynes},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Academic Press},
}

@Article{Peltzman1992,
  author       = {Peltzman, Sam},
  title        = {Voters as Fiscal Conservatives},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {1992},
  volume       = {107},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {327--361},
  doi          = {10.2307/2118475},
  abstract     = {Voters penalize federal and state spending growth. This is the central result of my analysis of voting behavior in Presidential, Senatorial, and gubernatorial elections from 1950--1988. The composition of federal spending growth seems irrelevant. The vote loss to the President's party from an extra dollar of defense or nondefense spending is the same. However, in gubernatorial elections, expansion of state welfare spending exacts a disproportionate political price. Deficit financing of federal or state spending does not appear to matter politically. I conclude by discussing the obvious question of why government budgets have grown in the face of this voter hostility.},
}

@Article{Singer2011,
  author       = {Matthew M. Singer},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Who Says ``It's the Economy''? Cross-National and Cross-Individual Variation in the Salience of Economic Performance},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414010384371},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {284--312},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Theories of government approval usually assume that voters care about economic outcomes. This assumption frequently does not hold. Data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems demonstrate that although the economy is often the most important issue in an election, its place on the issue agenda varies across individuals and electoral contexts. The economy is more likely to dominate other issue concerns under conditions of economic recession, volatility, and economic underdevelopment. Moreover, at the individual level the salience of economic performance rises with unemployment and economic vulnerability. Governance crises related to corruption and human rights reduce attention to the economy, as do large-scale terrorist attacks. If the economy is not perceived as important, its effect on government approval is strongly mitigated. Thus, variations in the economy's salience need to be further incorporated into studies linking economic and political outcomes.},
}

@WWW{COREProject2015,
  author  = {{The CORE Project}},
  title   = {CORE},
  date    = {2015},
  url     = {http://www.core-econ.org/},
  urldate = {2017-04-27},
}

@Online{Walker2016-02-29,
  author       = {Walker, Andrew},
  title        = {Finland: The sick man of Europe?},
  url          = {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-35656150},
  urldate      = {2017-04-28},
  date         = {2016-02-29},
  organization = {BBC News},
}

@Article{Hall2012,
  author       = {Peter A. Hall},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {German Politics},
  title        = {The Economics and Politics of the Euro Crisis},
  doi          = {10.1080/09644008.2012.739614},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {355--371},
  volume       = {21},
  abstract     = {This article addresses puzzles raised by the Euro crisis: why was EMU established with limited institutional capacities, where do the roots of the crisis lie, how can the response to the crisis be explained, and what are its implications for European integration? It explores how prevailing economic doctrines conditioned the institutional shape of the single currency and locates the roots of the crisis in an institutional asymmetry grounded in national varieties of capitalism, which saw political economies organised to operate export-led growth models joined to others accustomed to demand-led growth. The response to the crisis is reviewed and explained in terms of limitations in European institutions, divergent economic doctrines and the boundaries of European solidarity. Proposed solutions to the crisis based on deflation or reflation are assessed from a varieties of capitalism perspective and the implications for European integration reviewed.},
}

@Article{GiavazziPagano1990,
  author       = {Francesco Giavazzi and Marco Pagano},
  title        = {Can Severe Fiscal Contractions Be Expansionary? Tales of Two Small European Countries},
  journaltitle = {NBER Macroeconomics Annual},
  date         = {1990},
  volume       = {5},
  pages        = {75-111},
  doi          = {10.1086/654131},
  abstract     = {According to conventional wisdom, a fiscal consolidation is likely to contract real aggregate demand. It has often been argued, however, that this conclusion is misleading as it neglects the role of expectations of future policy; if the fiscal consolidation is read by the private sector as a signal that the share of government spending in GDP is being permanently reduced, households will revise upward the estimate of their permanent income, and will raise current and planned consumption. Only the empirical evidence can sort out which of these two contending views about fiscal policy is more appropriate-i.e., how often the contractionary effect of a fiscal consolidation prevails on its expansionary expectational effect. This paper brings new evidence to bear on this issue drawing on the European exercise in fiscal rectitude of the 1980s, and focusing, in particular, on its two most extreme cases-Denmark and Ireland. We find that at least in the experience of these two countries the expectations view has a serious claim to empirical relevance.},
}

@Book{CarlinSoskice2006,
  author    = {Carlin, Wendy and Soskice, David},
  title     = {Macroeconomics: Imperfections, Institutions \& Policies},
  date      = {2006},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-877622-2},
}

@Article{Bulmer2014,
  author       = {Simon Bulmer},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {Germany and the Eurozone Crisis: Between Hegemony and Domestic Politics},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2014.929333},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1244--1263},
  volume       = {37},
  abstract     = {This paper explores Germany's centrality to the outcome of the eurozone crisis. It argues that the eurozone crisis has led Germany's ordo-liberal principles to trump its other longstanding commitment -- i.e. to European integration. These two principles are explored in order then to shed light on how they have played out during the crisis. German centrality has created high expectations for it to provide leadership. Exploring hegemony conceptually and in practice, it is argued that international legitimacy and increasing domestic constraints have limited a leadership role. Indeed, it is argued that it is the domestic political situation that explains why ordo-liberalism has trumped pro-Europeanism. Ordo-liberal emphasis on stability culture has provided a valuable strategic resource for securing German objectives within the eurozone while satisfying the requirements of domestic politics.},
}

@Article{BarnesHicks2018,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title        = {Making Austerity Popular: The Media and Mass Attitudes Towards Fiscal Policy},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {340--354},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12346},
  abstract     = {What explains variation in individual attitudes towards government deficits? Though macroeconomic stance is of paramount importance for contemporary governments, our understanding of its popular politics is limited. We argue that popular attitudes regarding austerity are influenced by media (and wider elite) framing. In- formation necessary to form preferences on the deficit is not provided neutrally, and its provision shapes how voters understand their interests. A wide range of evidence from Britain between 2010 and 2015 supports this claim. In the British Election Study, deficit attitudes vary systematically with the source of news consumption, even controlling for party identification. A structural topic model of two major newspapers' reporting shows that content varies systematically with respect to coverage of public borrowing --- in ways that intuitively accord with the attitudes of their readerships. Finally, a survey experiment suggests causation from media to attitudes: deficit preferences change based on the presentation of deficit information.},
}

@Article{TheEconomist2017-04-01,
  title        = {Portugal cuts its fiscal deficit while raising pensions and wages},
  journaltitle = {{The Economist}},
  date         = {2017-04-01},
  url          = {http://www.economist.com/news/21719753-socialists-say-their-keynesian-policies-are-working-others-fret-about-portugals},
  urldate      = {2017-04-28},
}

@Online{Cochrane2009-02-27,
  author  = {Cochrane, John H.},
  title   = {Fiscal Stimulus, Fiscal Inflation, or Fiscal Fallacies?},
  url     = {http://faculty.chicagobooth.edu/john.cochrane/research/Papers/fiscal2.htm},
  urldate = {2017-04-28},
  date    = {2009-02-27},
}

@Article{Barro1989,
  author       = {Barro, Robert J.},
  title        = {The Ricardian Approach to Budget Deficits},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  date         = {1989},
  volume       = {3},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {37--54},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.3.2.37},
}

@Article{DeLongSummers2012,
  author       = {DeLong, {J. Bradford} and Summers, Lawrence H.},
  title        = {Fiscal Policy in a Depressed Economy},
  journaltitle = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  date         = {2012},
  number       = {Spring},
  pages        = {233--297},
  doi          = {10.1353/eca.2012.0000},
  urldate      = {2015-06-18},
  abstract     = {In a depressed economy, with short-term nominal interest rates at their zero lower bound, ample cyclical unemployment, and excess capacity, increased government purchases would be neither offset by the monetary authority raising interest rates nor neutralized by supply-side bottlenecks. Then even a small amount of hysteresis -- even a small shadow cast on future potential output by the cyclical downturn -- means, by simple arithmetic, that expansionary fiscal policy is likely to be self-financing. Even if it is not, it is highly likely to pass the sensible benefit-cost test of raising the present value of future potential output. Thus, at the zero bound, where the central bank cannot or will not but in any event does not perform its full role in stabilization policy, fiscal policy has the stabilization policy mission that others have convincingly argued it lacks in normal times. Whereas many economists have assumed that the path of potential output is invariant to even a deep and prolonged downturn, the available evidence raises a strong fear that hysteresis is indeed a factor. Although nothing in our analysis calls into question the importance of sustainable fiscal policies, it strongly suggests the need for caution regarding the pace of fiscal consolidation.},
}

@Article{Trump2018,
  author       = {Trump, Kris-Stella},
  title        = {Income Inequality Influences Perceptions of Legitimate Income Differences},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {929--952},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123416000326},
  abstract     = {This article argues that public opinion regarding the legitimacy of income differences is influenced by actual income inequality. When income differences are perceived to be high, the public thinks of larger income inequality as legitimate. The phenomenon is explained by the system justification motivation and other psychological processes that favor existing social arrangements. Three experiments show that personal experiences of inequality as well as information regarding national-level income inequality can affect which income differences are thought of as legitimate. A fourth experiment shows that the system justification motivation is a cause of this effect. These results can provide an empirical basis for future studies to assume that the public reacts to inequality with adapted expectations, not increased demands for redistribution.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Svallfors1999,
  author       = {Stefan Svallfors},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {European Societies},
  title        = {Political trust and attitudes towards redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1080/14616696.1999.10749933},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {241--268},
  volume       = {1},
  abstract     = {Attitudes towards redistribution, and their links to political trust, are compared in Sweden and Norway using data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP). Attitudes towards redistribution are quite similar in both countries at an aggregate level, but class differences and differences between left and right party sympathizers are larger in Sweden than in Norway. Levels of political trust and personal political efficacy are clearly higher in Norway, but in neither of the countries are there any links between political efficacy and trust on the one hand and attitudes towards redistribution on the other. It is concluded that arguments about such a link may be wrong in putting emphasis on political trust as a determinant of attitudes towards redistribution. A possible alternative interpretation of the findings in this paper is that they are specific to the Scandinavian countries, where welfare state intervention has been institutionalized to a higher degree than elsewhere.},
}

@Article{ShariffEtAl2016,
  author       = {Azim F. Shariff and Dylan Wiwad and Lara B. Aknin},
  title        = {Income Mobility Breeds Tolerance for Income Inequality},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Psychological Science},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {11},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {373--380},
  doi          = {10.1177/1745691616635596},
  abstract     = {American politicians often justify income inequality by referencing the opportunities people have to move between economic stations. Though past research has shown associations between income mobility and resistance to wealth redistribution policies, no experimental work has tested whether perceptions of mobility influence tolerance for inequality. In this article, we present a cross-national comparison showing that income mobility is associated with tolerance for inequality and experimental work demonstrating that perceptions of higher mobility directly affect attitudes toward inequality. We find support for both the prospect of upward mobility and the view that peoples' economic station is the product of their own efforts, as mediating mechanisms.},
}

@Article{Sands2017,
  author       = {Sands, Melissa L.},
  title        = {Exposure to inequality affects support for redistribution},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {114},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {663--668},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.1615010113},
  abstract     = {The distribution of wealth in the United States and countries around the world is highly skewed. How does visible economic inequality affect well-off individuals' support for redistribution? Using a placebo-controlled field experiment, I randomize the presence of poverty-stricken people in public spaces frequented by the affluent. Passersby were asked to sign a petition calling for greater redistribution through a ``millionaire's tax.'' Results from 2,591 solicitations show that in a real-world-setting exposure to inequality decreases affluent individuals' willingness to redistribute. The finding that exposure to inequality begets inequality has fundamental implications for policymakers and informs our understanding of the effects of poverty, inequality, and economic segregation. Confederate race and socioeconomic status, both of which were randomized, are shown to interact such that treatment effects vary according to the race, as well as gender, of the subject.},
}

@Article{RudolphEvans2005,
  author       = {Rudolph, Thomas J. and Evans, Jillian},
  title        = {Political Trust, Ideology, and Public Support for Government Spending},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {49},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {660--671},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2005.00148.x},
  abstract     = {This article analyzes the relationship between political trust, ideology, and public support for government spending. We argue that the political trust heuristic is activated when individuals are asked to sacrifice ideological as well as material interests. Aggregate- and individual-level analysis shows that the effects of political trust on support for government spending are moderated by ideology. Consistent with the unbalanced ideological costs imposed by requests for increased government spending, we find that the effects of political trust are significantly more pronounced among conservatives than among liberals. The analysis further demonstrates that ideology conditions the effects of political trust on attitudes toward both distributive and redistributive spending. Our findings suggest that political trust has policy consequences across a much broader range of policy issues than previously thought.},
}

@Article{PageEtAl2013,
  author       = {Page, Benjamin I. and Bartels, Larry M. and Seawright, Jason},
  title        = {Democracy and the Policy Preferences of Wealthy Americans},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {11},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {51--73},
  doi          = {10.1017/S153759271200360X},
  abstract     = {It is important to know what wealthy Americans seek from politics and how (if at all) their policy preferences differ from those of other citizens. There can be little doubt that the wealthy exert more political influence than the less affluent do. If they tend to get their way in some areas of public policy, and if they have policy preferences that differ significantly from those of most Americans, the results could be troubling for democratic policy making. Recent evidence indicates that ``affluent'' Americans in the top fifth of the income distribution are socially more liberal but economically more conservative than others. But until now there has been little systematic evidence about the truly wealthy, such as the top 1 percent. We report the results of a pilot study of the political views and activities of the top 1 percent or so of US wealth-holders. We find that they are extremely active politically and that they are much more conservative than the American public as a whole with respect to important policies concerning taxation, economic regulation, and especially social welfare programs. Variation within this wealthy group suggests that the top one-tenth of 1 percent of wealth-holders (people with \$40 million or more in net worth) may tend to hold still more conservative views that are even more distinct from those of the general public. We suggest that these distinctive policy preferences may help account for why certain public policies in the United States appear to deviate from what the majority of US citizens wants the government to do. If this is so, it raises serious issues for democratic theory.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{MarxSchumacher2016,
  author       = {Paul Marx and Gijs Schumacher},
  title        = {The effect of economic change and elite framing on support for welfare state retrenchment: A survey experiment},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {20--31},
  doi          = {10.1177/0958928715621711},
  abstract     = {How do economic downturns affect citizens' support for welfare state retrenchment? Existing observational studies fail to isolate the effect of economic conditions and the effect of elite framing of these conditions. We therefore designed a survey experiment to evaluate how economic change in conjunction with different elite frames impact citizens' support for welfare state retrenchment. We hypothesise and demonstrate that the effects of these frames differ by income group and partisanship. Our survey experiment --- carried out in the United Kingdom --- demonstrates that poor economic prospects generally motivate support for unemployment benefits vis-{\`a}-vis deficit reduction. Emphasis on inequality does not change this picture. Emphasis on government debt and deficits increases support for retrenchment compared with objective information. We find support for the hypothesis that partisans are less responsive to the economy than independents. However, income differences are a surprisingly weak moderator of our treatments. We derive two main conclusions: first, elite frames significantly influence the effect of economic change on welfare state preferences. Second, party identification is crucial to understand individual differences in welfare state preferences and should receive more attention in future research.},
}

@TechReport{LergetporerEtAl2016-05,
  author      = {Philipp Lergetporer and Guido Schwerdt and Katharina Werner and Ludger W{\"o}{\ss}mann},
  title       = {Information and Preferences for Public Spending: Evidence from Representative Survey Experiments},
  institution = {IZA},
  date        = {2016-05},
  number      = {Discussion Paper No. 9968},
  url         = {http://ftp.iza.org/dp9968.pdf},
  urldate     = {2017-06-05},
  abstract    = {The electorates' lack of information about the extent of public spending may cause misalignments between voters' preferences and the size of government. We devise a series of representative survey experiments in Germany that randomly provide treatment groups with information on current spending levels. Results show that such information strongly reduces support for public spending in various domains from social security to defense. Data on prior information status on school spending and teacher salaries shows that treatment effects are strongest for those who initially underestimated spending levels, indicating genuine information effects rather than pure priming effects. Information on spending requirements also reduces support for specific education reforms. Preferences on spending across education levels are also malleable to information.},
}

@Article{KaradjaEtAl2017,
  author       = {Mounir Karadja and Johanna Mollerstrom and David Seim},
  title        = {Richer (and Holier) Than Thou? The Effect of Relative Income Improvements on Demand for Redistribution},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {99},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {201--212},
  doi          = {10.1162/REST_a_00623},
  abstract     = {We use a tailor-made survey on a Swedish sample to investigate how individuals' relative income affects their demand for redistribution. We first document that a majority misperceive their position in the income distribution and believe that they are poorer, relative to others, than they actually are. We then inform a subsample about their true relative income and find that individuals who are richer than they initially thought demand less redistribution. This result is driven by individuals with prior right-of-center political preferences who view taxes as distortive and believe that effort, rather than luck, drives individual economic success.},
}

@Article{JacobsMatthews2017,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott},
  title        = {Policy Attitudes in Institutional Context: Rules, Uncertainty, and the Mass Politics of Public Investment},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {194--207},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12209},
  abstract     = {This article examines the link between citizens' policy attitudes and the institutional context in which policies are carried out. The article develops a theory of opinion formation toward policies that impose costs on citizens in order to invest in broadly valued social goods. In this framework, problems of agency loss and time inconsistency leave citizens uncertain about whether promised policy benefits will be delivered. Citizen support for public investments thus depends on whether the institutional context makes elites' policy promises credible. We consider hypotheses about how the institutional allocation of authority and the institutional rules governing implementation affect citizen support for public investment, and we find broad support for the framework in three survey experiments administered to representative samples of U.S. citizens. The results shed light on the link between political institutions and citizens' attitudes, the capacities of voters for substantive political reasoning, and the political prospects for public investment.},
}

@Article{HetheringtonHusser2012,
  author       = {Hetherington, Marc J. and Husser, Jason A.},
  title        = {How Trust Matters: The Changing Political Relevance of Political Trust},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {56},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {312--325},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00548.x},
  abstract     = {Americans most often think about government in terms of its ability to grapple with issues of redistribution and race. However, the September 11 terrorist attacks led to a massive increase in media attention to foreign affairs, which caused people to think about the government in terms of defense and foreign policy. We demonstrate that such changes in issue salience alter the policy preferences that political trust shapes. Specifically, we show that trust did not affect attitudes about the race-targeted programs in 2004 as it usually does, but instead affected a range of foreign policy and national defense preferences. By merging survey data gathered from 1980 through 2004 with data from media content analyses, we show that, more generally, trust's effects on defense and racial policy preferences, respectively, increase as the media focus more attention in these areas and decrease when that attention ebbs.},
}

@Article{GlaeserEtAl2000,
  author       = {Glaeser, Edward L. and Laibson, David I. and Scheinkman, Jos{\'e} A. and Soutter, Christine L.},
  title        = {Measuring Trust},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {115},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {811},
  doi          = {10.1162/003355300554926},
  abstract     = {We combine two experiments and a survey to measure trust and trustworthiness -- two key components of social capital. Standard attitudinal survey questions about trust predict trustworthy behavior in our experiments much better than they predict trusting behavior. Trusting behavior in the experiments is predicted by past trusting behavior outside of the experiments. When individuals are closer socially, both trust and trustworthiness rise. Trustworthiness declines when partners are of different races or nationalities. High status individuals are able to elicit more trustworthiness in others.},
}

@TechReport{GimpelsonTreisman2015,
  author      = {Vladimir Gimpelson and Daniel Treisman},
  title       = {Misperceiving Inequality},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  date        = {2015-05},
  type        = {Working Paper},
  number      = {21174},
  doi         = {10.3386/w21174},
  url         = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w21174},
  abstract    = {A vast literature suggests that economic inequality has important consequences for politics and public policy. Higher inequality is thought to increase demand for income redistribution in democracies and to discourage democratization and promote class conflict and revolution in dictatorships. Most such arguments crucially assume that ordinary people know how high inequality is, how it has been changing, and where they fit in the income distribution. Using a variety of large, cross-national surveys, we show that, in recent years, ordinary people have had little idea about such things. What they think they know is often wrong. Widespread ignorance and misperceptions emerge robustly, regardless of data source, operationalization, and measurement method. Moreover, perceived inequality-not the actual level-correlates strongly with demand for redistribution and reported conflict between rich and poor. We suggest that most theories about political effects of inequality need to be reframed as theories about effects of perceived inequality.},
  series      = {Working Paper Series},
}

@Article{Edlund2006,
  author       = {Jonas Edlund},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Acta Sociologica},
  title        = {Trust in the Capability of the Welfare State and General Welfare State Support: Sweden 1997-2002},
  doi          = {10.1177/0001699306071681},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {395--417},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {A central component of institutional trust is related to perceptions of state capacity. Claims have been made that if citizens' experiences with the state tell them that the government is efficacious, fair and trustworthy, then the odds for supporting publicly financed welfare policies are higher compared to a situation when their experiences with government feed feelings of inefficiency, corruption, unfairness and arbitrary discretion. The general question guiding the empirical analysis is the following: Is distrust in institutional capability an important prerequisite for general welfare state support withdrawal? Relying on Swedish nationally representative survey data, this issue is examined using Latent Class Analysis (LCA). Empirical evidence suggests that distrust in the institutional capability of the welfare state has not translated into widespread anti-welfare state sentiments. For some citizens, distrust in the capability of the welfare state is an issue of insufficient resources and they are willing to increase social spending in order to improve social services and benefits. For other citizens, distrust is closely connected with anti-welfare state sentiments. The article discusses the implications of the results for arguments about institutional trust and welfare state support.},
}

@Article{Edlund1999,
  author       = {Edlund, Jonas},
  title        = {Trust in government and welfare regimes: attitudes to redistribution and financial cheating in the USA and Norway},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {35},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {341--370},
  issn         = {1475-6765},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.00452},
  abstract     = {Claims have been made that national institutions influence public preferences, as well as structuring patterns of social division. This article analyses attitudes to redistribution and financial cheating in Norway and the USA. On the aggregate level the results show that there are striking differences between the two countries regarding attitudes to redistribution and confidence in the state, while similar attitude patterns are found regarding cheating with taxes and benefits. Results endorse arguments emphasising that the design and scope of welfare state policies shape and determine their own legitimacy. There is less support for political trust arguments, which emphasise that the efficacy of political decision-making institutions promotes beliefs about trust in the state and views on government responsibilities. Similarly, arguments proposing that advanced welfare statism has undesirable effects on civic morality, such as cheating on taxes and benefits, are not supported empirically. Finally, while conflicts over redistribution are similarly structured in the USA and Norway, divisions over financial cheating are less clear-cut and vary cross-nationally.},
}

@Article{DanieleGeys2015,
  author       = {Gianmarco Daniele and Benny Geys},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Interpersonal trust and welfare state support},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2015.03.005},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  pages        = {1--12},
  url          = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268015000270},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {The economic importance of the welfare state has increased strongly over time, which has generated a vast academic literature studying the determinants of (preferences towards) redistribution. This article argues that citizens' trust in their fellow citizens can play a central role for welfare state support, because it buttresses the belief that others will not use the welfare system inappropriately. Using the fourth wave of the European Social Survey, we confirm a strong positive association between interpersonal trust and welfare state support (controlling for institutional trust). We also show that: i) this link is driven at least in part by the mechanism discussed above; ii) causality runs from interpersonal trust to welfare state support (using a sub-sample of second generation immigrants); and iii) the effect of interpersonal trust appears conditional on the perceived quality of a country's institutions.},
  keywords     = {Trust, Welfare state, Redistribution, Procedural Justice, ESS},
}

@Article{CrucesEtAl2013,
  author       = {Guillermo Cruces and Ricardo Perez-Truglia and Martin Tetaz},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Biased perceptions of income distribution and preferences for redistribution: Evidence from a survey experiment},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2012.10.009},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  pages        = {100--112},
  volume       = {98},
  abstract     = {Individual perceptions of income distribution play a vital role in political economy and public finance models, yet there is little evidence regarding their origins or accuracy. This study examines how individuals form these perceptions and explores their potential impact on preferences for redistribution. A tailored household survey provides original evidence on systematic biases in individuals' evaluations of their own relative position in the income distribution. The study discusses one of the mechanisms that may generate such biases, based on the extrapolation of information from endogenous reference groups, and presents some suggestive evidence that this mechanism has significant explanatory power. The impact of these biased perceptions on attitudes toward redistributive policies is studied by means of an experimental design that was incorporated into the survey, which provided consistent information on the own-ranking within the income distribution to a randomly selected group of respondents. The evidence suggests that those who had overestimated their relative position and thought that they were relatively richer than they were tend to demand higher levels of redistribution when informed of their true ranking.},
  keywords     = {Income distribution, Biased perceptions, Limited information, Preferences for redistribution},
}

@Article{CavailleTrump2015,
  author       = {Charlotte Cavaill{\'e} and Kris-Stella Trump},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Two Facets of Social Policy Preferences},
  doi          = {10.1086/678312},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {146-160},
  volume       = {77},
  abstract     = {Most political economy models start from the assumption that economic self-interest is a key predictor of support for income redistribution. A growing literature, in contrast, emphasizes the role of ``other-oriented'' concerns, such as social solidarity or affinity for the poor. These frameworks generate distinct, often conflicting predictions about variation in mass attitudes toward redistribution. We argue that this tension is in part an artifact of conceptualizing demand for redistribution as unidimensional and propose distinguishing between redistribution conceived as taking from the ``rich'' and redistribution conceived as giving to the ``poor.'' These two facets of redistribution prime different individual motives: self-oriented income maximization on the one hand and other-oriented social affinity with welfare beneficiaries on the other. We find strong evidence for this framework using British longitudinal survey data and cross-sectional data from four advanced industrial countries. We discuss the implications for studying changes in mass support for redistributive social policies.},
}

@Article{BerghBjornskov2014,
  author       = {Andreas Bergh and Christian Bj{\o}rnskov},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Trust, welfare states and income equality: Sorting out the causality},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.06.002},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  pages        = {183--199},
  volume       = {35},
  abstract     = {The cross-country correlation between social trust and income equality is well documented, but few studies examine the direction of causality. We show theoretically that by facilitating cooperation, trust may lead to more equal outcomes, while the feedback from inequality to trust is ambiguous. Using a structural equation model estimated on a large country sample, we find that trust has a positive effect on both market and net income equality. Larger welfare states lead to higher net equality but neither net income equality nor welfare state size seems to have a causal effect on trust. We conclude that while trust facilitates welfare state policies that may reduce net inequality, this decrease in inequality does not increase trust.},
  keywords     = {Social trust, Inequality, Welfare state},
}

@Article{Ballard-RosaEtAl2017,
  author       = {Cameron Ballard-Rosa and Lucy Martin and Kenneth Scheve},
  title        = {The Structure of American Income Tax Policy Preferences},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {79},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--16},
  doi          = {10.1086/687324},
  abstract     = {In recent decades inequality in the United States has increased dramatically, but policy responses in terms of redistribution have been limited. This is not easily explained by standard political economy theory, which predicts a positive relationship between inequality and redistribution. One set of explanations for this puzzle focuses on whether and why redistributive preferences are muted in the presence of high inequality. While much recent research has focused on citizens' preferences over government spending, we argue that preferences over taxation are a central piece of this puzzle. This article implements an experimental conjoint survey design to measure American income tax preferences across six income brackets. We find that policy opinions are generally progressive but that preferences do not vary substantially from current tax policies, and support for taxing the rich is highly inelastic. We show that both economic and fairness concerns affect individual tax preferences and find that conflict is primarily over taxing high incomes.},
}

@Article{AndersonEtAl2008,
  author       = {Lisa R. Anderson and Jennifer M. Mellor and Jeffrey Milyo},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Socio-Economics},
  title        = {Inequality and public good provision: An experimental analysis},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.socec.2006.12.073},
  issn         = {1053-5357},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1010--1028},
  volume       = {37},
  abstract     = {Recent studies report that economic inequality is associated with reduced government expenditures on social programs. Several prominent social scientists, including Putman (Putnam, R., 2000. Bowling Alone. Simon and Schuster, New York), attribute this to the detrimental ``psychosocial effects'' of group heterogeneity on cooperation. We test the hypothesis that inequality within a group reduces individual contributions in a public goods experiment. Unlike previous examinations of inequality and public good provision, we introduce inequality by manipulating the levels and distributions of fixed payments given to subjects. When made salient through public information about each individual's standing within the group, inequality reduces contributions to the public good for all group members.},
  keywords     = {Inequality, Heterogeneity, Cooperation, Public goods, Experiments},
}

@InCollection{AltEtAl2010,
  author    = {Alt, James E. and Preston, Ian and Sibieta, Luke},
  title     = {The Political Economy of Tax Policy},
  booktitle = {Dimensions of Tax Design: The Mirrlees Review},
  date      = {2010},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  chapter   = {13},
  pages     = {1204--1279},
  url       = {https://www.ifs.org.uk/uploads/mirrleesreview/dimensions/ch13.pdf},
  urldate   = {2017-06-06},
}

@Article{AlganEtAl2016,
  author       = {Algan, Yann and Cahuc, Pierre and Sangnier, Marc},
  title        = {Trust and the Welfare State: the Twin Peaks Curve},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {126},
  number       = {593},
  pages        = {861--883},
  issn         = {1468-0297},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecoj.12278},
  abstract     = {We show the existence of a twin peaks relation between trust and the size of the welfare state that stems from two opposing forces. Uncivic people support large welfare states because they expect to benefit from them without bearing their costs. But civic individuals support generous benefits and high taxes only when they are surrounded by trustworthy individuals. We provide empirical evidence for these behaviours and this twin peaks relation in the OECD countries.},
}

@Article{LuScheve2016,
  author       = {Xiaobo L{\"u} and Kenneth Scheve},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Self-Centered Inequity Aversion and the Mass Politics of Taxation},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414016666834},
  number       = {14},
  pages        = {1965--1997},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {The politics of economic crises brings distributive economic conflict to the fore of national political debates. How policy should be used to transfer resources between citizens becomes a central political question, and the answers chosen often influence the trajectory of policy for a generation. This context provides an ideal setting for evaluating the importance of self-interest and other-regarding preferences in shaping public opinion about economic policy. This article investigates whether self-centered inequity aversion along with self-interest influences individual tax policy opinions. We conduct original survey experiments in France and the United States, and provide evidence that individuals care about both how policy alternatives affect their own interests and how they influence the welfare of others relative to themselves.},
}

@Article{Gallego2016,
  author       = {Gallego, Aina},
  title        = {Inequality and the erosion of trust among the poor: experimental evidence},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {14},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {443},
  doi          = {10.1093/ser/mww010},
  abstract     = {This article uses a subtle experimental treatment to examine how perceptions of income inequality affect generalized trust and the willingness to cooperate with others. It hypothesizes that inequality reduces prosocial attitudes mostly among low-income citizens, who are very sensitive to changes in their relative status. The results of the survey experiment conducted in the Netherlands suggest that perceiving the income distribution as more unequal has particularly detrimental effects on the prosocial attitudes of the poor. A disproportionate erosion of trust among the poor due to increases in income inequality may be an important mechanism hindering mobilization in favor of redistribution.},
}

@Article{BlundellCostaDias2000,
  author       = {Blundell, Richard and Costa Dias, Monica},
  title        = {Evaluation Methods for Non-Experimental Data},
  journaltitle = {Fiscal Studies},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {21},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {427--468},
  issn         = {1475-5890},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2000.tb00031.x},
  abstract     = {This paper presents a review of non-experimental methods for the evaluation of social programmes. We consider matching and selection methods and analyse each for cross-section, repeated cross-section and longitudinal data. The methods are assessed drawing on evidence from labour market programmes in the UK and in the US.},
  keywords     = {J38, H3, C2, evaluation, social programmes, labour market, welfare to work},
  publisher    = {The Institute for Fiscal Studies},
}

@Unpublished{ChariteEtAl2016-07,
  author   = {Jimmy Charit{\'e} and Raymond Fisman and Ilyana Kuziemko},
  title    = {Reference points and redistributive preferences: Experimental evidence},
  date     = {2016-07-31},
  pubstate = {Unpublished manuscript},
  url      = {http://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/kuziemko/files/draft_15july2016_ik.pdf},
  urldate  = {2017-06-16},
  abstract = {If individuals evaluate outcomes relative to the status quo, then a social planner may limit redistribution from rich to poor even in the absence of moral hazard. We present two experiments suggesting that individuals, placed in the position of a social planner, respect the reference points of others. First, subjects are given the opportunity to redistribute unequal, unearned initial endowments between two anonymous recipients. They redistribute significantly less if the recipients know the initial endowments (and thus may have formed corresponding reference points) than if the recipients do not know their endowments, when we observe near-complete redistribution. In a separate experiment, respondents are asked to choose a tax rate for someone who (due to luck) became rich either five years or one year ago. Subjects faced with the five-year scenario choose a lower tax rate, indicating respect for the more deeply embedded (five-year) reference point. Our results thus suggest that respect for reference points of the wealthy may help explain why voters demand less redistribution than standard models predict.},
}

@InCollection{Matthews2013,
  author    = {Matthews, J. Scott},
  title     = {When Partisans are Attacked: Motivated Reasoning and the New Party System},
  booktitle = {Parties, Elections and the Future of Canadian Politics},
  date      = {2013},
  editor    = {Amanda Bittner and Royce Koop},
  publisher = {UBC Press},
  location  = {Vancouver, CA},
}

@Article{HobbsVignoles2010,
  author       = {Hobbs, Graham and Vignoles, Anna},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {British Educational Research Journal},
  title        = {Is children's free school meal `eligibility' a good proxy for family income?},
  doi          = {10.1080/01411920903083111},
  issn         = {1469-3518},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {673--690},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {Family income is an important factor associated with children's educational achievement. However, key areas of UK research (for example, on socially segregated schooling) and policy (for example, the allocation of funding to schools) rely on children's free school meal (FSM) `eligibility' to proxy family income. This article examines the relationship between children's FSM `eligibility' and equivalent net household income in a nationally representative survey of England (the Family Resources Survey). It finds that children `eligible' for FSM are much more likely than other children to be in the lowest income households. However, only around one-quarter to one-half of them were in the lowest income households in 2004/5. This is principally because the receipt of means-tested benefits (and tax credits) pushes children eligible for FSM up the household income distribution. The implications for key areas of research and policy are discussed.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{JenkinsHenry2016,
  author       = {Jenkins, Jade Marcus and Henry, Gary T.},
  title        = {Dispersed vs. Centralized Policy Governance: The Case of State Early Care and Education Policy},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {709--725},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/muw003},
  abstract     = {Policy and public management scholars have long theorized about the fragmentation of policy governance across numerous agencies, yet the effects of concentrated or dispersed governance on outcomes of the target population are largely unknown. Child policy is a policy field where dispersion has raised particular concerns, leading several states to consolidate governance for children's programs in recent years. After presenting arguments both for and against the dispersion of policies across agencies, we estimate the effect of dispersion of state-level early childhood education policy governance on children's reading skills. Using a unique nationally representative, longitudinal data set of young children merged with rich state-level data, we use instrumental variables estimation to address potential endogeneity of state governance policies. Our findings indicate that there is a significant positive effect of dispersed governance on children's reading skills in kindergarten. The returns to dispersion diminish above four agencies. Future research in this area should explore the specific mechanisms through which policy governance affects child outcomes.},
}

@Article{Lowry2016,
  author       = {Lowry, Robert C.},
  title        = {Subsidizing Institutions vs. Outputs vs. Individuals: States' Choices for Financing Public Postsecondary Education},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {197--210},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/muv024},
  abstract     = {Governments that want to subsidize goods or services can delegate responsibility for production to a public agency as part of its overall mission, subsidize production of specific outputs, or subsidize specific beneficiaries of excludable goods and services. For public postsecondary education, the corresponding funding mechanisms are operating appropriations that delegate authority to choose outputs and beneficiaries to public colleges and universities, grants and contracts, or student financial aid. Consistent with theories explaining delegation of policymaking authority, I find that the mix of funding mechanisms depends on institutions that affect planning capacity and oversight costs: States with more professional legislatures or statewide coordinating boards delegate less, that is, they spend more on grants and contracts and need-based student aid relative to appropriations. Relative use of grants and contracts decreases as the number of institutional governing boards increases, but use of need-based aid does not.},
}

@Article{WalkerAndrews2015,
  author       = {Walker, Richard M. and Andrews, Rhys},
  title        = {Local Government Management and Performance: A Review of Evidence},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {101--133},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mut038},
  abstract     = {Local governments play a critical role in delivering services to the public. Over recent decades scholars have begun to empirically examine the relationship between the management and performance of local governments, locating this in economic, contingency, and resource-based theoretical frameworks. In this study, we undertake a comprehensive assessment of what is currently known about the management-performance hypothesis in local governments by integrating the empirical research that has been published over the past 40 years. We uncover 86 empirical articles that rigorously test the management-performance hypothesis and apply the support score review technique to the findings of these studies. Our analysis suggests that scholars have yet to explore all of the approaches to local government management with the same vigor. The majority of attention has been focused on the concepts of organization size, strategy content, planning, staff quality, personnel stability, representative bureaucracy, and networking. The evidence points toward strong positive performance effects resulting from staff quality, personnel stability, and planning, and moderate support for the benefits of networking, representative bureaucracy, and strategy content. Subanalyses reveal different relationships across dimensions of performance and organizational levels within local governments, and that the British and American scholars that have dominated these studies have largely drawn upon divergent theoretical perspectives. Directions for future research are also considered.},
}

@Article{Nielsen2014,
  author       = {Nielsen, Poul A.},
  title        = {Performance Management, Managerial Authority, and Public Service Performance},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {431--458},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mut025},
  abstract     = {A central notion of performance management reform is that outcome-based accountability should be accompanied by increased managerial authority, thereby granting managers the flexibility to engineer performance-oriented change. Studies have revealed, however, that managerial authority does not follow automatically when performance management is adopted. This article examines whether increased managerial authority does indeed promote the effectiveness of performance management. The article relies on a 4-year panel on management and the performance of more than 45,000 students in 314 Danish schools and includes detailed socioeconomic controls, which allows for a differences-in-differences design. Unlike previous studies, these data provide simultaneous variations in both performance management reform and managerial authority. Testing four dimensions of managerial authority, the article finds that managerial authority over human resources positively moderates the effect of performance management, whereas decentralizing goal setting works in the opposite direction. These findings may help account for the differing effects of performance management found in previous studies and suggest that decision makers should be cautious about only partially adopting accountability-based reform.},
}

@Article{CarlsonEtAl2014,
  author       = {Carlson, Deven E. and Cowen, Joshua M. and Fleming, David J.},
  title        = {Third-Party Governance and Performance Measurement: A Case Study of Publicly Funded Private School Vouchers},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {897--922},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mut017},
  abstract     = {This article considers the introduction of a performance measurement reform for private schools serving students who receive state-provided vouchers in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Drawing on unique panel data collected both before and after the reform, we show that private sector performance increased significantly when outcomes were publicly reported. We frame these results in the context of third-party provision of public services and argue that our evidence suggests that market-based competition alone may not drive nongovernmental providers to perform at optimal levels. Instead, such vendors may require performance-monitoring schemes similar to those faced by their governmental counterparts.},
}

@Article{NietoMoralesEtAl2013,
  author       = {Nieto Morales, Fernando and Wittek, Rafael and Heyse, Liesbet},
  title        = {After the Reform: Change in Dutch Public and Private Organizations},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {735--754},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mus006},
  abstract     = {Proponents of new public management (NPM) expect public organizations to become more flexible and adaptive after administrative reforms, effectively showing convergence with patterns of organizational change in the private sector. This ``convergence argument'' is tested with a sample of 61 public and 61 private organizations in the Netherlands. We analyze whether public organizations, after 20 years of NPM reform, have changed their organizational structures and internal policies in relation to competitive, regulatory, and autonomy pressures, similarly to private organizations. Statistical analyses show that competition increases the incidence of change both in public and private organizations. High managerial autonomy and exposure to regulatory pressures relate to increased incidence of change in public organizations, but not in private ones. The results support the idea that NPM reform has made public organizations more similar to private organizations but that some concrete differences persist between private and public management in the Netherlands.},
}

@Article{Destler2017,
  author       = {Destler, Katharine Neem},
  title        = {A Matter of Trust: Street Level Bureaucrats, Organizational Climate and Performance Management Reform},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {517--534},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/muw055},
  abstract     = {The effects of performance management -- on organizational outcomes and, to a lesser extent, organizational behavior -- have been widely studied. However, we know little about how organizations dominated by street-level bureaucrats respond to performance management reform. Focusing on one large urban school district that adopted performance management reforms in 2007, this article analyzes qualitative and quantitative data to understand how organizational climate shapes street-level bureaucrats' performance management values and performance management behavior. Using a validated scale of organizational climate, it finds that a human relations climate is positively associated with the espousal performance management values and performance management behaviors. Individual dimensions of human relations climate, moreover, exhibit different effects. A climate that prioritizes employee welfare is positively associated with performance management reform, while one that facilitates employee involvement and dissent is negatively associated with performance management reform. Moreover, certain elements of climate, such as trust among colleagues and supervisory support, affect certain performance behaviors more than others.},
}

@Article{MeierHicklin2008,
  author       = {Meier, Kenneth J. and Hicklin, Alisa},
  title        = {Employee Turnover and Organizational Performance: Testing a Hypothesis from Classical Public Administration},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {18},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {573--590},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mum028},
  abstract     = {Empirical studies of public employee turnover, particularly using turnover as an independent variable, are rare; and most of the literature assumes turnover to have a negative impact on organizations. This study examines a provocative but little supported hypothesis that has recently emerged in the private sector literature -- that turnover may provide positive benefits to the organization, at least up to a point. Using data from several hundred public organizations over a nine-year period, we test the proposition that moderate levels of turnover may positively affect organizational performance. We find that while turnover is indeed negatively related to performance for the organization's primary goal, it does have the hypothesized nonlinear relationship for a secondary output that is characterized by greater task difficulty.},
}

@Article{BarankayLockwood2007,
  author       = {Iwan Barankay and Ben Lockwood},
  title        = {Decentralization and the productive efficiency of government: Evidence from Swiss cantons},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {91},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1197--1218},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2006.11.006},
  abstract     = {Advocates of fiscal decentralization argue that among other benefits, it can increase the efficiency of delivery of government services. This paper is one of the first to evaluate this claim empirically by looking at the association between expenditure decentralization and the productive efficiency of government using a data set of Swiss cantons. We first provide careful evidence that expenditure decentralization is a powerful proxy for legal local autonomy. Further panel regressions of Swiss cantons provide robust evidence that more decentralization is associated with higher educational attainment. We also show that these gains lead to no adverse effects across education types but that male students benefited more from educational decentralization closing, for the Swiss case, the gender education gap.},
  keywords     = {Decentralization, productive efficiency, local public goods},
}

@Article{GrissomEtAl2016,
  author       = {Grissom, Jason A. and Viano, Samantha L. and Selin, Jennifer L.},
  title        = {Understanding Employee Turnover in the Public Sector: Insights from Research on Teacher Mobility},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration Review},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {76},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {241--251},
  issn         = {1540-6210},
  doi          = {10.1111/puar.12435},
  abstract     = {Employee turnover is a key area for public administration research, but one about which there is much still to be learned. Insights from an extensive body of research on employee turnover in a specific area of the public sector -- public education -- contributes to the understanding of employee mobility in public organizations more generally. The authors present a conceptual framework for understanding employee turnover that is grounded in economic theories of labor supply and demand, which have formed the foundation of many studies of teacher turnover. The main findings of this body of work are documented, noting connections to the literature on public employee turnover, lessons that can be learned, and potential new areas for empirical inquiry for scholars of turnover in the public sector.},
  publisher    = {Wiley Subscription Services, Inc.},
}

@Article{Naper2010,
  author       = {Linn Ren{\'e}e Naper},
  title        = {Teacher hiring practices and educational efficiency},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {29},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {658--668},
  issn         = {0272-7757},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2009.11.002},
  abstract     = {This paper analyses the relationship between teacher hiring practices and educational efficiency in Norwegian school districts. The hiring decision is made at the school level by the principal or at the school district level. According to the data, efficiency is the highest in districts where hiring is decentralized. Hiring practices are decided by the school district, and linear estimates of the effect of decentralized hiring on efficiency may be biased because of non-random selection. First, I approach this problem by including a large set of controls in a school district level analysis, which does not alter the qualitative result. Second, I perform a school level analysis with district fixed effects. The results indicate, as expected, that the effect of decentralization is stronger for schools facing excess teacher supply than for schools without excess supply.},
  keywords     = {Education, Efficiency, DEA, School autonomy, Hiring practices},
}

@Article{Jackson2012,
  author       = {C. Kirabo Jackson},
  title        = {School competition and teacher labor markets: Evidence from charter school entry in North Carolina},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {96},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {431--448},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2011.12.006},
  abstract     = {I analyze changes in teacher turnover, hiring, effectiveness, and salaries at traditional public schools after the opening of a nearby charter school. While I find small effects on turnover overall, difficult to staff schools (low-income, high-minority share) hired fewer new teachers and experienced small declines in teacher quality. I also find evidence of a demand side response where schools increased teacher compensation to better retain quality teachers. The results are robust across a variety of alternate specifications to account for non-random charter entry.},
  keywords     = {Teacher quality, Teacher labor markets, Charter schools, School competition},
}

@Article{MeierEtAl2015,
  author       = {Meier, Kenneth J. and Andersen, Simon Calmar and O'Toole, Jr., Laurence J. and Favero, Nathan and Winter, S{\o}ren C.},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {International Public Management Journal},
  title        = {Taking Managerial Context Seriously: Public Management and Performance in U.S. and Denmark Schools},
  doi          = {10.1080/10967494.2014.972485},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {130--150},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {While recent research has shown that management matters, we know very little about the role of national contexts in shaping management effects on performance. We address this issue by comparing the impact of management of similar organizations --- schools --- in very different national contexts, the unitary and corporatist Denmark and the fragmented, adversarial Texas. We hypothesize that external as well as internal management matter more in Texas than Denmark. This is because Texas principals can gain power by negotiating the adversarial system, while the corporatist influence of teachers reduces the decision authority of principals in Denmark through collective agreements and important shop stewards. Based on combinations of parallel surveys of school principals and archival data on student performance, we confirm that aspects of both external and internal management matter substantially in Texas while having virtually no effect in Denmark. We therefore suggest that public management research should pay more attention to the role of context.},
}

@Article{FrankoEtAl2016,
  author       = {Franko, William W. and Kelly, Nathan J. and Witko, Christopher},
  title        = {Class Bias in Voter Turnout, Representation, and Income Inequality},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {14},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {351--368},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592716000062},
  abstract     = {The mass franchise led to more responsive government and a more equitable distribution of resources in the United States and other democracies. Recently in America, however, voter participation has been low and increasingly biased toward the wealthy. We investigate whether this electoral ``class bias'' shapes government ideology, the substance of economic policy, and distributional outcomes, thereby shedding light on both the old question of whether who votes matters and the newer question of how politics has contributed to growing income inequality. Because both lower and upper income groups try to use their resources to mobilize their supporters and demobilize their opponents, we argue that variation in class bias in turnout is a good indicator of the balance of power between upper and lower income groups. And because lower income voters favor more liberal governments and economic policies we expect that less class bias will be associated with these outcomes and a more equal income distribution. Our analysis of data from the U.S. states confirms that class bias matters for these outcomes.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Unpublished{BarberaEtAl2016-08-26,
  author   = {Barber{\'a}, Pablo and Boydstun, Amber and Linn, Suzanna and McMahon, Ryan and Nagler, Jonathan},
  title    = {Methodological Challenges in Estimating Tone: Application to News Coverage of the U.S. Economy},
  date     = {2016-08-26},
  note     = {Presented at the Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, September, 2016.},
  url      = {https://as.nyu.edu/content/dam/nyu-as/faculty/documents/econmedia_mpsa2016_methods_rvBBLMN.pdf},
  urldate  = {2017-08-25},
  abstract = {Machine learning methods have made possible the classification of large corpora of text by measures such as topic, tone, and ideology. However, even when using dictionary-based methods that require few inputs by the analyst beyond the text itself, many decisions must be made before a measure of any kind is produced from the text. When coding media the analyst must decide on the universe of media sources to sample from, as well as the criteria for selecting articles for coding from within that universe. If utilizing a supervised learning method, the method of generating training data presents many decisions: the unit of analysis to code, choice of coders, number of articles or units to code, number of coders per unit, and method of dealing with multiple codings of a single object. In this paper we consider the many decisions made by the analyst in using machine learning to classify media texts- using as a running example efforts to measure the tone (positive, negative, neutral) of newspaper coverage of the economy -- and highlight our key findings throughout. In particular, we show that the decision of how to choose the corpus matters a great deal. We also introduce coder variance as a simple but novel measure of coder quality, and we demonstrate that this concept can be used to illustrate the varying returns to using multiple coders versus larger sample sizes in construction of a training dataset optimized for best classifier production. Finally, we introduce Classifer Training Using Multiple Codings, an improved  method of utilizing multiple codings of individual objects, and demonstrate through simulation that it outperforms alternatives.},
}

@Article{PedregosaEtAl2011,
  author       = {Pedregosa, F. and Varoquaux, G. and Gramfort, A. and Michel, V. and Thirion, B. and Grisel, O. and Blondel, M. and Prettenhofer, P. and Weiss, R. and Dubourg, V. and Vanderplas, J. and Passos, A. and Cournapeau, D. and Brucher, M. and Perrot, M. and Duchesnay, E.},
  title        = {Scikit-learn: Machine Learning in {P}ython},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Machine Learning Research},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {12},
  pages        = {2825--2830},
}

@Article{Hoechle2007,
  author       = {Daniel Hoechle},
  title        = {Robust standard errors for panel regressions with cross-sectional dependence},
  journaltitle = {The Stata Journal},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {7},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {281--312},
  url          = {http://www.stata-journal.com/article.html?article=st0128},
  urldate      = {2017-08-25},
  abstract     = {I present a new Stata program, xtscc, that estimates pooled ordinary least-squares/weighted least-squares regression and fixed-effects (within) regression models with Driscoll and Kraay (Review of Economics and Statistics 80: 549--560) standard errors. By running Monte Carlo simulations, I compare the finite-sample properties of the cross-sectional dependence-consistent Driscoll-Kraay estimator with the properties of other, more commonly used covariance matrix estimators that do not account for cross-sectional dependence. The results indicate that Driscoll-Kraay standard errors are well calibrated when cross-sectional dependence is present. However, erroneously ignoring cross-sectional correlation in the estimation of panel models can lead to severely biased statistical results. I illustrate the xtscc program by considering an application from empirical nance. Thereby, I also propose a Hausman-type test for fixed effects that is robust to general forms of cross-sectional and temporal dependence.},
}

@Collection{PollittEtAl2007,
  editor    = {Pollitt, Christopher and van Thiel, Sandra and Homburg, Vincent},
  title     = {New Public Management in Europe: Adaptation and Alternatives},
  date      = {2007},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  isbn      = {978-0-230-62536-5},
  pagetotal = {229},
  doi       = {10.1057/9780230625365},
}

@Collection{LegreidChristensen2007,
  editor    = {L{\ae}greid, Per and Christensen, Tom},
  title     = {Transcending New Public Management: The Transformation of Public Sector Reforms},
  date      = {2007},
  publisher = {Ashgate Pub Co},
  isbn      = {978-0-7546-7071-1},
}

@Unpublished{Hicks2017-08,
  author   = {Hicks, Timothy},
  title    = {Does School Autonomy Improve Pupil Performance? Evidence from Mass `Academy' Conversion in the English Schooling System},
  date     = {2017-08-08},
  pubstate = {Unpublished manuscript},
  abstract = {This paper evaluates a large-scale reform of the governance of English schools, whereby schools were offered the opportunity to opt out of local authority control in favor of more autonomous status as an ```academy''. Evidence is presented regarding the effect of secondary schools converting to this more independent governance structure on performance in the nationally-administered GCSE exams taken at age-16. Estimates are based on difference-in-differences design that uses a weighting scheme to ensure bal- ance between converters and non-converters in the pre-conversion period on a range of covariates, including those ensuring common trends in the dependent variable. Results show that conversion to the more autonomous academy status led to improved exam performance as early as four years after conversion, and that these gains were concen- trated amongst schools that were weaker before converting. There is no evidence of these effects being driven by cohort-composition effects (i.e. cream-skimming) or finan- cial spill-overs between schools. Overall, the policy appears to be successful both on average, and in terms of equity considerations.},
}

@Article{Schmitt2016,
  author       = {Carina Schmitt},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Panel data analysis and partisan variables: how periodization does influence partisan effects},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2015.1091030},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {1442-1459},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {One central result of macro-quantitative studies in comparative public policy is that the importance of partisan politics on policy outputs has strongly decreased in recent decades. This finding may well be a methodological artefact. I argue that ad hoc standards in panel data analysis, especially using country-years as periodization, create estimation problems which potentially influence results against partisan variables. Therefore, I propose a simple and straightforward, as well as theoretically suitable, alternative to test the influence of partisan politics on policies and use cabinets instead of country-years. Using comparative welfare state research as an example, I show that partisan effects are strong and stable when using a cabinet-based periodization and fragile and weak within the standard procedure based on annual data. This article aims at suggesting that annual periods do not need to be the best simplification of time in empirical analyses.},
}

@WWW{DfE2017-06,
  author       = {{Department for Education}},
  title        = {Guide to the collection and dissemination of school staffing data from the annual November School Workforce Census: Quality and methodology information document},
  date         = {2017-06},
  url          = {https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/620833/SFR25_2017_Methodology.pdf},
  organization = {Department for Education},
  urldate      = {2017-08-31},
}

@Article{BormanDowling2008,
  author       = {Geoffrey D. Borman and N. Maritza Dowling},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Review of Educational Research},
  title        = {Teacher Attrition and Retention: A Meta-Analytic and Narrative Review of the Research},
  doi          = {10.3102/0034654308321455},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {367--409},
  volume       = {78},
  abstract     = {This comprehensive meta-analysis on teacher career trajectories, consisting of 34 studies of 63 attrition moderators, seeks to understand why teaching attrition occurs, or what factors moderate attrition outcomes. Personal characteristics of teachers are important predictors of turnover. Attributes of teachers' schools, including organizational characteristics, student body composition, and resources (instructional spending and teacher salaries), are also key moderators. The evidence suggests that attrition from teaching is (a) not necessarily ``healthy'' turnover, (b) influenced by various personal and professional factors that change across teachers' career paths, (c) more strongly moderated by characteristics of teachers' work conditions than previously noted in the literature, and (d) a problem that can be addressed through policies and initiatives. Though researchers have utilized a number of national and state databases and have applied economic labor theory to questions related to teacher attrition, the authors argue that better longitudinal data on teacher career paths and more nuanced theories are needed.},
}

@WWW{BES2015wave4,
  author  = {Fieldhouse, Ed and Green, Jane and Evans, Geoff and Schmitt, Hermann {van der Eijk}, Cees and Mellon, Jon and Prosser, Christopher},
  title   = {British Election Study Internet Panel: Wave 4},
  date    = {2015},
  url     = {http://www.britishelectionstudy.com/custom/uploads/2015/07/BES2015_W4_v1.0.dta},
  urldate = {2017-09-06},
}

@Article{RhodesSchaffner2017,
  author       = {Jesse H. Rhodes and Brian F. Schaffner},
  title        = {Testing Models of Unequal Representation: Democratic Populists and Republican Oligarchs?},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {12},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {185--204},
  issn         = {1554-0626},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00016077},
  abstract     = {Recent studies indicate that the wealthy receive more representation from their members of Congress, though this relationship may be more pronounced in Republican compared to Democratic districts. However, drawbacks in existing survey data hamper efforts to delineate the relationship between income and representation with precision, especially at the highest income levels. In this paper we use new data to explore the relationship between wealth, the party identity of elected officials, and representation in greater depth. We develop several alternative models of the relationship between income and representation, and compare them with models employed in previous empirical research. We test each of these models, using two different data sets containing large numbers of wealthy individuals and very granular measures of income. Our results suggest that individuals with Democratic congressional representatives experience a fundamentally different type of representation than do individuals with Republican representatives. Individuals with Democratic representatives encounter a mode of representation best described as ``populist,'' in which the relationship between income and representation is flat (if not negative). However, individuals with Republican representatives experience an ``oligarchic'' mode of representation, in which wealthy individuals receive much more representation than those lower on the economic ladder.},
}

@Article{Bojar2017,
  author       = {Abel Bojar},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {Counter-cyclical Voting in the United Kingdom},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032321717702399},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {By extending the time-tested reward--punishment hypothesis in economic voting, this article argues that rational voters hold incumbents accountable for the macroeconomic policies they pursue rather than purely for the economic climate that prevails under their tenure. Building on this premise, I first put forward a theory where business cycle fluctuations realign relative fiscal preferences among income groups. This theory's implications predict that the aggregate electoral response to fiscal decisions evolves in a counter-cyclical fashion. Using quarterly measures of vote intention shares of incumbent parties in the United Kingdom, I provide time-series evidence from a set of error correction models supporting this proposition: at times of low unemployment, the electorate punishes profligate incumbents; in deteriorating labour market conditions, however, they reward expansionary policies. The immediate electoral impact is non-significant across the models, and most of the estimated effect is spread out across subsequent quarters.},
}

@Article{AndrewsBoyne2011,
  author       = {Andrews, Rhys and Boyne, George A.},
  title        = {Corporate Capacity and Public Service Performance},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {89},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {894--908},
  issn         = {1467-9299},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9299.2010.01891.x},
  abstract     = {Corporate capacity is arguably a key determinant of the success or failure of public sector organizations. However, while there is growing evidence on the extent of corporate capacity, few researchers have systematically examined whether it is linked to public service performance. Does a larger corporate centre lead to better or worse performance for the organization as a whole? To answer this question we apply seemingly unrelated regression to measures of effectiveness, cost-effectiveness and equity in English local government. We find that the effect of corporate capacity on performance is nonlinear, following an inverted u-shaped pattern, and that its positive effect turns negative around the mean for effectiveness and cost-effectiveness, and above the mean for equity. The study therefore suggests that senior managers face important trade-offs between organizational goals when deciding on the appropriate level of corporate capacity.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{BoonWynen2017,
  author       = {Boon, Jan and Wynen, Jan},
  title        = {On the Bureaucracy of Bureacracies: Analysing the Size and Organization of Overhead in Public Organizations},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {95},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {214--231},
  issn         = {1467-9299},
  doi          = {10.1111/padm.12300},
  abstract     = {Governments across the globe try to rebalance their budgets by rationalizing overhead operations. When overhead-reducing policies are adopted, it is important to understand why some central government organizations have a higher overhead than others, and why organizational models to produce overhead efficiencies are used to different degrees. This study focuses on the Flemish context to analyse differences between central government organizations in the size and organization of two overhead processes: human resources management (HRM) and finance and control (FIN). Significant effects are found for autonomy, organizational size, spatial dispersion and budgetary stress, yet effects vary according to whether HRM or FIN is considered and whether the focus is on the size or the organization of HRM or FIN. Our findings have practical implications to get a process-sensitive understanding of the size and organization of overhead, and theoretical implications as they cast light on factors that shape decision-making in public organizations.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{AndrewsBoyne2009,
  author       = {Rhys Andrews and George A. Boyne},
  title        = {Size, Structure and Administrative Overheads: An Empirical Analysis of English Local Authorities},
  journaltitle = {Urban Studies},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {46},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {739--759},
  doi          = {10.1177/0042098009102127},
  abstract     = {The relationship is analysed between size, local government structure and administrative overheads in English local authorities. Size and structure effects are tested while controlling for a range of other variables, including the relative prosperity of the local population and the diversity of their service needs. The empirical results show that population size consistently has a linear negative effect: central administrative costs are lower in larger local authorities. The results also show that, controlling for size, administrative overheads are higher for councils in the lower tier of the existing two-tier system. The analysis provides support for arguments that economies of scale might be achieved by amalgamating smaller councils into larger units and by combining counties and districts into unitary authorities.},
}

@Article{EsteveEtAl2013,
  author       = {Esteve, Marc and Boyne, George A. and Sierra, Vicenta and Ysa, Tamyko},
  title        = {Organizational Collaboration in the Public Sector: Do Chief Executives Make a Difference?},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {927--952},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/mus035},
  abstract     = {Upper echelons theory suggests that the characteristics of chief executives affect the strategic choices of their organizations. In this article, we examine whether the characteristics of top managers make a difference to the extent of interorganizational collaboration in the public sector. Using survey data from 228 chief executives from Catalonia, we test upper echelons theory and control for top managers' institutional settings such as the size and the sector of the organization, as well as the socioeconomic context. The empirical results suggest that collaboration is influenced by the characteristics of chief executives; in particular, the extent of collaboration is affected positively by their educational qualifications and concern for self-development and negatively by their age.},
}

@Article{Brodkin2007,
  author       = {Brodkin, Evelyn Z.},
  title        = {Bureaucracy Redux: Management Reformism and the Welfare State},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {17},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--17},
  doi          = {10.1093/jopart/muj019},
  url          = {http://wiki.douglasbastien.com/images/1/1a/Bureaucracy_Redux-_Management_Reformism_and_the_Welfare_State.pdf},
  urldate      = {2017-10-05},
  abstract     = {Bureaucratic discretion is a fundamental feature of social provision, one that presents enduring difficulties for management. In general, management reform has taken two, divergent paths. One, utilizing the familiar public bureaucratic model, seeks to control discretion through hierarchical command structures and standardization. The other, utilizing decentralization and privatization, regulates and relocates discretion, using incentive structures associated with market or quasi-market institutions. However, it may be that discretion will prove to be as problematic for the new public management (NPM) as it was for the old. This article offers a critical political history of management reformism, reviewing efforts to reorganize the public welfare provision by applying new public management models to old public bureaucracy problems. It considers the dynamics of bureaucratic discretion and reform not only as a problem of public management but as part of the contested politics of social policymaking.},
}

@Article{Rodden2004,
  author       = {Jonathan Rodden},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Comparative Federalism and Decentralization: On Meaning and Measurement},
  doi          = {10.2307/4150172},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {481--500},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/4150172},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {A first generation of studies of the causes and consequences of decentralization and federalism viewed decentralization as a simple zero-sum transfer of authority from the center to subnational governments, drew upon the assumptions of welfare economics and public choice theory, and employed blunt measures of expenditure decentralization and federalism. More detailed pictures of decentralization and federalism that help explain the growing disjuncture between theory and cross-national evidence can be obtained by defining several alternative forms of federalism and fiscal, policy, and political decentralization, then measuring them and exploring interrelationships across countries and time. This approach points the way toward a second generation of more nuanced empirical research that takes politics and institutions seriously.},
  publisher    = {Comparative Politics, Ph.D. Programs in Political Science, City University of New York},
}

@Article{EsteveEtAl2017,
  author       = {Esteve, Marc and Schuster, Christian and Albareda, Adria and Losada, Carlos},
  title        = {The Effects of Doing More with Less in the Public Sector: Evidence from a Large-Scale Survey},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration Review},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {77},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {544--553},
  issn         = {1540-6210},
  doi          = {10.1111/puar.12766},
  abstract     = {Since the onset of the Great Recession, ``doing more with less'' has become a policy mantra. To do more with less, a range of governments have concurrently imposed wage cuts and greater work demands on public employees. This article assesses the impact of these changes on the job satisfaction and work motivation of public employees in 34 European countries. Congruent with previous studies linking income and working hours with job attitudes, the article finds a negative impact on both. There are no free austerity lunches: while public employees may work longer hours for lower pay, they are less satisfied and less motivated when doing so. One caveat applies: the effect on motivation -- although not satisfaction -- is mitigated when employees feel that their values are aligned with those of their organization. This puts a premium on public managers fostering value alignment, particularly when it is hardest to achieve: in times of cutbacks.},
}

@WWW{NUTnd,
  author  = {{National Union of Teachers}},
  title   = {Defending State Education: Building on NUT successes in fighting the Government's accelerated academies programme},
  url     = {https://www.teachers.org.uk/sites/default/files2014/academies-toolkit-v3-7724_0.pdf},
  urldate = {2017-10-12},
}

@Book{BlastlandDilnot2008,
  author    = {Blastland, Michael and Dilnot, Andrew},
  date      = {2008},
  title     = {The Tiger That Isn't: Seeing Through a World of Numbers},
  isbn      = {978-1-84668-111-0},
  publisher = {Profile Books},
}

@Article{Giffen1892,
  author       = {Robert Giffen},
  date         = {1892},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  title        = {On International Statistical Comparisons},
  doi          = {10.2307/2956145},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {209},
  volume       = {2},
}

@Book{Goldacre2008,
  author    = {Goldacre, Ben},
  title     = {Bad Science},
  date      = {2008-12-07},
  publisher = {HarperCollins Publishers},
  isbn      = {9780007283194},
  pagetotal = {352},
}

@Article{Frankfurt1986,
  author       = {Frankfurt, Harry},
  title        = {On Bullshit},
  journaltitle = {Raritan Quarterly Review},
  date         = {1986},
  volume       = {6},
  number       = {2},
  url          = {https://www.stoa.org.uk/topics/bullshit/pdf/on-bullshit.pdf},
  urldate      = {2017-10-19},
}

@InCollection{Cohen2002,
  author    = {Cohen, G.A.},
  title     = {Deeper into Bullshit},
  booktitle = {Contours of Agency: Themes from the Philosophy of Harry Frankfurt},
  date      = {2002},
  editor    = {Sarah Buss and Lee Overton},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
}

@Article{Matthews2000,
  author       = {Matthews, Robert},
  title        = {Storks Deliver Babies (p= 0.008)},
  journaltitle = {Teaching Statistics},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {22},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {36--38},
  issn         = {1467-9639},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9639.00013},
  url          = {http://robertmatthews.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/RM-storks-paper.pdf},
  abstract     = {This article shows that a highly statistically significant correlation exists between stork populations and human birth rates across Europe.While storks may not deliver babies, unthinking interpretation of correlation and p-values can certainly deliver unreliable conclusions.},
}

@Article{Aldrich1995a,
  author       = {Aldrich, John},
  title        = {Correlations Genuine and Spurious in Pearson and Yule},
  journaltitle = {Statistical Science},
  date         = {1995},
  volume       = {10},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {364--376},
  url          = {https://projecteuclid.org/download/pdf_1/euclid.ss/1177009870},
  urldate      = {2017-10-20},
  abstract     = {Karl Pearson and G. Udny Yule developed the main interpretations of correlation used by statisticians for the past century or so. They also examined a number of situations in which the correlation inference was unsatisfactory. This paper considers the development of their ideas on both genuine and spurious correlations and makes some reference to related modern work.},
}

@Online{Upadhyay2014,
  author       = {Upadhyay, Roopam},
  title        = {Bayes' Theorem --- Monty Hall Problem},
  date         = {2014},
  url          = {http://ucanalytics.com/blogs/bayes-theorem-monty-hall-problem/},
  organization = {YOU CANalytics},
  urldate      = {2017-10-20},
}

@Article{Ioannidis2005,
  author       = {Ioannidis, John P. A.},
  title        = {Why Most Published Research Findings Are False},
  journaltitle = {PLoS Med},
  date         = {2005-08-30},
  volume       = {2},
  number       = {8},
  doi          = {10.1371/journal.pmed.0020124},
  abstract     = {There is increasing concern that most current published research findings are false. The probability that a research claim is true may depend on study power and bias, the number of other studies on the same question, and, importantly, the ratio of true to no relationships among the relationships probed in each scientific field. In this framework, a research finding is less likely to be true when the studies conducted in a field are smaller; when effect sizes are smaller; when there is a greater number and lesser preselection of tested relationships; where there is greater flexibility in designs, definitions, outcomes, and analytical modes; when there is greater financial and other interest and prejudice; and when more teams are involved in a scientific field in chase of statistical significance. Simulations show that for most study designs and settings, it is more likely for a research claim to be false than true. Moreover, for many current scientific fields, claimed research findings may often be simply accurate measures of the prevailing bias. In this essay, I discuss the implications of these problems for the conduct and interpretation of research.},
}

@Online{Dominus2017-10-17,
  author       = {Dominus, Susan},
  date         = {2017-10-17},
  title        = {When the Revolution Came for Amy Cuddy},
  organization = {New York Times},
  urldate      = {2017-10-20},
  doi          = {10/18},
}

@Article{FrancoEtAl2014,
  author       = {Franco, Annie and Malhotra, Neil and Simonovits, Gabor},
  title        = {Publication bias in the social sciences: Unlocking the file drawer},
  journaltitle = {Science},
  date         = {2014-09-19},
  volume       = {345},
  number       = {6203},
  pages        = {1502--1505},
  doi          = {10.1126/science.1255484},
  abstract     = {We studied publication bias in the social sciences by analyzing a known population of conducted studies --- 221 in total --- in which there is a full accounting of what is published and unpublished. We leveraged Time-sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences (TESS), a National Science Foundation-sponsored program in which researchers propose survey-based experiments to be run on representative samples of American adults. Because TESS proposals undergo rigorous peer review, the studies in the sample all exceed a substantial quality threshold. Strong results are 40 percentage points more likely to be published than are null results and 60 percentage points more likely to be written up. We provide direct evidence of publication bias and identify the stage of research production at which publication bias occurs: Authors do not write up and submit null findings.},
}

@Article{RoddenWibbels2011,
  author       = {Jonathan Rodden and Erik Wibbels},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  title        = {Dual accountability and the nationalization of party competition: Evidence from four federations},
  doi          = {10.1177/1354068810376182},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {629--653},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {This paper assesses the extent to which party systems are nationalized in four federations. In doing so, the research addresses two questions. First, is dual accountability operational across decentralized countries, or do sub-national voters turn to national cues as a means to economize in a complex information environment? By bringing a cross-national dataset to bear on this question, we are able to provide insight into where and why dual accountability might operate. Second, what explains variation in the extent to which party systems are nationalized across countries and time? We build on previous literature to suggest a number of factors likely to impact the extent of nationalization. We examine those factors in the context of provincial-level elections in Argentina, Canada, Germany and the United States. Using national and sub-national economic data, we find little evidence of dual accountability in any of our countries. We find that economic performance matters little for regional electoral outcomes, and where it does, sub-national outcomes reflect national rather than sub-national conditions. More important are the roles of partisan relations across levels of government and election timing. Sub-national co-partisans of the nationally governing party lose votes, particularly as the time from the most recent national election grows. The strength of these effects varies across our cases in predictable ways.},
}

@Article{AndersonRoy2011,
  author       = {Cameron D. Anderson and Jason Roy},
  title        = {Local economies and national economic evaluations},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {30},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {795--803},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2011.07.007},
  abstract     = {Underlying the phenomena of economic voting are voters' perceptions of economic conditions. But from where do these evaluations originate? This work examines the effects of three types of factors influential to the formation of national economic evaluations: predispositions (such as age, gender, income, partisanship), information and attentiveness, and objective local economic conditions (local unemployment rates). Our findings fit with earlier work, broadly confirming the influential role each set of factors plays in shaping national economic perceptions. We then extend the literature - demonstrating that the impact of the local economic environment is conditional on attention to media, political information and education. Using a combined dataset of the 2006 Canadian Election Studies with neighbourhood level economic indicators drawn from Canadian Census data (2006), our findings show that, in developing perceptions of the national economy, more attentive, more informed and more educated individuals are less influenced by local economic conditions than their less attentive, less informed and less educated counterparts. These findings contribute to our understanding of how local economic conditions influence the formation of national economic evaluations.},
  keywords     = {Economic voting, Local economic conditions, National economic perceptions, Information and awareness},
}

@Article{Cutler2008,
  author       = {Cutler, Fred},
  title        = {Whodunnit? Voters and Responsibility in Canadian Federalism},
  journaltitle = {Canadian Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {41},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {627--654},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0008423908080761},
  abstract     = {Government accountability in Canada depends on Canadian voters' attributing responsibility to multiple levels of government for policy outcomes. This study presents the first comprehensive account of these responsibility judgments. The data are from panel surveys of voters in Ontario and Saskatchewan as they faced provincial elections in the fall of 2003 and then the federal election of 2004. Voters were asked about conditions in a number of policy areas and then asked to separately attribute responsibility to the two senior levels of government. Voters do not strongly differentiate the governments' roles and there is little variation across issues. Attentiveness to politics only very slightly improves the quality of responsibility attributions, and only on issues where responsibility is objectively clearer. The results suggest that federalism is a major challenge for Canadian voters wishing to reward or punish their governments for policy outcomes.},
}

@Article{GelineauBelanger2005,
  author       = {G{\'e}lineau, Fran\c{c}ois and B{\'e}langer, {\'E}ric},
  title        = {Electoral Accountability in a Federal System: National and Provincial Economic Voting in Canada},
  journaltitle = {Publius: The Journal of Federalism},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {35},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {407--424},
  doi          = {10.1093/publius/pji028},
  abstract     = {Are federal incumbents punished for national and/or provincial economic performance, and are provincial incumbents held accountable for the state of the provincial and/or national economy? Using a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis of electoral results and macroeconomic data for 1953--2001, this article explores the extent to which provincial and federal incumbents in Canadian elections are affected more by national or provincial economic conditions. The results of the analysis suggest that federal incumbents would not gain many votes by claiming credit for the economic prosperity of any particular province when, on average, national economic conditions are deteriorating. The results further suggest that provincial incumbents are not held accountable for economic conditions in their provinces, but are rather punished for national economic deterioration when the incumbent federal party is of the same partisan family.},
}

@WWW{SommeillerEtAl2016,
  author       = {Sommeiller, Estelle and Price, Mark and Wazeter, Ellis},
  title        = {Income inequality in the U.S. by state, metropolitan area, and county},
  date         = {2016-06-16},
  url          = {http://www.epi.org/publication/income-inequality-in-the-us/},
  organization = {Economic Policy Institute},
  urldate      = {2017-10-27},
  abstract     = {The rise in inequality in the United States, which began in the late 1970s, continues in the post-Great Recession era. This rising inequality is not just a story of those in the financial sector in the greater New York City metropolitan area reaping outsized rewards from speculation in financial markets. It affects every state, and extends to the nation's metro areas and counties, many of which are more unequal than the country as a whole. In fact, the unequal income growth since the late 1970s has pushed the top 1 percent's share of all income above 24 percent (the 1928 national peak share) in five states, 22 metro areas, and 75 counties. It is a problem when CEOs and financial sector executives at the commanding heights of the private economy appropriate more than their fair share of the nation's expanding economic pie. We can fix the problem with policies that return the economy to full employment and return bargaining power to U.S. workers.},
}

@Collection{CoatesEtAl2018,
  editor    = {Coates, Hamish and Cantwell, Brendan and King, Roger},
  title     = {Handbook on the Politics of Higher Education},
  date      = {2018},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar},
  isbn      = {978 1 78643 501 9},
}

@Article{BloomEtAl2015a,
  author       = {Bloom, Nicholas and Propper, Carol and Seiler, Stephan and Van Reenen, John},
  title        = {The Impact of Competition on Management Quality: Evidence from Public Hospitals},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economic Studies},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {82},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {457--489},
  doi          = {10.1093/restud/rdu045},
  abstract     = {We analyse the causal impact of competition on managerial quality and hospital performance. To address the endogeneity of market structure we analyse the English public hospital sector where entry and exit are controlled by the central government. Because closing hospitals in areas where the governing party is expecting a tight election race (``marginals'') is rare due to the fear of electoral defeat, we can use political marginality as an instrumental variable for the number of hospitals in a geographical area. We find that higher competition results in higher management quality, measured using a new survey tool, and improved hospital performance. Adding a rival hospital increases management quality by 0.4 standard deviations and increases survival rates from emergency heart attacks by 9.7\%. We confirm the robustness of our IV strategy to ``hidden policies'' that could be used in marginal districts to improve hospital management and to changes in capacity that may follow from hospital closure.},
}

@Article{Franko2017,
  author       = {William W. Franko},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {State Politics \& Policy Quarterly},
  title        = {Understanding Public Perceptions of Growing Economic Inequality},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532440017707799},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {319--348},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {While most Americans appear to acknowledge the large gap between the rich and the poor in the United States, it is not clear whether the public is aware of recent changes in income inequality. Even though economic inequality has grown substantially in recent decades, studies have shown that the public's perception of growing income disparities has remained mostly unchanged since the 1980s. This research offers an alternative approach to evaluating how public perceptions of inequality are developed. Centrally, it conceptualizes the public's response to growing economic disparities by applying theories of macro-political behavior and place-based contextual effects to the formation of aggregate perceptions about income inequality. It is argued that most of the public relies on basic information about the economy to form attitudes about inequality and that geographic context -- in this case, the American states -- plays a role in how views of income disparities are produced. A new measure of state perceptions of growing economic inequality over a 25-year period is used to examine whether the public is responsive to objective changes in economic inequality. Time-series cross-sectional analyses suggest that the public's perceptions of growing inequality are largely influenced by objective state economic indicators and state political ideology. This research has implications for how knowledgeable the public is of disparities between the rich and the poor, whether state context influences attitudes about inequality, and what role the public will have in determining how expanding income differences are addressed through government policy.},
}

@Article{Franko2016,
  author       = {William W. Franko},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Political Context, Government Redistribution, and the Public's Response to Growing Economic Inequality},
  doi          = {10.1086/686025},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {957--973},
  volume       = {78},
  abstract     = {While most Americans appear to acknowledge the large gap between the rich and the poor in the United States, it is not clear how the public has responded to recent changes in income inequality. The goal of this study is to make sense of several existing, and at times conflicting, perspectives on how changes in inequality affect public preferences for government action, by demonstrating that each of these perspectives can simultaneously coexist in a logical manner. The argument put forward here is that growing inequality systematically shapes preferences for redistribution in different ways, depending on two important factors: economic context and the type of redistribution being considered. Using time-series cross-sectional data covering over three decades and all 50 states, the findings show that context does affect the degree of the public's response to inequality and that support for action is stronger for particular types of redistributive policy.},
}

@Article{GrisoldTheine2017,
  author       = {Grisold, Andrea and Theine, Hendrik},
  title        = {How Come We Know? The Media Coverage of Economic Inequality},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Communication},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {11},
  pages        = {4265--4284},
  abstract     = {Given the background of rising economic inequalities, the topic has reentered the field of economic science. Yet the problem of how economic inequality is being mediated to the public is not discussed in economics at all, and hardly mentioned in communication studies. Through an analysis of recent empirical studies on the coverage of inequality in the media, we debate the role mass media play as information providers. Assessing the underlying assumptions and the methodological approaches guiding the respective empirical findings, we can highlight the merits of this body of work and identify open questions for further research. The last part of the article provides a discussion of (currently rather neglected) political economy theories that offer rich theoretical approaches to study media, power, and inequality.},
}

@Article{FafchampsLabonne2017,
  author       = {Fafchamps, Marcel and Labonne, Julien},
  title        = {Using Split Samples to Improve Inference on Causal Effects},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {465--482},
  doi          = {10.1017/pan.2017.22},
  abstract     = {We discuss a statistical procedure to carry out empirical research that combines recent insights about preanalysis plans (PAPs) and replication. Researchers send their datasets to an independent third party who randomly generates training and testing samples. Researchers perform their analysis on the training sample and are able to incorporate feedback from both colleagues, editors, and referees. Once the paper is accepted for publication the method is applied to the testing sample and it is those results that are published. Simulations indicate that, under empirically relevant settings, the proposed method delivers more power than a PAP. The effect mostly operates through a lower likelihood that relevant hypotheses are left untested. The method appears better suited for exploratory analyses where there is significant uncertainty about the outcomes of interest. We do not recommend using the method in situations where the treatment are very costly and thus the available sample size is limited. An interpretation of the method is that it allows researchers to perform direct replication of their work. We also discuss a number of practical issues about the method's feasibility and implementation.},
}

@Article{BellemareEtAl2017,
  author       = {Marc F. Bellemare and Takaaki Masaki and Thomas B. Pepinsky},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Lagged Explanatory Variables and the Estimation of Causal Effect},
  doi          = {10.1086/690946},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {949--963},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {Lagged explanatory variables are commonly used in political science in response to endogeneity concerns in observational data. There exist surprisingly few formal analyses or theoretical results, however, that establish whether lagged explanatory variables are effective in surmounting endogeneity concerns and, if so, under what conditions. We show that lagging explanatory variables as a response to endogeneity moves the channel through which endogeneity biases parameter estimates, supplementing a ``selection on observables'' assumption with an equally untestable ``no dynamics among unobservables'' assumption. We build our argument intuitively using directed acyclic graphs and then provide analytical results on the bias of lag identification in a simple linear regression framework. We then use Monte Carlo simulations to show how, even under favorable conditions, lag identification leads to incorrect inferences. We conclude by specifying the conditions under which lagged explanatory variables are appropriate responses to endogeneity concerns.},
}

@Article{AllenWest2009,
  author       = {Rebecca Allen and Anne West},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Oxford Review of Education},
  title        = {Religious schools in London: school admissions, religious composition and selectivity},
  doi          = {10.1080/03054980903072611},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {471-494},
  volume       = {35},
  abstract     = {This paper is concerned with segregation and school selectivity in secondary schools with a religious character in London, England. Analyses of the characteristics of pupils at religious and non-religious schools reveal that the former tend to cater predominantly for pupils from particular religions and/or denominations and ethnic groups, so fostering segregation. In addition, they educate, in the main, pupils who are from more affluent backgrounds and with higher levels of prior attainment than pupils in non-religious schools. Moreover, the evidence suggests that some `{\'e}lite' secondary schools are `selecting in' and `selecting out' particular pupils. A range of different admissions criteria and practices are identified which appear to foster school selectivity. It is argued that there may have been a distortion of mission for at least some religious schools given that they were originally set up to educate the poor. Implications for policy are discussed.},
}

@Article{Xu2017,
  author       = {Xu, Yiqing},
  title        = {Generalized Synthetic Control Method: Causal Inference with Interactive Fixed Effects Models},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {57--76},
  doi          = {10.1017/pan.2016.2},
  abstract     = {Difference-in-differences (DID) is commonly used for causal inference in time-series cross-sectional data. It requires the assumption that the average outcomes of treated and control units would have followed parallel paths in the absence of treatment. In this paper, we propose a method that not only relaxes this often-violated assumption, but also unifies the synthetic control method (Abadie, Diamond, and Hainmueller 2010) with linear fixed effects models under a simple framework, of which DID is a special case. It imputes counterfactuals for each treated unit using control group information based on a linear interactive fixed effects model that incorporates unit-specific intercepts interacted with time-varying coefficients. This method has several advantages. First, it allows the treatment to be correlated with unobserved unit and time heterogeneities under reasonable modeling assumptions. Second, it generalizes the synthetic control method to the case of multiple treated units and variable treatment periods, and improves efficiency and interpretability. Third, with a built-in cross-validation procedure, it avoids specification searches and thus is easy to implement. An empirical example of Election Day Registration and voter turnout in the United States is provided.},
}

@Article{WlezienEtAl2017,
  author       = {Wlezien, Christopher and Soroka, Stuart and Stecula, Dominik},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  title        = {A Cross-National Analysis of the Causes and Consequences of Economic News},
  doi          = {10.1111/ssqu.12445},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {1010--1025},
  volume       = {98},
  abstract     = {Work on economic news argues that U.S. coverage focuses primarily on changes rather than levels of future economic conditions; it also both affects and reflects public economic sentiment. Given that economic perceptions are related to policy preferences and government support, this is of consequence for politics. This article explores the generalizability of these findings. Using nearly 100,000 stories over 30 years in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, we compare media tone, public opinion, and economic conditions. Analyses demonstrate that media tone and public opinion follow future economic change in all three countries. Media and opinion are also related, but the effect mostly runs from the public to the media, not the other way around. These results confirm the generalizability of prior findings, and the importance of considering more than a simple unidirectional link between media coverage and public economic sentiment.},
  publisher    = {Wiley Online Library},
}

@Article{WalterEtAl2018,
  author       = {Walter, Stefanie and Dinas, Elias and Jurado, Ignacio and Konstantinidis, Nikitas},
  title        = {Non-cooperation by popular vote: Expectations, foreign intervention, and the vote in the 2015 Greek bailout referendum},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  date         = {2018},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {When popular referendums fail to ratify new international agreements or succeed in reversing existing ones, it not only affects domestic voters, but also creates negative spillovers for the other parties of such agreements. This paper explores how voters respond to this strategic setting. We use original survey data from a poll fielded just one day before the 2015 Greek bailout referendum, a referendum in which the stakes for other countries were particularly high, to investigate how expectations about the likely foreign response to a non-cooperative referendum outcome influences voting behavior and to what extent foreign policymakers can influence those expectations. Our analysis shows that such expectations had a powerful effect on voting behavior: voters expecting that a non-cooperative referendum outcome would force Greece to leave the Eurozone were substantially more likely to vote Yes than those believing that it would result in renewed negotiations with the country's creditors. Leveraging the bank closure that took place right before the vote, we also show that costly signals by foreign actors made voters more pessimistic about the consequences of a non-cooperative vote and substantially increased the share of cooperative votes.},
}

@Article{vanderEijkEtAl2006,
  author      = {{van der Eijk}, Cees and {van der Brug}, Wouter and Kroh, Martin and Franklin, Mark},
  title       = {Rethinking the dependent variable in voting behavior: On the measurement and analysis of electoral utilities},
  date        = {2006},
  volume      = {25},
  number      = {3},
  pages       = {424--447},
  issn        = {0261-3794},
  doi         = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.06.012},
  abstract    = {As a dependent variable, party choice did not lend itself to analysis by means of powerful multivariate methods until the coming of discrete-choice models, most notably conditional logit and multinomial logit. These methods involve estimating effects on party preferences (utilities) that are post hoc derived from the data, but such estimates are plagued by a number of difficulties. These difficulties do not apply if advanced statistical procedures are used to analyze utilities directly measured with survey data. Such variables have been employed for a number of years and have been extensively validated in past research. Analysis of party choice on the basis of measured utilities is less hampered by restrictions and (often implausible) assumptions than discrete-choice modeling is. Particularly problematic is the inability of discrete-choice models to analyze small-party voting. The resulting elimination of voters of small parties results in strong biases of the coefficients of explanatory variables. No such need for eliminating cases arises when analyzing empirically observed utilities, so parameter estimates from these analyses do not contain this bias. Finally, observed utilities provide opportunities to answer research questions that cannot be answered with discrete-choice models, particularly in comparative research. We therefore urge that direct measures of electoral utilities should be included in all election studies.},
  journalitle = {Electoral Studies},
  keywords    = {Discrete-choice models, Individual choice theory, Electoral utility, Multiple party preferences, Comparative research},
}

@Article{Thompson1971,
  author       = {Thompson, E. P.},
  title        = {The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century},
  journaltitle = {Past \& Present},
  date         = {1971},
  number       = {50},
  pages        = {76--136},
  issn         = {00312746, 1477464X},
  url          = {https://www.svcc.edu/academics/classes/murray/transfer/palaisroyal/epthompson.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-01-16},
  publisher    = {[Oxford University Press, Past and Present Society]},
}

@Article{PluemperTroeger2019,
  author       = {Pl{\"u}mper, Thomas and Troeger, Vera E.},
  title        = {Not so Harmless After All: The Fixed-Effects Model},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--45},
  abstract     = {The fixed effects estimator is biased in the presence of dynamic misspecification and omitted within- variation correlated with one of the regressors. We argue and demonstrate that fixed effects estimates can amplify the bias from dynamic misspecification and that with omitted time-invariant variables and dynamic misspecifications, the fixed effects estimator can be more biased than the `na{\"i}ve' OLS model. We also demonstrate that the Hausman-test does not reliably identify the least biased estimator when time-invariant and time-varying omitted variables or dynamic misspecifications exist. Accordingly, empirical researchers are ill-advised to rely on the Hausman-test for model selection or use the fixed effects model as default unless they can convincingly justify the assumption of correctly specified dynamics. Our findings caution applied researchers to not overlook the potential drawbacks of relying on the fixed effects estimator as a default. The results presented here also call upon methodologists to study the properties of estimators in the presence of multiple model misspecifications. Our results suggest that scholars ought to devote much more attention to modelling dynamics appropriately instead of relying on a default solution before they control for potentially omitted variables with constant effects using a fixed effects specification.},
}

@Article{ONeillEtAl2016,
  author       = {O'Neill, Stephen and Kreif, No{\'e}mi and Grieve, Richard and Sutton, Matthew and Sekhon, Jasjeet S.},
  title        = {Estimating causal effects: considering three alternatives to difference-in-differences estimation},
  journaltitle = {Health Services and Outcomes Research Methodology},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {16},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--21},
  issn         = {1572-9400},
  doi          = {10.1007/s10742-016-0146-8},
  abstract     = {Difference-in-differences (DiD) estimators provide unbiased treatment effect estimates when, in the absence of treatment, the average outcomes for the treated and control groups would have followed parallel trends over time. This assumption is implausible in many settings. An alternative assumption is that the potential outcomes are independent of treatment status, conditional on past outcomes. This paper considers three methods that share this assumption: the synthetic control method, a lagged dependent variable (LDV) regression approach, and matching on past outcomes. Our motivating empirical study is an evaluation of a hospital pay-for-performance scheme in England, the best practice tariffs programme. The conclusions of the original DiD analysis are sensitive to the choice of approach. We conduct a Monte Carlo simulation study that investigates these methods' performance. While DiD produces unbiased estimates when the parallel trends assumption holds, the alternative approaches provide less biased estimates of treatment effects when it is violated. In these cases, the LDV approach produces the most efficient and least biased estimates.},
}

@Article{Milberg2013,
  author       = {William Milberg},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Social Research},
  title        = {A Note on Economic Austerity in Science, Morality, and Political Economy},
  issn         = {0037-783X},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {697--714},
  volume       = {80},
  publisher    = {The New School},
}

@Article{MasciniBraster2017,
  author       = {Mascini, Peter and Braster, Sjaak},
  title        = {Choice and competition in education: Do they advance performance, voice and equality?},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {95},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {482--497},
  issn         = {1467-9299},
  doi          = {10.1111/padm.12308},
  abstract     = {Based on a multilevel analysis of the OECD PISA 2012 data on school test results for 60 countries, we have established that three presuppositions underlying the policy recommendation to introduce more choice and competition in education are untenable. First, rather than choice and competition, we find that parental voice and targets and performance measurement incentivize schools to improve students' test results. Second, we do not find that choice and competition increase parental voice's impact on students' test results. Third, we do not find that choice and competition have more equal outcomes in terms of students' test results than has parental voice. Students from high-SES families not only benefit most from parental voice, but they also benefit most from choice and competition. Overall, we do not find support for the policy recommendation to shift the balance in education in the direction of the choice-and-competition model.},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Book{LakoffJohnson2003,
  author    = {Lakoff, George and Johnson, Mark},
  title     = {Metaphors We Live By},
  date      = {2003},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  location  = {Chicago, IL},
}

@Article{LakoffJohnson1980,
  author       = {George Lakoff and Mark Johnson},
  date         = {1980},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Philosophy},
  title        = {Conceptual Metaphor in Everyday Language},
  issn         = {0022-362X},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {453--486},
  url          = {https://www.cse.buffalo.edu//~rapaport/575/F01/lakoff.johnson80.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-01-16},
  volume       = {77},
}

@Article{Kuechler1987,
  author       = {Manfred Kuechler},
  title        = {The utility of surveys for cross-national research},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Research},
  date         = {1987},
  volume       = {16},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {229--244},
  issn         = {0049-089X},
  doi          = {10.1016/0049-089X(87)90002-0},
  abstract     = {Based on the recently inaugurated International Social Survey Program, methodological problems of cross-national surveys are reassessed in view of current work in general survey methodology. A set of principles is stated to minimize threats to the validity of conclusions drawn from cross-national survey data. These principles include the formation of truly international research teams, the need to restrict any particular study to populations with similar experience and exposure to survey research, and the recommendation to compare at a more complete level of national analysis only.},
}

@Article{KreifEtAl2016,
  author       = {Kreif, No{'e}mi and Grieve, Richard and Hangartner, Dominik and Turner, Alex James and Nikolova, Silviya and Sutton, Matt},
  title        = {Examination of the Synthetic Control Method for Evaluating Health Policies with Multiple Treated Units},
  journaltitle = {Health Economics},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {12},
  pages        = {1514--1528},
  note         = {HEC-14-0564.R1},
  issn         = {1099-1050},
  doi          = {10.1002/hec.3258},
  keywords     = {synthetic control method, difference-in-differences, policy evaluation, pay-for-performance},
}

@Article{KleiderStoeckel2018,
  author       = {Kleider, Hanna and Stoeckel, Florian},
  title        = {The politics of international redistribution: Explaining public support for fiscal transfers in the EU},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2018},
  issn         = {1475-6765},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12268},
  keywords     = {Eurozone crisis, international redistribution, cosmopolitanism, political ideology, material self-interest},
}

@Article{JordaTaylor2016,
  author       = {Jord{\`a}, {\`O}scar and Taylor, Alan M.},
  title        = {The Time for Austerity: Estimating the Average Treatment Effect of Fiscal Policy},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {126},
  number       = {590},
  pages        = {219--255},
  issn         = {1468-0297},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecoj.12332},
  abstract     = {After the Global Financial Crisis, a controversial rush to fiscal austerity followed in many countries. Yet research on the effects of austerity on macroeconomic aggregates was and still is unsettled, mired by the difficulty of identifying multipliers from observational data. This article, reconciles seemingly disparate estimates of multipliers within a unified and state-contingent framework. We achieve identification of causal effects with new propensity-score based methods for time series data. Using this novel approach, we show that austerity is always a drag on growth, and especially so in depressed economies: a 1\% of GDP fiscal consolidation translates into a loss of 3.5\% of real GDP over five years when implemented in a slump, rather than just 1.8\% in a boom.},
}

@Article{Jordan2018,
  author       = {Jordan, Jason},
  title        = {Political awareness and support for redistribution},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {10},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {119--137},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1755773917000017},
  abstract     = {Traditional research on preferences for redistributive social policy suggest increasingly complex models of public opinion formation that envision individuals balancing normative concerns against sophisticated calculations of economic self-interest. This research largely ignores the large body of evidence demonstrating significant differences in levels of political awareness across the population that strongly influence the quality, structure, and determinants of political preferences. Analyzing public opinion data for 14 European countries reveals that large sections of the population do not appear to hold or express social policy preferences that are internally consistent or well-grounded in either their self-interests or ideological predispositions. At low levels of political awareness, little discernible connection exists between seemingly related preferences for redistribution, levels of social spending, left-right positioning, tolerance for inequality, or overall support for the welfare state. Moreover, income, a theoretically central causal variable, has no effect on attitudes toward redistribution when political awareness is low. These results pose a significant challenge to existing models of social policy preferences.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HeathEtAl2005,
  author       = {Anthony Heath and Stephen Fisher and Shawna Smith},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {The Globalization of Public Opinion Research},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.8.090203.103000},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {297-333},
  url          = {http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1067572/14701164/1318994124340/heath+et+al-2005-arps-glob+of+public+opinion.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-03-15},
  volume       = {8},
  abstract     = {As globalization has opened up channels of communication between different countries and increased interest in cross-national analysis, public opinion survey research has expanded its reach in the world. This article examines both the breadth and the depth of the globalization of public opinion research. First, we discuss the growth of cross-national surveys such as the World Values Survey, the International Social Survey Program, the European Social Survey, and the various Global Barometers. We then turn to the issues of data quality and comparability. Has the globalization of survey research meant the spread of a standard ``product'' of known and equivalent quality to diverse countries? Can survey research in diverse countries and contexts deliver meaningful comparisons of public opinion? Has globalization led to the dominance of an intellectual framework and set of assumptions that may not be quite appropriate outside their original homes? Finally, the article suggests a new standard for ``grading'' cross-national programs of survey research, inspired by debates in evidence-based medicine.},
}

@Article{HayoNeumeier2016,
  author       = {Hayo, Bernd and Neumeier, Florian},
  title        = {The debt brake in the eyes of the German population},
  journaltitle = {International Economics and Economic Policy},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {13},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {139--159},
  issn         = {1612-4812},
  doi          = {10.1007/s10368-015-0323-1},
  abstract     = {In response to the recent sovereign debt crisis, the member states of the European Union agreed to enact balanced budget rules in their national legislation. However, little is known about the public's opinion of balanced budget rules. To fill this gap, we conducted a survey among 2,000 representatively chosen German citizens. Our findings suggest that 61{\%} of the German population supports the debt brake, whereas only 8{\%} oppose it. However, approval rates differ notably among various subgroups of the population. The debt brake enjoys greater support among high-income earners and among those well-informed about the future costs of deficit spending. People who do not trust politicians would like to see the government's hands tied even more tightly. Opinions about the debt brake also differ markedly across the supporters of different political parties.},
}

@Article{HayoNeumeier2018,
  author       = {Hayo, Bernd and Neumeier, Florian},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {German Economic Review},
  title        = {Public Preferences for Government Spending Priorities: Survey Evidence from Germany},
  doi          = {10.1111/geer.12149},
  issn         = {1468-0475},
  pages        = {e1--e37},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Employing data from a representative survey conducted in Germany, this paper examines public preferences for the size and composition of government expenditure. We focus on public attitudes towards taxes, public debt incurrence and public spending in six different policy areas. Our findings suggest, first, that individual preferences for the use of additional tax money can be categorised as either capital-oriented expenditure or public debt reduction. Second, we find that fiscal preferences differ along various dimensions. Specifically, personal economic well-being, economic literacy, confidence in politicians, political ideology and time preference are significantly related to individual attitudes towards public spending, taxes and debt. The magnitude of the effects is particularly large for time preference, economic knowledge and party preference. Third, public preferences for public spending priorities are only marginally affected when considering a public budget constraint.},
  keywords     = {Public spending, public preferences, public debt, taxes, survey, Germany},
}

@Article{Gregory2012,
  author       = {Gregory, Chris A.},
  title        = {On money debt and morality: some reflections on the contribution of economic anthropology},
  journaltitle = {Social Anthropology},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {20},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {380--396},
  issn         = {1469-8676},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1469-8676.2012.00225.x},
  abstract     = {Peebles, in a recent review of the anthropology of debt and credit, found an `astonishing consistency' in the moral valuation of credit which is everywhere given a positive evaluation relative to debt. But why is this? Does it apply to creditors as well? What are the theoretical implications of these questions for economic anthropology?},
  keywords     = {debt, credit, economic anthropology, demand sharing},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Book{Granovetter2017,
  author    = {Granovetter, Mark},
  title     = {Society and Economy: Framework and Principles},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
  location  = {Cambridge, MA},
  isbn      = {978-0-674-97783-9},
}

@Article{Granovetter1985,
  author       = {Mark Granovetter},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Economic Action and Social Structure: The Problem of Embeddedness},
  doi          = {10.1086/228311},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {481-510},
  url          = {https://www2.bc.edu/candace-jones/mb851/Feb26/Granovetter_AJS_1985.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-01-16},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {How behavior and institutions are affected by social relations is one of the classic questions of social theory. This paper concerns the extent to which economic action is embedded in structures of social relations, in modern industrial society. Although the usual neoclasical accounts provide an "undersocialized" or atomized-actor explanation of such action, reformist economists who attempt to bring social structure back in do so in the "oversocialized" way criticized by Dennis Wrong. Under-and oversocialized accounts are paradoxically similar in their neglect of ongoing structures of social relations, and a sophisticated account of economic action must consider its embeddedness in such structures. The argument in illustrated by a critique of Oliver Williamson's ``markets and hierarchies'' research program.},
}

@Article{GimpelsonTreisman2018,
  author       = {Gimpelson, Vladimir and Treisman, Daniel},
  title        = {Misperceiving inequality},
  journaltitle = {Economics \& Politics},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {30},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--54},
  issn         = {1468-0343},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecpo.12103},
  abstract     = {A vast literature suggests that economic inequality has important consequences for politics and public policy. Higher inequality is thought to increase demand for income redistribution in democracies and to discourage democratization and promote class conflict and revolution in dictatorships. Most such arguments crucially assume that ordinary people know how high inequality is, how it has been changing, and where they fit in the income distribution. Using a variety of large, cross-national surveys, we show that, in recent years, ordinary people have had little idea about such things. What they think they know is often wrong. Widespread ignorance and misperceptions emerge robustly, regardless of data source, operationalization, and measurement method. Moreover, perceived inequality -- not the actual level -- correlates strongly with demand for redistribution and reported conflict between rich and poor. We suggest that most theories about political effects of inequality need to be reframed as theories about effects of perceived inequality.},
  keywords     = {biased perceptions, income distribution, inequality, preferences for redistribution, public policy},
}

@Book{CowleyKavanagh2016,
  author    = {Cowley, Philip and Kavanagh, Dennis},
  title     = {The British General Election of 2015},
  date      = {2016},
  publisher = {Palgrave MacMillan},
  location  = {Basingstoke, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-36613-9},
}

@Article{BenetrixLane2015,
  author       = {B{'e}n{'e}trix, Agust{'i}n S. and Lane, Philip R.},
  title        = {International Differences in Fiscal Outcomes during the Global Crisis},
  journaltitle = {Fiscal Studies},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--27},
  issn         = {1475-5890},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2015.12043.x},
  abstract     = {We examine the cross-country dispersion in fiscal outcomes during 2008--09. Controlling for output, we find that the declines in the overall and structural fiscal balances were larger for those countries experiencing larger increases in unemployment and where credit growth during the pre-crisis period was more rapid. However, controlling for output and unemployment, there is no systematic covariation between fiscal outcomes and a wider range of initial conditions and country characteristics that have been cited as possible drivers of fiscal outcomes during this episode.},
  keywords     = {fiscal balance, global crisis, E62},
}

@Article{BussoEtAl2014,
  author       = {Matias Busso and John DiNardo and Justin McCrary},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {New Evidence on the Finite Sample Properties of Propensity Score Reweighting and Matching Estimators},
  doi          = {10.1162/REST\_a\_00431},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {885-897},
  volume       = {96},
  abstract     = {Fr{\"o}lich (2004) compares the finite sample properties of reweighting and matching estimators of average treatment effects and concludes that reweighting performs far worse than even the simplest matching estimator. We argue that this conclusion is unjustified. Neither approach dominates the other uniformly across data-generating processes (DGPs). Expanding on Fr{\"o}lich's analysis, this paper analyzes empirical as well as hypothetical DGPs and also examines the effect of misspecification. We conclude that reweighting is competitive with the most effective matching estimators when overlap is good, but that matching may be more effective when overlap is sufficiently poor.},
}

@Article{BornaMantripragada1989,
  author       = {Borna, Shaheen and Mantripragada, Krishna G.},
  title        = {Morality of Public Deficits: A Historical Perspective},
  journaltitle = {Public Budgeting \& Finance},
  date         = {1989},
  volume       = {9},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {33--46},
  issn         = {1540-5850},
  doi          = {10.1111/1540-5850.00807},
  url          = {http://bryongaskin.net/education/MBA%20TRACK/CURRENT/MBA671/FINAL/Morality%20of%20public%20deficits%20A%20historical%20perspective.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-01-16},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishers Ltd.},
}

@Article{AtheyImbens2017,
  author       = {Athey, Susan and Imbens, Guido W.},
  title        = {The State of Applied Econometrics: Causality and Policy Evaluation},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {31},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {3--32},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.31.2.3},
  url          = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.31.2.3},
  abstract     = {In this paper, we discuss recent developments in econometrics that we view as important for empirical researchers working on policy evaluation questions. We focus on three main areas, in each case, highlighting recommendations for applied work. First, we discuss new research on identification strategies in program evaluation, with particular focus on synthetic control methods, regression discontinuity, external validity, and the causal interpretation of regression methods. Second, we discuss various forms of supplementary analyses, including placebo analyses as well as sensitivity and robustness analyses, intended to make the identification strategies more credible. Third, we discuss some implications of recent advances in machine learning methods for causal effects, including methods to adjust for differences between treated and control units in high-dimensional settings, and methods for identifying and estimating heterogenous treatment effects.},
}

@Article{AmsalemEtAl2017,
  author       = {Amsalem, Eran and Sheafer, Tamir and Walgrave, Stefaan and Loewen, Peter John and Soroka, Stuart N.},
  title        = {Media Motivation and Elite Rhetoric in Comparative Perspective},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {34},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {385--403},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609.2016.1266065},
  abstract     = {The exchange of diverse points of view in elite deliberation is considered a cornerstone of democracy. This study presents evidence that variations in political motivation for media use predict the tendency of politicians to present deliberative rhetoric that considers multiple points of view regarding issues and sees those views as related to one another. We surveyed 111 incumbent Members of Parliament in Belgium, Canada, and Israel and analyzed a large sample of their parliamentary speeches. The findings demonstrate that motivation to attain media coverage and act upon information from the news media leads politicians to strategically display simple and unidimensional rhetoric due to newsworthiness considerations, but only in countries where the media constitute important resources for reelection. The results contribute to extant literature by demonstrating a media effect on elite deliberation and by emphasizing the moderating role of political systems on the nature of elite rhetoric.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{AbadieImbens2016,
  author       = {Abadie, Alberto and Imbens, Guido W.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Econometrica},
  title        = {Matching on the Estimated Propensity Score},
  doi          = {10.3982/ECTA11293},
  issn         = {1468-0262},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {781--807},
  volume       = {84},
  keywords     = {Matching estimators , propensity score matching , average treatment effects , causal inference , program evaluation},
  publisher    = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
}

@Article{AbadieGardeazabal2003,
  author       = {Abadie, Alberto and Gardeazabal, Javier},
  title        = {The Economic Costs of Conflict: A Case Study of the Basque Country},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {93},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {113--132},
  doi          = {10.1257/000282803321455188},
  url          = {http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/politics/faculty/beck/abadie_aer.pdf},
}

@Article{GreenEtAl2010,
  author       = {Donald P. Green and Shang E. Ha and John G. Bullock},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  title        = {Enough Already about ``Black Box'' Experiments: Studying Mediation Is More Difficult than Most Scholars Suppose},
  doi          = {10.1177/0002716209351526},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {200--208},
  volume       = {628},
  abstract     = {The question of how causal effects are transmitted is fascinating and inevitably arises whenever experiments are presented. Social scientists cannot be faulted for taking a lively interest in ``mediation,'' the process by which causal influences are transmitted. However, social scientists frequently underestimate the difficulty of establishing causal pathways in a rigorous empirical manner. We argue that the statistical methods currently used to study mediation are flawed and that even sophisticated experimental designs cannot speak to questions of mediation without the aid of strong assumptions. The study of mediation is more demanding than most social scientists suppose and requires not one experimental study but rather an extensive program of experimental research.},
}

@Article{Sobel2008,
  author       = {Michael E. Sobel},
  title        = {Identification of Causal Parameters in Randomized Studies With Mediating Variables},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Educational and Behavioral Statistics},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {230--251},
  doi          = {10.3102/1076998607307239},
  abstract     = {Treatments in randomized studies are often targeted to key mediating variables. Researchers want to know if the treatment is effective and how the mediators affect the outcome. The data are often analyzed using structural equation models (SEMs), and model coefficients are interpreted as effects. However, only assignment to treatment groups is randomized, so mediators are self-selected treatments. Thus, the so-called direct effects of mediators on later outcomes do not usually warrant a causal interpretation. Holland (1988) studied the case of a single continuous mediator, criticizing the use of SEMs. He uses treatment assignment as an instrument for the effect of the mediator on the outcome. However, the assumptions he made to justify this approach are overly strong and substantively implausible. This article (a) makes explicit the assumptions needed to justify equating the parameters of SEMs with the effects of mediators, (b) provides weaker and more plausible conditions under which the instrumental variable estimand may be interpreted as an effect, and (c) extends the analysis to include the case of noncompliance.},
}

@Article{ImaiEtAl2013,
  author       = {Imai, Kosuke and Tingley, Dustin and Yamamoto, Teppei},
  title        = {Experimental Designs for Identifying Causal Mechanisms},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Series A},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {176},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {5--51},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-985X.2012.01032.x},
  url          = {https://imai.princeton.edu/research/files/Design.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-03-28},
  abstract     = {Experimentation is a powerful methodology that enables scientists to empirically establish causal claims. However, one important criticism is that experiments merely provide a black-box view of causality and fail to identify causal mechanisms. Specifically, critics argue that although experiments can identify average causal effects, they cannot explain the process through which such effects come about. If true, this represents a serious limitation of experimentation, especially for social and medical science research that strive to identify causal mechanisms. In this paper, we consider the several different experimental designs that help identify average natural indirect effects. Some of these designs require the direct manipulation of an intermediate variable, while others can be used even when only imperfect manipulation is possible. We use recent social science experiments to illustrate the key ideas that underlie each of the proposed designs.},
}

@Article{BisgaardSlothuus2018,
  author       = {Martin Bisgaard and Rune Slothuus},
  title        = {Partisan Elites as Culprits? How Party Cues Shape Partisan Perceptual Gaps},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {456--469},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12349},
  abstract     = {Partisanship often colors how citizens perceive real-world conditions. For example, an oft-documented finding is that citizens tend to view the state of the national economy more positively if their party holds office. These partisan perceptual gaps are usually taken as a result of citizens' own motivated reasoning to defend their party identity. However, little is known about the extent to which perceptual gaps are shaped by one of the most important forces in politics: partisan elites. With two studies focusing on perceptions of the economy --- a quasi-experimental panel study and a randomized experiment --- we show how partisan perceptual differences are substantially affected by messages coming from party elites. These findings imply that partisan elites are more influential on, and more responsible for, partisan perceptual differences than previous studies have revealed.},
}

@Article{GrittersovaEtAl2016,
  author       = {Jana Grittersov{\'a} and Indridason, Indridi H. and Gregory, Christina C. and Crespo, Ricardo},
  title        = {Austerity and niche parties: The electoral consequences of fiscal reforms},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {42},
  pages        = {276--289},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2016.02.017},
  abstract     = {Austerity policies -- policies of sharp reductions of a government's budget deficit involving spending cuts and tax increases -- are claimed to boost support for radical political parties. We argue, counter to popular claims, that austerity measures actually reduce support for radical and niche parties. Austerity policies force traditional left-right politics to the forefront of political debate with the traditional mainstream parties having a stronger ownership over those issues. We systematically explore the impact of austerity measures on the electoral fortunes of niche parties in 16 developed countries over a 35-year period, while controlling for a number of socio-economic variables. We find that austerity policies that rely on tax increases affect radical parties on the left and the right in different ways than fiscal adjustments based on spending cuts.},
  keywords     = {Austerity, Economic voting, Niche parties, Fiscal policy, Financial crisis},
}

@Article{GoodwinEtAl2018,
  author       = {Goodwin, Matthew and Hix, Simon and Pickup, Mark},
  title        = {For and Against Brexit: A Survey Experiment of the Impact of Campaign Effects on Public Attitudes toward EU Membership},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  pages        = {1--15},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123417000667},
  abstract     = {What are the lessons of the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the European Union (EU) regarding the effects of message framing? This article reports findings from an innovative online survey experiment based on a two-wave panel design. The findings show that, despite the expectation that campaign effects are generally small for high-salience issues --- such as Brexit --- the potential for campaign effects was high for the pro-EU frames. This suggests that within an asymmetrical information environment --- in which the arguments for one side of an issue (anti-EU) are `priced in', while arguments for the other side (pro-EU) have been understated --- the potential for campaign effects in a single direction are substantial. To the extent that this environment is reflected in other referendum campaigns, the potential effect of pro-EU frames may be substantial.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BullockEtAl2010,
  author       = {Bullock, John G. and Green, Donald P. and Ha, Shang E.},
  title        = {Yes, But What's the Mechanism? (Don't Expect an Easy Answer)},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {98},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {550--558},
  doi          = {10.1037/a0018933},
  url          = {http://johnbullock.org/papers/mediation_JPSP_final.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-04-06},
  abstract     = {Psychologists increasingly recommend experimental analysis of mediation. This is a step in the right direction because mediation analyses based on nonexperimental data are likely to be biased and because experiments, in principle, provide a sound basis for causal inference. But even experiments cannot overcome certain threats to inference that arise chiefly or exclusively in the context of mediation analysis --- threats that have received little attention in psychology. The authors describe 3 of these threats and suggest ways to improve the exposition and design of mediation tests. Their conclusion is that inference about mediators is far more difficult than previous research suggests and is best tackled by an experimental research program that is specifically designed to address the challenges of mediation analysis.},
}

@Article{Johns2005,
  author       = {Robert Johns},
  title        = {One Size Doesn't Fit All: Selecting Response Scales For Attitude Items},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {15},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {237--264},
  doi          = {10.1080/13689880500178849},
  abstract     = {The simple 5-point Likert format is ubiquitous in British public opinion research. Yet recent thinking on survey response questions the validity of even the simplest measures. Respondents seek satisficing strategies to cope with the cognitive demands of answering, and the Likert midpoint provides such a strategy. This suggests that 4-point scales might be more appropriate. Evidence is presented on who chooses the midpoint, and what they do when denied it. Omitting the midpoint may impair validity, because some respondents opt for it when they have no basis for choosing between agreement and disagreement. Yet omission may improve validity, because the midpoint is also used as a safe haven by a `silent minority', taking refuge in that option rather than confessing to an unpopular viewpoint. The implication is that the midpoint should be offered on obscure topics, where many respondents will have no basis for choice, but omitted on controversial topics, where social desirability is uppermost in respondents' minds. Applying these principles to the 2001 BES demonstrates that varying format by topic thus is not only advisable but also straightforward in practical terms.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{Krosnick1991,
  author       = {Krosnick, Jon A.},
  title        = {Response strategies for coping with the cognitive demands of attitude measures in surveys},
  journaltitle = {Applied Cogntive Psychology},
  date         = {1991},
  volume       = {5},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {213--236},
  doi          = {10.1002/acp.2350050305},
  abstract     = {This paper proposes that when optimally answering a survey question would require substantial cognitive effort, some repondents simply provide a satisfactory answer instead. This behaviour, called satisficing, can take the form of either (1) incomplete or biased information retrieval and/or information integration, or (2) no information retrieval or integration at all. Satisficing may lead respondents to employ a variety of response strategies, including choosing the first response alternative that seems to constitute a reasonable answer, agreeing with an assertion made by a question, endorsing the status quo instead of endorsing social change, failing to differentiate among a set of diverse objects in ratings, saying `don't know' instead of reporting an opinion, and randomly choosing among the response alternatives offered. This paper specifies a wide range of factors that are likely to encourage satisficing, and reviews relevant evidence evaluating these speculations. Many useful directions for future research are suggested.},
}

@Article{VanVaerenberghThomas2013,
  author       = {Van Vaerenbergh, Yves and Thomas, Troy D.},
  title        = {Response Styles in Survey Research: A Literature Review of Antecedents, Consequences, and Remedies},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {195--217},
  doi          = {10.1093/ijpor/eds021},
  abstract     = {Although the purpose of questionnaire items is to obtain a person's opinion on a certain matter, a respondent's registered opinion may not reflect his or her ``true'' opinion because of random and systematic errors. Response styles (RSs) are a respondent's tendency to respond to survey questions in certain ways regardless of the content, and they contribute to systematic error. They affect univariate and multivariate distributions of data collected by rating scales and are alternative explanations for many research results. Despite this, RS are often not controlled in research. This article provides a comprehensive summary of the types of RS, lists their potential sources, and discusses ways to diagnose and control for them. Finally, areas for further research on RS are proposed.},
}

@Collection{PresserEtAl2004,
  date      = {2004},
  editor    = {Stanley Presser and Jennifer M. Rothgeb and Mick P. Couper and Judith T. Lessler and Elizabeth Martin and Jean Martin and Eleanor Singer},
  title     = {Methods for Testing and Evaluating Survey Questionnaires},
  doi       = {10.1002/0471654728},
  isbn      = {9780471654728},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
}

@Article{Harzing2006,
  author       = {Anne-Wil Harzing},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Cross Cultural Management},
  title        = {Response Styles in Cross-national Survey Research: A 26-country Study},
  doi          = {10.1177/1470595806066332},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {243--266},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {Studies of attitudes across countries generally rely on a comparison of aggregated mean scores to Likert-scale questions. This presupposes that when people complete a questionnaire, their answers are based on the substantive meaning of the items to which they respond. However, people's responses are also influenced by their response style. Hence, the studies we conduct might simply reflect differences in the way people respond to surveys, rather than picking up real differences in management phenomena across countries. Our 26-country study shows that there are major differences in response styles between countries that both confirm and extend earlier research. Country-level characteristics such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and extraversion all significantly influence response styles such as acquiescence and extreme response styles. Further, English-language questionnaires are shown to elicit a higher level of middle responses, while questionnaires in a respondent's native language result in more extreme response styles. Finally, English-language competence is positively related to extreme response styles and negatively related to middle response styles. We close by discussing implications for cross-national research.},
}

@Article{Mertens2017,
  author       = {Daniel Mertens},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  title        = {Borrowing for social security? Credit, asset-based welfare and the decline of the German savings regime},
  doi          = {10.1177/0958928717717658},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {474--490},
  volume       = {27},
  abstract     = {This article investigates the question to what extent Germany fits into the recent trend of credit-based social policy that has originated in Anglophone economies. In the course of the financial crisis and with its preceding increase in private indebtedness in mind, a growing number of scholars have argued that loans to households have become a central component of contemporary welfare states. Because of comprehensive savings-promotion schemes, high levels of public welfare provision and a low homeownership rate, the German welfare state conventionally figures as the paradigmatic counter case to this intensifying relation between welfare and finance. This article argues, to the contrary, that one can observe the rise of credit-based social policy in Germany due to the gradual erosion of savings promotion, the expansion of quasi-public loan schemes and the restructuring of the welfare state since the mid-1970s. Based on document and statistical analysis, the article evaluates reform trajectories in the field of pensions, education and healthcare to substantiate this claim. Within the current low-interest rate environment in the Eurozone, the developments combined might well challenge the traditional savings-oriented features of the German welfare state and its political economy.},
}

@Article{Mertens2017a,
  author       = {Daniel Mertens},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {New Political Economy},
  title        = {Putting `merchants of debt' in their place: the political economy of retail banking and credit-based financialisation in Germany},
  doi          = {10.1080/13563467.2016.1195344},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {12--30},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {Why did household debt in Germany not increase after the year 2000? This article offers a supply-side explanation for this deviant debt trajectory by tracing the historical evolution of retail banking in the German political economy. It argues that at the end of the 1990s and in the light of European Monetary Union, profitability issues and banking fragmentation became severe enough to interrupt the path towards credit-based financialisation as prevalent among other capitalist economies. These factors interacted with a traditional lack of tools and incentives for rapid credit expansion, even though they were renegotiated in the processes of financial liberalisation, internationalisation and innovation. By employing historical-qualitative as well as statistical evidence for the argument, the paper's contribution becomes twofold. First, it introduces and conceptualises retail banking as a focal point in the analysis of national financial systems and their transformation. Second, it complicates the standard accounts of German non-financialisation and reveals the `contested' character of financial reform.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{OGrady2019a,
  author       = {O'Grady, Tom},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {How do Economic Circumstances Determine Preferences? Evidence from Long-run Panel Data},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123417000242},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1381--1406},
  volume       = {49},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{WilliamsonWearing1996,
  author       = {Maureen R. Williamson and Alexander J. Wearing},
  title        = {Lay people's cognitive models of the economy},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Psychology},
  date         = {1996},
  volume       = {17},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {3--38},
  issn         = {0167-4870},
  doi          = {10.1016/0167-4870(95)00033-X},
  abstract     = {Our understanding of lay people's thoughts about the economy relies heavily on interpretations (and sometimes misinterpretations) of responses to specific questions. In this study, one open-ended question was asked, and only simple cues were provided, in each of 95 individual interviews. The dialogue from each interview was measured in terms of how much each person said, how variables were linked and what was said. The outcome was 95 unique cognitive models. Despite the differences between them, there were some broad areas of agreement which were reinforced by questionnaire responses, and in general, individuals described the economy by integrating economic, social, psychological and moral issues. In some respects, previous research findings, suggesting that lay people know very little about fiscal issues, were confirmed; however, the cognitive models showed that lay people did seem to understand the connection between government revenue and expenditure, even though questionnaire responses suggested otherwise.},
  keywords     = {Cognitive economic modelling},
}

@Article{LeiserAroch2009,
  author       = {David Leiser and Ronen Aroch},
  title        = {Lay Understanding of Macroeconomic Causation: The Good-Begets-Good Heuristic},
  journaltitle = {Applied Psychology},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {58},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {370--384},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1464-0597.2009.00396.x},
  abstract     = {The functioning of the economic system is complex and technical. For its part, the public is constantly presented with information on economic causality. It is important for its members to assimilate this information, whether to further their personal goals or to engage advisedly in the democratic process. We presented economically untrained and trained participants with questions of the form: ``If variable A increases, how will this affect variable B?'' for all the combinations of 19 key economic indicators. Economically untrained participants were willing to commit themselves on most questions, despite their medium to low self-report of understanding the concepts involved. Analysis of the pattern of responses reveals the use of a simple shortcut, the good-begets-good heuristic, which yields a sense of competence in the absence of understanding of the causal mechanism involved.},
}

@Article{BlendonEtAl1997,
  author       = {Blendon, Robert J. and Benson, John M. and Brodie, Mollyann and Morin, Richard and Altman, Drew E. and Gitterman, Daniel and Brossard, Mario and James, Matt},
  title        = {Bridging the Gap between the Public's and Economists' Views of the Economy},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  date         = {1997},
  volume       = {11},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {105--118},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.11.3.105},
  abstract     = {This paper reports the results of two parallel 1996 surveys, one of economists, one of the public. It finds that the public has a bleaker picture of what has happened economically to the average family and is more pessimistic than most economists about the intermediate future. The public cites different reasons than economists do for why the economy is not doing better. Also, individuals' perceptions of their own economic experiences yield a different set of beliefs about economic conditions than that described in official statistics.},
}

@Article{Caplan2001a,
  author       = {Caplan, Bryan},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Law and Economics},
  title        = {What Makes People Think Like Economists? Evidence on Economic Cognition from the ``Survey of Americans and Economists on the Economy''},
  doi          = {10.1086/322812},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {395--426},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {The positive economic beliefs of economists and the general public systematically differ. What factors make noneconomists think more like economists? Using the ``Survey of Americans and Economists on the Economy,'' this paper shows people think more like economists (1) if they are well educated, (2) if they are male, (3) if their real income rose over the last 5 years, (4) if they expect their real income to rise over the next 5 years, or (5) if they have a high degree of job security. However, neither high income nor ideological conservatism have this effect. My findings for education, gender, and income have close parallels in political science: on tests of objective political knowledge, the better educated and males score higher, controlling for numerous other variables, and the independent effect of income is minor.},
}

@Article{deVries2012,
  author       = {{de Vries}, Jan J.F.},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Interdisciplinary History},
  title        = {Beyond Our Means: Why America Spends While the World Saves (review)},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {299--301},
  url          = {https://muse.jhu.edu/article/482049},
  urldate      = {2018-04-25},
  volume       = {43},
}

@Article{Maltby2014,
  author       = {Josephine Anne Maltby},
  title        = {Bringing back Thrift Week: Neo-liberalism and the rediscovery of thrift},
  journaltitle = {Critical Perspectives on Accounting},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {115--127},
  issn         = {1045-2354},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.cpa.2013.03.007},
  abstract     = {The paper examines and compares the movements for promoting working-class savings in the modern USA and in Great Britain in the 19th century. It explores the use of savings as a technology for managing individuals' behaviour and motives and the nature of the government objectives which are served by these parallel projects.},
}

@WWW{Williams2018-02-16,
  author       = {Zoe Williams},
  title        = {How language duped us into austerity},
  date         = {2018-02-16},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/feb/16/anguage-austerity-economic-policy},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2018-04-25},
}

@Article{CoppockEtAl2018,
  author       = {Alexander Coppock and Emily Ekins and David Kirby},
  title        = {The Long-lasting Effects of Newspaper Op-Eds on Public Opinion},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {13},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {59--87},
  issn         = {1554-0626},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00016112},
  url          = {https://alexandercoppock.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/effects_of_newspaper_op-eds.pdf},
}

@Article{FeierherdEtAl2018,
  author       = {Feierherd, German and Schiumerini, Luis and Stokes, Susan},
  title        = {When Do the Wealthy Support Redistribution? Inequality Aversion in Buenos Aires},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123417000588},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Keynes1936,
  author    = {Keynes, John Maynard},
  title     = {The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money},
  date      = {1936},
  publisher = {Macmillan},
}

@WWW{Alesina2010-09-15,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto},
  title        = {Tax Cuts vs. `Stimulus': The Evidence Is In},
  date         = {2010-09-15},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/ycy5xg9x},
  organization = {The Wall Street Journal},
  urldate      = {2018-04-26},
}

@Article{Time1965-12-31,
  title        = {The Economy: We Are All Keynesians Now},
  journaltitle = {Time},
  date         = {1965-12-31},
  url          = {http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,842353,00.html},
}

@Article{TrumpWhite2018,
  author       = {Trump, Kris-Stella and White, Ariel},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
  title        = {Does Inequality Beget Inequality? Experimental Tests of the Prediction that Inequality Increases System Justification Motivation},
  doi          = {10.1017/XPS.2018.2},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@InCollection{Weale2017,
  author    = {Weale, Albert},
  title     = {Ordoliberalism Within and Outside Germany's Co-ordinated Market Economy},
  booktitle = {Ordoliberalism, Law and the Rule of Economics},
  date      = {2017},
  editor    = {Josef Hien and Christian Joerges},
  publisher = {Hart},
  chapter   = {14},
  pages     = {229--244},
}

@Book{Khong1992,
  author    = {Khong, Yuen Foong},
  title     = {Analogies at War: Korea, Munich, Dien Bien Phu, and the Vietnam Decisions of 1965},
  date      = {1992},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  location  = {Princeton, NJ},
}

@Article{FeinbergWehling2018,
  author       = {Feinberg, Matthew AND Wehling, Elisabeth},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {PLOS ONE},
  title        = {A moral house divided: How idealized family models impact political cognition},
  doi          = {10.1371/journal.pone.0193347},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1--31},
  volume       = {13},
  abstract     = {People's political attitudes tend to fall into two groups: progressive and conservative. Moral Politics Theory asserts that this ideological divide is the product of two contrasting moral worldviews, which are conceptually anchored in individuals' cognitive models about ideal parenting and family life. These models, here labeled the strict and nurturant models, serve as conceptual templates for how society should function, and dictate whether one will endorse more conservative or progressive positions. According to Moral Politics Theory, individuals map their parenting ideals onto the societal domain by engaging the nation-as-family metaphor, which facilitates reasoning about the abstract social world (the nation) in terms of more concrete world experience (family life). In the present research, we conduct an empirical examination of these core assertions of Moral Politics Theory. In Studies 1--3, we experimentally test whether family ideals directly map onto political attitudes while ruling out alternative explanations. In Studies 4--5, we use both correlational and experimental methods to examine the nation-as-family metaphor's role in facilitating the translation of family beliefs into societal beliefs and, ultimately, political attitudes. Overall, we found consistent support for Moral Politics Theory's assertions that family ideals directly impact political judgment, and that the nation-as-family metaphor serves a mediating role in this phenomenon.},
  publisher    = {Public Library of Science},
}

@TechReport{NEONEtAl2018,
  author      = {NEON and NEF and {FrameWorks Institute} and PIRC},
  title       = {Framing the Economy: How to win the case for a better system...},
  institution = {New Economics Foundation},
  date        = {2018},
  url         = {https://neweconomics.org/uploads/files/Framing-the-Economy-NEON-NEF-FrameWorks-PIRC.pdf},
  urldate     = {2019-06-19},
}

@Book{Charteris-Black2011,
  author    = {Charteris-Black, Jonathan},
  title     = {Politicians and Rhetoric: The Persuasive Power of Metaphor},
  date      = {2011},
  publisher = {Palgrave MacMillan},
  location  = {Basingstoke, UK},
  isbn      = {978-0-230-25165-6},
}

@Article{LeeperSlothuus2014,
  author       = {Leeper, Thomas J. and Slothuus, Rune},
  title        = {Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Public Opinion Formation},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {35},
  number       = {S1},
  pages        = {129--156},
  doi          = {10.1111/pops.12164},
  abstract     = {A key characteristic of democratic politics is competition between groups, first of all political parties. Yet, the unavoidably partisan nature of political conflict has had too little influence on scholarship on political psychology. Despite more than 50 years of research on political parties and citizens, we continue to lack a systematic understanding of when and how political parties influence public opinion. We suggest that alternative approaches to political parties and public opinion can be best reconciled and examined through a richer theoretical perspective grounded in motivated reasoning theory. Clearly, parties shape citizens' opinions by mobilizing, influencing, and structuring choices among political alternatives. But the answer to when and how parties influence citizens' reasoning and political opinions depends on an interaction between citizens' motivations, effort, and information generated from the political environment (particularly through competition between parties). The contribution of motivated reasoning, as we describe it, is to provide a coherent theoretical framework for understanding partisan influence on citizens' political opinions. We review recent empirical work consistent with this framework. We also point out puzzles ripe for future research and discuss how partisan-motivated reasoning provides a useful point of departure for such work.},
  keywords     = {political parties, motivated reasoning, public opinion},
}

@Article{SchmidtThatcher2014,
  author       = {Vivien A. Schmidt and Mark Thatcher},
  title        = {Why are neoliberal ideas so resilient in Europe's political economy?},
  journaltitle = {Critical Policy Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {8},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {340--347},
  doi          = {10.1080/19460171.2014.926826},
}

@Article{Bougher2012,
  author       = {Bougher, Lori D.},
  title        = {The Case for Metaphor in Political Reasoning and Cognition},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {145--163},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2011.00865.x},
  abstract     = {Metaphor is a central component of human cognition. Research on metaphor's role in politics has thus far focused predominately on metaphors used by the political elite. While these metaphors are important, they provide limited insight on metaphor's capacity as a reasoning tool for citizens. Metaphor as a cognitive mechanism enables citizens to make sense of the political world by drawing from previous knowledge and experience in nonpolitical domains. Because metaphors shape and constrain understanding by framing it within existing knowledge structures, they generate important predispositions. As a result, the study of metaphor offers an opportunity to enrich our descriptive understanding of the political cognition of citizens. The implicit nature of metaphorical reasoning means that empirical investigation will be a challenge for future research, but previous studies on metaphor suggest some productive avenues. Metaphor offers not only the chance to better explain how citizens view the political world and why they hold the preferences they do, but its criteria and processes hold wider relevance for political psychology and public opinion research.},
  keywords     = {metaphorical reasoning, voter cognition, implicit cognition, discourse, analogy, metaphor},
}

@InCollection{Gentner2003,
  author    = {Dedre Gentner},
  title     = {Why we're so smart},
  booktitle = {Language in mind: Advances in the study of language and thought},
  date      = {2003},
  editor    = {Dedre Gentner and Susan Goldin-Meadow},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  location  = {Cambridge, MA},
  pages     = {195 - 235},
}

@Book{Lakoff2002,
  author    = {George Lakoff},
  title     = {Moral politics: How liberals and conservatives think},
  date      = {2002},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  location  = {Chicago},
}

@Book{Musolff2004,
  author    = {Andreas Musolff},
  title     = {Metaphor and political discourse: Analogical reasoning in debates about Europe},
  date      = {2004},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  location  = {Basingstoke, UK},
}

@Article{Petersen2009a,
  author       = {Michael Bang Petersen},
  title        = {Public Opinion and Evolved Heuristics: The Role of Category-Based Inference},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Cognition and Culture},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {9},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {367--389},
  doi          = {10.1163/156770909X12518536414376},
  abstract     = {Extant research argues that public opinion on modern political issues is a by-product of evolved moral intuitions. However, the structure of modern political debates seems to clash with the input conditions of our moral inference systems. Especially, while we evolved to pass moral judgments on specific and well-known individuals, modern politics is about formulating general laws, applying to whole categories of anonymous strangers. Hence, it is argued that in order to produce opinion on political issues, moral heuristics are required to recruit cognitive systems designed for category-based inference. It is predicted and empirically demonstrated, first, that this interplay is conditioned by the extent to which an individual's stored category-level information (i.e., stereotypes) fit the input conditions of evolved heuristics. Second, that the category-oriented inferences are regulated by a scope syntax, which deactivates their role in public opinion formation to the extent the individual is faced with specific and ecologically valid information. Implications for understanding public opinion on modern political issues are discussed.},
}

@WWW{Ecnmy2017,
  author = {Ecnmy},
  date   = {2017},
  title  = {What's the economy? Exploring how people feel about economics and why we need to improve it},
  url    = {https://www.ecnmy.org/research/report-2017/},
}

@InCollection{GentnerSmith2013,
  author    = {Dedre Gentner and Linsey A. Smith},
  booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Psychology},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Analogical Learning and Reasoning},
  doi       = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195376746.013.0042},
  editor    = {Daniel Reisberg},
  isbn      = {9780195376746},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract  = {Analogy is a kind of similarity in which the same system of relations holds across different objects. Analogies thus capture parallels across different situations. When such a common structure is found, then what is known about one situation can be used to infer new information about the other. This chapter describes the processes involved in analogical reasoning, reviews foundational research and recent developments in the field, and proposes new avenues of investigation.},
}

@Book{MintzDeRouen2010,
  author    = {Alex Mintz and Karl {DeRouen, Jr}},
  title     = {Understanding foreign policy decision-making},
  date      = {2010},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  location  = {Cambridge},
}

@Article{MiratrixEtAl2018,
  author       = {Miratrix, Luke W. and Sekhon, Jasjeet S. and Theodoridis, Alexander G. and Campos, Luis F.},
  title        = {Worth Weighting? How to Think About and Use Weights in Survey Experiments},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {275--291},
  doi          = {10.1017/pan.2018.1},
  abstract     = {The popularity of online surveys has increased the prominence of using sampling weights to enhance claims of representativeness. Yet, much uncertainty remains regarding how these weights should be employed in survey experiment analysis: should they be used? If so, which estimators are preferred? We offer practical advice, rooted in the Neyman-Rubin model, for researchers working with survey experimental data. We examine simple, efficient estimators, and give formulas for their biases and variances. We provide simulations that examine these estimators as well as real examples from experiments administered online through YouGov. We find that for examining the existence of population treatment effects using high-quality, broadly representative samples recruited by top online survey firms, sample quantities, which do not rely on weights, are often sufficient. We found that sample average treatment effect (SATE) estimates did not appear to differ substantially from their weighted counterparts, and they avoided the substantial loss of statistical power that accompanies weighting. When precise estimates of population average treatment effects (PATE) are essential, we analytically show poststratifying on survey weights and/or covariates highly correlated with outcomes to be a conservative choice. While we show substantial gains in simulations, we find limited evidence of them in practice.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Lin2013,
  author       = {Lin, Winston},
  title        = {Agnostic Notes on Regression Adjustments to Experimental Data: Reexamining Freedman's Critique},
  journaltitle = {Annals of Applied Statistics},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {7},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {295--318},
  doi          = {10.1214/12-AOAS583},
  url          = {https://www.stat.berkeley.edu/~winston/agnostic.pdf},
  urldate      = {2017-08-17},
  abstract     = {Freedman [Adv. in Appl. Math. 40 (2008) 180--193; Ann. Appl. Stat. 2 (2008) 176--196] critiqued ordinary least squares regression adjustment of estimated treatment effects in randomized experiments, using Neyman's model for randomization inference. Contrary to conventional wisdom, he argued that adjustment can lead to worsened asymptotic precision, invalid measures of precision, and small-sample bias. This paper shows that in sufficiently large samples, those problems are either minor or easily fixed. OLS adjustment cannot hurt asymptotic precision when a full set of treatment-covariate interactions is included. Asymptotically valid confidence intervals can be constructed with the Huber-White sandwich standard error estimator. Checks on the asymptotic approximations are illustrated with data from Angrist, Lang, and Oreopoulos's [Am. Econ. J.: Appl. Econ. 1:1 (2009) 136--163] evaluation of strategies to improve college students' achievement. The strongest reasons to support Freedman's preference for unadjusted estimates are transparency and the dangers of specification search.},
}

@Article{DruckmanMcDermott2008,
  author       = {James N. Druckman and Rose McDermott},
  title        = {Emotion and the Framing of Risky Choice},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {30},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {297--321},
  issn         = {01909320, 15736687},
  abstract     = {One of the most noted phenomena in social and political decisionmaking is the occurrence of a framing effect. For example, on problems involving risky choices, individuals tend to act risk-averse when the problem is framed in terms of gains (e.g., saving lives, making money) and risk-seeking when the same problem is instead framed in terms of losses ( e. g., deaths, losing money). Scholars have begun to identify the processes underlying framing effects as well as the conditions under which framing effects occur. Yet, extant work focuses nearly exclusively on cognitive processes, despite growing recognition of the importance of emotion in general decision-making tasks. In this paper, we explore the impact of emotional states on risk attitudes and framing. We find that emotions significantly influence both individuals' tendencies to take risks and the impact of a frame on risky choices (e.g., emotions amplify or depress a frame's impact). The precise role of emotions depends on the problem domain (e.g., a life-death or a financial decision), and the specific type of emotion under study. Moreover, in contrast to much work in political science, we show that emotions need to be distinguished beyond their positive or negative valence, as different negative emotions exert opposite effects. Our results accentuate the importance of integrating emotions into research areas traditionally dominated by more cognitive perspectives.},
  publisher    = {Springer},
}

@Article{LedgerwoodBoydstun2014,
  author       = {Ledgerwood, Alison and Boydstun, Amber E.},
  title        = {Sticky prospects: Loss frames are cognitively stickier than gain frames.},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: General},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {143},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {376--385},
  doi          = {10.1037/a0032310},
  abstract     = {Research across numerous domains has highlighted the current -- and presumably temporary -- effects of frames on preference and behavior. Yet people often encounter information that has been framed in different ways across contexts, and there are reasons to predict that certain frames, once encountered, might tend to stick in the mind and resist subsequent reframing. We propose that loss frames are stickier than gain frames in their ability to shape people's thinking. Specifically, we suggest that the effect of a loss frame may linger longer than that of a gain frame in the face of reframing and that this asymmetry may arise because it is more difficult to convert a loss-framed concept into a gain-framed concept than vice versa. Supporting this notion, loss-to-gain (vs. gain-to-loss) reframing had a muted impact on both risk preferences (Study 1) and evaluation (Study 2). Moreover, participants took longer to solve a math problem that required reconceptualizing losses as gains than vice versa (Studies 3--5), and reframing changed gain-based conceptualizations but not loss-based ones (Study 6). We discuss implications for understanding a key process underlying negativity bias, as well as how sequential frames might impact political behavior and economic recovery.},
}

@Article{FarrellQuiggin2017,
  author       = {Farrell, Henry and Quiggin, John},
  title        = {Consensus, Dissensus, and Economic Ideas: Economic Crisis and the Rise and Fall of Keynesianism},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {269--283},
  doi          = {10.1093/isq/sqx010},
  abstract     = {During the recent economic crisis, Keynesian ideas about fiscal stimulus briefly seemed to form the basis of a new expert consensus about how to deal with demand shocks. However, this apparent consensus soon collapsed into a continuing dissensus, with important consequences for policy. Neither conventional bargaining accounts nor existing theories of the role of ideas in policy outcomes easily explain the arc of international responses to the Great Recession. In this article, we propose that sociological arguments about professions, in conjunction with those about spaces of political contention as ecologies, provide a better understanding of the puzzle of Keynesianism's rise and decline. The internal dynamics of prestige and status within the profession of economics intersected with policy arguments between states so as to make macroeconomic policy a ``hinge'' issue, over which coalitions in both ecologies contended. This explains how Keynesian economists and political actors worked together in the first phase of the crisis to advocate for and implement fiscal stimulus. It also explains why aggrieved policy actors, who did not favor stimulus, could help disrupt the apparent consensus in the second phase of the crisis by promoting the views of dissident economists.},
}

@Unpublished{HuebscherSattler2018-06-27,
  author       = {H{\"u}bscher, Evelyne and Sattler, Thomas},
  title        = {The Fiscal Policy Trap: Deficits, Austerity and Popularity},
  date         = {2018-06-27},
  howpublished = {Unpublished manuscript},
  abstract     = {Existing research finds that voters have inconsistent policy preferences and disapprove of fiscal deficits and fiscal adjustments at the same time. Our analysis provides an explanation for these seemingly contradictory results. To the extent that fiscal austerity has short-term costs and long-term benefits, voter evaluations adapt dynamically to the changing cost-benefit relationship over time. Voters, initially, discount the uncertain, future benefits of austerity and withdraw their support from the government after fiscal cuts. They, then, gradually give credit to governments over time when the benefits of these policies become visible and the long-term benefits start to outweigh the short-term costs. Our dynamic panel model of annual vote intentions in 16 OECD countries confirms this. The results show that fiscal austerity leads to a considerable drop in vote intentions for the government. Voters, then, reward the government if the fiscal balance improves, but only gradually and with a delay. Electorally vulnerable governments, therefore, face a fiscal-policy dilemma that leaves them trapped between deficits and austerity because of their countervailing effects on popularity.},
}

@Unpublished{HuebscherEtAl2018-06-19,
  author       = {H{\"u}bscher, Evelyne and Sattler, Thomas and Wagner, Markus},
  title        = {Voter Responses to Fiscal Austerity},
  date         = {2018-06-19},
  howpublished = {Presented at the Annual Meeting of the European Political Science Association, Vienna, June 21--23, 2018.},
  abstract     = {The strong political opposition to the recent wave of fiscal austerity shows how diffcult it is for governments to design politically sustainable responses to rising public debt. These difficulties are grounded in a limited understanding of the popular constraints that constrain government action during periods of fiscal pressure. For instance, a highly influential view advocates fiscal spending cuts over tax increases and claims that, empirically, these policies have a minimal impact on political support for governments. But recent research suggests that this account underestimates the impact of these policies on voters. This is because of strategic selection bias: we do not observe voter punishment because governments time cutbacks to minimise such punishment. To address the empirical challenge of estimating voter reactions to policy choices, we conduct survey experiments in Spain, Portugal, Italy, the UK and Germany. These experiments allow us to directly estimate the responses of individual voters to different types of fiscal adjustment. Contrary to the previous literature, the results show that the reelection chances of governments decrease massively when they propose fiscal austerity measures. Voters object particularly strongly to spending cuts and, to a lesser extent, to tax increases. These findings are inconsistent with the policy recommendations of the major international financial institutions, like the ECB, since the outbreak of the European debt crisis.},
}

@Article{Blyth2013b,
  author       = {Blyth, Mark},
  title        = {Paradigms and Paradox: The Politics of Economic Ideas in Two Moments of Crisis},
  journaltitle = {Governance},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {197--215},
  doi          = {10.1111/gove.12010},
  abstract     = {This article argues that there is a paradox at the heart of Hall's ``Policy Paradigms'' framework stemming from the desire to see both state and society as generative of social learning while employing two different logics to explain how such learning takes place: what I term the ``Bayesian'' and ``constructivist'' versions of the policy paradigms causal story. This creates a paradox as both logics cannot be simultaneously true. However, it is a generative paradox insofar as the power of the policy paradigms framework emerges, in part, from this attempt to straddle these distinct positions, producing an argument that is greater than the sum of its parts. In the second part of the article, I discuss the recent global financial crisis, an area where we should see third-order change, but we do no not. That we do not strengthens the case for the constructivist causal story.},
}

@WWW{Nelson2018,
  author       = {Stephen C. Nelson},
  date         = {2018},
  title        = {``It'' Happened Again: Farrell and Quiggin on the Resurrection of Old Keynesian Ideas during the Global Financial Crisis},
  doi          = {10.7910/DVN/MDFG8E},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly Online Symposium},
  pages        = {9--12},
}

@WWW{Baker2018,
  author       = {Andrew Baker},
  date         = {2018},
  title        = {Political Uses and Abuses of Economic Ideas},
  doi          = {10.7910/DVN/MDFG8E},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly Online Symposium},
  pages        = {3--5},
}

@Article{Talving2017,
  author       = {Liisa Talving},
  title        = {The electoral consequences of austerity: economic policy voting in Europe in times of crisis},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {40},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {560--583},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2016.1271600},
  abstract     = {Voters typically observe macroeconomic outcomes in order to evaluate government performance. However, during crises, when the clarity of economic responsibility is poor and the economy is in recession, citizens need additional sources of information in order to form a reasoned opinion. Government policy response is one such source. This study shows on a sample of 24 European nations from 2004, 2009 and 2014 that in the post-crisis period, economic policies have emerged as one of the key predictors of vote choice, with government decisions to pursue fiscal austerity leading to significantly lower levels of incumbent support. Furthermore, the paper tests the possibility that the effect of austerity is conditioned by the clarity of responsibility. In multilevel systems, where policies are externally imposed, voters could be expected to hold incumbents less accountable for unpopular measures. The analysis, however, provides no evidence that policy effects depend on the extent to which national governments share policy responsibilities with supranational and intergovernmental institutions. Accountability for policy actions is primarily attributed at the domestic level as voters are able to identify the decisional role of national governments.},
}

@Article{DeVriesEtAl2018,
  author       = {Catherine E. {De Vries} and Sara B. Hobolt and James Tilley},
  title        = {Facing up to the facts: What causes economic perceptions?},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {51},
  pages        = {115--122},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2017.09.006},
  abstract     = {The link between individual perceptions of the economy and vote choice is fundamental to electoral accountability. Yet, while it is well-established that economic perceptions are correlated with voting behaviour, it is unclear whether these perceptions are rooted in the real economy or whether they simply reflect voters' partisan biases. This article uses time-series data, survey data and unique experimental evidence to shed new light on how British voters update their economic perceptions in response to economic change. Our findings demonstrate that while partisanship influences levels of economic optimism, people respond to information about real economic changes by adjusting their economic perceptions.},
}

@Article{ThewissenRueda2019,
  author       = {Stefan Thewissen and David Rueda},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Automation and the Welfare State: Technological Change as a Determinant of Redistribution Preferences},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414017740600},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {171--208},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {Technological change is widely considered to be a key driver of the economic and occupational structure of affluent countries. Current advances in information technology have led to a significant substitution of routine work by capital, while occupations with abstract or interpersonal manual task structures are complemented or unaffected. We develop a simple theoretical framework for the reasons why individuals in routine task-intensive occupations would prefer public insurance against the increased risk of future income loss resulting from automation. Moreover, we contend that this relation will be stronger for richer individuals who have more to lose from automation. We focus on the role of occupational elements of risk exposure and challenge some general interpretations of the determinants of redistribution preferences. We test the implications of our theoretical framework with survey data for 17 European countries between 2002 and 2012. While up to now the political economy literature has emphasized other occupational risks, we find vulnerability to automation to be an important determinant of the demand for redistribution that should not be ignored.},
}

@Article{Hauesermann2018,
  author       = {Silja Ha{\"u}sermann},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics},
  title        = {Welfare State Research and Comparative Political Economy},
  doi          = {10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.654},
}

@Collection{AlesinaGiavazzi2013,
  editor      = {Alberto Alesina and Francesco Giavazzi},
  title       = {Fiscal Policy after the Financial Crisis},
  date        = {2013},
  publisher   = {University of Chicago Press},
  location    = {Chicago, IL},
  url         = {http://www.nber.org/books/ales11-1},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  type        = {Book},
}

@Article{HopkinRosamond2018,
  author       = {Jonathan Hopkin and Ben Rosamond},
  title        = {Post-truth Politics, Bullshit and Bad Ideas: `Deficit Fetishism' in the UK},
  journaltitle = {New Political Economy},
  date         = {2018},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1080/13563467.2017.1373757},
  abstract     = {Debates about economic policy in Britain have been dominated by claims that sovereign debt problems are due to loose fiscal policy and excessive spending rather than volatile capital flows and flawed monetary policy. There are strong grounds for believing that these stories are largely nonsense, yet they inform policy and are widely believed among mass publics, and have proved almost impossible to refute in everyday political discourse. The answer to this puzzle, we suggest, is that such claims are better thought of as bullshit (as conceptualised by Harry Frankfurt 2005) rather than outright falsehoods: in other words, as speech acts that are indifferent to the truth and proceed without effective concern for the veracity of the claim in question. In this paper, we examine the characteristics of political bullshit applied to economic policy debates since the financial crisis, and seek to explain its hold on the popular imagination. We assess what makes some particular brands of bullshit more successful than others, and argue that in a world of competing realities as well as competing theories, the power of rhetoric is more likely to settle an argument than evidence and logic.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{Stanley2016,
  author       = {Liam Stanley},
  title        = {Legitimacy gaps, taxpayer conflict, and the politics of austerity in the UK},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {18},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {389-406},
  doi          = {10.1177/1369148115615031},
  abstract     = {Following the 2008 financial crisis, fiscal deficit reduction has become the name of the game for many Western states. This article uses focus group data to explore the legitimation of austerity in the United Kingdom. It is argued that fiscal consolidation speaks to real concerns citizens have over unfair redistribution to supposed `undeserving' groups. The undeserving rich and poor are stigmatised during times of austerity since they are assumed to take more than they give from the public purse -- leaving taxpayers, the assumption goes, to pick up the bill. By speaking to this legitimacy gap between prudent normative expectations and the lived experiences of state profligacy, fiscal consolidation can appear to speak to the interests of `the taxpayer' -- a group conceptualised as a sense of group position that arises from collective sense-making rather than a pre-given constituency.},
}

@Article{Walter2016,
  author       = {Stefanie Walter},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Crisis Politics in Europe: Why Austerity Is Easier to Implement in Some Countries Than in Others},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414015617967},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {841-873},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {When countries face balance-of-payments crises, their policy responses vary widely. This article argues that the choice between the two main options of internal adjustment (i.e., austerity and structural reforms) and external adjustment (i.e., exchange-rate devaluation) depends on how costly each of these strategies is for a country overall. Although the choice of adjustment strategy is thus structurally determined, the level of political conflict associated with crisis management depends on both the national vulnerability profile and partisan interests. Moreover, irrespective of the adjustment strategy, all governments design the specific reforms in ways that shelter their own voters. Empirically, this article uses qualitative case studies and survey data to examine the significant variation in crisis responses, crisis politics, and distributive outcomes of the 2008--2010 global financial crisis in eight Eastern European countries. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the Eastern European experience for crisis politics in the Eurozone crisis.},
}

@Unpublished{RuedaStegmueller2018,
  author   = {David Rueda and Daniel Stegmueller},
  title    = {Preferences that Matter: Inequality, Redistribution and Voting},
  date     = {2018},
  pubstate = {Unpublished manuscript},
  url      = {http://users.ox.ac.uk/~polf0050/RuedaStegmueller_PreferencesMatter.pdf},
  urldate  = {2018-09-10},
}

@WWW{Krugman2018,
  author       = {Paul Krugman},
  date         = {2018},
  title        = {Notes on Farrell and Quiggin},
  doi          = {10.7910/DVN/MDFG8E},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly Online Symposium},
  pages        = {9--9},
}

@Article{Eslava2011,
  author       = {Eslava, Marcela},
  title        = {The Political Economy of Fiscal Deficits: A Survey},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {645--673},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-6419.2010.00647.x},
  abstract     = {This paper surveys recent literature, both theoretical and empirical, regarding political explanations for fiscal deficits. Political economy suggests conflicts of interest may lie behind the emergence of deficits: (1) Opportunistic politicians generate deficits to win elections, even in conflict with general welfare; (2) Conflicts of interests between politicians' partisan preferences create incentives for (at least some) incumbents to run deficits and (3) Conflicts of interest between different social groups or regions generate tensions in the allocation of government resources leading to overspending. This paper reviews these different strands of the literature. It also covers contributions that highlight the crucial role of budget institutions in determining the extent to which the political motivations to generate deficits are indeed translated into poor fiscal outcomes. Promising avenues for future research are highlighted.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal deficits, Fiscal policy, Political economy},
}

@Article{Lindvall2017,
  author       = {Lindvall, Johannes},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Economic Downturns and Political Competition since the 1870s},
  doi          = {10.1086/692787},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1302--1314},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {Relying on new data on the ideology of heads of government in 27 democracies over a period of more than 140 years, this article shows that short economic downturns, with a single year of falling per capita consumption, have more often resulted in shifts to the right than shifts to the left. But long-lasting economic downturns, with more than one consecutive year of falling consumption, are different, since they tend to affect a much greater proportion of the population: compared with short downturns, which favor the right, long downturns have more uniform political effects.},
}

@Book{WannaEtAl2015,
  author    = {Wanna, John and Johnson, Carol and Lee, Hsu-Ann},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Abbott's Gambit: The 2013 Australian Federal Election :},
  doi       = {10.26530/OAPEN_515965},
  isbn      = {9781925022100},
  location  = {PB - ANU Press},
  publisher = {ANU Press},
  url       = {http://www.oapen.org/record/515965},
  urldate   = {2018-09-12},
  abstract  = {This book provides a truly comprehensive analysis of the 2013 federal election in Australia, which brought the conservative Abbott government to power, consigned the fractious Labor Party to the Opposition benches and ended the `hung parliament' experiment of 2010-13 in which the Greens and three independents lent their support to form a minority Labor government.},
  issn      = {SN  - 9781925022100},
  refid     = {515965},
}

@Collection{WannaEtAl2015a,
  editor = {Wanna, John and Lindquist, Evert A. and {de Vries}, Jouke},
  title  = {The Global Financial Crisis and its Budget Impacts in OECD Nations},
  date   = {2015},
  isbn   = {9781784718954},
  doi    = {10.4337/9781784718961},
}

@Article{Wanna2014,
  author       = {John Wanna},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Representation},
  title        = {A Most Peculiar Implosion --- The Australian Federal Election September 2013: A Case of Fractured Government That Inflicted Defeat Upon Itself},
  doi          = {10.1080/00344893.2014.934506},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {271--281},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {This article explores the bizarre circumstances that produced a change of government in Australia at the September 2013 federal election. The Labor government led sequentially by Kevin Rudd, then by Julia Gillard (Australia's first female prime minister), and again briefly by Rudd, was consigned back into opposition. After a turbulent six years in office marked by the Global Financial Crisis (2008), successive policy scandals and almost four years of leadership tension, Labor was punished electorally, regarded as divided, unstable and unfit to govern by many. Victorious at the election was the Liberal-National Party Coalition led by Tony Abbott, a former minister in John Howard s government. Yet there was no great warmth for the Abbott conservatives from a largely disaffected electorate. While Abbott managed to secure a handsome majority in the lower house, his government's control over the Senate was actually eroded, meaning he will have to win the support of cross-bench senators hostile to many of his government's policies.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{BouvetKing2016,
  author       = {Florence Bouvet and Sharmila King},
  title        = {Income inequality and election outcomes in OECD countries: New evidence following the Great Recession of 2008--2009},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {41},
  pages        = {70--79},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2015.11.006},
  abstract     = {Using data on national parliamentary election outcomes in 32 OECD countries from 1975 to 2013, we investigate the importance of economic voting. We focus on the relevance of income inequality which has resurfaced to the forefront of public debate since the last global economic downturn. Additionally, we examine whether the degree of economic voting varies with the political orientation of the incumbent government. Finally, we check whether the Great Recession of 2008--2009 alters the degree to which voters hold the incumbent government, specifically left parties, responsible for poor economic performance and rising inequality. We find that economic growth is the most robust variable for economic voting, before and after the Great Recession. The vote share for left-leaning parties declines when income inequality rises during normal economic times. However, voters are more likely to vote for left-wing incumbents if domestic income inequality and unemployment rate rose during the Great Recession.},
  keywords     = {Income inequality, Parliamentary elections, Economic crisis, Great Recession, Left-wing parties},
}

@Article{Anson2017,
  author       = {Ian G. Anson},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  title        = {``That's not how it works'': economic indicators and the construction of partisan economic narratives},
  doi          = {10.1080/17457289.2016.1215319},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {213--234},
  volume       = {27},
  abstract     = {This study examines the processes through which partisans update their (biased) economic judgments during periods of mixed and asymmetric economic performance. I show evidence that citizens express relatively unbiased perceptions of the movement of the stock market, suggesting that partisans do not engage in processes of motivated reasoning when reporting judgments of widely available economic data. Instead, partisans respond to fluctuations in stock market performance by revising their assumptions about the way the economy works: in response to positive or negative developments, the stock market is perceived to be more or less important for the health of the broader US economy depending upon Americans' partisan worldviews. This form of biased narrative construction has substantial importance in light of a ``two-speed'' post-Great Recession economy.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{FlavinHartney2017,
  author       = {Flavin, Patrick and Hartney, Michael T.},
  title        = {Racial Inequality in Democratic Accountability: Evidence from Retrospective Voting in Local Elections},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {684--697},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12286},
  abstract     = {One important and, to date, overlooked component of democratic accountability is the extent to which it might exacerbate existing societal inequalities if the outcomes for some groups of citizens are prioritized over others when voters evaluate governmental performance. We analyze a decade of California school board elections and find evidence that voters reward or punish incumbent board members based on the achievement of white students in their district, whereas outcomes for African American and Hispanic students receive comparatively little attention. We then examine public opinion data on the racial education achievement gap and report results from an original list experiment of California school board members that finds approximately 40\% of incumbents detect no electoral pressure to address poor academic outcomes among racial minority students. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for several scholarly literatures, including retrospective voting, racial inequality in political influence, intergovernmental policymaking, and education politics.},
}

@Article{BreenEtAl2018,
  author       = {Breen, Richard and Karlson, Kristian Bernt and Holm, Anders},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  title        = {Interpreting and Understanding Logits, Probits, and Other Nonlinear Probability Models},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-soc-073117-041429},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {39-54},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Methods textbooks in sociology and other social sciences routinely recommend the use of the logit or probit model when an outcome variable is binary, an ordered logit or ordered probit when it is ordinal, and a multinomial logit when it has more than two categories. But these methodological guidelines take little or no account of a body of work that, over the past 30 years, has pointed to problematic aspects of these nonlinear probability models and, particularly, to difficulties in interpreting their parameters. In this review, we draw on that literature to explain the problems, show how they manifest themselves in research, discuss the strengths and weaknesses of alternatives that have been suggested, and point to lines of further analysis.},
}

@Book{Tomlinson2017,
  author    = {Jim Tomlinson},
  title     = {Managing the Economy, Managing the People: Narratives of Economic Life in Britain from Beveridge to Brexit},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  isbn      = {9780198786092},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780198786092.001.0001},
}

@Article{Prat2018,
  author       = {Prat, Andrea},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Media Power},
  doi          = {10.1086/698107},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1747--1783},
  volume       = {126},
  abstract     = {This paper defines the power of a media organization as its ability to induce voters to make electoral decisions they would not make if reporting were unbiased. It derives a robust upper bound to media power over a range of assumptions about the beliefs and attention patterns of voters. The paper then presents estimates of the power index for the United States and shows how these can inform merger analysis and other policy debates.},
}

@Unpublished{KennedyPrat2017,
  author       = {Patrick Kennedy and Andrea Prat},
  title        = {Where Do People Get Their News?},
  date         = {2017-06-26},
  howpublished = {Columbia Business School Research Paper No. 17-65},
  url          = {https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2989719},
  urldate      = {2018-09-12},
  abstract     = {The media industry is unique in its ability to spread information that may influence the democratic process. This influence depends on where and how citizens get their political information. While previous research has examined news production and consumption on specific media platforms --- such as newspapers, television, or the Internet --- little is known about overall news consumption across platforms. To fill this gap, we use a model of media power and individual-level survey data on news consumption to estimate the potential electoral influence of major news organizations in 18 countries. Our analysis highlights three global patterns: high levels of concentration in media power, dominant rankings by television companies, and a link between socioeconomic inequality and information inequality. We also explore international differences in the role of public-service broadcasting.},
  doi          = {10.2139/ssrn.2989719},
}

@WWW{Johnson2017-09-04,
  author       = {Johnson, Paul},
  title        = {The truth about making policy is difficult for politicians to swallow},
  date         = {2017-09-04},
  url          = {https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/9693},
  organization = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  urldate      = {2018-09-12},
}

@Article{SimsAllen2018,
  author       = {Sam Sims and Rebecca Allen},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {National Institute Economic Review},
  title        = {Identifying Schools With High Usage and High Loss of Newly Qualified Teachers},
  doi          = {10.1177/002795011824300112},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {R27--R36},
  volume       = {243},
  abstract     = {In England, teacher shortages have worsened in recent years and one contributor is the declining rates of retention among newly qualified teachers (NQTs). We employ a method developed in the health-statistics literature to identify schools that both recruit an unusually high level of NQTs and lose an unusually high level of NQTs from the profession. We show that this small group of schools, which are likely characterised by poor working conditions, are responsible for a disproportionately large amount of attrition from the teaching profession. This has a material effect on overall teacher shortages and comes at a high cost to taxpayers. Policy solutions, including improving the flow of information to NQTs to help them avoid such schools, are discussed},
}

@Article{Mutz2018,
  author       = {Mutz, Diana C.},
  title        = {Status threat, not economic hardship, explains the 2016 presidential vote},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  date         = {2018},
  issn         = {0027-8424},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.1718155115},
  abstract     = {Support for Donald J. Trump in the 2016 election was widely attributed to citizens who were ``left behind'' economically. These claims were based on the strong cross-sectional relationship between Trump support and lacking a college education. Using a representative panel from 2012 to 2016, I find that change in financial wellbeing had little impact on candidate preference. Instead, changing preferences were related to changes in the party's positions on issues related to American global dominance and the rise of a majority-minority America: issues that threaten white Americans' sense of dominant group status. Results highlight the importance of looking beyond theories emphasizing changes in issue salience to better understand the meaning of election outcomes when public preferences and candidates' positions are changing.This study evaluates evidence pertaining to popular narratives explaining the American public's support for Donald J. Trump in the 2016 presidential election. First, using unique representative probability samples of the American public, tracking the same individuals from 2012 to 2016, I examine the ``left behind'' thesis (that is, the theory that those who lost jobs or experienced stagnant wages due to the loss of manufacturing jobs punished the incumbent party for their economic misfortunes). Second, I consider the possibility that status threat felt by the dwindling proportion of traditionally high-status Americans (i.e., whites, Christians, and men) as well as by those who perceive America's global dominance as threatened combined to increase support for the candidate who emphasized reestablishing status hierarchies of the past. Results do not support an interpretation of the election based on pocketbook economic concerns. Instead, the shorter relative distance of people's own views from the Republican candidate on trade and China corresponded to greater mass support for Trump in 2016 relative to Mitt Romney in 2012. Candidate preferences in 2016 reflected increasing anxiety among high-status groups rather than complaints about past treatment among low-status groups. Both growing domestic racial diversity and globalization contributed to a sense that white Americans are under siege by these engines of change.},
  publisher    = {National Academy of Sciences},
}

@Unpublished{Morgan2018-05-11,
  author   = {Morgan, Stephen L.},
  title    = {Status Threat, Material Interests, and the 2016 Presidential Vote},
  date     = {2018-05-11},
  url      = {https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/7r9fj/},
  urldate  = {2018-09-12},
  abstract = {The April 2018 article of Diana Mutz, ``Status Threat, Not Economic Hardship, Explains the 2016 Presidential Vote,'' was published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences and contradicts prior sociological research on the 2016 election. Mutz's article received widespread media coverage because of the strength of its primary conclusion, declaimed in its title. The current article is a critical reanalysis of the models offered by Mutz, using the data files released along with her article. Contrary to her conclusions, this article demonstrates that (1) the relative importance of economic interests and status threat cannot be estimated effectively with her cross-sectional data and (2) her panel data are consistent with the claim that economic interests are at least as important as status threat. The preexisting sociological literature has offered interpretations that incorporate economic interests, and, as a result, provides a more credible explanation of the 2016 election.},
  doi      = {10.31235/osf.io/7r9fj},
}

@Article{ArunachalamWatson2018,
  author       = {Arunachalam, Raj and Watson, Sara},
  title        = {Height, Income and Voting},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1027--1051},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123416000211},
  abstract     = {The claim that income drives political preferences is at the core of political economy theory, yet empirical estimates of income's effect on political behavior range widely. Drawing on traditions in economic history and anthropology, we propose using height as a proxy for economic well-being. Using data from the British Household Panel Study, this article finds that taller individuals are more likely to support the Conservative Party, support conservative policies and vote Conservative; a one-inch increase in height increases support for Conservatives by 0.6 per cent. As an extension, the study employs height as an instrumental variable for income, and finds that each additional thousand pounds of annual income translates into a 2--3 percentage point increase in the probability of supporting the Conservatives, and that income drives political beliefs and voting in the same direction.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BusemeyerGarritzmann2017,
  author       = {Marius R. Busemeyer and Julian L. Garritzmann},
  title        = {Public opinion on policy and budgetary trade-offs in European welfare states: evidence from a new comparative survey},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {871--889},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1298658},
  abstract     = {In the wake of the `Great Recession', welfare states have entered a new phase of austerity. Simultaneously, new social risks and the rise of the knowledge economy fuel new demands on the welfare state. We analyse how demands for social investment policies --- particularly education --- come into conflict with budgetary concerns, using new survey data on individual-level preferences in eight European countries. Paying particular attention to fiscal and budgetary trade-offs, we find that social investments are generally very popular, but as soon as realistic budget constraints are added, public support drops considerably. The largest drop occurs when social investments would be financed with cutbacks in social transfers rather than higher taxes or higher public debt levels. Furthermore, when studying the determinants of preferences, we find that in the era of permanent austerity distributive conflicts within welfare states exhibit a different political dynamic than conflicts about the size of the welfare state.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{AriasStasavage2019,
  author       = {Arias, Eric and Stasavage, David},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {How Large Are The Political Costs of Fiscal Austerity?},
  doi          = {10.1086/704781},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1517--1522},
  url          = {https://www.dropbox.com/s/bwhx8t2133z0ega/austerity4.pdf?dl=0},
  urldate      = {2018-10-01},
  volume       = {81},
  abstract     = {There are good reasons to think that fiscal austerity can have important costs, and among these is political  instability.  We suggest that these political costs may be harder to identify than one might assume. Using a broad sample of countries from 1870 to 2011 we ask whether expenditure cuts are associated with increased leader turnover through either regular or irregular means. OLS estimates suggest that there is no effect, but this may be due to a bias whereby leaders only adopt austerity when they think they can survive it. As an alternative empirical strategy, we also report instrumental variables estimates in which expenditure cuts are instrumented by exogenous trade and financial shocks, and we continue to observe a nullresult. Finally, we consider which interpretations of voter behavior might be consistent with our results.},
}

@Article{Boring2017,
  author       = {Anne Boring},
  title        = {Gender biases in student evaluations of teaching},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {145},
  pages        = {27--41},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2016.11.006},
  abstract     = {This article uses data from a French university to analyze gender biases in student evaluations of teaching (SETs). The results of fixed effects and generalized ordered logit regression analyses show that male students express a bias in favor of male professors. Also, the different teaching dimensions that students value in male and female professors tend to match gender stereotypes. Men are perceived by both male and female students as being more knowledgeable and having stronger class leadership skills (which are stereotypically associated with males), despite the fact that students appear to learn as much from women as from men.},
  keywords     = {Student evaluations of teaching, Gender biases, Gender stereotypes, Teaching effectiveness},
}

@Article{CarrellWest2010,
  author       = {Carrell, Scott E. and West, James E.},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Does Professor Quality Matter? Evidence from Random Assignment of Students to Professors},
  doi          = {10.1086/653808},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {409--432},
  volume       = {118},
  abstract     = {In primary and secondary education, measures of teacher quality are often based on contemporaneous student performance on standardized achievement tests. In the postsecondary environment, scores on student evaluations of professors are typically used to measure teaching quality. We possess unique data that allow us to measure relative student performance in mandatory follow-on classes. We compare metrics that capture these three different notions of instructional quality and present evidence that professors who excel at promoting contemporaneous student achievement teach in ways that improve their student evaluations but harm the follow-on achievement of their students in more advanced classes.},
}

@Article{PontussonWeisstanner2018,
  author       = {Jonas Pontusson and David Weisstanner},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Macroeconomic conditions, inequality shocks and the politics of redistribution, 1990--2013},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1310280},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {31--58},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {This contribution explores common trends in inequality and redistribution across Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries from the late 1980s to 2013. Low-end inequality rises during economic downturns while rising top-end inequality is associated with economic growth. Most countries retreated from redistribution from the mid-1990s until the onset of the Great Recession, and compensatory redistribution in response to rising unemployment was weaker in 2008--2013 than in the first half of the 1990s. As unemployment and poverty risk have become increasingly concentrated among workers with low education, middle-income opinion has become more permissive of cuts in unemployment insurance generosity and income assistance to the poor. At constant generosity, the expansion of more precarious forms of employment reduces compensatory redistribution during downturns because temporary employees do not have the same access to unemployment benefits as permanent employees.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{Hall2018,
  author       = {Peter A. Hall},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Varieties of capitalism in light of the euro crisis},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1310278},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {7--30},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {This article examines the implications of the euro crisis for theories of political economy associated with `varieties of capitalism', considering how those theories help explain the origins of the crisis and how developments during it mandate revisions in such theories. Efforts to understand the crisis have extended these theories in four directions. They have inspired an emerging literature on growth models that integrates the demand side of the economy into theories once oriented to its supply side. They have led to more intensive investigation of the political economies of East Central Europe and Southern Europe. The crisis has drawn attention to the international dimensions of varieties of capitalism and to problems of adjustment, injecting an element of dynamism into varieties of capitalism analyses and underlining that adjustment is a political as well as an economic problem.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{BarnesHicks2021,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  title        = {All Keynesians Now? Public Support for Countercyclical Government Borrowing},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2019.48},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {180--188},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, macroeconomic policy returned to the political agenda, and the influence of Keynesian ideas about fiscal stimulus rose (and then fell) in expert circles. Much less is known, however, about whether and when Keynesian prescriptions for countercyclical spending have any support among the general public. We use a survey experiment, fielded twice, to recover the extent to which UK respondents hold such countercyclical attitudes. Our results indicate that public opinion was countercyclical -- Keynesian -- in 2016. We then use Eurobarometer data to estimate the same basic parameter for the population for the period 2010√ê2017. The observational results validate our experimental findings for the later period, but also provide evidence that the UK population held procyclical views at the start of the period. Thus, there appear to be important dynamics in public opinion on a key macroeconomic policy issue.},
}

@Book{FieldhouseEtAl2019,
  author    = {Edward Fieldhouse and Jane Green and Geoffrey Evans and Jonathan Mellon and Christopher Prosser and Hermann Schmitt and Cees van der Eijk},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Electoral shocks The volatile voter in a turbulent world},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780198800583.001.0001},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  url       = {https://fdslive.oup.com/www.oup.com/academic/pdf/openaccess/9780198800590.pdf},
  urldate   = {2021-05-27},
}

@Article{SteinebachKnill2018,
  author       = {Yves Steinebach and Christoph Knill},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Social policies during economic crises: an analysis of cross-national variation in coping strategies from 1980 to 2013},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1336565},
  number       = {11},
  pages        = {1566--1588},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between economic crises and social policy change for 13 European countries. Based on the degree of policy expansion and dismantling, we identify three potential crisis-coping strategies, namely `Muddling Through', `Social Protectionism' and `Austerity'. By means of multinomial logistic regression analysis, we test the effect of various factors on governments' choice of crisis-coping strategies for 45 economic crises between 1980 and 2013. Our analysis reveals that Austerity becomes a more likely scenario in crisis times. Moreover, we demonstrate that governments in consensual systems do not deviate from their true policy preferences when facing economic hardship. In majoritarian systems, by contrast, this pattern is strikingly reversed. Here, left-wing governments resort to Austerity, while right-wing parties opt for Social Protectionism. This indicates that both blame avoidance and the capabilities to mediate unpopular reform decisions can convert political parties from `Saul to Paul' and vice versa.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{Savage2018,
  author       = {Savage, Lee},
  title        = {The politics of social spending after the Great Recession: The return of partisan policy making},
  journaltitle = {Governance},
  date         = {2018},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/gove.12354},
  abstract     = {Prior research shows that the effect of partisanship on social expenditure declined over time in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. In this article, the author argues that the 2007/2008 recession resulted in the reemergence of partisan policy making in social spending. This was a result of mainstream parties needing to respond to the growing challenge from nonmainstream parties as well as demonstrating that they responded to the economic crisis by offering different policy solutions. Using a panel of 23 OECD countries, the author shows that since the Great Recession, partisan effects on social spending are once again significant. These effects are more likely to be observed where the salience of the Left--Right dimension is higher. In accordance with classic theories of economic policy making, left-wing governments are more likely to increase social spending when unemployment is higher and right-wing governments restrain social expenditure when the budget deficit is greater.},
}

@Article{EvansNeundorf2020,
  author       = {Evans, Geoffrey and Neundorf, Anja},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Core Political Values and the Long-Term Shaping of Partisanship},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123418000339},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1263--1281},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {Party identification has been thought to provide the central organizing element for political belief systems. This article makes the contrasting case that core values concerning equality and government intervention versus individualism and free enterprise are fundamental orientations that can themselves shape partisanship. The authors evaluate these arguments in the British case using a validated multiple-item measure of core values, using ordered latent class models to estimate reciprocal effects with partisanship on panel data from the British Household Panel Study, 1991–2007. The findings demonstrate that core values are more stable than partisanship and have far stronger cross-lagged effects on partisanship than vice versa in both polarized and depolarized political contexts, for younger and older respondents, and for those with differing levels of educational attainment and income, thus demonstrating their general utility as decision-making heuristics.},
}

@Article{TertytchnayaDeVries2018,
  author       = {Tertytchnaya, Katerina and De Vries, Catherine E.},
  title        = {The Political Consequences of Self-Insurance: Evidence from Central-Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2018},
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-018-9482-4},
  abstract     = {Does self-insurance, such as access to savings or assets, affect support for government? While existing research recognizes that households' ability to privately manage income risk and economic uncertainty influences voter redistributive preferences, we know relatively little about how self-insurance affects evaluations of government in the first place. To gain traction on this question, we combine cross-sectional and panel public opinion surveys from 28 countries in Central Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia with macro-data on economic performance. Exploiting variation in citizen responses to the Great Recession, we show that by enabling citizens to smooth consumption, self-insurance affects how they form economic perceptions. Moreover, we find that self-insurance bolsters support for incumbents. Results allow us to better understand why economic downturns may not dampen support for government, even when economic hardship is rife and access to public safety nets is limited.},
}

@Article{MarinovaAnduiza2018,
  author       = {Marinova, Dani M. and Anduiza, Eva},
  title        = {When Bad News is Good News: Information Acquisition in Times of Economic Crisis},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2018},
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-018-9503-3},
  abstract     = {A strong argument can be made for the prime importance of information in the context of an economic recession. It is in times of crisis that information on the state of the economy is abundant and citizens have incentives to acquire it in order to sanction incumbents for mismanagement of the economy. Simultaneously, however, economic hardship strains people's cognitive resources and motivations to seek relevant information. Using a novel research design, we assess how the recent economic recession has shaped information acquisition. Our results indicate that while personal economic hardship depresses levels of information, the recession overall boosted considerably the public's knowledge of the state of the economy and, to a lesser degree, of parties' policy positions in elections. For both economic and electoral types of information, economically marginal groups caught up to the economically secure in contexts of economic hardship, thereby reducing information inequalities. We discuss the findings' implications for representative democracy.},
}

@Article{BroockmanButler2017,
  author       = {Broockman, David E. and Butler, Daniel M.},
  title        = {The Causal Effects of Elite Position-Taking on Voter Attitudes: Field Experiments with Elite Communication},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {208--221},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12243},
  abstract     = {Influential theories depict politicians as, alternatively, strongly constrained by public opinion, able to shape public opinion with persuasive appeals, or relatively unconstrained by public opinion and able to shape it merely by announcing their positions. To test these theories, we conducted unique field experiments in cooperation with sitting politicians in which U.S. state legislators sent constituents official communications with randomly assigned content. The legislators sometimes stated their issue positions in these letters, sometimes supported by extensive arguments but sometimes minimally justified; in many cases, these issue positions were at odds with voters'. An ostensibly unrelated survey found that voters often adopted the positions legislators took, even when legislators offered little justification. Moreover, voters did not evaluate their legislators more negatively when representatives took positions these voters had previously opposed, again regardless of whether legislators provided justifications. The findings are consistent with theories suggesting voters often defer to politicians' policy judgments.},
}

@WWW{Wintour2015-08-04,
  author       = {Patrick Wintour},
  title        = {Anti-austerity unpopular with voters, finds inquiry into Labour's election loss},
  date         = {2015-08-04},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2015/aug/04/anti-austerity-voters-poll-jeremy-corbyn-labour},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2018-10-25},
}

@Article{GavettiRivkin2005-04,
  author       = {Giovanni Gavetti and Jan W. Rivkin},
  title        = {How Strategists Really Think: Tapping the Power of Analogy},
  journaltitle = {Harvard Business Review},
  date         = {2005-04},
  url          = {https://hbr.org/2005/04/how-strategists-really-think-tapping-the-power-of-analogy2},
  urldate      = {2018-10-29},
  abstract     = {Strategy is about choice. The heart of a company's strategy is what it chooses to do and not do. The quality of the thinking that goes into such choices is a key driver of the quality and success of a company's strategy. Most of the time, leaders are so immersed in the specifics of strategy --- the ideas, the numbers, the plans --- that they don't step back and examine how they think about strategic choices. But executives can gain a great deal from understanding their own reasoning processes. In particular, reasoning by analogy plays a role in strategic decision making that is large but largely overlooked. Faced with an unfamiliar problem or opportunity, senior managers often think back to some similar situation they have seen or heard about, draw lessons from it, and apply those lessons to the current situation. Yet managers rarely realize that they're reasoning by analogy. As a result, they are unable to make use of insights that psychologists, cognitive scientists, and political scientists have generated about the power and the pitfalls of analogy. Managers who pay attention to their own analogical thinking will make better strategic decisions and fewer mistakes.},
}

@Article{TilleyEtAl2018,
  author       = {Tilley, James and Neundorf, Anja and Hobolt, Sara B.},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {When the Pound in People's Pocket Matters: How Changes to Personal Financial Circumstances Affect Party Choice},
  doi          = {10.1086/694549},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {555--569},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {In this article we revisit the often disregarded pocketbook voting thesis that suggests that people evaluate governments based on the state of their own finances. Using data from the British Household Panel Survey over the last 20 years, we measure changes in personal financial circumstances and show that the pocketbook voting model works. Crucially, we also argue that the ability to attribute responsibility for these changes to the government matters. People respond much more strongly to changes in their own finances that are linked to government spending, such as welfare transfers, than to similar changes that are less clearly the responsibility of elected officials, such as lower personal earnings. We conclude that pocketbook voting is a real phenomenon, but that more attention should be paid to how people assign credit and blame for changes in their own economic circumstances.},
}

@Article{Olson2018,
  author       = {Michael P. Olson},
  title        = {The Print Media and the American Party System: Evidence from the 2016 US Presidential Election},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {13},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {405--426},
  issn         = {1554-0626},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00017115},
  url          = {https://www.dropbox.com/s/xpdgu4befd2dwcs/print_media_olson_qjps_final.pdf?dl=0},
  urldate      = {2018-11-02},
  abstract     = {Does the ability of newspapers to influence readers' political choices extend to third parties? In this paper, I exploit a rare third-party endorsement by the Richmond Times-Dispatch in the 2016 US Presidential election to evaluate whether voters can be persuaded by the print media to vote for an unorthodox alternative. To establish the causal effect of this endorsement, I exploit discontinuous access to the newspaper at the edges of its delivery area, combined with ZIP Code-level data on newspaper readership and vote totals. Estimates suggest that this endorsement's persuasion rate was similar to those reported in previous research on major-party endorsements, despite the substantial barriers faced by third parties and their potential supporters. This suggests that newspapers could draw voters away from major parties if they more frequently endorsed and covered them and, consequently, that the typical pattern of endorsing and covering major parties buttresses the Democratic--Republican party system.},
}

@Article{HopkinsEtAl2017,
  author       = {Daniel J. Hopkins and Eunji Kim and Soojong Kim},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Research \& Politics},
  title        = {Does newspaper coverage influence or reflect public perceptions of the economy?},
  doi          = {10.1177/2053168017737900},
  number       = {4},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {Citizens' economic perceptions can shape their political and economic behavior, making the origins of those perceptions an important question. Research commonly posits that media coverage is a central source. Here, we test that prospect while considering the alternative hypothesis that media coverage instead echoes public perceptions. This paper applies a straightforward automated measure of the tone of economic coverage to 490,039 articles from 24 national and local media outlets over more than three decades. By matching the 245,947 survey respondents in the Survey of Consumer Attitudes and Behavior to measures of contemporaneous media coverage, we can assess the sequencing of changes in media coverage and public perceptions. Together, these data illustrate that newspaper coverage does not systematically precede public perceptions of the economy, a finding which analyses of television transcripts reinforce. Neither national nor local newspapers appear to strongly influence economic perceptions.},
}

@Article{BrownEtAl2005,
  author       = {Brown, Sarah and Garino, Gaia and Taylor, Karl and Price, Stephen Wheatley},
  title        = {Debt and Financial Expectations: An Individual- and Household-Level Analysis},
  journaltitle = {Economic Inquiry},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {43},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {100--120},
  doi          = {10.1093/ei/cbi008},
  abstract     = {In this article we show that optimistic financial expectations impact positively on both the quantity of debt and the growth in debt at the individual and household levels. Our theoretical model shows that this association is predicted under a variety of plausible scenarios. In the empirical analysis we explore the determinants of debt and of growth in debt using British data. We find convincing support for our theoretical priors and show that it is optimistic financial expectations per se that are important in influencing debt, rather than the accuracy of individuals' predictions regarding their future financial situation.},
}

@Online{Hooker2014-11-24,
  author       = {Lucy Hooker},
  title        = {The seven best metaphors for the economy},
  date         = {2014-11-24},
  url          = {https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-30208476},
  organization = {BBC News},
  urldate      = {2018-11-05},
}

@Online{FBP2018-05-09,
  author       = {{Federal Budget in Pictures}},
  title        = {U.S. Budget vs. Family Budget},
  date         = {2018-05-09},
  url          = {https://www.federalbudgetinpictures.com/us-budget-vs-family-budget/},
  organization = {The Heritage Foundation},
  urldate      = {2018-11-05},
}

@Article{HollandersVliegenthart2011,
  author       = {David Hollanders and Rens Vliegenthart},
  title        = {The influence of negative newspaper coverage on consumer confidence: The Dutch case},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Psychology},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {32},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {367--373},
  issn         = {0167-4870},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.joep.2011.01.003},
  abstract     = {This paper studies the empirical relationship between the real economy, consumer confidence and economic news coverage in national newspapers for the Netherlands during the period 1990--2009. Media-attention for economic developments is associated with consumer confidence, with more negative news decreasing consumer confidence; this result holds after controlling for the real economy (stock-market). The relationship differs for different business-cycles. The effect is in particular stronger for the months following the beginning of the credit-crisis. This suggests that in line with many popular concerns negative news is among factors influencing the hardness of the landing of the current credit-crisis.},
  keywords     = {Consumer confidence, Media, VAR-analysis},
}

@Article{GoidelEtAl2010,
  author       = {Kirby Goidel and Stephen Procopio and Dek Terrell and H. Denis Wu},
  title        = {Sources of Economic News and Economic Expectations},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {38},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {759--777},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532673X09355671},
  abstract     = {This article considers the process by which local economic news coverage influences individual evaluations of the economy. We improve on prior research by capturing a wider range of news sources (including national network news, national newspapers, local television news, and local newspapers) and connecting the effects of this coverage on individual level attitudes. We find that current personal financial evaluations, personal financial expectations, and short-term (12-month) expectations for the U.S. economy are related to national network coverage. Local television coverage of the economy is related to personal financial evaluations but not short-term economic expectations and local print news is important in structuring expectations of future business conditions. Overall, the findings illustrate important differences in economic coverage across media outlets and the effects of these differences on economic expectations. Exposure to different sources of economic information have significantly different effects on economic perceptions -- suggesting a more complicated and nuanced role for the news media in shaping economic perceptions than indicated by previous research.},
}

@Article{GeorgeEtAl2018,
  author       = {George, Erin E. and Hansen, Mary Eschelbach and Routzahn, Julie Lyn},
  title        = {Debt Tolerance, Gender, and the Great Recession},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Consumer Affairs},
  date         = {2018},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/joca.12184},
  abstract     = {We pool four Surveys of Consumer Finances to measure the extent to which tolerance of debt is influenced by macroeconomic events (the Great Recession and events in early adulthood), personal experiences of negative economic shocks (unemployment and difficulty making payments), and gender. Recent personal experience is the best predictor of debt tolerance. Unemployment and difficulty paying bills increase tolerance of debt to meet living expenses by 20\%--30\%. A woman who has one of these negative experiences is substantially less likely than a man to approve of debt used to buy luxuries. While neither recent macroeconomic events nor macroeconomic conditions in young adulthood affect debt tolerance, there is some evidence of a gendered response to the Great Recession. As women observed the negative effects of the mortgage crisis and the Great Recession on other women, it reinforced their belief that it is okay for people like them to use credit to bridge gaps in income.},
}

@Article{CarlinEtAl2015a,
  author       = {Carlin, Ryan E. and Love, Gregory J. and Mart{\'i}nez-Gallardo, Cecilia},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Security, Clarity of Responsibility, and Presidential Approval},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414014554693},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {438--463},
  url          = {http://www.executiveapproval.org/s/CPS-2014.pdf},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {The importance of institutions in shaping citizens' ability to punish or reward politicians for economic outcomes is well established. Where institutions divide authority, politicians can blame each other and citizens find it harder to assign responsibility for policy failures; where institutions clarify lines of authority, citizens can better hold politicians accountable. However, this argument assumes that citizens perceive policy responsibility as shared among political actors and this is not always the case. Looking at security policy, we argue that when policy responsibility is concentrated in a single actor the effect of institutions on blame attribution is different from what the economic voting literature predicts. Divided government in this context makes blame-shifting less effective and makes it more likely that citizens will punish incumbents. By contrast, the ability of executives to control the narrative around security failures by blaming the perpetrators, especially during unified government, can help them avoid blame.},
}

@Article{CarlinEtAl2015,
  author       = {Carlin, Ryan E. and Love, Gregory J. and Mart{\'i}nez-Gallardo, Cecilia},
  title        = {Cushioning the Fall: Scandals, Economic Conditions, and Executive Approval},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {37},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {109--130},
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-014-9267-3},
  url          = {http://www.executiveapproval.org/s/CarlinLoveMartinezGallardo_onlinePB.pdf},
  abstract     = {Why do some presidents emerge from a scandal unscathed while for others it may lead to a crisis of legitimacy? This question is crucial to understanding the conditions under which elected leaders are held accountable. This study proposes a theory of conditional accountability by which the public most consistently punishes presidents for scandals when the economy is weak. Under strong economic conditions, scandals do not tarnish presidents' public standing. To test the theory, we use a new dataset that includes measures of scandals, presidential approval, and the economy for 84 presidential administrations in 18 Latin American countries. Consistent with our expectations, scandals only appear to damage presidential approval when inflation and unemployment are high.},
}

@Article{Campbell2006,
  author       = {Campbell, John Y.},
  title        = {Household Finance},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Finance},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1553--1604},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-6261.2006.00883.x},
  abstract     = {The study of household finance is challenging because household behavior is difficult to measure, and households face constraints not captured by textbook models. Evidence on participation, diversification, and mortgage refinancing suggests that many households invest effectively, but a minority make significant mistakes. This minority appears to be poorer and less well educated than the majority of more successful investors. There is some evidence that households understand their own limitations and avoid financial strategies for which they feel unqualified. Some financial products involve a cross-subsidy from naive to sophisticated households, and this can inhibit welfare-improving financial innovation.},
}

@Article{BoydstunEtAl2018,
  author       = {Amber E. Boydstun and Benjamin Highton and Suzanna Linn},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title        = {Assessing the Relationship between Economic News Coverage and Mass Economic Attitudes},
  doi          = {10.1177/1065912918775248},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {989--1000},
  volume       = {71},
  abstract     = {Do economic performance and economic news coverage influence public perceptions of the economy? Efforts to assess the effects are hampered by the interrelationships among the variables. In this paper, we bring to bear a more careful accounting of available economic variables than previous studies have used. We find that both media tone and economic attitudes are strongly related to actual economic performance. Moreover, after taking into account the economy itself, a substantial relationship between media tone and economic attitudes persists. Given that economic attitudes influence a wide variety of political outcomes, this finding carries important normative and political significance.},
}

@Article{BloodPhillips1995,
  author       = {Blood, Deborah J. and Phillips, Peter C. B.},
  title        = {Recession Headline News, Consumer Sentiment, The State of the Economy and Presidential Popularity: A Time Series Analysis 1989--1993},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  date         = {1995},
  volume       = {7},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {2--22},
  doi          = {10.1093/ijpor/7.1.2},
  abstract     = {During the 1992 American presidential election, the media were accused of portraying the economy in a negative light, with both economic and political consequences for the country. Such criticism was based on assumptions concerning relationships among four variables: economic news coverage, public perception of the state of the economy (consumer sentiment), the actual state of the economy, and presidential popularity. This paper seeks to examine the relationships among all four variables in a way that accounts for inherent time series characteristics of the data including: potential non-stationarities (or tendencies for the series to drift over time) and co-movements among the series. Hypotheses concerning the nature and direction of influence among the four variables are proposed and time series analyses are conducted to test each hypothesis. We use recession-related headlines from the New York Times to represent economic news. Each series is analyzed to isolate its principal characteristics, and tests for co-movement (formally, cointegration) between the series are conducted. Vector autoregression is used to model the joint determination of the series, and tests for Granger causality are conducted. The results show some causal evidence for a media effect: recession headlines were a significant prior influence on the determination of consumer sentiment in this study. There is some limited evidence of an adversarial press effect, wherein the president's growing popularity rather than real world economic conditions appears to have led an increase in the number of recession headlines.},
}

@TechReport{AlvaredoEtAl2017-02,
  author      = {Alvaredo, Facundo and Chancel, Lucas and Piketty, Thomas and Saez, Emmanuel and Zucman, Gabriel},
  date        = {2017-02},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  title       = {Global Inequality Dynamics: New Findings from WID.world},
  doi         = {10.3386/w23119},
  number      = {23119},
  type        = {Working Paper},
  url         = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w23119},
  urldate     = {2018-11-12},
  abstract    = {This paper presents new findings on global inequality dynamics from the World Wealth and Income Database (WID.world), with particular emphasis on the contrast between the trends observed in the United States, China, France, and the United Kingdom. We observe rising top income and wealth shares in nearly all countries in recent decades. But the magnitude of the increase varies substantially, thereby suggesting that different country-specific policies and institutions matter considerably. Long-run wealth inequality dynamics appear to be highly unstable. We stress the need for more democratic transparency on income and wealth dynamics and better access to administrative and financial data.},
}

@Report{USCensusBureau2018-10-30,
  title       = {Quarterly Residential Vancacies and Homeownership, Third Quarter 2018},
  institution = {United States Census Bureau},
  date        = {2018-10-30},
  note        = {Release Number: CB18-161},
  url         = {https://www.census.gov/housing/hvs/files/currenthvspress.pdf},
  urldate     = {2018-11-09},
}

@WWW{HoodJohnson2016-03-21,
  author       = {Andrew Hood and Paul Johnson},
  title        = {Are we `all in this together'?},
  date         = {2016-03-21},
  url          = {https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/8210},
  organization = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  urldate      = {2018-11-19},
}

@Article{Fetzer2019,
  author       = {Fetzer, Thiemo},
  title        = {Did Austerity Cause Brexit?},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {109},
  number       = {11},
  pages        = {3849--3886},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.20181164},
  abstract     = {This paper documents a significant association between the exposure of an individual or area to the UK government's austerity-induced welfare reforms begun in 2010, and the following: the subsequent rise in support for the UK Independence Party, an important correlate of Leave support in the 2016 UK referendum on European Union membership; broader individual-level measures of political dissatisfaction; and direct measures of support for Leave. Leveraging data from all UK electoral contests since 2000, along with detailed, individual-level panel data, the findings suggest that the EU referendum could have resulted in a Remain victory had it not been for austerity.},
}

@Article{MartinGabay2018,
  author       = {Martin, Isaac William and Gabay, Nadav},
  title        = {Tax policy and tax protest in 20 rich democracies, 1980--2010},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {69},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {647--669},
  doi          = {10.1111/1468-4446.12290},
  abstract     = {Why are some policies protested more than others? New data on protest against eight categories of taxation in twenty rich democracies from 1980 to 2010 reveal that economically and socially concentrated taxes are protested most, whereas taxes that confer entitlement to benefits are protested least. Other features of policy design often thought to affect the salience or visibility of costs are unimportant for explaining the frequency of protest. These findings overturn a folk theory that political sociology has inherited from classical political economy; clarify the conditions under which policy threats provoke protest; and shed light on how welfare states persist.},
  keywords     = {protest events, taxation, fiscal sociology, welfare state},
}

@Article{Watanabe2018,
  author       = {Kohei Watanabe},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Digital Journalism},
  title        = {Newsmap: A semi-supervised approach to geographical news classification},
  doi          = {10.1080/21670811.2017.1293487},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {294--309},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {This paper presents the results of an evaluation of three different types of geographical news classification methods: (1) simple keyword matching, a popular method in media and communications research; (2) geographical information extraction systems equipped with named-entity recognition and place name disambiguation mechanisms (Open Calais and Geoparser.io); and (3) a semi-supervised machine learning classifier developed by the author (Newsmap). Newsmap substitutes manual coding of news stories with dictionary-based labelling in the creation of large training sets to extract large numbers of geographical words without human involvement and it also identifies multi-word names to reduce the ambiguity of the geographical traits fully automatically. The evaluation of classification accuracy of the three types of methods against 5000 human-coded news summaries reveals that Newsmap outperforms the geographical information extraction systems in overall accuracy, while the simple keyword matching suffers from ambiguity of place names in countries with ambiguous place names.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{PellicerEtAl2019,
  author       = {Miquel Pellicer and Patrizio Piraino and Eva Wegner},
  title        = {Perceptions of inevitability and demand for redistribution: Evidence from a survey experiment},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Behavior \& Organization},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {159},
  pages        = {274--288},
  issn         = {0167-2681},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jebo.2017.12.013},
  abstract     = {Believing that inequality is inevitable may limit demand for redistribution. We explore this idea with a survey experiment in South Africa, one of the most unequal countries in the world. Inevitability beliefs can be influenced by learning about lower inequality elsewhere. We find that the demand for redistributive policies reacts to this information, while it is insensitive to other types of information/messages. Our analysis suggests a promising, and heretofore unexplored, avenue of research for refining our understanding of the determinants of demand for redistribution.},
  keywords     = {Inequality, Demand for redistribution},
}

@Article{HealyEtAl2017,
  author       = {Healy, Andrew and Persson, Mikael and Snowberg, Erik},
  title        = {Digging into the Pocketbook: Evidence on Economic Voting from Income Registry Data Matched to a Voter Survey},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {111},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {771--785},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055417000314},
  abstract     = {To paint a fuller picture of economic voters, we combine personal income records with a representative election survey. We examine three central topics in the economic voting literature: pocketbook versus sociotropic voting, the effects of partisanship on economic evaluations, and voter myopia. First, we show that voters who appear in survey data to be voting based on the national economy are, in fact, voting equally on the basis of their personal financial conditions. Second, there is strong evidence of both partisan bias and economic information in economic evaluations, but personal economic data is required to separate the two. Third, although in experiments and aggregate historical data recent economic conditions appear to drive vote choice, we find no evidence of myopia when we examine actual personal economic data.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{PerssonMartinsson2018,
  author       = {Persson, Mikael and Martinsson, Johan},
  title        = {Patrimonial Economic Voting and Asset Value -- New Evidence from Taxation Register Data},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science2},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {825--842},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123416000181},
  abstract     = {Recent research on economic voting has moved beyond the traditional reward-punishment hypothesis, according to which the economy is merely considered a valence issue. Instead, patrimonial economic voting research looks at voters as property owners within the economic system. These studies have relied on survey items that measure whether individuals own different kinds of property to test the patrimonial dimension. This study emphasizes the importance of a surprisingly neglected aspect: the value of assets. It uses official register data files from the Swedish Tax Agency on the value of individuals' assets merged with survey data from the 2006 Swedish National Election Study. The study finds that the relationship between patrimony and voting behavior in Sweden is similar to that found in other countries, but only when it is tested in a similar way as in these studies -- that is, only when it is coded as whether voters own different assets. This study brings three important contributions to the debate. First, it offers a new empirically based categorization of the dimensionality of asset ownership and shows that the previous distinction between low- and high-risk assets is insufficient. Secondly, it shows that merely having assets or not, which is what previous studies have measured, is not what primarily matters; the relevant factor is the value of the assets. And thirdly, it demonstrates that only the value of some kinds of assets matters (especially stocks and real estate properties), while other assets (savings in bonds and funds) do not affect voting behavior or political opinions.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{SandersEtAl1993,
  author       = {Sanders, David and Marsh, David and Ward, Hugh},
  title        = {The Electoral Impact of Press Coverage of the British Economy, 1979--87},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {1993},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {175--210},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123400009728},
  abstract     = {There is a considerable amount of evidence to suggest that the political preferences of voters are influenced by the condition of the domestic economy. This article examines the proposition that, in Britain at least, the connections between macro-economic change and public perceptions of the government are mediated by the way in which the major national daily newspapers cover economic news. Using an aggregate data-analytic approach, it is shown that there is a moderate correlation between the economic coverage of most national dailies and the condition of the `real economy' -- though, unsurprisingly, some newspapers tend to be more accurate in their coverage than others. It is also shown that although press coverage of the economy fails to exert a direct effect on government popularity, it does exert an indirect effect through its impact on the overall level of personal financial optimism/pessimism.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Weale2018,
  author    = {Weale, Albert},
  title     = {The Will of the People: A Modern Myth},
  date      = {2018},
  publisher = {Polity Press},
  isbn      = {9781509533299},
}

@WWW{Krugman2009-09-02,
  author       = {Krugman, Paul},
  title        = {How Did Economists Get It So Wrong?},
  date         = {2009-09-02},
  url          = {https://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/06/magazine/06Economic-t.html},
  organization = {The New York Times Magazine},
  urldate      = {2018-12-03},
}

@Article{KinderKiewiet1979,
  author       = {Kinder, Donald R. and Kiewiet, D. Roderick},
  title        = {Economic Discontent and Political Behavior: The Role of Personal Grievances and Collective Economic Judgments in Congressional Voting},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {1979},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {495--527},
  issn         = {00925853, 15405907},
  abstract     = {It is widely assumed that political action is motivated most powerfully by issues that impinge immediately and tangibly upon private life. For example, this assumption pervades the aggregate research that has reported consistent relationships between general economic conditions and congressional election outcomes (e.g., Kramer, 1971). Our analysis of individual-level data, however, indicates that voting in congressional elections from 1956 to 1976 was influenced hardly at all by personal economic grievances. Those voters unhappy with changes in their financial circumstances, or those who had recently been personally affected by unemployment, showed little inclination to punish candidates of the incumbent party for their personal misfortunes. The connection between economic conditions and politics was provided, instead, by judgments of a more general, collective kind--e.g., by judgments regarding recent trends in general business conditions, and, more powerfully, by judgments about the relative competence of the two major parties to manage national economic problems. These collective economic judgments had little to do with privately experienced economic discontents. Rather they stemmed from voters' partisan predispositions and from their appraisal of changes in national economic conditions.},
  publisher    = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
}

@Book{Gallego2014,
  author    = {Gallego, Aina},
  title     = {Unequal Political Participation Worldwide},
  date      = {2014},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9781139151726},
  place     = {Cambridge},
}

@Book{Lenz2012,
  author    = {Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  title     = {Follow the Leader: How Voters Respond to Politicians' Policies and Performance},
  date      = {2012},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{Harrington1989,
  author       = {Harrington, David E.},
  title        = {Economic News on Television: The Determinants of Coverage},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  date         = {1989},
  volume       = {53},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {17--40},
  doi          = {10.1086/269139},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the television networks' coverage of the unemployment rate, the inflation rate as measured by the Consumer Price Index, and the growth rate of real GNP over the twelve years from 1973 through 1984. This time period includes two major recessions, two severe bursts of inflation, and three presidential elections. A common complaint is that the networks overemphasize bad economic news. Using two measures of coverage, this paper examines whether the television networks give greater coverage to these statistics when they are deteriorating. The empirical results reveal that the networks do give greater coverage to bad economic news during nonelection years, but this pattern disappears during election years. The empirical results also reveal that presidential comments are very powerful in shaping the amount of coverage given to these economic statistics.},
}

@Article{Fogarty2005,
  author       = {Fogarty, Brian J.},
  title        = {Determining Economic News Coverage},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {17},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {149--172},
  doi          = {10.1093/ijpor/edh051},
  abstract     = {While much research has been devoted to how individuals respond to media messages and frames, we know much less about what motivates variations in the content and tone of media coverage. Given the important consequences of media coverage of economic events, this paper explores the factors that explain variations in economic news coverage as a function of both economic indicators and contextual influences. Two innovations to the political communication field are introduced in this study. First, Poisson autoregression is used to investigate what accounts for monthly changes in the amount of economic coverage. Second, two separate measures of news tone, contemporary and comparative coverage, are used to assess how economic reality factors in to economic reporting. The results illustrate that the news media, in deciding economic newsworthiness and level of coverage, do not view all economic statistics equally and at the same times. In addition, rival stories and elections impact the level of economic coverage. The results also suggest the news media indeed emphasize the negative, from both a contemporary and comparative perspective, and economic reality has little impact on coverage tone.},
}

@Book{HermanChomsky1988,
  author    = {Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky},
  title     = {Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media},
  date      = {1988},
  publisher = {Pantheon Books},
  isbn      = {0-375-71449-9},
}

@Article{Bailard2016,
  author       = {Catie Snow Bailard},
  title        = {Corporate Ownership and News Bias Revisited: Newspaper Coverage of the Supreme Court's \emph{Citizens United} Ruling},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {583--604},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609.2016.1142489},
  abstract     = {The clear financial benefits accrued to owners of television stations as a result of the Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission (FEC) decision opens the door to an important question: Did the degree to which media corporations benefited from the changes in campaign finance law influence their news outlets' coverage of the Citizens United decision? In other words, is it possible to identify variation in how media outlets covered the Supreme Court decision that correlates with the degree to which those outlets' parent companies profited from the resulting increase in campaign spending? Answering this question will provide an important and much-too-uncommon opportunity to systematically test for bias in news coverage. Replicating the method used by Gilens and Hertzman (2000) in their own test of coverage of the 1996 Telecommunications Act, this analysis reveals that newspapers belonging to media corporations that own more television stations covered the Citizens United ruling systematically differently -- and more favorably -- than those with few or no television stations. This has important implications for the degree to which the news produced by increasingly conglomerated and corporatized media companies may eschew neutral or balanced coverage in favor of news frames that promote their own financial interests.},
}

@Article{MartinMcCrain2019,
  author       = {Martin, Gregory J. and McCrain, Josh},
  title        = {Local News and National Politics},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  url          = {https://web.stanford.edu/~gjmartin/papers/localnews_revisions.pdf},
  urldate      = {2018-12-20},
  abstract     = {The level of journalistic resources dedicated to coverage of local politics is in a long term decline in the US news media, with readership shifting to national outlets. We investigate whether this trend is demand- or supply-driven, exploiting a recent wave of local television station acquisitions by a conglomerate owner. Using extensive data on local news programming and ratings, we find that the ownership change led to 1) substantial increases in coverage of national politics at the expense of local politics, 2) a significant rightward shift in the ideological slant of coverage and 3) a small decrease in viewership, all relative to the changes at other news programs airing in the same media markets. These results suggest a substantial supply-side role in the trends toward nationalization and polarization of politics news, with negative implications for accountability of local elected officials and mass polarization.},
}

@Book{Gans2004a,
  author    = {Gans, Herbert J.},
  title     = {Democracy and the News},
  date      = {2004},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {New York, NY},
}

@Article{Sutter2002,
  author       = {Sutter, Daniel},
  title        = {Advertising and Political Bias in the Media: The Market for Criticism of the Market Economy},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Economics and Sociology},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {725--745},
  doi          = {10.1111/1536-7150.00187},
  abstract     = {Many observers of the media argue that advertiser support of the news insulates business from critical scrutiny. News organizations know better than to bite the hand that feeds them. I examine several weaknesses in this corporate advertising bias argument. Most significantly, a favorable political climate for business is a public good, so individual businesses have an incentive to support anti-business messages that generate an audience. Transmission of messages that fail to generate sufficient demand is inefficient. In short, advertising does not create a significant political bias.},
}

@Article{WeaverEtAl2019,
  author       = {David H. Weaver and Lars Willnat and G. Cleveland Wilhoit},
  title        = {The American Journalist in the Digital Age: Another Look at U.S. News People},
  journaltitle = {Journalism \& Mass Communication Quarterly},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {96},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {101--130},
  doi          = {10.1177/1077699018778242},
  abstract     = {This project is based on interviews with a national probability sample of U.S. journalists to document the tremendous changes that have occurred in journalism in the 21st century. More than a decade has passed since the last comprehensive survey of U.S. journalists was carried out in 2002. This 2013 survey of U.S. journalists updates these findings with new questions about the impact of social media in the newsroom and presents a look at the data on the demographics, working conditions, and professional values of 1,080 U.S. journalists who were interviewed online in the fall of 2013.},
}

@Article{BroockmanEtAl2019,
  author       = {Broockman, David E. and Ferenstein, Gregory and Malhotra, Neil},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Predispositions and the Political Behavior of American Economic Elites: Evidence from Technology Entrepreneurs},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12408},
  eprint       = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/ajps.12408},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Economic elites regularly seek to exert political influence. But what policies do they support? Many accounts implicitly assume economic elites are homogeneous and that increases in their political power will increase inequality. We shed new light on heterogeneity in economic elites' political preferences, arguing that economic elites from an industry can share distinctive preferences due in part to sharing distinctive predispositions. Consequently, how increases in economic elites' influence affect inequality depends on which industry's elites are gaining influence and which policy issues are at stake. We demonstrate our argument with four original surveys, including the two largest political surveys of American economic elites to date: one of technology entrepreneurs -- whose influence is burgeoning -- and another of campaign donors. We show that technology entrepreneurs support liberal redistributive, social, and globalistic policies but conservative regulatory policies -- a bundle of preferences rare among other economic elites. These differences appear to arise partly from their distinctive predispositions.},
}

@Article{Merkley2019,
  author       = {Eric Merkley},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  title        = {Partisan Bias in Economic News Content: New Evidence},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532673X18821954},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1303--1323},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {Claims that the mainstream media are biased in favor of the Democratic Party are commonplace. However, empirical research has yielded mixed results and neglected potential bias in the dynamics of media behavior. This article contributes to this literature by using time series analyses of the dynamics in media tone based on more than 400,000 stories on inflation and unemployment from top-circulating American print media and the Associated Press newswire. The results suggest there is bias in favor of Democratic presidents. Media tone in unemployment and inflation coverage is more favorable during Democratic presidencies after controlling for economic performance. Tone is also generally more responsive to negative, short-term changes in economic conditions during Republican presidencies. In other words, bias is stronger with worsening economic conditions.},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2015,
  author       = {Alberto Alesina and Carlo Favero and Francesco Giavazzi},
  title        = {The output effect of fiscal consolidation plans},
  journaltitle = {Journal of International Economics},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {96},
  pages        = {S19-S42},
  note         = {37th Annual NBER International Seminar on Macroeconomics},
  issn         = {0022-1996},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jinteco.2014.11.003},
  abstract     = {We show that the correct experiment to evaluate the effects of a fiscal adjustment is the simulation of a multi-year fiscal plan rather than of individual fiscal shocks. Simulation of fiscal plans adopted by 16 OECD countries over a 30-year period supports the hypothesis that the effects of consolidations depend on their design. Fiscal adjustments based upon spending cuts are much less costly, in terms of output losses, than tax-based ones and have especially low output costs when they consist of permanent rather than stop-and-go changes in taxes and spending. The difference between tax-based and spending-based adjustments appears not to be explained by accompanying policies, including monetary policy. It is mainly due to the different responses of business confidence and private investment.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal adjustment, Confidence, Investment},
}

@Article{AlesinaArdagna1998,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and Ardagna, Silvia},
  title        = {Tales of fiscal adjustment},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  date         = {1998},
  volume       = {13},
  number       = {27},
  pages        = {488--545},
  doi          = {10.1111/1468-0327.00039},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the evidence on fiscal adjustments in OECD countries from the early 1960s to today. The results shed light on the recently observed phenomenon of fiscal tightening that produces (non-Keynesian) expansionary effects. One interpretation is that a serious fiscal tightening increases demand. Wealth rises when future tax burdens decline, and when interest rates decline credibility is restored and inflation or default risks abate. Both consumption and investment rise. For this effect to produce an expansion, the tightening must be sizeable and occur after a period of stress when the budget is quickly deteriorating and public debt is building up. Another interpretation emphasizes the supply side. Typically, a fiscal consolidation based on tax increases is short-lived. To be long lasting, it must include cuts in public employment, transfers and government wages. To be politically possible, such a policy must be supported by trade unions. These measures result in more efficient labour markets and boost the supply side. Based both on statistical evidence and on a detailed analysis of ten cases of major fiscal adjustment, this article provides cautious support to the supply-side view, without denying a more limited role for the demand-side channel.},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl1998,
  author       = {Alberto Alesina and Roberto Perotti and Jos{\'e} Tavares},
  title        = {The Political Economy of Fiscal Adjustments},
  journaltitle = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  date         = {1998},
  pages        = {197--266},
  issn         = {00072303, 15334465},
  publisher    = {Brookings Institution Press},
}

@TechReport{AlesinaEtAl2011,
  author      = {Alesina, Alberto and Carloni, Dorian and Lecce, Giampaolo},
  title       = {The Electoral Consequences of Large Fiscal Adjustments},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  date        = {2011-12},
  type        = {Working Paper},
  number      = {17655},
  doi         = {10.3386/w17655},
  abstract    = {The conventional wisdom regarding the political consequences of large reductions of budget deficits is that they are very costly for the governments which implement them: they are punished by voters at the following elections. In the present paper, instead, we find no evidence that governments which quickly reduce budget deficits are systematically voted out of office in a sample of 19 OECD countries from 1975 to 2008.  We also take into consideration issues of reverse causality, namely the possibility that only "strong and popular" governments can implement fiscal adjustments and thus they are not voted out of office "despite" having reduced the deficits.  In the end we conclude that many governments can reduce deficits avoiding an electoral defeat.},
  series      = {Working Paper Series},
}

@Article{Ardagna2004,
  author       = {Silvia Ardagna},
  title        = {Fiscal stabilizations: When do they work and why},
  journaltitle = {European Economic Review},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1047--1074},
  issn         = {0014-2921},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2003.09.010},
  abstract     = {This paper studies the determinants and channels through which fiscal contractions influence the dynamics of the debt-to-GDP ratio and GDP growth. Using data from a panel of OECD countries, the paper shows that the success of fiscal adjustments in decreasing the debt-to-GDP ratio depends on the size of the fiscal contraction and less on its composition. The rate of growth of output matters too, but higher GDP growth does not drive the success of a fiscal stabilization. In contrast, whether a fiscal adjustment is expansionary depends largely on the composition of the fiscal maneuvre. In particular, stabilizations implemented by cutting public spending lead to higher GDP growth rates. The effects of the composition on growth work mostly through the labor market rather than through agents' expectations of future fiscal policy. Finally, the evidence suggests that successful and expansionary fiscal contractions are not the result of accompanying expansionary monetary policy or exchange rate devaluations.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal stabilization, Government debt, GDP growth},
}

@Article{FatasSummers2018,
  author       = {Antonio Fat{\'a}s and Lawrence H. Summers},
  title        = {The permanent effects of fiscal consolidations},
  journaltitle = {Journal of International Economics},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {112},
  pages        = {238--250},
  issn         = {0022-1996},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jinteco.2017.11.007},
  abstract     = {The global financial crisis has permanently lowered the path of GDP in all advanced economies. At the same time, and in response to rising government debt levels, many of these countries have been engaging in fiscal consolidations that have had a negative impact on growth rates. We empirically explore the connections between these two facts by extending to longer horizons the methodology of Blanchard and Leigh (2013) regarding fiscal policy multipliers. Our results provide support for the presence of strong hysteresis effects of fiscal policy. The large size of the effects points in the direction of self-defeating fiscal consolidations as suggested by DeLong and Summers (2012). Attempts to reduce debt via fiscal consolidations have very likely resulted in a higher debt to GDP ratio through their long-term negative impact on output.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal policy, Hysteresis, Persistence},
}

@Article{HollandPortes2012,
  author       = {Dawn Holland and Jonathan Portes},
  title        = {Self-Defeating Austerity?},
  journaltitle = {National Institute Economic Review},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {222},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {F4-F10},
  doi          = {10.1177/002795011222200109},
}

@Article{AuerbachGorodnichenko2012,
  author       = {Auerbach, Alan J. and Gorodnichenko, Yuriy},
  title        = {Measuring the Output Responses to Fiscal Policy},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Economic Policy},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {4},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {1-27},
  doi          = {10.1257/pol.4.2.1},
  abstract     = {A key issue in current research and policy is the size of fiscal multipliers when the economy is in recession. We provide three insights. First, using regime-switching models, we find large differences in the size of spending multipliers in recessions and expansions with fiscal policy being considerably more effective in recessions than in expansions. Second, we estimate multipliers for more disaggregate spending variables which behave differently relative to aggregate fiscal policy shocks, with military spending having the largest multiplier. Third, we show that controlling for predictable components of fiscal shocks tends to increase the size of the multipliers in recessions.},
}

@Article{BagariaEtAl2012,
  author       = {Nitika Bagaria and Dawn Holland and {Van Reenen}, John},
  title        = {Fiscal Consolidation During a Depression},
  journaltitle = {National Institute Economic Review},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {221},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {F42--F54},
  doi          = {10.1177/002795011222100108},
}

@Book{Gans2004,
  author    = {Gans, Herbert J.},
  title     = {Deciding What's News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek and Time},
  date      = {2004},
  edition   = {25th Anniversary Edition},
  publisher = {Northwestern University Press},
  location  = {Evanston, IL},
}

@Article{Bennett1996,
  author       = {Bennett, W. Lance},
  title        = {An introduction to journalism norms and representations of politics},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  date         = {1996},
  volume       = {13},
  pages        = {373--384},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609.1996.9963126},
  abstract     = {In addition to providing an overview of this special issue of \emph{Political Communication}, this introduction identifies a preliminary set of rules that journalists use for representing politics in the news. These rules guide news decisions in keeping with underlying journalistic norms about the workings of politics and the role of the press in the political system. Such political norms must also be reconciled with professional journalism norms of fairness, and with the economic norms of efficiency and profit that increasingly drive the news business. Reconciling news content aimed at citizens in a democracy with traditional journalism standards and entertainment values has transformed the news itself. Increasingly sensationalistic narratives and dramatic production values both bridge and reflect the tensions among the various norms and practical rules that guide journalists in their daily representations of the political world.},
}

@Article{GreenJennings2012,
  author       = {Green, Jane and Jennings, Will},
  title        = {Valence as Macro-Competence: An Analysis of Mood in Party Competence Evaluations in Great Britain},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {42},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {311--343},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123411000330},
  abstract     = {There is a discernable mood in macro-level public evaluations of party issue competence. This paper argues that voters use heuristics to transfer issue competence ratings of parties between issues, therefore issue competence ratings move in common. Events, economic shocks and the costs of governing reinforce these shared dynamics. These expectations are analysed using issue competence data in Britain 1950--2008, and using Stimson's dyad ratios algorithm to estimate `macro-competence'. Effects on macro-competence are found for events and economic shocks, time in government, leader ratings, economic evaluations and partisanship, but macro-competence also accounts for unique variance in a model of party choice. The article presents an aggregate-level time-series measure to capture the long-term dynamics of `valence'.},
}

@Book{Victor2008,
  author    = {Victor, Peter A.},
  title     = {Managing without growth: slower by design, not disaster},
  date      = {2008},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
}

@TechReport{Price2010,
  author      = {Price, Robert},
  title       = {The Political Economy of Fiscal Consolidation},
  institution = {Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development},
  date        = {2010},
  note        = {OECD Economics Department Working Papers No. 776},
  doi         = {10.1787/5kmddq798lls-en},
  abstract    = {This paper explores the political economy of fiscal adjustment. It begins with an examination of the evidence for, and sources of, `deficit bias', including political and governance factors, public attitudes, the role of financial markets and imprecision about which debt targets should be pursued. It then examines the evidence regarding the exogenous and policy-related factors which affect the success of fiscal consolidation efforts. This is followed by a discussion of the role of fiscal institutions, including fiscal rules and autonomous agencies. The final section considers how the political economy of fiscal policy has changed with the financial crisis, giving some indications as to what may be needed to re-establish a consolidation path and make it less prone to setbacks.},
}

@Article{Vickrey1961,
  author       = {Vickrey, William},
  title        = {The Burden of the Public Debt: Comment},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {1961},
  volume       = {51},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {132--137},
  url          = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/1818915},
  urldate      = {2019-04-04},
}

@TechReport{IMF2012-10,
  author      = {IMF},
  title       = {World Economic Outlook: Coping with High Debt and Sluggish Growth},
  institution = {International Monetary Fund},
  date        = {2012-10},
  url         = {http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2012/02/pdf/text.pdf},
  urldate     = {2019-01-31},
}

@Article{CampbellEtAl2019,
  author       = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
  title        = {Why friends and neighbors? Explaining the electoral appeal of local roots},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  url          = {https://homepage.univie.ac.at/markus.wagner/CCVW_localism_fulltext_prepub.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-02-01},
}

@Article{Barro2011-09-10,
  author       = {Barro, Robert J.},
  title        = {How To Really Save the Economy},
  journaltitle = {New York Times},
  date         = {2011-09-10},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/barro/files/nytimes_howtoreallysave_11_0910.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-01-31},
}

@Unpublished{BarnesHicks2018-10,
  author = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title  = {The Popular Side of Austerity: Public Support for Budget Balance in Europe},
  date   = {2018-10},
}

@Article{CasalBertoaWeber2019,
  author       = {Casal B{\'e}rtoa, Fernando and Weber, Till},
  title        = {Restrained Change: Party Systems in Times of Economic Crisis},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {81},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {233--245},
  doi          = {10.1086/700202},
  abstract     = {The recent global financial crisis has been a serious stress test for representative democracies. Voter support has supposedly become more volatile, fragmented, and polarized, leaving elites with an intricate mix of economic and political challenges. However, a closer look at a new data set of European party systems during three major crises (1929, 1973, and 2008) reveals that the reality is less dramatic than the popular impression suggests. We propose a novel theory of party-system change that explains both the impact of economic crises as well as the robustness of party systems to more serious destabilization. Since voters and elites are risk averse, economic crises tend to disturb party systems that are generally ``restrained'' but, at the same time, help consolidate more complex systems. This explains why party systems rarely fall apart, nor do they reach ultimate stability. We provide quantitative evidence and qualitative illustrations of ``restrained change'' in various party-system dimensions.},
}

@Book{Huebscher2018,
  author    = {H{\"u}bscher, Evelyne},
  title     = {The Clientelistic Turn in Welfare State Policy-Making -- Party Politics in Times of Austerity},
  date      = {2018},
  publisher = {ECPR Press},
  location  = {London, UK},
}

@Article{Huebscher2019,
  author       = {H{\"u}bscher, Evelyne},
  title        = {The Impact of Coalition Parties on Policy Output -- Evidence from Germany},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
  date         = {2019},
}

@Article{MeyerWagner2013,
  author       = {Meyer, Thomas M. and Wagner, Markus},
  title        = {Mainstream or Niche? Vote-Seeking Incentives and the Programmatic Strategies of Political Parties},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2013},
  volume       = {46},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {1246--1272},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414013489080},
  abstract     = {Parties can choose to concentrate on topics which other parties cover relatively little. In such cases, they have a programmatic niche profile compared with their mainstream rivals. We argue that parties should be more likely to switch between a niche and a mainstream profile in response to unsatisfactory electoral results. However, these vote-seeking incentives to change salience profiles should have greater influence on parties that are small, young, and/or in opposition. Such parties will find it easier and more attractive to change their salience profiles. We use a measure of niche profiles based on manifesto coding and test our hypotheses in 22 countries with a transition model. For niche-to-mainstream transitions in party profiles, the results confirm our expectations, but vote-seeking incentives do not lead mainstream parties to shift to a niche profile. The results of this article have implications for our understanding of the dynamics of party competition in multiparty systems.},
}

@Article{ToubeauWagner2015,
  author       = {Toubeau, Simon and Wagner, Markus},
  title        = {Explaining Party Positions on Decentralization},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {45},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {97--119},
  abstract     = {Debates about decentralization raise cultural questions of identity and economic questions of redistribution and efficiency. Therefore the preferences of statewide parties regarding decentralization are related to their positions on the economic and cultural ideological dimensions. A statistical analysis using data from thirty-one countries confirms this: parties on the economic right are more supportive of decentralization than parties on the economic left, while culturally liberal parties favour decentralization more than culturally conservative parties. However, country context -- specifically the degree of regional self-rule, the extent of regional economic disparity and the ideology of regionalist parties -- determines whether and how decentralization is linked to the two dimensions. These findings have implications for our understanding of the politics of decentralization by showing how ideology, rooted in a specific country context, shapes the `mindset' of agents responsible for determining the territorial distribution of power.},
}

@Article{Wiczer2014,
  author       = {Wiczer, David},
  title        = {Looking at Recessions through a Different Lens},
  journaltitle = {The Regional Economist},
  date         = {2014},
  url          = {https://www.stlouisfed.org/~/media/files/pdfs/publications/pub_assets/pdf/re/2014/d/recession.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-02-04},
  publisher    = {Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis},
}

@Unpublished{Saez2016,
  author = {Saez, Emmanuel},
  title  = {Striking it Richer: The evolution of top incomes in the United States (updated with 2015 preliminary estimates)},
  date   = {2016},
  note   = {University of California, Berkeley, Working Paper},
}

@Article{Romer2015,
  author       = {Romer, Paul M.},
  title        = {Mathiness in the Theory of Economic Growth},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {105},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {89--93},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.p20151066},
  url          = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20151066},
}

@Article{PikettySaez2006,
  author       = {Piketty, Thomas and Saez, Emmanuel},
  title        = {The Evolution of Top Incomes: A Historical and International Perspective},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {96},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {200--205},
  doi          = {10.1257/000282806777212116},
}

@Book{Pearl2009,
  author    = {Pearl, Judea},
  date      = {2009},
  title     = {Causality},
  edition   = {2},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@TechReport{ParkerVissing-Jorgensen2010,
  author      = {Parker, Jonathan A. and Vissing-Jorgensen, Annette},
  title       = {The increase in income cyclicality of high-income households and its relation to the rise in top income shares},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  date        = {2010},
  note        = {NBER Working Paper No. 16577},
  doi         = {10.3386/w16577},
  abstract    = {We document a large increase in the cyclicality of the incomes of high-income households, coinciding with the rise in their share of aggregate income. In the U.S., since top income shares began to rise rapidly in the early 1980s, incomes of those in the top 1 percent of the income distribution have averaged 14 times average income and been 2.4 times more cyclical. Before the early 1980s, incomes of the top 1 percent were slightly less cyclical than average. The increase in income cyclicality at the top is to a large extent due to increases in the share and the cyclicality of their earned income. The high cyclicality among top incomes is found for households without stock options; following the same households over time; for post-tax, post-transfer income; and for consumption. We study cyclicality throughout the income distribution and reconcile with earlier work. Furthermore, greater top income share is associated with greater top income cyclicality across recent decades, across subgroups of top income households, and, in changes, across countries. This suggests a common cause. We show theoretically that increases in the production scale of the most talented can raise both top incomes and their cyclicality.},
}

@Article{HoogheMarks2018,
  author       = {Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Cleavage theory meets Europe's crises: Lipset, Rokkan, and the transnational cleavage},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1310279},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {109--135},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {This article argues that the perforation of national states by immigration, integration and trade may signify a critical juncture in the political development of Europe no less consequential for political parties and party systems than the previous junctures that Lipset and Rokkan detect in their classic article. We present evidence suggesting that (1) party systems are determined in episodic breaks from the past; (2) political parties are programmatically inflexible; and, (3) as a consequence, party system change comes in the form of rising parties.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{GuvenenEtAl2014,
  author       = {Guvenen, Fatih and Ozkan, Serdar and Song, Jae},
  title        = {The nature of countercyclical income risk},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {122},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {621--660},
  doi          = {10.1086/675535},
  abstract     = {We study business cycle variation in individual earnings risk using a confidential and very large data set from the US Social Security Administration. Contrary to past research, we find that the variance of idiosyncratic shocks is not countercyclical. Instead, it is the left-skewness of shocks that is strongly countercyclical: during recessions, large upward earnings movements become less likely, whereas large drops in earnings become more likely. Second, we find that the fortunes during recessions are predictable by observable characteristics before the recession. Finally, the cyclicality of earnings risk is dramatically different for the top 1 percent compared with the rest of the population.},
  publisher    = {University of Chicago Press Chicago, IL},
}

@TechReport{GoldinKatz2007,
  author      = {Goldin, Claudia and Katz, Lawrence F.},
  title       = {The race between education and technology: the evolution of US educational wage differentials, 1890 to 2005},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
  date        = {2007},
  abstract    = {U.S. educational and occupational wage differentials were exceptionally high at the dawn of the twentieth century and then decreased in several stages over the next eight decades. But starting in the early 1980s the labor market premium to skill rose sharply and by 2005 the college wage premium was back at its 1915 level. The twentieth century contains two inequality tales: one declining and one rising. We use a supply-demand-institutions framework to understand the factors that produced these changes from 1890 to 2005. We find that strong secular growth in the relative demand for more educated workers combined with fluctuations in the growth of relative skill supplies go far to explain the long-run evolution of U.S. educational wage differentials. An increase in the rate of growth of the relative supply of skills associated with the high school movement starting around 1910 played a key role in narrowing educational wage differentials from 1915 to 1980. The slowdown in the growth of the relative supply of college workers starting around 1980 was a major reason for the surge in the college wage premium from 1980 to 2005. Institutional factors were important at various junctures, especially during the 1940s and the late 1970s.},
}

@Article{FlickenschildAfonso2019,
  author       = {Michael Flickenschild and Alexandre Afonso},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Networks of economic policy expertise in Germany and the United States in the wake of the Great Recession},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2018.1518992},
  abstract     = {This article shows how the network structure of economic expertise can influence the diffusion of ideas in economic policymaking. Applying social network analysis, we analyse the networks of economic policy advice in the United States and Germany around the Council of Economic Advisors and the Sachverst{\"a}ndigenrat. With the help of co-publication and institutional affiliation data, we argue that the more fragmented structure of academic expertise in Germany hindered the diffusion of new ideas and fostered continuity in the austerity paradigm. In contrast, the more connected structure of economic expertise in the United States facilitated the diffusion of ideas and changes in dominant ideas about economic intervention.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{CutlerKatz1991,
  author       = {Cutler, David M. and Katz, Lawrence F.},
  title        = {Macroeconomic performance and the disadvantaged},
  journaltitle = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  date         = {1991},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {1--74},
  doi          = {10.2307/2534589},
  publisher    = {JSTOR},
}

@TechReport{BivensShierholz2018,
  author      = {Bivens, Josh and Shierholz, Heidi},
  title       = {What labor market changes have generated inequality and wage suppression?},
  institution = {Economic Policy Institute},
  date        = {2018},
}

@Article{AghionEtAl1999,
  author       = {Aghion, Philippe and Caroli, Eve and Garcia-Penalosa, Cecilia},
  title        = {Inequality and economic growth: the perspective of the new growth theories},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {37},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1615--1660},
  doi          = {10.1257/jel.37.4.1615},
  abstract     = {We analyze the relationship between inequality and economic growth from two directions. The first part of the survey examines the effect of inequality on growth, showing that when capital markets are imperfect, there is not necessarily a trade-off between equity and efficiency. It therefore provides an explanation for two recent empirical findings, namely, the negative impact of inequality and the positive effect of redistribution upon growth. The second part analyzes several mechanisms whereby growth may increase wage inequality, both across and within education cohorts. Technical change, and in particular the implementation of "General Purpose Technologies," stands as a crucial factor in explaining the recent upsurge in wage inequality.},
}

@Article{BecherEtAl2018,
  author       = {Becher, Michael and K{\"a}ppner, Konstantin and Stegmueller, Daniel},
  title        = {Local Union Organization and Law making in the U.S. Congress},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {80},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {539--554},
  abstract     = {The political power of labor unions is a contentious issue in the social sciences. Departing from the dominant focus on membership size, we argue that unions' influence on national lawmaking is based to an important degree on their local organization. We delineate the novel hypothesis that the horizontal concentration of union members within electoral districts matters. To test it, we draw on administrative records and map the membership size and concentration of local unions to districts of the U.S. House of Representatives, 2003-2012. We find that, controlling for membership size, representatives from districts with less concentrated unions have more liberal voting records than their peers. This concentration effect survives numerous district controls and relaxing OLS assumptions. While surprising for several theoretical perspectives, it is consistent with theories based on social incentives. These results have implications for our broader understanding of political representation and the role of groups in democratic politics.},
}

@Article{BechtelEtAl2017,
  author       = {Bechtel, Michael M. and Hainmueller, Jens and Margalit, Yotam},
  title        = {Policy design and domestic support for international bailouts},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {56},
  pages        = {864--886},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12210},
  url          = {http://mbechtel.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Bechtel-et-al-207-Bailout-conjoint.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-02-05},
  abstract     = {Financial bailouts for ailing Eurozone countries face deep and widespread opposition among voters in donor countries, casting major doubts over the political feasibility of further assistance efforts. What is the nature of the opposition and under what conditions can governments obtain broader political support for funding such large-scale, international transfers? This question is addressed by distinguishing theoretically between `fundamental' and `contingent' attitudes. Whereas the former entail complete rejection or embrace of a policy, the latter depend on the specific features of the policy and could shift if those features are altered. Combining unique data from an original survey in Germany - the largest donor country - together with an experiment that varies salient policy dimensions, the analysis indicates that less than a quarter of the public exhibits fundamental opposition to the bailouts. Testing a set of theories on contingent attitudes, particular sensitivity is found to the burden-sharing and cost dimensions of the bailouts. The results imply that the choice of specific features of a rescue package has important consequences for building domestic support for international assistance efforts.},
}

@Book{Varoufakis2017,
  author    = {Varoufakis, Yanis},
  title     = {And the Weak Suffer What They Must?: Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Vintage},
}

@Book{Mondoza2015,
  author    = {Mondoza, Kerry-Anne},
  title     = {Austerity: The Demolition of the Welfare State and the Rise of the Zombie Economy},
  date      = {2015},
  publisher = {New Internationalist},
  isbn      = {978-1780262468},
}

@Book{OHara2015,
  author    = {Mary O'Hara},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Austerity Bites: A Journey to the Sharp End of Cuts in the UK},
  isbn      = {978-1447315704},
  publisher = {Policy Press},
}

@Article{HutterEtAl2018,
  author       = {Hutter, Swen and Kriesi, Hanspeter and Vidal, Guillem},
  title        = {Old versus new politics: The political spaces in Southern Europe in times of crises},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {10-22},
  doi          = {10.1177%2F1354068817694503},
  abstract     = {The article focuses on the party political spaces in four Southern European countries (i.e. Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain) since the onset of the Euro crisis. To understand the emerging conflict structures, it argues for the need to consider that these countries simultaneously face an economic crisis and a political crisis and that both crises have strong domestic and European components. Moreover, the major driving forces of change tend to be social movements and political parties that forcefully combine opposition to austerity and to ``old politics.'' This leads to a complex conflict structure shaped by struggles over austerity and political renewal. In this structure, divides over economic and political issues are closely aligned with each other. While this pattern emerges everywhere, there are distinct country differences. Empirically, the article relies on original data from a large-scale content analysis of national election campaigns in the four countries in the period 2011 to 2015.},
}

@Article{HernandezKriesi2016,
  author       = {Hern{\'a}ndez, Enrique and Kriesi, Hanspeter},
  title        = {The electoral consequences of the financial and economic crisis in Europe},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {55},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {203--224},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12122},
  abstract     = {The electoral consequences of the Great Recession are analysed in this article by combining insights from economic voting theories and the literature on party system change. Taking cues from these two theoretical perspectives, the impact of the Great Recession on the stability and change of Western, Central and Eastern European party systems is assessed. The article starts from the premise that, in order to fully assess the impact of the contemporary crisis, classic economic voting hypotheses focused on incumbent parties need to be combined with accounts of long-term party system change provided by realignment and dealignment theories. The empirical analysis draws on an original dataset of election results and economic and political indicators in 30 European democracies. The results indicate that during the Great Recession economic strain was associated with sizable losses for incumbent parties and an increasing destabilisation of Western European party systems, while its impact was significantly weaker in Central and Eastern European countries, where political rather than economic failures appeared to be more relevant. In line with the realignment perspective, the results also reveal that in Western Europe populist radical right, radical left and non-mainstream parties benefited the most from the economic hardship, while support for mainstream parties decreased further.},
  keywords     = {economic voting, Great Recession, realignment, party systems},
}

@Article{TraberEtAl2018,
  author       = {Denise Traber and Nathalie Giger and Silja H{\"a}usermann},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {How economic crises affect political representation: declining party--voter congruence in times of constrained government},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1378984},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1100--1124},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {How do economic crises affect political representation in times of constrained government? Our paper shows that among voters salience of economic issues increases during economically harsh times. However, parties respond only to a limited degree to economic shocks, with the result that congruence between parties and voters decreases. We theorise the incentives and disincentives different political parties have in choosing a saliency strategy and we provide evidence on the extent to which congruence depends on the severity of economic shocks and the government/opposition status of the party. We draw on cross-national data to measure issue salience for parties (CMP) and voters (CSES). While our findings clearly indicate a decline of congruence in times of economic crisis, we also find that it remains best for government and office-seeking opposition parties. We substantiate this finding by unpacking the ways in which incumbent and office-seeking opposition parties address the economy in their manifestos.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{AlganEtAl2017,
  author       = {Algan, Yann and Guriev, Sergei and Papaioannou, Elias and Passari, Evgenia},
  title        = {The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism},
  journaltitle = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {Fall},
  pages        = {309--400},
  doi          = {10.1353/eca.2017.0015},
  url          = {https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/algantextfa17bpea.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-02-14},
  abstract     = {We study the implications of the Great Recession for voting for antiestablishment parties, as well as for general trust and political attitudes, using regional data across Europe. We find a strong relationship between increases in unemployment and voting for nonmainstream parties, especially populist ones. Moreover, unemployment increases in tandem with declining trust toward national and European political institutions, though we find only weak or no effects of unemployment on interpersonal trust. The correlation between unemployment and attitudes toward immigrants is muted, especially for their cultural impact. To explore causality, we extract the component of increases in unemployment explained by the precrisis structure of the economy, in particular the share of construction in regional value added, which is strongly related both to the buildup preceding and the bursting of the crisis. Our results imply that crisis-driven economic insecurity is a substantial determinant of populism and political distrust.},
}

@Unpublished{BremerBuergisser2019-02-08,
  author   = {Bremer, Bj{\"o}rn and B{\"u}rgisser, Reto},
  title    = {Attitudes Towards Fiscal Consolidation: Evidence from Survey Experiments in Four European Countries},
  date     = {2019-02-08},
  abstract = {The austerity settlement has come to define the post-crisis European political economy. Since 2010, parties from across Europe's political mainstream have implemented austerity, which has become the dogma of the day. Existing research claims that these policies have little impact on political support for governments and are supported by the electorate (e.g. Alesina et al., 2011; Arias and Stasavage, 2018). Voters are seen as fiscally conservative, opposing government debt and deficits (Peltzman, 1992; Brender and Drazen, 2008; Barnes and Hicks, 2018). However, the existing literature ignores that fiscal consolidations usually have substantial trade-offs. In hard times, governments have to cut spending or raise taxes to reduce the government's deficit and debt. We attempt to capture these trade-offs associated with fiscal consolidation by using a split-sample experiment and a conjoint experiment that we conducted in four European countries (Germany, Italy, Spain, UK). These experiments allow us to isolate attitudes towards taxation, government spending, and debt, and to distinguish between support for expenditure-based consolidation and revenue-based consolidation. The results show that support for fiscal consolidation is a lot smaller than the conventional literature suggests. When voters are forced to make a choice, they do not support lowering government debt at the cost of lower government spending or higher taxes. Revenue-based consolidation is especially unpopular, but also expenditure-based consolidation does not reach majority support. Instead, the public has a clear priority ordering: they want a more progressive tax system to pay for additional government spending, but they do not support lowering the level of taxation or government debt. The paper, therefore, reveals a strong mismatch between public opinion and the fiscal policies that governments have pursued in the last few decades.},
}

@Article{EichengreenPanizza2016,
  author       = {Eichengreen, Barry and Panizza, Ugo},
  title        = {{A surplus of ambition: can Europe rely on large primary surpluses to solve its debt problem?}},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {31},
  number       = {85},
  pages        = {5--49},
  issn         = {0266-4658},
  doi          = {10.1093/epolic/eiv016},
  abstract     = {{IMF forecasts and the EU's Fiscal Compact foresee Europe's heavily indebted countries running primary budget surpluses of as much as 5 percent of GDP for as long as 10 years in order to maintain debt sustainability and bring their debt/GDP ratios down to the Compact's 60 percent target. We show that primary surpluses this large and persistent are rare. In an extensive sample of high- and middle-income countries there are just three (non-overlapping) episodes where countries ran primary surpluses of at least 5 per cent of GDP for 10 years. Analyzing a less restrictive definition of persistent surplus episodes (primary surpluses averaging at least 3 percent of GDP for five years), we find that surplus episodes are more likely when growth is strong, when the current account of the balance of payments is in surplus (savings rates are high), when the debt-to-GDP ratio is high (heightening the urgency of fiscal adjustment), and when the governing party controls all houses of parliament or congress (its bargaining position is strong). Left wing governments, strikingly, are more likely to run large, persistent primary surpluses. In advanced countries, proportional representation electoral systems that give rise to encompassing coalitions are associated with surplus episodes. The point estimates do not provide much encouragement for the view that high-debt European countries will be able to run a primary budget surplus as large and persistent as officially projected.}},
}

@Article{Kraft2017,
  author       = {Jonas Kraft},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Social democratic austerity: the conditional role of agenda dynamics and issue ownership},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2016.1231708},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {1430--1449},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {Over the past 30 years, left-wing parties have increasingly abandoned the interests of their core constituency to embark on a right-wing journey of fiscal austerity. I argue that the changing partisan pattern in fiscal policy can in part be explained by analysing social democrats' need to signal fiscal competence. Drawing on issue ownership theory, my starting point is that voters perceive the Right as better able to balance the budgets than the Left. This leads left-wing incumbents to compensate for their bad fiscal reputation when concerns about balanced budgets are salient in the political system. They do so by reducing spending and budget deficits as much or even more than right-wing governments. In this way, an asymmetric fiscal reputation makes partisan differences in fiscal policy disappear. Support for my claims is found estimating a set of error correction models with data from 21 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries between 1980 and 2006.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{WieseEtAl2018,
  author       = {Rasmus Wiese and Richard Jong-A-Pin and Jakob de Haan},
  title        = {Can successful fiscal adjustments only be achieved by spending cuts?},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {54},
  pages        = {145--166},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2018.01.003},
  abstract     = {We re-examine the conventional view that to be successful, fiscal adjustments should rely on spending cuts and not on tax increases. We apply the Bai-Perron structural break filter to identify fiscal adjustments and their successfulness in 20 OECD countries. Our results suggest that the composition of fiscal adjustments is not related to their success. Furthermore, we find that political-economy variables considered are not robustly related to successful fiscal adjustments with one exception: the probability of a successful fiscal adjustment increases if left-wing governments rely on spending cuts and right-wing governments rely on tax increases.},
  keywords     = {Fiscal adjustments, Fiscal consolidation, Deficit reduction, Fiscal policy reforms, Taxes versus spending, Taxation, Government expenditure},
}

@Article{Popa2019,
  author       = {Popa, Mircea},
  title        = {Inheritance, urbanization, and political change in Europe},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {11},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {37--56},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1755773918000206},
  abstract     = {Urbanization and the development of middle and working classes have been proposed as a key explanation for political change in the Western world. This article argues that the traditional inheritance systems practiced across Europe have played an important role in the differential development of these urban classes in the period 1700--1900. Inheritance systems that practice some degree of inequality between heirs will lead to more children, generally younger brothers, leaving the land and taking up urban occupations. A statistical analysis of geographical data shows that regions in which such unequal inheritance was practiced were two to three times more likely to develop urban areas after 1700. This claim is robust to a number of challenges, including country fixed effects, and to only looking at Western Europe. An important mechanism through which the divergence may have occurred is illustrated through a quantitative analysis of pairs of brothers in the UK and Romania, two countries with opposing inheritance traditions.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BursztynEtAl2019,
  author       = {Bursztyn, Leonardo and Fiorin, Stefano and Gottlieb, Daniel and Kanz, Martin},
  title        = {Moral Incentives in Credit Card Debt Repayment: Evidence from a Field Experiment},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1086/701605},
  abstract     = {We study the role of morality in debt repayment, using an experiment with the credit card customers of a large Islamic bank in Indonesia. In our main treatment, clients receive a text message stating that ``non-repayment of debts by someone who is able to repay in an injustice.'' This moral appeal decreases delinquency by 4.4 percentage points from a baseline of 66 percent, and reduces default among customers with the highest ex-ante credit risk. Additional treatments help benchmark the effects against direct financial incentives, and rule out competing explanations, such as reminder effects, priming religion, and provision of new information.},
}

@Book{AlesinaEtAl2019,
  author    = {Alesina, Alberto and Favero, Carlo and Giavazzi, Francesco},
  title     = {Austerity: When It Works and When It Doesn't},
  date      = {2019},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  isbn      = {978-0-691-17221-7},
}

@Article{CrosbyHolbrook2019,
  author       = {Crosby, Andrew and Holbrook, Allyson L.},
  title        = {Public Support for a Balanced Budget Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Trends and Predictors},
  journaltitle = {Public Budgeting \& Finance},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/pbaf.12213},
  abstract     = {Although researchers have explored policy attitudes in domains that require expertise (e.g., medicine), less research has explored policy attitudes related to economic policies that also require expertise to understand. This paper examines public opinion about a balanced budget amendment (BBA) to the U.S. Constitution. Using data from 38 national public opinion polls conducted over 36 years, we find that support for a BBA is related to respondent and contextual factors. Support for a BBA has become more polarized along party and ideological lines over time, and implications of a BBA for other policies affect people's support for an amendment.},
}

@Article{HaeusermannEtAl2019,
  author       = {H{\"a}usermann, Silja and Kurer, Thomas, and Traber, Denise},
  title        = {The Politics of Trade-Offs: Studying the Dynamics of Welfare State Reform With Conjoint Experiments},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {52},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {1059--1095},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414018797943},
  abstract     = {Welfare state reform in times of austerity is notoriously difficult because most citizens oppose retrenchment of social benefits. Governments, thus, tend to combine cutbacks with selective benefit expansions, thereby creating trade-offs: to secure new advantages, citizens must accept painful cutbacks. Prior research has been unable to assess the effectiveness of compensating components in restrictive welfare reforms. We provide novel evidence on feasible reform strategies by applying conjoint survey analysis to a highly realistic direct democratic setting of multidimensional welfare state reform. Drawing on an original survey of Swiss citizens' attitudes toward comprehensive pension reform, we empirically demonstrate that built-in trade-offs strongly enhance the prospects of restrictive welfare reforms. Our findings indicate that agency matters: governments and policy makers can and must grant the right compensations to the relevant opposition groups to overcome institutional inertia.},
}

@Book{Shipman2016,
  author    = {Shipman, Tim},
  title     = {All Out War: The Full Story of Brexit},
  date      = {2016},
  publisher = {William Collins},
  isbn      = {9780008215156},
}

@Article{Bremer2018,
  author       = {Bj{\"o}rn Bremer},
  title        = {The missing left? Economic crisis and the programmatic response of social democratic parties in Europe},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {23--38},
  doi          = {10.1177/1354068817740745},
  abstract     = {How have social democratic parties responded to the recent economic crisis? For many observers, the Great Recession and the prevalence of austerity in response to it have contributed to a crisis of social democracy in Europe. This article examines the programmatic response of social democratic parties to this crisis in 11 Western European countries. It uses an original data set that records the salience that parties attribute to different issues and the positions that they adopt with regard to these issues during electoral campaigns and compares the platforms of social democratic parties before and after 2008. For this purpose, the article disentangles economic issues into three different categories and shows that this is necessary in order to understand party competition during the Great Recession: while social democratic parties shifted to the left with regard to issues relating to welfare and economic liberalism, they largely accepted the need for budgetary rigour and austerity policies.},
}

@Article{BremerMcDaniel2020,
  author       = {Bremer, Bj{\"o}rn and McDaniel, Sean},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  title        = {{The ideational foundations of social democratic austerity in the context of the great recession}},
  doi          = {10.1093/ser/mwz001},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {439--463},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {{The `austerity settlement' has come to define the post-crisis European political economy. Since 2010, parties from across Europe's political mainstream have implemented austerity and despite the apparent conflict with the interests of their traditional constituents, even social democratic parties have acquiesced to this settlement. However, within the existing literature `social democratic austerity' is currently under-theorized as it is assumed to involve a rather straightforward adaptation of social democrats to neo- and/or ordoliberal ideas. Utilizing rich and original evidence from over 60 elite interviews with key social democratic stakeholders in France, Germany and the UK, this article contests this view. It demonstrates instead that a distinct set of ideas based on New Keynesianism, supply-side economics, and the social investment paradigm provide the ideational foundations for social democratic austerity post-crisis. Understanding this, it is argued, is critical in order to fully appreciate how and why austerity has become dominant in post-crisis Europe.}},
}

@Book{Buchanan1967,
  author    = {Buchanan, James M.},
  title     = {Public Finance in Democratic Process: Fiscal Institutions and Individual Choice},
  date      = {1967},
  publisher = {University of North Carolina Press},
  isbn      = {0-8078-4190-0},
}

@Article{Margalit2019,
  author       = {Margalit, Yotam},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {Political Responses to Economic Shocks},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-050517-110713},
  pages        = {277--295},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {How does the experience of economic shocks affect individuals' political views and voting behavior? Inspired partly by the fallout of the financial crisis of 2008, research on this question has proliferated. Findings from studies covering a broadening range of countries and economic contexts highlight several notable patterns. Economic shocks -- e.g., job loss or sharp drop in income -- exert a significant and theoretically predictable, if often transient, effect on political attitudes. In contrast, the effect on voting behavior is more limited in magnitude and its manifestations less understood. Negative economic shocks tend to increase support for more expansive social policy and for redistribution, strengthening the appeal of the left. But such shocks also tend to decrease trust in political institutions, thus potentially driving the voters to support radical or populist parties, or demobilizing them altogether. Further research is needed to detect the conditions that lead to these distinct voting outcomes.},
}

@Article{GrahamEtAl2017,
  author       = {Graham, Hilary and Bland, J. Martin and Cookson, Richard and Kanaan, Mona and White, Piran C.L.},
  title        = {Do People Favour Policies that Protect Future Generations? Evidence from a British Survey of Adults},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {46},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {423--445},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0047279416000945},
  abstract     = {Long-range temporal choices are built into contemporary policy-making, with policy decisions having consequences that play out across generations. Decisions are made on behalf of the public who are assumed to give much greater weight to their welfare than to the welfare of future generations. The paper investigates this assumption. It briefly discusses evidence from sociological and economic studies before reporting the findings of a British survey of people's intergenerational time preferences based on a representative sample of nearly 10,000 respondents. Questions focused on two sets of policies: (i) health policies to save lives and (ii) environmental policies to protect against floods that would severely damage homes, businesses and other infrastructure. For both sets of policies, participants were offered a choice of three policy options, each bringing greater or lesser benefits to their, their children's and their grandchildren's generations. For both saving lives and protecting against floods, only a minority selected the policy that most benefited their generation; the majority selected policies bringing equal or greater benefits to future generations. Our study raises questions about a core assumption of standard economic evaluation, pointing instead to concern for future generations as a value that many people hold in common.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Unpublished{HicksEtAl2019,
  author   = {Hicks, Timothy and Jacobs, Alan and Matthews, J. Scott and Merkley, Eric},
  title    = {Whose News? Class-Biased Economic Reporting in the USA},
  date     = {2019},
  pubstate = {Unpublished manuscript.},
}

@Article{HopeMartelli2019,
  author       = {Hope, David and Martelli, Angelo},
  title        = {The Transition to the Knowledge Economy, Labor Market Institutions, and Income Inequality in Advanced Democracies},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0043887118000333},
  abstract     = {The transition from Fordism to the knowledge economy in the world's advanced democracies was underpinned by the revolution in information and communications technology (ICT). The introduction and rapid diffusion of ICT pushed up wages for college-educated workers with complementary skills and allowed top managers and CEOs to reap greater rewards for their own talents. Despite these common pressures, income inequality did not rise to the same extent everywhere; income in the Anglo-Saxon countries remains particularly unequally distributed. To shed new light on this puzzle, the authors carry out a panel data analysis of eighteen OECD countries between 1970 and 2007. Their analysis stands apart from the existing empirical literature by taking a comparative perspective. The article examines the extent to which the relationship between the knowledge economy and income inequality is influenced by national labor market institutions. The authors find that the expansion of knowledge employment is positively associated with both the 90/10 wage ratio and the income share of the top 1 percent, but that these effects are mitigated by the presence of strong labor market institutions, such as coordinated wage bargaining, strict employment protection legislation, high union density, and high collective bargaining coverage. The authors provide robust evidence against the argument that industrial relations systems are no longer important safeguards of wage solidarity in the knowledge economy.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BarnesEtAl2018,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy and Feller, Avi and Haselswerdt, Jake and Porter, Ethan},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Information, Knowledge, and Attitudes: An Evaluation of the Taxpayer Receipt},
  doi          = {10.1086/695672},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {701--706},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {To better understand the relationship between information and political knowledge, we evaluate an ambitious government initiative: the nationwide dissemination of ``taxpayer receipts,'' or personalized, itemized accounts of government spending, by the UK government in fall 2014. In coordination with the British tax authorities, we embedded a survey experiment in a nationally representative panel. We find that citizens became more knowledgeable about government spending because of our encouragement to read their receipt. Although baseline levels of political knowledge are indeed low, our findings indicate that individuals are capable of learning and retaining complex political information. However, even as citizens became more knowledgeable, we uncover no evidence that their attitudes toward government and redistribution changed concomitantly. The acquisition and retention of new information does not necessarily change attitudes. Our results have implications for citizens' capacity to learn and research on the relationship between knowledge and attitudes.},
}

@Book{Williamson2017,
  author    = {Williamson, Vanessa S.},
  title     = {Read My Lips: Why Americans Are Proud to Pay Taxes},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  location  = {Princeton, NJ},
}

@WWW{BarnesHicks2018-08-17,
  author  = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title   = {Household Analogies and the Politics of Austerity},
  date    = {2018-08-17},
  url     = {https://osf.io/s8dr9/},
  note    = {Pre-registered analysis plan.},
  urldate = {2019-04-04},
}

@WWW{BarnesHicks2019-03-11,
  author  = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title   = {Household Analogies and the Politics of Austerity},
  date    = {2019-03-11},
  url     = {https://osf.io/m5jrc/},
  note    = {Pre-registered analysis plan.},
  urldate = {2019-04-04},
}

@WWW{BarnesHicks2019-03-19,
  author  = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title   = {Are the Left Perceived as Debt-Profligate? A Pre-Analysis Plan},
  date    = {2019-03-19},
  url     = {https://osf.io/nfx87/},
  note    = {Pre-registered analysis plan.},
  urldate = {2019-04-04},
}

@Article{HainmuellerEtAl2019,
  author       = {Hainmueller, Jens and Mummolo, Jonathan and Xu, Yiqing},
  title        = {How Much Should We Trust Estimates from Multiplicative Interaction Models? Simple Tools to Improve Empirical Practice},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {163--192},
  doi          = {10.1017/pan.2018.46},
  abstract     = {Multiplicative interaction models are widely used in social science to examine whether the relationship between an outcome and an independent variable changes with a moderating variable. Current empirical practice tends to overlook two important problems. First, these models assume a linear interaction effect that changes at a constant rate with the moderator. Second, estimates of the conditional effects of the independent variable can be misleading if there is a lack of common support of the moderator. Replicating 46 interaction effects from 22 recent publications in five top political science journals, we find that these core assumptions often fail in practice, suggesting that a large portion of findings across all political science subfields based on interaction models are fragile and model dependent. We propose a checklist of simple diagnostics to assess the validity of these assumptions and offer flexible estimation strategies that allow for nonlinear interaction effects and safeguard against excessive extrapolation. These statistical routines are available in both R and STATA.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@WWW{Aitkenhead2012-06-03,
  author       = {Aitkenhead, Decca},
  title        = {Paul Krugman: ``I'm sick of being Cassandra. I'd like to win for once''},
  date         = {2012-06-03},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/business/2012/jun/03/paul-krugman-cassandra-economist-crisis},
  note         = {The G2 Interview},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2019-04-08},
}

@WWW{ChorleyMcTague2015-04-30,
  author = {Chorley, Matt and McTague, Tom},
  title  = {The night real voters finally had their say: Audience roasts party leaders for lying and dodging questions in stormy TV debate as Red Ed is shredded over economy and Cameron comes out on top},
  date   = {2015-04-30},
  url    = {https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3063103/Cameron-Miliband-Clegg-TV-debate.html},
}

@WWW{Krugman2013-03-14,
  author       = {Krugman, Paul},
  title        = {Running Government Like A Business or Family},
  date         = {2013-03-14},
  url          = {https://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/03/14/running-government-like-a-business-or-family/},
  note         = {The Conscience of a Liberal},
  organization = {The New York Times},
}

@Article{Lauderdale2016,
  author       = {Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
  title        = {Partisan Disagreements Arising from Rationalization of Common Information},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {4},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {477--492},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.51},
  url          = {http://benjaminlauderdale.net/files/papers/2015LauderdalePSRM.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-04-08},
  abstract     = {Why do opposing partisans sometimes disagree about the facts and processes that are relevant to understanding political issues? One explanation is that citizens may have a psychological tendency toward adopting beliefs about the political world that rationalize their partisan preferences. Previous quantitative evidence for rationalization playing a role in explaining partisan factual disagreement has come from cross-sectional covariation and from correction experiments. In this paper, I argue that these rationalizations can occur as side effects when citizens change their attitudes in response to partisan cues and substantively relevant facts about a political issue. Following this logic, I motivate and report the results of a survey experiment that provides US Republicans and Democrats with information that they will be inclined to rationalize in different ways, because they have different beliefs about which political actors they should agree with. The results are a novel experimental demonstration that partisan disagreements about the political world can arise from rationalization.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{JenningsJohn2009,
  author       = {Jennings, Will and John, Peter},
  title        = {The Dynamics of Political Attention: Public Opinion and the Queen's Speech in the United Kingdom},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {53},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {838--854},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00404.x},
  abstract     = {This article represents the effect of public opinion on government attention in the form of an error-correction model where public opinion and policymaking attention coexist in a long-run equilibrium state that is subject to short-run corrections. The coexistence of policy-opinion responsiveness and punctuations in political attention is attributed to differences in theoretical conceptions of negative and positive feedback, differences in the use of time series and distributional methods, and differences in empirical responsiveness of government to public attention relative to responsiveness to public preferences. This analysis considers time-series data for the United Kingdom over the period between 1960 and 2001 on the content of the executive and legislative agenda presented at the start of each parliamentary session in the Queen's Speech coded according to the policy content framework of the U.S. Policy Agendas Project and a reconstituted public opinion dataset on Gallup's ``most important problem'' question. The results show short-run responsiveness of government attention to public opinion for macroeconomics, health, and labor and employment topics and long-run responsiveness for macroeconomics, health, labor and employment, education, law and order, housing, and defense.},
}

@Article{JohnJennings2010,
  author       = {John, Peter and Jennings, Will},
  title        = {Punctuations and Turning Points in British Politics: The Policy Agenda of the Queen's Speech, 1940--2005},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {40},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {561--586},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123409990068},
  abstract     = {This article explores the politics of attention in Britain from 1940 to 2005. It uses the Speech from the Throne (the King's or Queen's Speech) at the state opening of each session of parliament as a measure of the government's priorities, which is coded according to topic as categorized by the Policy Agendas framework. The article aims to advance understanding of a core aspect of the political agenda in Britain, offering empirical insights on established theories, claims and narratives about post-war British politics and policy making. The analysis uses both distributional and time-series tests that reveal the punctuated character of the political agenda in Britain and its increasing fragmentation over time, with turning points observed in 1964 and 1991.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{MortensenEtAl2011,
  author       = {Peter Bjerre Mortensen and Christoffer Green-Pedersen and Gerard Breeman and Laura Chaqu{\'e}s-Bonafont and Will Jennings and Peter John and Anna M. Palau and Arco Timmermans},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Comparing Government Agendas: Executive Speeches in the Netherlands, United Kingdom, and Denmark},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414011405162},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {973--1000},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {At the beginning of each parliamentary session, almost all European governments give a speech in which they present the government's policy priorities and legislative agenda for the year ahead. Despite the body of literature on governments in European parliamentary democracies, systematic research on these executive policy agendas is surprisingly limited. In this article the authors study the executive policy agendas -- measured through the policy content of annual government speeches -- over the past 50 years in three Western European countries: the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Denmark. Contrary to the expectations derived from the well-established ``politics matters'' approach, the analyses show that elections and change in partisan color have little effect on the executive issue agendas, except to a limited extent for the United Kingdom. In contrast, the authors demonstrate empirically how the policy agenda of governments responds to changes in public problems, and this affects how political parties define these problems as political issues. In other words, policy responsibility that follows from having government power seems much more important for governments' issue agendas than the partisan and institutional characteristics of governments.},
}

@Article{Johns2010,
  author       = {Robert Johns},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title        = {Measuring Issue Salience in British Elections: Competing Interpretations of ``Most Important Issue''},
  doi          = {10.1177/1065912908325254},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {143--158},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {This article is about responses to the ``most important issue'' question used in numerous election polls and surveys. Following Wlezien's work, two interpretations of the question can be sketched: (1) personal (the issue most important to the respondent) and (2) contextual (the issue that respondents perceive as topping the national political agenda). Using British Election Study data from 2005, the author shows that issues prominent in that campaign were often cited as most important by respondents who were neither particularly knowledgeable about those issues nor particularly influenced by them when voting. In sum, the contextual interpretation predominates. Hence, whatever else it is, ``most important issue'' is not an accurate gauge of salience effects in models of vote choice.},
}

@Article{EpsteinSegal2000,
  author       = {Lee Epstein and Jeffrey A. Segal},
  title        = {Measuring Issue Salience},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {66--83},
  issn         = {00925853, 15405907},
  abstract     = {The concept of issue salience has figured prominently in many studies of American political life. Long lines of research have taught us that both citizens and political elites may respond differently to issues that are salient to them than to those that are not. Yet analysts making such claims about elite actors face a fundamental problem that their counterparts in mass behavior do not: they cannot survey, say, members of the Supreme Court to ascertain those cases that are especially salient to the justices. Rather, scholars must rely on surrogates for issue salience -- surrogates that are fraught with problems and that have led to disparate research results. Accordingly, we offer an alternative approach to measure issue salience for elite actors: the coverage the media affords to a given issue. We argue that this approach has substantial benefits over those employed in the past. Most notably, it provides a reproducible, valid, and transportable method of assessing whether the particular actors under investigation view an issue as salient or not. In making the case for our measure we focus on Supreme Court justices but we are sanguine about its applicability to other political actors.},
  publisher    = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
}

@Article{BelangerMeguid2008,
  author       = {{\'E}ric B{\'e}langer and Bonnie M. Meguid},
  title        = {Issue salience, issue ownership, and issue-based vote choice},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {477--491},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2008.01.001},
  abstract     = {According to the issue ownership theory of voting, voters identify the most credible party proponent of a particular issue and cast their ballots for that issue owner. Despite the centrality of this voter-level mechanism to ownership theories of party behavior, it has seldom been examined in the literature. We explore this model and offer a refinement to its current understanding and operationalization. Returning to the roots of ownership theory, we argue that the effect of issue ownership on vote choice is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. Through individual-level analyses of vote choice in the 1997 and 2000 Canadian federal elections, we demonstrate that issue ownership affects the voting decisions of only those individuals who think that the issue is salient.},
  keywords     = {Issue salience, Issue ownership, Vote, Canada},
}

@Book{Ganesh2012,
  author    = {Ganesh, Janan},
  title     = {George Osborne: The Austerity Chancellor},
  date      = {2012},
  publisher = {Biteback Publishing},
  isbn      = {978-1-84954-486-3},
}

@Article{Finkelstein2010-09-22,
  author       = {Finkelstein, Daniel},
  title        = {Voters don't get it, but they still have to pay it},
  journaltitle = {The Times},
  date         = {2010-09-22},
}

@Article{Wlezien2005,
  author       = {Christopher Wlezien},
  title        = {On the salience of political issues: The problem with `most important problem'},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {24},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {555 - 579},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.01.009},
  abstract     = {Salience is an important concept throughout political science. Traditionally, the word has been used to designate the importance of issues, particularly for voters. To measure salience in political behavior research, scholars often rely on people's responses to the survey question that asks about the `most important problem' (MIP) facing the nation. In this manuscript, I argue that the measure confuses at least two different characteristics of salience: The importance of issues and the degree to which issues are a problem. It even may be that issues and problems are themselves fundamentally different things, one relating to public policy and the other to conditions. Herein, I conceptualize the different characteristics of MIP. I then undertake an empirical analysis of MIP responses over time in the US. It shows that most of the variation in MIP responses reflects variation in problem status. To assess whether these responses still capture meaningful information about the variation in importance over time, I turn to an analysis of opinion--policy dynamics, specifically on the defense spending domain. It shows that changes in MIP mentions do not structure public responsiveness to policy or policymaker responsiveness to public preferences themselves. Based on the results, it appears that the political importance of defense has remained largely unchanged over time. The same may be true in other domains. Regardless, relying on MIP responses as indicators of issue importance of any domain is fundamentally flawed. The responses may tell us something about the `prominence' of issues, but we simply do not know. The implication is clear: We first need to decide what we want to measure and then design the instruments to measure it.},
}

@Unpublished{BarnesHicks2019-04-29,
  author = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title  = {The Household Finance Analogy Does Not Drive Mass Support for Austerity},
  date   = {2019-04-29},
}

@Unpublished{BarnesEtAl2019-05-01,
  author = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy and Stanley, Liam},
  title  = {Debt, Morality, and the Mass Politics of Austerity},
  date   = {2019-05-01},
}

@Unpublished{BarnesHicks2019-04-25,
  author = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  title  = {Popular Austerity},
  date   = {2019-04-25},
  note   = {Draft book manuscript},
}

@Article{Matthews2019,
  author       = {Matthews, J. Scott},
  title        = {Issue Priming Revisited: Susceptible Voters and Detectable Effects},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {49},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {513--531},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123416000715},
  abstract     = {It is widely claimed that campaign communications direct voter attention to the considerations that campaigns emphasize, a phenomenon termed `priming'. In two recent studies, however, Gabriel Lenz concludes that reanalysis of key instances of priming in the literature shows that priming of views on policy questions, or `issues', is very rare. This article revisits issue priming during elections by incorporating individuals who are largely excluded from Lenz's analyses: respondents who, in one or more waves of the panel surveys analyzed, did not report a major-party vote (or vote intention) when interviewed. Based on data collected during six national elections, the article finds clear evidence of issue priming. The findings have implications for the study of campaign effects, media influence and voting behavior generally.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Thesis{Bremer2019-03-15,
  author      = {Bremer, Bj{\"o}rn},
  title       = {Austerity from the Left: Explaining the Fiscal Policies of Social Democratic Parties in Response to the Great Recession},
  type        = {phdthesis},
  institution = {European University Institute},
  date        = {2019-03-15},
  abstract    = {Austerity has come to define the post-crisis European political economy as the predominant policy response to the Great Recession since 2010. After a brief period of ``emergency Keynesianism'' from 2008 to 2010, even social democratic parties abandoned plans for deficit-spending and accepted austerity as the dogma of the day. Most of the existing literature attempts to explain this outcome either by pressures from financial markets or by the influence of external institutions, for example the European Union or the International Monetary Fund. However, social democratic parties also accepted fiscal orthodoxy in countries where the pressures from financial markets and external institutions were weak or absent, and thus they are not a sufficient explanation to explain austerity from the left. This thesis instead shifts the focus towards the popular coalitions that underlie macroeconomic policy by examining the elite and the popular politics of austerity. It argues that social democratic parties had both \emph{electoral} and \emph{ideational} reasons to support orthodox fiscal policies during the crisis, as they were trapped by the legacy of the Third Way that they had embarked upon prior to the crisis. On the one hand, social democratic parties believed that there was a high public support for fiscal consolidation. Influenced by the differentiation of interests among their traditional constituencies, they attempted to increase their economic credibility in order appeal to centre-left voters from the expanded middle class. On the other hand, social democratic parties were influenced by mainstream economic ideas. They drew on New Keynesianism, endogenous growth theory, and the social investment paradigm, which had become popular among social democrats at the end of the 20th century, to legitimize their support for the ``austerity settlement'' during the Great Recession. This combination of electoral and ideational forces created powerful pressures for social democrats to support orthodox economic policies over Keynesian deficit-spending which many failed to resist. To make this argument, this thesis combines qualitative and quantitative methods and draws on a wide range of empirical evidence. Among others, it uses evidence from quantitative content analysis, survey experiments as well as insights from over 40 elite interviews with leading social democratic politicians and policy-makers in Germany and the UK. In this way, the thesis studies both the \emph{popular} and the \emph{elite} politics of austerity in Western Europe and provides a new account of social democratic austerity.},
}

@Article{DuchStevenson2010,
  author       = {Duch, Raymond M. and Stevenson, Randy},
  title        = {The Global Economy, Competency, and the Economic Vote},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {72},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {105--123},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381609990508},
  abstract     = {Working within a selection model of economic voting we propose explanations for the cross-national and dynamic variations in the magnitude of the vote that have puzzled students of comparative voting behavior. Our theory suggests that unexpected shocks to the economy inform the economic vote which implies that voters are able to resolve a signal extraction problem: determine the extent to which these shocks are the result of incumbent competency as opposed to exogenous shocks to the economy. We assume that voters have information on the overall variance in shocks to the macroeconomy and that they use this signal to weight the importance of economic shocks in their vote decision. Voters are also hypothesized to recognize that higher exposure to global trade influences reduces the magnitude of the incumbent competency signal. We provide empirical evidence demonstrating that voters are able to discern significant variation in macroeconomic outcomes in order to perform this signal extraction task: We analyze a six-nation survey conducted by the authors that was designed to assess whether voters are attentive to variance in economic outcomes and whether these in fact conditioned their economic vote. Secondly we examine economic time series from 19 countries over the 1979--2005 period, demonstrating that variances in the macroeconomic series explain contextual variations in the economic vote as our theory hypothesizes. Finally, the essay demonstrates that open economies, which are more subject to exogenous economic shocks, have a smaller economic vote than countries with economies less dependent on global trade.},
}

@Book{Darling2011,
  author    = {Darling, Alistair},
  title     = {Back from the Brink: 1000 Days at Number 11},
  date      = {2011},
  publisher = {Atlantic Books},
  location  = {London, UK},
  isbn      = {9-780-85789-279-9},
}

@Book{Brown2017,
  author    = {Brown, Gordon},
  title     = {My Life, Our Times},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Vintage},
  location  = {London, UK},
  isbn      = {9781473549623},
}

@WWW{Wren-Lewis2016-09-22,
  author       = {Wren-Lewis, Simon},
  title        = {Explaining macroeconomics to the Swabian housewife},
  date         = {2016-09-22},
  url          = {https://mainlymacro.blogspot.com/2016/09/explaining-macroeconomics-to-swabian.html},
  organization = {Mainly Macro blog},
  urldate      = {2019-05-08},
}

@Article{SchlesingerLau2000,
  author       = {Schlesinger, Mark and Lau, Richard R.},
  title        = {The Meaning and Measure of Policy Metaphors},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {94},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {611--626},
  doi          = {10.2307/2585834},
  abstract     = {The apparent ability of the American public to form coherent assessments of policy options -- while being largely ignorant of political institutions, actors, and ideology -- remains a persistent puzzle for political science. We develop a theory of political decision making that helps resolve this puzzle. We postulate that both the public and political elites comprehend complex policies in part through ``reasoning by policy metaphor,'' which involves comparisons between proposed alternative policies and more readily understood social institutions. Using data from 169 intensive interviews, we test claims about metaphorical reasoning for a particularly complex policy domain: health care reform. We demonstrate that our hypothesized policy metaphors are coherent to both elites and the general public, including the least sophisticated members of the public. We further show that elites and the public share a common understanding of the relevant policy metaphors, that metaphorical reasoning differs from other forms of analogic reasoning, and that metaphorical cognition is distinct from ideological orientation.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{LauSchlesinger2005,
  author       = {Lau, Richard R. and Schlesinger, Mark},
  title        = {Policy Frames, Metaphorical Reasoning, and Support for Public Policies},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {26},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {77--114},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2005.00410.x},
  abstract     = {This article evaluates the predictive value of a new theory for understanding public support for alternative solutions to policy problems, which we call policy metaphors. A policy metaphor represents a particular form of cognitive framing that makes use of commonly understood social institutions and judgments about their effectiveness to form ``archetypes'' against which proposed solutions to new policy problems are compared. We test the extent to which both understanding of and preference for particular policy frames predicts the nature and strength of policy choices by a representative sample of the American public. After controlling for factors that past research has shown to be important in understanding public opinion, including general partisan and ideological attitudes, self-interest, political values, and emotions, the cognitive frames specified by the general theory of policy metaphors are shown to strongly predict public support for hypothetical solutions to three different policy problems. These frames also predict support for President Clinton's 1993--94 health care reforms after controlling for those same conventional predictors. Most importantly, we demonstrate that these cognitive frames help constrain the beliefs of even the least politically aware members of the general public. Discussion centers on the implications of this new approach for understanding public opinion.},
  keywords     = {?Policy Metaphors, public opinion, cognitive frames, health care reform},
}

@Article{Dunaway2008,
  author       = {Dunaway, Johanna},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Markets, Ownership, and the Quality of Campaign News Coverage},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381608081140},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1193--1202},
  volume       = {70},
  abstract     = {The quality of political news coverage has implications for the information voters are left with to make political decisions. This article argues that the quality of the information found in political news is influenced by media ownership and market contexts. Using original data containing news coverage of competitive statewide races in 2004, coverage provided by multiple media outlets is examined as a function of ownership structure and market context. The results indicate that corporate ownership and market contexts matter in determining the quality of information offered in political news coverage.},
}

@Article{DunawayLawrence2015,
  author       = {Johanna Dunaway and Regina G. Lawrence},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  title        = {What Predicts the Game Frame? Media Ownership, Electoral Context, and Campaign News},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609.2014.880975},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {43--60},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {While scholars have often bemoaned journalists' heavy use of game-framed and ``horse-race'' coverage of elections, the contexts most likely to produce game-framed news have not yet been well identified. Our data collection across three election cycles (2004, 2006, 2008) and various levels of elective office (candidates for governor and U.S Senate), and across multiple media markets and types of news organizations allows us to examine the extent to which all three classes of contextual variables -- the internal news-making context, the media economic market context, and the electoral political context -- influence the provision of game-frame election coverage. We find that news organizations' choices to rely heavily on game-frame election stories are dependent on both news-making and political contexts. These findings contribute to the ongoing debate on the relationship of media ownership to news quality, tempered by firm evidence that news outlets of all kinds tend to focus on the ``game'' of politics when electoral contests are close.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{May1978,
  author       = {John D. May},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {Defining Democracy: A Bid for Coherence and Consensus},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.1978.tb01516.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--14},
  volume       = {26},
  abstract     = {For a short, definite, non-sectarian definition of democracy, I nominate Responsive Rule qua necessary correspondence between acts of governance and the desires with respect to those acts of the persons who are affected. This definition seems noteworthy, and perhaps commendable, for essentiality, or concentrating on the nature of democracy as distinct from its concomitants and merits; for generality, or congeniality with the notion that democracy can in principle exist in all sorts of human groups; for nominal quantifiability, or compatibility with the notion that democracy is both an ideal-type state and a matter of degree; and for clarity with respect to conceptual issues which commonly arise in talk about `democracy'. It deals definitely with the `government by' and `government for' conceptual traditions, with the primary object of popular control, with the identity of `the people,' with the sort of equality that is a property to democracy, and with the sources of popular control over governors in a democracy.},
}

@Article{Wolff2016,
  author       = {Wolff, Edward N},
  title        = {Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962 to 2013: What Happened over the Great Recession?},
  journaltitle = {RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {2},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {24--43},
  doi          = {10.7758/rsf.2016.2.6.02},
  abstract     = {I look at wealth trends from 1962 to 2013, particularly for the middle class. Asset prices plunged between 2007 and 2010 but then rebounded from 2010 to 2013. The most telling finding is that median wealth plummeted by 44 percent between 2007 and 2010, almost double the drop in housing prices. Wealth inequality, after almost two decades of little movement, was up sharply from 2007 to 2010. This sharp fall in median net worth and rise in overall wealth inequality are traceable primarily to the high leverage of middle-class families, the high share of homes in their portfolio, and the plunge in house prices. Rather remarkably, median (and mean) wealth did not essentially change from 2010 to 2013 despite the rebound in asset prices. The proximate cause was the high dissavings of the middle class. Wealth inequality also remained largely unchanged.},
}

@Article{LeboWeber2015,
  author       = {Lebo, Matthew J. and Weber, Christopher},
  title        = {An Effective Approach to the Repeated Cross-Sectional Design},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {59},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {242--258},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12095},
  abstract     = {Repeated cross-sectional (RCS) designs are distinguishable from true panels and pooled cross-sectional time series (PCSTS) since cross-sectional units (e.g., individual survey respondents) appear but once in the data. This poses two serious challenges. First, as with PCSTS, autocorrelation threatens inferences. However, common solutions like differencing and using a lagged dependent variable are not possible with RCS since lags for i cannot be used. Second, although RCS designs contain information that allows both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, available methods -- from pooled ordinary least squares to PCSTS to time series -- force researchers to choose one level of analysis. The PCSTS tool kit does not provide an appropriate solution, and we offer one here: double filtering with ARFIMA methods to account for autocorrelation in longer RCS followed by the use of multilevel modeling to estimate both aggregate- and individual-level parameters simultaneously. We use Monte Carlo experiments and three applied examples to explore the advantages of our framework.},
}

@Book{Stimson2015,
  author    = {Stimson, James A.},
  title     = {Tides of Consent: How Public Opinion Shapes American Politics},
  date      = {2015},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  location  = {New York, NY},
}

@Article{Kalmoe2014,
  author       = {Nathan P. Kalmoe},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  title        = {Fueling the Fire: Violent Metaphors, Trait Aggression, and Support for Political Violence},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609.2013.852642},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {545--563},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {The recent concurrence of violent political rhetoric and violence against political targets in the U.S. and abroad has raised public concern about the effects of language on citizens. Building from theoretical foundations in aggression research, I fielded two nationally representative survey experiments and a third local experiment preceding the 2010 midterm elections to investigate support for violence against political authority. Subjects were randomly assigned to view one of two forms of the same political advertisements. Across all three experiments, mild violent metaphors multiply support for political violence among aggressive citizens, especially among young adults. Aggressive personality traits also predict support for political violence in both national studies. This work identifies dynamic roots of violent political orientations and reveals for the first time surprising interactions between this elite discourse and personality traits in citizens.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{CarnesLupu2016,
  author       = {Carnes, Nicholas and Lupu, Noam},
  title        = {Do Voters Dislike Working-Class Candidates? Voter Biases and the Descriptive Underrepresentation of the Working Class},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {110},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {832--844},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055416000551},
  abstract     = {In most democracies, lawmakers tend to be vastly better off than the citizens who elect them. Is that because voters prefer more affluent politicians over leaders from working-class backgrounds? In this article, we report the results of candidate choice experiments embedded in surveys in Britain, the United States, and Argentina. Using conjoint designs, we asked voters in these different contexts to choose between two hypothetical candidates, randomly varying several of the candidates' personal characteristics, including whether they had worked in blue-collar or white-collar jobs. Contrary to the idea that voters prefer affluent politicians, the voters in our experiments viewed hypothetical candidates from the working class as equally qualified, more relatable, and just as likely to get their votes. Voters do not seem to be behind the shortage of working-class politicians. To the contrary, British, American, and Argentine voters seem perfectly willing to cast their ballots for working-class candidates.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{EsareyWu2016,
  author       = {Justin Esarey and Ahra Wu},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Research \& Politics},
  title        = {Measuring the effects of publication bias in political science},
  doi          = {10.1177/2053168016665856},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {2053168016665856},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {Prior research finds that statistically significant results are overrepresented in scientific publications. If significant results are consistently favored in the review process, published results could systematically overstate the magnitude of their findings even under ideal conditions. In this paper, we measure the impact of this publication bias on political science using a new data set of published quantitative results. Although any measurement of publication bias depends on the prior distribution of empirical relationships, we determine that published estimates in political science are on average substantially larger than their true value under a variety of reasonable choices for this prior. We also find that many published estimates have a false positive probability substantially greater than the conventional $\alpha$ = 0.05 threshold for statistical significance if the prior probability of a null relationship exceeds 50\%. Finally, although the proportion of published false positives would be reduced if significance tests used a smaller $\alpha$, this change would not solve the problem of upward bias in the magnitude of published results.},
}

@Article{GerberEtAl2001,
  author       = {Gerber, Alan S. and Green, Donald P. and Nickerson, David},
  title        = {Testing for Publication Bias in Political Science},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {9},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {385--392},
  doi          = {10.1093/oxfordjournals.pan.a004877},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{GerberMalhotra2008,
  author       = {Alan Gerber and Neil Malhotra},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Do Statistical Reporting Standards Affect What Is Published? Publication Bias in Two Leading Political Science Journals},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00008024},
  issn         = {1554-0626},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {313--326},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {We examine the APSR and the AJPS for the presence of publication bias due to reliance on the 0.05 significance level. Our analysis employs a broad interpretation of publication bias, which we define as the outcome that occurs when, for whatever reason, publication practices lead to bias in the published parameter estimates. We examine the effect of the 0.05 significance level on the pattern of published findings using a "caliper" test, a novel method for comparing studies with heterogeneous effects, and find that we can reject the hypothesis of no publication bias at the 1 in 32 billion level. Our findings therefore raise the possibility that the results reported in the leading political science journals may be misleading due to publication bias. We also discuss some of the reasons for publication bias and propose reforms to reduce its impact on research.},
}

@Book{Wolff2015,
  author    = {Wolff, Jonathan},
  title     = {An Introduction to Political Philosophy},
  date      = {2015},
  edition   = {3},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
}

@Collection{McKinnon2014,
  editor    = {McKinnon, Catriona},
  title     = {Issues in Political Theory},
  date      = {2014},
  edition   = {3},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  isbn      = {978-0199680436},
}

@Book{Horton2010,
  author    = {Horton, John},
  title     = {Political Obligation},
  date      = {2010},
  edition   = {2},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  isbn      = {978-0230576513},
}

@Collection{Zalta2014,
  editor       = {Edward N. Zalta},
  title        = {The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy},
  date         = {2014},
  edition      = {Fall 2014},
  publisher    = {Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University},
  howpublished = {\url{https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2014/entries/political-obligation/}},
}

@Book{Hampton1996,
  author    = {Hampton, Jean},
  title     = {Political Philosophy},
  date      = {1996},
  publisher = {Westview Press},
}

@Article{Klosko2014,
  author       = {George Klosko},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {Fairness Obligations and Non-Acceptance of Benefits},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9248.12024},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {159--171},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {It is widely held that an adequate theory of political obligation must be general; that is, it must establish requirements to obey the law for all or virtually all members of a given population. In regard to the principle of fairness (or fair play), generality poses a challenge, because many people claim not to want or to accept major benefits provided by the state. However, because the most important state benefits are public goods and so received even if they are not accepted, the implications of not accepting these benefits differ from those of not accepting excludable goods. Because of complex psychological aspects of rejecting non-excludable goods, rejecting such benefits frees recipients of obligations they would otherwise have only if they can pass an `alternative test', and so explain how they would manage if rejection of the benefits actually prevented their receipt.},
}

@Article{Schmidtz1990,
  author       = {Schmidtz, David},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Ethics},
  title        = {Justifying the State},
  doi          = {10.1086/293261},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {89--102},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yuhk4mec},
  urldate      = {2019-06-12},
  volume       = {101},
}

@Book{Pateman1988,
  author    = {Pateman, Carole},
  date      = {1988},
  title     = {The Sexual Contract},
  isbn      = {978-0745604329},
  publisher = {Polity Press},
}

@Book{Raz1979,
  author    = {Raz, Joseph},
  title     = {The Authority of Law: Essays on Law and Morality},
  date      = {1979},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{Simmons2007,
  author    = {Simmons, A. John},
  title     = {Political Philosophy},
  date      = {2007},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{WellmanSimmons2005,
  author    = {Wellman, Christopher Heath and Simmons, A. John},
  title     = {Is There a Duty to Obey the Law? (For and Against)},
  date      = {2005},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  isbn      = {978-0521537841},
}

@Book{Smits2009,
  author    = {Smits, Katherine},
  title     = {Applying Political Theory: Issues and Debates},
  date      = {2009},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  isbn      = {978-0230555099},
}

@Collection{HurrellWoods1999,
  editor    = {Andrew Hurrell and Ngaire Woods},
  title     = {Inequality, Globalization, and World Politics},
  date      = {1999},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  url       = {http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/politicalscience/0198295669/toc.html},
}

@Book{Miller2016,
  author    = {Miller, David},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Strangers in our Midst: The Political Philosophy of Immigration},
  isbn      = {978-0674088900},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
  url       = {https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucl/detail.action?docID=4515684},
  urldate   = {2020-09-08},
}

@Article{Abizadeh2008,
  author       = {Arash Abizadeh},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Political Theory},
  title        = {Democratic Theory and Border Coercion: No Right to Unilaterally Control Your Own Borders},
  doi          = {10.1177/0090591707310090},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {37--65},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {The question of whether a closed border entry policy under the unilateral control of a democratic state is legitimate cannot be settled until we first know to whom the justification of a regime of control is owed. According to the state sovereignty view, the control of entry policy, including of movement, immigration, and naturalization, ought to be under the unilateral discretion of the state itself: justification for entry policy is owed solely to members. This position, however, is inconsistent with the democratic theory of popular sovereignty. Anyone accepting the democratic theory of political legitimation domestically is thereby committed to rejecting the unilateral domestic right to control state boundaries. Because the demos of democratic theory is in principle unbounded, the regime of boundary control must be democratically justified to foreigners as well as to citizens, in political institutions in which both foreigners and citizens can participate.},
}

@Collection{FineYpi2016,
  date      = {2016},
  editor    = {Fine, Sarah and Ypi, Lea},
  title     = {Migration in Political Theory: The Ethics of Movement and Membership},
  doi       = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199676606.001.0001},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Nagel2005,
  author       = {Nagel, Thomas},
  title        = {The Problem of Global Justice},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {113--147},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1088-4963.2005.00027.x},
}

@Article{Pogge2002,
  author       = {Thomas W. Pogge},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Politics, Philosophy \& Economics},
  title        = {Moral Universalism and Global Economic Justice},
  doi          = {10.1177/1470594X02001001002},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {29--58},
  volume       = {1},
  abstract     = {Moral universalism centrally involves the idea that the moral assessment of persons and their conduct, of social rules and states of affairs, must be based on fundamental principles that do not, explicitly or covertly, discriminate arbitrarily against particular persons or groups. This general idea is explicated in terms of three conditions. It is then applied to the discrepancy between our criteria of national and global economic justice. Most citizens of developed countries are unwilling to require of the global economic order what they assuredly require of any national economic order, for example, that its rules be under democratic control, that it preclude life-threatening poverty as far as is reasonably possible. Without a plausible justification, such a double standard constitutes covert arbitrary discrimination against the global poor.},
}

@Article{Ronzoni2018,
  author       = {Ronzoni, Miriam},
  title        = {Justice, Injustice, and Critical Potential Beyond Borders: A Multi-Dimensional Affair},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Applied Philosophy},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {35},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {90-111},
  doi          = {10.1111/japp.12233},
  abstract     = {Until fairly recently, positions within the global justice debate have been quite polarised along the statism/cosmopolitanism dichotomy. Recently, the dichotomy has been challenged (although somewhat unsystematically), but the idea that the proximity of a view to cosmopolitanism also tracks its critical potential in political terms has not. This article rejects this premise. In order to do so, it also provides a novel, more systematic challenge to the statism/cosmopolitanism dichotomy. The main suggestion is that we should consider two aspects simultaneously, and identify positions within the debate on the basis of how they relate to both of these. First of all, participants in the debate can make three different kinds of claims, which I shall call moral, political, and institutional. Secondly, views position themselves within a spectrum in each of the three dimensions, rather than deciding between cosmopolitanism and statism -- and at different at different points of the spectrum with regard to their moral, political, and institutional commitments respectively. This account gives us a better grasp of what taking a stand in the global justice entails. Crucially, it enables us to understand that the transformative and critical potential of a specific view depends on a variety of factors, and not only on its stand at the moral level. One can be fairly critical of the status quo without endorsing a cosmopolitan, or even nearly cosmopolitan, moral outlook. In short, the moral story is not the whole story.},
}

@WWW{Seager2009-12-18,
  author       = {Seager, Ashley},
  title        = {UK public borrowing soars to new high},
  date         = {2009-12-18},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/business/2009/dec/18/uk-public-borrowing-record-high},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2019-06-19},
}

@Article{DustmannEtAl2005,
  author       = {Dustmann, Christian and Fabbri, Francesca and Preston, Ian},
  title        = {{The Impact of Immigration on the British Labour Market}},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {115},
  number       = {507},
  pages        = {F324-F341},
  issn         = {0013-0133},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2005.01038.x},
  abstract     = {{Using data from the British Labour Force Survey this article provides an empirical investigation of the way immigration affects labour market outcomes of native born workers in Britain, set beside a theoretical discussion of the underlying economic mechanisms. We discuss problems arising in empirical estimation, and how to address them. We show that the overall skill distribution of immigrants is remarkably similar to that of the native born workforce. We find no strong evidence that immigration has overall effects on aggregate employment, participation, unemployment and wages but some differences according to education.}},
}

@Article{PeriSparber2009,
  author       = {Peri, Giovanni and Sparber, Chad},
  title        = {Task Specialization, Immigration, and Wages},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Applied Economics},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {1},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {135--69},
  doi          = {10.1257/app.1.3.135},
  abstract     = {Large inflows of less educated immigrants may reduce wages paid to comparably-educated, native-born workers. However, if less educated foreign- and native-born workers specialize in different production tasks, because of different abilities, immigration will cause natives to reallocate their task supply, thereby reducing downward wage pressure. Using occupational task-intensity data from the O*NET dataset and individual US census data, we demonstrate that foreign-born workers specialize in occupations intensive in manual-physical labor skills while natives pursue jobs more intensive in communication-language tasks. This mechanism can explain why economic analyses find only modest wage consequences of immigration for less educated native-born workers.},
}

@Article{Cortes2008,
  author       = {Cortes, Patricia},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The Effect of Low-Skilled Immigration on U.S. Prices: Evidence from CPI Data},
  doi          = {10.1086/589756},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {381--422},
  volume       = {116},
  abstract     = {I exploit the large variation across U.S. cities and through time in the relative size of the low-skilled immigrant population to estimate the causal effect of immigration on prices of nontraded goods and services. Using an instrumental variables strategy, I find that, at current immigration levels, a 10 percent increase in the share of low-skilled immigrants in the labor force decreases the price of immigrant-intensive services, such as housekeeping and gardening, by 2 percent. Wage equations suggest that lower wages are a likely channel through which these effects take place. However, wage effects are significantly larger for low-skilled immigrants than for low-skilled natives, implying that the two are imperfect substitutes.},
}

@Article{ReadEtAl1990,
  author       = {Stephen J. Read and Ian L. Cesa and David K. Jones and Nancy L. Collins},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Metaphor and Symbolic Activity},
  title        = {When Is the Federal Budget Like a Baby? Metaphor in Political Rhetoric},
  doi          = {10.1207/s15327868ms0503\_1},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {125--149},
  volume       = {5},
  abstract     = {The effect of metaphor on responses to political communications was examined. In Study 1, we investigated whether a metaphor could increase memory for a passage and whether the effect might be greater when the passage was heard rather than read. Also examined were the relative effects of having the metaphor present at encoding, at recall, both, or neither. Participants either read or listened to four short passages. For half of the subjects, each passage was preceded by a metaphor. At recall, all subjects were presented with the corresponding metaphor for two of the four passages, as a retrieval cue. As predicted, subjects better recalled the passages when the metaphor was present at encoding. This effect tended to be stronger when the passage was presented orally. Presence of the metaphor at recall had no effect. In addition, presence of the metaphor led to significantly more positive ratings of both the passages and the speaker on a number of characteristics.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Collection{Estlund2012,
  editor    = {Estlund, David},
  title     = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Philosophy},
  date      = {2012},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
}

@Collection{DowdingEtAl2004,
  editor    = {Dowding, Keith and Goodin, Robert E. and Pateman, Carole},
  title     = {Justice and Democracy},
  date      = {2004},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  isbn      = {9780511490217},
}

@Article{Christiano2010,
  author       = {Christiano, Thomas},
  title        = {The Uneasy Relationship Between Democracy and Capital},
  journaltitle = {Social Philosophy and Policy},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {195-217},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0265052509990082},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Malleson2014,
  author       = {Malleson, Tom},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Philosophy},
  title        = {Rawls, Property-Owning Democracy, and Democratic Socialism},
  doi          = {10.1111/josp.12061},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {228--251},
  volume       = {45},
}

@InCollection{ONeill2012,
  author    = {O'Neill, Martin},
  title     = {Free (and Fair) Markets without Capitalism: Political Values, Principles of Justice, and Property-Owning Democracy},
  booktitle = {Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond},
  date      = {2012},
  editor    = {O'Neill, Martin and Williamson, Thad},
  publisher = {Blackwell},
}

@InCollection{Pettit2015,
  author    = {Pettit, Philip},
  title     = {Justice: Social and Political},
  booktitle = {Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy (I)},
  date      = {2015},
  editor    = {David Sobel and Peter Vallentyne and Steven Wall},
}

@InCollection{StemplowskaSwift2018,
  author    = {Stemplowska, Zofia and Swift, Adam},
  title     = {Dethroning Democratic Legitimacy},
  booktitle = {Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy (IV)},
  date      = {2018},
  editor    = {David Sobel and Peter Vallentyne and Steven Wall},
}

@Article{Valentini2012,
  author       = {Laura Valentini},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy},
  title        = {Assessing the global order: justice, legitimacy, or political justice?},
  doi          = {10.1080/13698230.2012.727307},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {593--612},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {Which standards should we employ to evaluate the global order? Should they be standards of justice or standards of legitimacy? In this article, I argue that liberal political theorists need not face this dilemma, because liberal justice and legitimacy are not distinct values. Rather, they indicate what the same value, i.e. equal respect for persons, demands of institutions under different sets of circumstances. I suggest that under real-world circumstances -- characterized by conflicts and disagreements -- equal respect demands basic-rights protection and democratic participation, which I here call `political justice'. I conclude the article by considering three possible configurations of the global order -- the `democratic world-state', `independent democratic states', and `mixed' models -- and argue that a commitment to political justice speaks in favour of the latter.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Book{Waldron1993,
  author    = {Waldron, Jeremy},
  title     = {Liberal Rights},
  date      = {1993},
  subtitle  = {Collected Papers 1981--1991},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Waldron1999,
  author    = {Waldron, Jeremy},
  title     = {Law and Disagreement},
  date      = {1999},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Collection{Estlund2002,
  editor    = {Estlund, David},
  title     = {Democracy},
  date      = {2002},
  publisher = {Blackwell},
  isbn      = {978-0631221043},
}

@Article{Pitkin2004,
  author       = {Pitkin, Hanna Fenichel},
  title        = {Representation and Democracy: Uneasy Alliance},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {335-342},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2004.00109.x},
  abstract     = {The concept of `representation' is puzzling not because it lacks a central definition, but because that definition implies a paradox (being present and yet not present) and is too general to help reconcile the word's many senses with their sometimes conflicting implications. Representation has a problematic relationship with democracy, with which it is often thoughtlessly equated. The two ideas have different, even conflicting, origins. Democracy came from ancient Greece and was won through struggle, from below. Greek democracy was participatory and bore no relationship to representation. Representation dates -- at least as a political concept and practice -- from the late medieval period, when it was imposed as a duty by the monarch. Only in the English Civil War and then in the eighteenth-century democratic revolutions did the two concepts become linked. Democrats saw representation -- with an extended suffrage -- as making possible large-scale democracy. Conservatives instead saw it as a tool for staving off democracy. Rousseau also contrasted the two concepts, but favoured democratic self-government. He was prescient in seeing representation as a threat to democracy. Representative government has become a new form of oligarchy, with ordinary people excluded from public life. This is not inevitable. Representation does make large-scale democracy possible, where it is based in participatory democratic politics at the local level. Three obstacles block access to this possibility today: the scope of public problems and private power; money, or rather wealth; and ideas and their shaping, in an age of electronic media.},
}

@InCollection{Arneson2003,
  author    = {Arneson, Richard J.},
  title     = {Democratic Rights at the National Level},
  booktitle = {Philosophy and Democracy},
  date      = {2003},
  editor    = {Christiano, Thomas},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Christiano2004,
  author       = {Christiano, Thomas},
  title        = {The Authority of Democracy*},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {12},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {266--290},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.2004.00200.x},
}

@InCollection{Estlund2003,
  author    = {Estlund, David},
  title     = {Beyond Fairness and Deliberation: The Epistemic Dimension of Democratic Authority},
  booktitle = {Philosophy and Democracy},
  date      = {2003},
  editor    = {Christiano, Thomas},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Estlund2000,
  author       = {Estlund, David},
  title        = {Political Quality},
  journaltitle = {Social Philosophy and Policy},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {17},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {127--160},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0265052500002569},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Mansbridge1999,
  author       = {Mansbridge, Jane},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent "Yes"},
  doi          = {10.2307/2647821},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {628--657},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {Disadvantaged groups gain advantages from descriptive representation in at least four contexts. In contexts of group mistrust and uncrystallized interests, the better communication and experiential knowledge of descriptive representatives enhances their substantive representation of the group's interests by improving the quality of deliberation. In contexts of historical political subordination and low de facto legitimacy, descriptive representation helps create a social meaning of "ability to rule" and increases the attachment to the polity of members of the group. When the implementation of descriptive representation involves some costs in other values, paying those costs makes most sense in these specific historical contexts.},
}

@InCollection{Phillips1998,
  author    = {Phillips, Anne},
  title     = {Democracy and Representation: Or, Why Should it Matter Who our Representatives Are?},
  booktitle = {Feminism and Politics},
  date      = {1998},
  editor    = {Phillips, Anne},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Viehoff2014,
  author       = {Viehoff, Daniel},
  title        = {Democratic Equality and Political Authority},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {42},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {337--375},
  doi          = {10.1111/papa.12036},
}

@Article{Mutz1992,
  author       = {Diana C. Mutz},
  title        = {Mass Media and the Depoliticization of Personal Experience},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {1992},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {483--508},
  issn         = {00925853, 15405907},
  abstract     = {This study combines contemporary research on the effects of mass communication with findings on sociotropic voting to build a general model that explains the origins and effects of economic perceptions. This model is then tested in the context of retrospective personal and social concerns about unemployment. Survey evidence suggests that retrospective assessments of unemployment result primarily from mediated information rather than from direct experiences. Mass media are found to have an ``impersonal impact,'' influencing social, but not personal perceptions of the issue, while personal experiences with unemployment influence exclusively personal-level judgments. Mass media also influence the weighting of pocketbook as opposed to sociotropic concerns by means of a "sociotropic priming effect." Rather than priming all considerations that surround economic issues, high levels of media exposure to economic news prime the importance of collective perceptions to political evaluations and decrease the importance of personal concerns.},
}

@Book{Lippmann1922,
  author    = {Lippmann, Walter},
  title     = {Public Opinion},
  date      = {1922},
  publisher = {Harcourt, Brace and Company},
  location  = {New York, NY},
}

@Article{RickardCaraway2019,
  author       = {Rickard, Stephanie J. and Caraway, Teri L.},
  title        = {International demands for austerity: Examining the impact of the IMF on the public sector},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Organizations},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {14},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {35--57},
  issn         = {1559-744X},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11558-017-9295-y},
  abstract     = {What effects do International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans have on borrowing countries? Even after decades of research, no consensus exists. We offer a straightforward explanation for the seemingly mixed effects of IMF loans. We argue that different loans have different effects because of the varied conditions attached to IMF financing. To demonstrate this point, we investigate IMF loans with and without conditions that require public sector reforms in exchange for financing. We find that the addition of a public sector reform condition to a country's IMF program significantly reduces government spending on the public sector wage bill. This evidence suggest that conditions are a key mechanism linking IMF lending to policy outcomes. Although IMF loans with public sector conditions prompt cuts to the wage bill in the short-term, these cuts do not persist in the longer-term. Borrowers backslide on internationally mandated spending cuts in response to domestic political pressures.},
}

@Article{NooruddinWoo2015,
  author       = {Nooruddin, Irfan and Woo, Byungwon},
  title        = {Heeding the Sirens: The Politics of IMF Program Participation},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {3},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {73--93},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2014.15},
  abstract     = {Given similar economic distress indicators, why do some states enter into International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs while others do not? Building on extant studies of IMF program participation that highlight the importance of various economic and political determinants, this article proposes an argument focusing on the political incentives of the IMF and a borrowing country when they engage in IMF program negotiations. Specifically, the study develops a domestic politics argument to highlight the interactions among sovereignty costs, competence costs, economic conditions and domestic regime types, and tests the argument using a cross-national time-series dataset of all IMF agreements between 1970 and 2006. It finds that when the economic crisis is mild, democracies are less likely than non-democracies to enter IMF programs, but that when the economic crisis is severe, democracies are more likely to do so than their autocratic counterparts. The article attributes this tendency to democratic leaders' electoral vulnerability and shows that these patterns become more pronounced as elections draw near.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{DreherEtAl2015,
  author       = {Dreher, Axel and Sturm, Jan-Egbert and Vreeland, James Raymond},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  title        = {Politics and IMF Conditionality},
  doi          = {10.1177/0022002713499723},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {120--148},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {Bailouts sponsored by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are famous for their conditionality: in return for continued installments of desperately needed loans, governments must comply with austere policy changes. Many have suggested, however, that politically important countries face rather weak stringency. Obstacles to testing this hypothesis include finding a measure of political importance that is not plagued by endogeneity and obtaining data on IMF conditionality. We propose to measure political importance using temporary membership on the UN Security Council and analyze a newly available data set on the level of conditionality attached to (a maximum of) 314 IMF arrangements with 101 countries over the 1992--2008 period. We find a negative relationship: Security Council members receive about 30 percent fewer conditions. This suggests that the major shareholders of the IMF trade softer conditionality in return for political influence over the Security Council.},
}

@Article{CarawayEtAl2012,
  author       = {Caraway, Teri L. and Rickard, Stephanie J. and Anner, Mark S.},
  title        = {International Negotiations and Domestic Politics: The Case of IMF Labor Market Conditionality},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {66},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--61},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818311000348},
  url          = {http://personal.lse.ac.uk/RICKARD/imf.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-07-04},
  abstract     = {What is the role of international organizations (IOs) in the formulation of domestic policy, and how much influence do citizens have in countries' negotiations with IOs? We examine these questions through a study of labor-related conditionality in International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans. Using new data from IMF loan documents for programs from 1980 to 2000, we test to see if citizens' economic interests influence IMF conditionality. We examine the substance of loan conditions and identify those that require liberalization in the country's domestic labor market or that have direct effects on employment, wages, and social benefits. We find evidence that democratic countries with stronger domestic labor receive less intrusive labor-related conditions in their IMF loan programs. We argue that governments concerned about workers' opposition to labor-related loan conditions negotiate with the IMF to minimize labor conditionality. We find that the IMF is responsive to domestic politics and citizens' interests.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Dreher2004,
  author       = {Dreher, Axel},
  title        = {The Influence of IMF Programs on the Re-election of Debtor Governments},
  journaltitle = {Economics \& Politics},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {16},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {53--76},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2004.00131.x},
  abstract     = {The paper develops a model explaining why IMF programs are less likely to be concluded before national election dates. Since conclusion of an IMF arrangement may signal the incumbent's incompetence, rational voters use this signal when deciding upon his re-election. In order to demonstrate competence, politicians may therefore decide not to conclude IMF programs prior to elections. The model also shows that re-election probabilities of politicians who nevertheless conclude arrangements at election times depend on the state of the economy. Using panel data for 96 countries between 1976 and 1997, the model is tested empirically. The results show that conclusion of an IMF arrangement within six months prior to an election increases re-election probabilities when GDP growth is low, but reduces the chance to win an election with high growth rates.},
}

@Article{Kosmidis2018,
  author       = {Kosmidis, Spyros},
  title        = {International Constraints and Electoral Decisions: Does the Room to Maneuver Attenuate Economic Voting?},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {519--534},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12362},
  abstract     = {Prominent studies of electoral accountability and economic voting suggest that government constraints and international financial structures decrease the economic vote. The proposed mechanism is often labeled as the ``room to maneuver,'' and it posits that because elected officials have limited space to propose and implement economic policy, politicians can shirk responsibility, and thus voters are less likely to place voting weights on the economy. However, results from elections that took place in Europe during the Great Recession and scholarly research on economic voting in these elections cast serious doubts on the causal mechanism. This article directly tests this mechanism with a survey experiment using data from Greece (the country most affected by the debt crisis). The results suggest that although the economic vote is strong and substantive, its size does not vary across the room to maneuver treatments. This finding informs the literature on economic voting and carries out important implications for party strategies with respect to exogenous policy impositions and their electoral effects.},
}

@TechReport{DeAgostiniEtAl2014-11,
  author      = {{De Agostini}, Paola and Hills, John and Sutherland, Holly},
  title       = {Were we really all in it together? The distributional effects of the UK Coalition government's tax-benefit policy changes},
  institution = {Centre for the Analysis of Social Exclusion, London School of Economics \& Political Science},
  date        = {2014-11},
  note        = {Working Paper 10},
  url         = {http://sticerd.lse.ac.uk/dps/case/spcc/WP10.pdf},
  urldate     = {2019-07-08},
}

@TechReport{CallanEtAl2015-12-16,
  author      = {Callan, Tim and Colgan, Brian and Logue, Caitr{\'i}ona and Savage, Michael and Walsh, John R.},
  title       = {Distributional Impact of Tax, Welfare and Public Service Pay Policies: Budget 2016 and Budgets 2009--2016},
  institution = {Economic \& Social Research Institute},
  date        = {2015-12-16},
  url         = {https://www.esri.ie/publications/distributional-impact-of-tax-welfare-and-public-service-pay-policies-budget-2016-and},
  urldate     = {2019-07-08},
}

@Article{MouryStandring2017,
  author       = {Moury, Catherine and Standring, Adam},
  title        = {`Going beyond the Troika': Power and discourse in Portuguese austerity politics},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {56},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {660--679},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12190},
  abstract     = {This article analyses the margin of manoeuvre of Portuguese executives after the onset of the sovereign debt crisis in 2010--2015. To obtain a full understanding of what happened behind the closed doors of international meetings, different types of data are triangulated: face-to-face interviews; investigations by journalists; and International Monetary Fund and European Union official documents. The findings are compared to the public discourse of Prime Ministers Jos{\'e} S{\'o}crates and Pedro Passos-Coelho. It is shown that while the sovereign debt crisis and the bail-out limited the executive's autonomy, they also made them stronger in relation to other domestic actors. The perceived need for `credibility' in order to avoid a `negative' reaction from the markets -- later associated with the conditions of the bail-out -- concurrently gave the executives a legitimate justification to concentrate power in their hands and a strong argument to counter the opponents of their proposed reforms. Consequently, when Portuguese ministers favoured policies that were in congruence with those supported by international actors, they were able to use the crisis to advance their own agenda. Disagreement with Troika representatives implied the start of a negotiation process between the ministers and international lenders, the final outcome of which depended on the actors' bargaining powers. These strategies, it is argued, constitute a tactic of depoliticisation in which both the material constraints and the discourse used to frame them are employed to construct imperatives around a narrow selection of policy alternatives.},
  keywords     = {austerity, executives, Portugal, discourse, depoliticisation},
}

@Article{Hick2018,
  author       = {Hick, Rod},
  title        = {Enter the Troika: The Politics of Social Security during Ireland's Bailout},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {47},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--20},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0047279417000095},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the influence of the Troika on the retrenchment and reform of social security in Ireland during its bailout between 2010 and 2013. To do this, it draws on data from in-depth interviews with senior civil servants and civil society organisation staff who met with the Troika as part of their quarterly missions to Ireland during this period. The key themes which emerged from these interviews include the largely domestic origins of social security retrenchment and reform; the surprising, and distinctive, positions adopted by the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); the extent of the Irish government's room for manoeuvre in this area, and the ways in which the Irish government defended social security against proposals for additional cuts put forward by the Troika. The paper concludes by arguing that the scope for domestic decision-making was heavily constrained, yet non-trivial, and that the Troika's influence comprised not only `powering' but also `persuasion'.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HardimanEtAl2019,
  author       = {Niamh Hardiman and Calliope Spanou and Joaquim Filipe Ara{\'u}jo and Muiris MacCarthaigh},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Public Management Review},
  title        = {Tangling with the Troika: `domestic ownership' as political and administrative engagement in Greece, Ireland, and Portugal},
  doi          = {10.1080/14719037.2019.1618385},
  number       = {0},
  pages        = {1--22},
  volume       = {0},
  abstract     = {This paper analyses variation in the degrees of difficulty involved in negotiating and implementing loan programmes with the international lenders in Greece, Ireland, and Portugal. All three countries displayed high degrees of ultimate compliance with fiscal consolidation and structural adjustment conditionality, but the pace of implementation varied significantly. This paper argues that `domestic ownership' of the loan programmes is a key determinant of outcomes, understood in terms of two dimensions: negotiating capacity and implementation capacity. Empirical evidence confirms that these concepts provide a strong explanatory framework for understanding variation in relations between national governments and the international lenders.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{MacCarthaighHardiman2019,
  author       = {Muiris MacCarthaigh and Niamh Hardiman},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Public Policy and Administration},
  title        = {Exploiting conditionality: EU and international actors and post-NPM reform in Ireland},
  doi          = {10.1177/0952076718796548},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Between 2008 and 2015, Ireland undertook unprecedented and systemic public sector reforms in a polity not traditionally considered a prominent reformer. While some of these reforms comprised part of the loan programme agreement with EU and international actors, many others did not. This article argues that the crisis in Ireland provided a window of opportunity to introduce reforms that political and administrative elites had previously found difficult to implement. The authority of the Troika was invoked to provide legitimacy for controversial initiatives, yet some of the reforms went further than the loan programme strictly required. A number of these concerning organisational rationalisation, the public service `bargain' and transversal policy coordination are considered here. Agreements were negotiated with public sector unions that facilitated sharp cuts in pay and conditions, reducing the potential for opposition to change. The reform effort was further legitimated by the reformers' post-New Public Management, whole-of-government discourse, which situated considerations of effectiveness and efficiency in a broader framework of public service quality and delivery.},
}

@TechReport{DevriesEtAl2011-06,
  author      = {Devries, Pete and Guajardo, Jaime and Leigh, Daniel and Pescatori, Andrea},
  title       = {A New Action-based Dataset of Fiscal Consolidation},
  institution = {International Monetary Fund},
  date        = {2011-06},
  note        = {WP/11/128},
  url         = {https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2011/wp11128.pdf},
  urldate     = {2019-07-10},
  abstract    = {This paper presents a new dataset of fiscal consolidation for 17 OECD economies during 1978--2009. We focus on discretionary changes in taxes and government spending primarily motivated by a desire to reduce the budget deficit and not by a response to prospective economic conditions. To identify the motivation and budgetary impact of the fiscal policy changes, we examine contemporaneous policy documents, including Budgets, Budget Speeches, central bank reports, Convergence and Stability Programs submitted by the authorities to the European Commission, and IMF and OECD reports. The resulting series can be used to estimate the macroeconomic effects of fiscal consolidation.},
}

@Article{Featherstone2015,
  author       = {Featherstone, Kevin},
  title        = {External conditionality and the debt crisis: the `Troika' and public administration reform in Greece},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {22},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {295--314},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2014.955123},
  abstract     = {Levering domestic reform via external conditionality has become crucial to the rescues of European Union member states in the context of the eurozone crisis. This article examines a critical case -- Greece -- and a problematic sector -- reform of the central state administration -- to assess the applicability of three hypotheses advanced by Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier. New data on the trends in reform activity before and during Greece's debt crisis are assessed, as well as their content and paradigmatic frames, to assess the extent of a break with the inherited domestic model. They highlight the contrast between aggregate activity and the substance of reform in sensitive areas. They attribute reform failures to the crafting of the conditionality strategy and to conflicting interests, administrative traditions and cultural norms. The case highlights key challenges for the EU in its handling of the diversity of administrative systems across the eurozone, an agenda neglected at Maastricht.},
}

@Article{Featherstone2016,
  author       = {Featherstone, Kevin},
  title        = {Conditionality, Democracy and Institutional Weakness: the Euro-crisis Trilemma},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {54},
  number       = {S1},
  pages        = {48--64},
  doi          = {10.1111/jcms.12411},
}

@Article{KaragiannisKonstantinidis2015,
  author       = {Karagiannis, Yannis and Konstantinidis, Nikitas},
  title        = {On the Conditional Success of International Conditionality Policies (With Evidence from Greece and Spain During the Eurozone Crisis)},
  journaltitle = {Global Policy},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {6},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {212--221},
  doi          = {10.1111/1758-5899.12198},
  abstract     = {Does conditionality always work? If, as it appears, the answer is negative, why do certain externally incentivized countries comply while others do not? To answer these questions we rely on cognitive psychology and dynamic Bayesian principal-agent games to develop a theory of downwards-sloping long-run supply curves. More specifically, we explain how, when applied to an intrinsically motivated agent, external incentives imposed by an informed principal carry an informative signal which in the long run crowds out the agent's intrinsic motivation. To probe the plausibility of the ensuing hypotheses we compare the reformist pace of two centre-left governments of financially distressed Southern European countries during the eurozone crisis, namely Greece's Papandreou administration and Spain's Rodr{\'i}guez Zapatero administration. Based on the analysis of more than 400 newspaper reports and 12 expert interviews we find positive support for our theory: while Papandreou quickly admitted the need for far-reaching and politically costly reforms, Zapatero initially delayed all kinds of measures. But as European incentives kicked in, the strongly incentivized Papandreou went into irreversible reform fatigue, while the softly incentivized Zapatero dedicated his last months in office to bring about unprecedented reforms. We conclude with some indications about future research in this direction.},
}

@Article{FriedenWalter2017,
  author       = {Frieden, Jeffry and Walter, Stefanie},
  title        = {Understanding the Political Economy of the Eurozone Crisis},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {20},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {371--390},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051215-023101},
  abstract     = {The Eurozone crisis constitutes a grave challenge to European integration. This article presents an overview of the causes of the crisis and analyzes why it has been so difficult to resolve. We focus on how responses to the crisis were shaped by distributive conflicts both among and within countries. On the international level, debtor and creditor countries have fought over the distribution of responsibility for the accumulated debt; countries with current account surpluses and deficits have fought over who should implement the policies necessary to reduce the current account imbalances. Within countries, interest groups have fought to shift the costs of crisis resolution away from themselves. The article emphasizes that the Eurozone crisis shares many features of previous debt and balance-of-payments crises. However, the Eurozone's predicament is unique because it is set within a monetary union that strongly constrains the policy options available to policy makers and vastly increases the interdependence of the euro crisis countries. The outcome of the crisis has also been highly unusual because the costs of crisis resolution have been borne almost exclusively by the debtor countries and taxpayers in the Eurozone.},
}

@Article{BiniSmaghi2015,
  author       = {{Bini Smaghi}, Lorenzo},
  title        = {Governance and Conditionality: Toward a Sustainable Framework?},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Integration},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {37},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {755--768},
  doi          = {10.1080/07036337.2015.1079372},
  abstract     = {The article examines how conditionality has evolved in the Eurozone during the debt crisis. Four main aspects are examined. The first is the trade-off between adjustment and financing, and in particular the possible resort to debt restructuring in advanced economies. The second is the decision-making process, which is particularly cumbersome in the Eurozone, as it relies largely on intergovernmental agreements and procedures, which proved to be inefficient and slow. The third issue concerns the financing conditions, which have initially been inspired on IMF programs, but proved excessively restrictive for a monetary union where countries cannot devalue in order to regain competitiveness. Finally, the article examines the contents of conditionality, and in particular the recent emphasis on structural reforms as a way to strengthen the supply side. A more sustainable framework requires greater political integration, in particular in the fiscal sphere, which is not easy to achieve in particular in the midst of a crisis.},
}

@Article{Tsebelis2016,
  author       = {Tsebelis, George},
  title        = {Lessons from the Greek crisis},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {25--41},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2015.1087215},
  abstract     = {There are two features of the Greek crisis that need explanation: the lopsided outcome where Greece did not achieve any of its stated goals; and the protracted negotiations. I explain these two features as results of two factors: Nested Games (the Greek prime minister was also involved in a game inside his own party); and incomplete information (the Greek government did not understand the weight of unanimity to change the status quo in the EU, and did the best it could to create a unanimity, of all the other countries, against it). The lessons from the crisis are two-sided: for the Greek side not to lose any more time in the application of the agreements (say, with elections); for the EU side to consider different ways of forming and aggregating preferences: having elections (with a wide EU constituency as opposed to national ones), and making decisions (eliminating the unanimity requirement).},
}

@Book{Sandbu2015,
  author    = {Sandbu, Martin},
  title     = {Europe's Orphan: The Future of the Euro and the Politics of Debt},
  date      = {2015},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  isbn      = {978-0-691-17594-2},
}

@Article{Sacchi2015,
  author       = {Sacchi, Stefano},
  title        = {Conditionality by other means: EU involvement in Italy's structural reforms in the sovereign debt crisis},
  journaltitle = {Comparative European Politics},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {13},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {77--92},
  doi          = {10.1057/cep.2014.42},
  abstract     = {This article shows the relevance of implicit conditionality in the eurozone crisis, that is, conditionality based on an implicit understanding of the stakes and sanctions involved, underlain by some measure of power asymmetry. The concept of implicit conditionality is applied to the reconstruction of Italy's sovereign debt crisis, and the structural -- pension and labour market -- reforms introduced by the Monti government, following requests from the European Union (EU). Actual or potential access to EU financial support -- carried out through purchase of Italy's bonds to alleviate market tensions on its debt -- was the carrot. The threat of having to enter formalized, explicit conditional lending programmes with the International Monetary Fund in order to avoid default was the stick. Market discipline was the operating mechanism that made implicit conditionality effective, and the role of monitoring by the EU was pervasive. Developments described in this article seem to support a revitalization of the fusion hypothesis between EU and member states -- at least in the eurozone.},
}

@Article{ClauwaertSchoemann2012,
  author       = {Stefan Clauwaert and Isabelle Sch{\"o}mann},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {European Labour Law Journal},
  title        = {The Crisis and National Labour Law Reforms: A Mapping Exercise},
  doi          = {10.1177/201395251200300105},
  eprint       = {https://doi.org/10.1177/201395251200300105},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {54-69},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {This paper maps the labour law reforms in various European countries either triggered by the crisis or introduced using the crisis -- falsely -- as an excuse. Such reforms generally render existing labour law provisions more flexible and loosen minimum standards, shifting the emphasis to soft law (deregulation).In some countries it consists only of piecemeal although significant deregulatory measures, while in others it involves far-reaching overhauls of the whole labour code. Furthermore, in several countries fundamental changes are being made to industrial relations structures and processes which might jeopardise social dialogue and collective bargaining there.The authors critically address this large-scale deregulation of labour law currently taking place, in particular the lack of democratic foundations underlying the reforms and their negative impact on fundamental social rights and workers' protection.},
}

@Misc{DoeringManow2018-05,
  author  = {D{\"o}ring, Holger and Manow, Philip},
  title   = {Parliaments and governments database (ParlGov)},
  date    = {2018-05},
  note    = {Information on parties, elections and cabinets in modern democracies.},
  quality = {1},
}

@Collection{HeffernanEtAl2017,
  editor    = {Heffernan, Emma and Moore-Cherry, Niamh and McHale, John},
  title     = {Debating Austerity},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Royal Irish Academy},
  location  = {Dublin, Ireland},
  isbn      = {978-1-908997-68-5},
}

@TechReport{OLeary2018-09-12,
  author      = {O'Leary, Jim},
  title       = {How (not) to do public policy: Water charges and local property tax},
  institution = {The Whitaker Institute, NUI Galway},
  date        = {2018-09-12},
  location    = {Galway, Ireland},
  url         = {https://aran.library.nuigalway.ie/handle/10379/10045},
  urldate     = {2019-07-12},
  abstract    = {Two of the most contentious measures introduced as part of the severe fiscal consolidation
 necessitated by Ireland's recent economic and financial crisis were the Local Property Tax and
 water charges.
 The two measures had an amount in common. Initially it was envisaged that each would raise of
 the order of \euro500m annually.1 They also shared a troubled history. Attempts to implement water
 charges in the 1990s had run into sufficiently strong opposition as to render them a no-go area
 for policy makers for the next decade or more. The fate of the modest and short-lived Residential
 Property Tax, abolished in 1997, had a similar inhibiting effect on policy in relation to the taxation
 of property.
 The crisis, in particular its catastrophic consequences for the public finances, meant that all bets
 were off. Revenue-raising measures previously deemed politically unacceptable were forcefully
 propelled onto the agenda. The first formal indication that government was proposing to
 reintroduce water charges and a new property tax came in the Fianna F{\'a}il--Green Party Renewed
 Programme for Government in October 2009, a position that was re-affirmed 12 months later in
 the same government's National Recovery Plan, and subsequently in the Programme for
 Government adopted by the new Fine Gael--Labour administration in March 2011.
 It is fair to say that at that stage there was no compelling reason to expect that one of these
 measures would be materially more unpopular or problematical than the other, yet it transpired
 that one was successfully implemented while the other was a failure, arguably on a scale
 comparable to the poll tax debacle in the UK in the 1980s},
}

@Misc{EuropeanCommission2010-12-03,
  author  = {{European Commission}},
  title   = {Ireland: Memorandum of Understanding on Specific Economic Policy Conditionality},
  date    = {2010-12-03},
  url     = {http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/articles/eu_economic_situation/pdf/2010-12-07-mou_en.pdf},
  urldate = {2019-07-12},
}

@WWW{SmithEtAl2016-11-28,
  author       = {Smith, Neil Amin and Phillips, David and Simpson, Polly},
  title        = {Real-terms change in local government service spending by LA decile of grant dependence, 2009-10 to 2016-17, England, Scotland and Wales},
  date         = {2016-11-28},
  url          = {https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/8781},
  organization = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  urldate      = {2019-07-16},
}

@WWW{SmithEtAl2016-11-28a,
  author       = {Smith, Neil Amin and Phillips, David and Simpson, Polly},
  title        = {Council-level figures on spending cuts and business rates income},
  date         = {2016-11-28},
  url          = {https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/8781},
  organization = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  urldate      = {2019-07-16},
}

@Article{Paglayan2019,
  author       = {Paglayan, Agustina S.},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Public-Sector Unions and the Size of Government},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12388},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--36},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {Public-sector unions are generally thought to increase the size of government through collective bargaining. This article challenges this idea for the case of teacher unions in the United States and argues that while collective bargaining institutions sometimes lead to increased education spending, this is not the norm. Using a new longitudinal data set spanning all states before and after they granted collective bargaining rights to teachers, the article shows that although states that mandate districts to bargain with teachers have higher education expenditures than states that do not, the differences precede collective bargaining. Difference-in-differences analyses find no evidence that introducing collective bargaining rights led to average increases in the level of resources devoted to education. Although existing theories cannot explain these null findings, the article shows one reason behind them is that most laws granting collective bargaining rights to teachers were not unambiguously prolabor, but included both pro- and anti-union provisions.},
}

@Article{BesleyCoate1997,
  author       = {Besley, Timothy and Coate, Stephen},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title        = {{An Economic Model of Representative Democracy*}},
  doi          = {10.1162/003355397555136},
  issn         = {0033-5533},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {85-114},
  volume       = {112},
  abstract     = {{This paper develops an approach to the study of democratic policy-making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office. The approach has a number of attractive features. First, it is a conceptualization of a pure form of representative democracy in which government is by, as well as of, the people. Second, the model is analytically tractable, being able to handle multidimensional issue and policy spaces very naturally. Third, it provides a vehicle for answering normative questions about the performance of representative democracy.}},
}

@Article{StarmansEtAl2017,
  author       = {Starmans, Christina and Sheskin, Mark and Bloom, Paul},
  title        = {Why people prefer unequal societies},
  journaltitle = {Nature Human Behaviour},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {1},
  number       = {0082},
  doi          = {10.1038/s41562-017-0082},
  abstract     = {There is immense concern about economic inequality, both among the scholarly community and in the general public, and many insist that equality is an important social goal. However, when people are asked about the ideal distribution of wealth in their country, they actually prefer unequal societies. We suggest that these two phenomena can be reconciled by noticing that, despite appearances to the contrary, there is no evidence that people are bothered by economic inequality itself. Rather, they are bothered by something that is often confounded with inequality: economic unfairness. Drawing upon laboratory studies, cross-cultural research, and experiments with babies and young children, we argue that humans naturally favour fair distributions, not equal ones, and that when fairness and equality clash, people prefer fair inequality over unfair equality. Both psychological research and decisions by policymakers would benefit from more clearly distinguishing inequality from unfairness.},
  publisher    = {Nature Publishing Group},
}

@Article{EnosEtAl2014,
  author       = {Enos, Ryan D. and Fowler, Anthony and Vavreck, Lynn},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Increasing Inequality: The Effect of GOTV Mobilization on the Composition of the Electorate},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381613001308},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {273--288},
  volume       = {76},
  abstract     = {Numerous get-out-the-vote (GOTV) interventions are successful in raising voter turnout. However, these increases may not be evenly distributed across the electorate and could potentially increase the differences between voters and nonvoters. By analyzing individual level-data, we reassess previous GOTV experiments to determine which interventions mobilize under-represented citizens versus those who regularly turn out. We develop a generalized and exportable test which indicates whether a particular intervention reduces or exacerbates disparities in political participation and apply it to 24 previous experimental interventions. On average, current mobilization strategies significantly widen disparities in participation by mobilizing high-propensity individuals more than the under-represented, low-propensity citizens. The results hold troubling implications for the study and improvement of political inequality, but the methodological procedures laid out in this study may assist the development and testing of future strategies which reverse this pattern.},
}

@Article{BechtelEtAl2016,
author       = {Bechtel, Michael M. and Hangartner, Dominik and Schmid, Lukas},
title        = {Does Compulsory Voting Increase Support for Leftist Policy?},
journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
date         = {2016},
volume       = {60},
number       = {3},
pages        = {752--767},
doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12224},
abstract     = {Citizens unequally participate in referendums, and this may systematically bias policy in favor of those who vote. Some view compulsory voting as an important tool to alleviate this problem, whereas others worry about its detrimental effects on the legitimacy and quality of democratic decision making. So far, however, we lack systematic knowledge about the causal effect of compulsory voting on public policy. We argue that sanctioned compulsory voting mobilizes citizens at the bottom of the income distribution and that this translates into an increase in support for leftist policies. We empirically explore the effects of a sanctioned compulsory voting law on direct-democratic decision making in Switzerland. We find that compulsory voting significantly increases electoral support for leftist policy positions in referendums by up to 20 percentage points. We discuss the implications of these results for our understanding of the policy consequences of electoral institutions.},
}

@Article{LelkesEtAl2015,
author       = {Yphtach Lelkes and Gaurav Sood and Shanto Iyengar},
date         = {2015},
journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
title        = {The Hostile Audience: The Effect of Access to Broadband Internet on Partisan Affect},
doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12237},
number       = {1},
pages        = {5--20},
volume       = {61},
abstract     = {Over the last two decades, as the number of media choices available to consumers has exploded, so too have worries over self‐selection into media audiences. Some fear greater apathy, others heightened polarization. In this article, we shed light on the latter possibility. We identify the impact of access to broadband Internet on affective polarization by exploiting differences in broadband availability brought about by variation in state right‐of‐way regulations (ROW). We merge state‐level regulation data with county‐level broadband penetration data and a large‐N sample of survey data from 2004 to 2008 and find that access to broadband Internet increases partisan hostility. The effect occurs in both years and is stable across levels of political interest. We also find that access to broadband Internet boosts partisans' consumption of partisan media, a likely cause of increased polarization.},
}

@Article{Singh2016,
  author       = {Shane P. Singh},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Elections as poorer reflections of preferences under compulsory voting},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2016.08.005},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  pages        = {56--65},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Compulsory voting is known to increase electoral participation, but its second-order effects are not well established. In this paper, I argue that vote choices are a relatively poor reflection of individuals' preferences under compulsory voting, as it boosts participation among those who are unlikely to cast well-reasoned ballots -- the politically disinterested and unknowledgeable and those who see elections as flawed or pointless. I test this expectation with cross-national survey data, and I conduct supplementary tests with regional survey data from Switzerland, which employs compulsory voting in select cantons. Results from both sets of analyses support my expectations, suggesting that elections conducted under compulsory rules are relatively unlikely to signal the preferences of the voting population.},
}

@Unpublished{HallYoder2019-03-26,
  author   = {Hall, Andrew B. and Yoder, Jesse},
  title    = {Does Homeownership Influence Political Behavior? Evidence from Administrative Data},
  date     = {2019-03-26},
  url      = {http://www.andrewbenjaminhall.com/homeowner.pdf},
  urldate  = {2019-08-26},
  abstract = {We combine deed-level data on homeownership with administrative data on voter turnout in local and national elections for more than 18 million individuals in Ohio and North Carolina. Using a difference-in-differences design, we find that buying a home leads individuals to participate substantially more in local elections, on average. We also collect data on local ballot initiatives, and we find that the homeowner turnout boost is almost twice as large in times and places where zoning issues are on the ballot. Additionally, the effect of homeownership increases with the price of the home purchase, suggesting that asset investment may be an important mechanism for the participatory effects. Overall, the results suggest that individual economic circumstances importantly influence political beliefs and behavior, and suggest that homeowners have special influence in American politics in part because their ownership motivates them to pay attention and to participate.},
}

@Article{FowlerMargolis2014,
  author       = {Anthony Fowler and Michele Margolis},
  title        = {The political consequences of uninformed voters},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {34},
  pages        = {100--110},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.09.009},
  abstract     = {Americans fail to meet the democratic ideal of an informed electorate, and the consequences of this political ignorance are a topic of significant scholarly debate. In two independent settings, we experimentally test the effect of political information on citizens' attitudes toward the major parties in the U.S. When uninformed citizens receive political information, they systematically shift their political preferences away from the Republican Party and toward the Democrats. A lack of knowledge on the policy positions of the parties significantly hinders the ability of low-socioeconomic-status citizens to translate their preferences into partisan opinions and vote choices. As a result, American public opinion -- and potentially election results and public policy as a result -- is significantly different from the counterfactual world in which all voters are informed.},
  keywords     = {American politics, Political information, Survey experiments, Uninformed voters},
}

@Article{MummoloPeterson2019,
  author       = {Mummolo, Jonathan and Peterson, Erik},
  title        = {Demand Effects in Survey Experiments: An Empirical Assessment},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {113},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {517--529},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055418000837},
  abstract     = {Survey experiments are ubiquitous in social science. A frequent critique is that positive results in these studies stem from experimenter demand effects (EDEs) -- bias that occurs when participants infer the purpose of an experiment and respond so as to help confirm a researcher's hypothesis. We argue that online survey experiments have several features that make them robust to EDEs, and test for their presence in studies that involve over 12,000 participants and replicate five experimental designs touching on all empirical political science subfields. We randomly assign participants information about experimenter intent and show that providing this information does not alter the treatment effects in these experiments. Even financial incentives to respond in line with researcher expectations fail to consistently induce demand effects. Research participants exhibit a limited ability to adjust their behavior to align with researcher expectations, a finding with important implications for the design and interpretation of survey experiments.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{FinseraasVernby2014,
  author       = {Henning Finseraas and K{\aa}re Vernby},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {A mixed blessing for the left? Early voting, turnout and election outcomes in Norway},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.07.003},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  pages        = {278--291},
  url          = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379413000954},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {Is there a relationship between turnout and election outcomes? Although this is a classic topic in political science, most studies on multiparty systems have important theoretical and empirical shortcomings. First, we argue that the proper implication of the theoretical argument that underpins research on the turnout-vote nexus is that high levels of turnout should typically benefit both traditional social democratic parties and parties of the radical right relative to other types of parties, including not only those of the traditional right, but also `left-libertarian' parties. Second, few have studied the relationship between turnout and election outcomes with a research design that is appropriate for causal inference. In our empirical study, our identification strategy is to exploit a Norwegian reform of early voting rules as an exogenous source of variation in turnout. Our theoretical expectations are largely borne out in our empirical results.},
  keywords     = {Voter turnout, Election outcomes, Social democratic parties, New-left parties, Radical right parties, Traditional right parties},
}

@Article{PerssonEtAl2014,
  author       = {Mikael Persson and Anders Sundell and Richard {\"O}hrvall},
  title        = {Does Election Day weather affect voter turnout? Evidence from Swedish elections},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {33},
  pages        = {335--342},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.07.021},
  abstract     = {Does rainfall during the Election Day reduce voter turnout? Previous research shows that in the US one inch of rain reduces turnout with about one percentage point. We turn to the Swedish context in order to test whether rainfall on Election Day have the same impact in a high turnout context. We move beyond previous research by testing the impact of GIS-interpolated rainfall on three different datasets that allows us to view the issue both from a wide time frame as well as with high precision as for turnout measures: (a) aggregate turnout data for Sweden's 290 municipalities, (b) individual level data from the Swedish National Election Study and (c) data from a register-based survey on voter turnout. In none of the three datasets do we find robust negative effects of rain.},
  keywords     = {Voter turnout, Political behavior, Electoral system},
}

@Article{Ferwerda2014,
  author       = {Jeremy Ferwerda},
  title        = {Electoral consequences of declining participation: A natural experiment in Austria},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {35},
  pages        = {242--252},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2014.01.008},
  abstract     = {Participation rates have declined sharply across developed democracies. But the precise impact of this decline on party systems has proven difficult to study due to endogeneity concerns. This paper seeks to address this issue by leveraging a natural experiment in Austrian parliamentary elections. By examining instances in which compulsory voting was gradually repealed in a federal setting, I isolate the causal relationship between turnout decline and subsequent shifts in party vote share. The findings suggest that turnout decline is not associated with a significant redistribution of votes between parties. The clearest visible effect is a consolidation of the party system, with a mild shift in votes from minor to mainstream parties. Evaluating the findings, the paper argues that characteristics of proportional representation systems insulate parties against the consequences of declining electoral participation.},
  keywords     = {Participation, Turnout, Vote share, Causal inference, Natural experiment},
}

@Article{HoffmanEtAl2017,
  author       = {Mitchell Hoffman and Gianmarco Le{\'o}n and Maria Lombardi},
  title        = {Compulsory voting, turnout, and government spending: Evidence from Austria},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {145},
  pages        = {103--115},
  issn         = {0047-2727},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2016.10.002},
  abstract     = {We study a unique quasi-experiment in Austria, where compulsory voting laws are changed across Austria's nine states at different times. Analyzing state and national elections from 1949 to 2010, we show that compulsory voting laws with weakly enforced fines increase turnout by roughly 10 percentage points. However, we find no evidence that this change in turnout affected government spending patterns (in levels or composition) or electoral outcomes. Individual-level data on turnout and political preferences suggest that these results occur because the impacts of compulsory voting on turnout are larger among those who are non-partisan, who have low interest in politics, and who are uninformed.},
  keywords     = {Compulsory voting, Fiscal policy, Incentives to vote},
}

@Article{Artes2014,
  author       = {Joaqu{\'i}n Art{\'e}s},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The rain in Spain: Turnout and partisan voting in Spanish elections},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.01.005},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  pages        = {126--141},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {This paper uses detailed data on election day rainfall from more than 3000 weather stations as an instrument to estimate the causal effect of turnout on electoral results in Spanish General Elections. The first stage results show that rainfall on election day decreases turnout. Second stage results show that conservatives are greatly hurt by higher turnout. Surprisingly, I find that the main leftwing party is not the beneficiary of higher turnout, but rather other smaller parties. In both stages, I control for local economic conditions and find that higher unemployment increases turnout, and that increases in unemployment benefit the conservative party at the expense of leftwing parties. In combination, the results point to turnout having two components, a more volatile one, which is affected by weather, and a more structural one, which depends on economic conditions such as unemployment.},
  keywords     = {Turnout, Partisan effects, Rain, Unemployment},
}

@Article{PotrafkeRoesel2019,
  author       = {Potrafke, Niklas and Roesel, Felix},
  title        = {Opening hours of polling stations and voter turnout: Evidence from a natural experiment},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Organizations},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11558-018-9305-8},
  abstract     = {Voter turnout has declined in many countries, raising the question of whether electoral institutions increase voter turnout. We exploit an electoral reform in the Austrian state of Burgenland as a natural experiment to identify the causal effect of polling station opening hours on voter turnout. The results show that a 10{\%} increase in opening hours increased voter turnout by some 0.5 to 0.9 percentage points. The reform also influenced party vote shares. The vote share of the conservative party decreased in the course of the reform, while the vote shares of the other three main parties increased. Conservative voters tend to have an especially strict sense of civic duty and would have participated in the election in any event. Simulations indicate that parliamentary majorities in previous elections would have changed under extended opening hours in favor of the social democratic party. The opening hours of polling stations probably play a more important role in political strategies than recognized to date.},
}


@Article{Sorensen2019,
  author       = {S{\o}rensen, Rune J.},
  title        = {The Impact of State Television on Voter Turnout},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {49},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {257--278},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000712341600048X},
  abstract     = {In an influential study, Matthew Gentzkow found that the introduction of TV in the United States caused a major drop in voter turnout. In contrast, the current analysis shows that public broadcasting TV can increase political participation. Detailed data on the rollout of television in Norway in the 1960s and 1970s are combined with municipality-level data on voter turnout over a period of four decades. The date of access to TV signals was mostly a side effect of geography, a feature that is used to identify causal effects. Additional analyses exploit individual-level panel data from three successive election studies. The new TV medium instantly became a major source of political information. It triggered political interest and caused a modest, but statistically significant, increase in voter turnout.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{EvansTilley2017,
  author    = {Evans, Geoffrey and Tilley, James},
  title     = {The New Politics of Class: The Political Exclusion of the British Working Class},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-875575-3},
}

@Book{Alexiadou2016,
  author    = {Alexiadou, Despina},
  title     = {Ideologues, partisans, and loyalists: Ministers and policymaking in parliamentary cabinets},
  date      = {2016},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-875571-5},
}

@Article{Hughes2015,
  author       = {Adam G. Hughes},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Research {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Visualizing inequality: How graphical emphasis shapes public opinion},
  doi          = {10.1177/2053168015622073},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {205316801562207},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract      = {Graphical representations of political issues and economic trends are an increasingly popular means of conveying information to the public. However, graphs have the potential to shape public opinion by visually emphasizing or downplaying the information they convey. I randomly assign subjects to view graphs that represent the same underlying information but that differ in relative emphasis: one is consistent with a textual account of rising inequality, while the other de-emphasizes the same information by increasing the scale of the Y-axis. My results indicate that graphical frames provide powerful contextual cues: for Republicans and conservatives, exposure to the de-emphasizing graph results in a 40% decrease in expressed support for intervention against inequality relative to Republicans and conservatives in the control condition, despite the fact that both groups read the same textual information. My findings reveal how an increasingly important and unexamined form of political communication affects public opinion, also suggesting promising avenues for future research.},
}

@Article{LindgrenEtAl2019,
  author       = {Lindgren, Karl-Oskar and Oskarsson, Sven and Persson, Mikael},
  title        = {Enhancing Electoral Equality: Can Education Compensate for Family Background Differences in Voting Participation?},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {113},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {108--122},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055418000746},
  abstract     = {It is well documented that voter turnout is lower among persons who grow up in families from a low socioeconomic status compared with persons from high-status families. This paper examines whether reforms in education can help reduce this gap. We establish causality by exploiting a pilot scheme preceding a large reform of Swedish upper secondary education in the early 1990s, which gave rise to exogenous variation in educational attainment between individuals living in different municipalities or born in different years. Similar to recent studies employing credible identification strategies, we fail to find a statistically significant average effect of education on political participation. We move past previous studies, however, and show that the reform nevertheless contributed to narrowing the voting gap between individuals of different social backgrounds by raising turnout among those from low socioeconomic status households. The results thus square well with other recent studies arguing that education is particularly important for uplifting politically marginalized groups.},
}

@Article{BolGiani2020,
  author       = {Bol, Damien and Giani, Marco},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  title        = {It's a (Coarsened Exact) Match! Non-Parametric Imputation of European Abstainers' Vote},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {There is a long tradition of imputation studies looking at how abstainers would vote if they had to. This is crucial for democracies because when abstainers and voters have different preferences, the electoral outcome ceases to reflect the will of the people. In this paper, we apply a non-parametric method to revisit old evidence. We impute the vote of abstainers in 15 European countries using Coarsened Exact Matching (CEM). While traditional imputation methods rely on the choice of voters that are on average like abstainers, and simulate full turnout, CEM only imputes the vote of the abstainers that are similar to voters, and allows to simulate an electoral outcome under varying levels of turnout, including levels that credibly simulate compulsory voting. We find that higher turnout would benefit social democratic parties while imposing substantial losses to extreme left and green parties.},
}

@Book{CampbellEtAl1960,
  author    = {Campbell, Angus and Converse, Philip E. and Miller, Warren E. and Stokes, Donald E.},
  title     = {The American Voter},
  date      = {1960},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  location  = {Chicago, IL},
  isbn      = {9780226092546},
}

@Unpublished{BecherStegmueller2019-07,
  author   = {Michael Becher and Daniel Stegmueller},
  title    = {Curbing Unequal Representation: The Impact of Labor Unions on Legislative Responsiveness in the US Congress},
  date     = {2019-07},
  pubstate = {Unpublished manuscript.},
  url      = {https://www.iast.fr/publications/curbing-unequal-representation-impact-labor-unions-legislative-responsiveness-us-congress},
  urldate  = {2019-09-03},
  abstract = {While the tension between political equality and economic inequality is as old as democracy itself, a recent wave of scholarship has highlighted its acute relevance for democracy in America today. In contrast to the view that legislative responsiveness favoring the affluent is near to inevitable when income inequality is high, we argue that organized labor can be an effective source of political equality in the US House of Representatives. Our novel dataset combines income-specific estimates of constituency preferences based on 223,000 survey respondents matched to 27 roll-call votes with a measure of district-level union strength drawn from administrative records. We find that local unions signicantly dampen unequal responsiveness to high incomes: a standard deviation increase in union membership increases legislative responsiveness towards the poor by about 6 to 8 percentage points. We rule out alternative explanations using district fixed eects, interactive and flexible controls accounting for policies and institutions, as well as a novel instrumental variable for unionization based on history and geography. We also show that the impact of unions operates via campaign contributions and partisan selection. Our findings underline calls to bring back organized labor into the analysis of political representation.},
}

@Article{MosimannPontusson2017,
  author       = {Mosimann, Nadja and Pontusson, Jonas},
  title        = {Solidaristic Unionism and Support for Redistribution in Contemporary Europe},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {69},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {44--492},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0043887117000107},
  abstract     = {Using data from the European Social Survey (2002√ê14), this article explores the effect of union membership on support for redistribution. The authors hypothesize that the wage-bargaining practices of unions promote egalitarian distributive norms, which lead union members to support redistribution, and that this effect is strongest among high-wage workers. Consistent with the authors√ï expectations, the empirical analysis shows that the solidarity effect of union membership is strongest when unions encompass a very large share of the labor force or primarily organize low-wage workers. The authors also show that low-wage workers have become a significantly less important union constituency in many European countries over the time period covered by the analysis.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{RasmussenPontusson2018,
  author       = {Magnus Bergli Rasmussen and Jonas Pontusson},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Working-Class Strength by Institutional Design? Unionization, Partisan Politics, and Unemployment Insurance Systems, 1870 to 2010},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414017710269},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {793--828},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {Many studies have found that countries with union-administered unemployment insurance have higher rates of unionization than countries with state-administered unemployment insurance. With data going further back in history, this article demonstrates that the introduction of so-called `Ghent systems' had no effect on unionization rates. We argue that the Ghent effect identified by the existing literature came about as a result of increasing state subsidization and benefit generosity in the 1950s and 1960s. Exploring the partisan politics of unemployment insurance, we show that progressive Liberals (`Social Liberals') favored Ghent designs while Social Democrats favored state-administered unemployment insurance before the Second World War. We also present some evidence suggesting that Left governments, inheriting Ghent systems that were not of their choosing, promoted state subsidization in the postwar era and thus helped generate the Ghent effect identified by the existing literature.},
}

@Article{HopkinShaw2016,
  author       = {Jonathan Hopkin and Kate Alexander Shaw},
  title        = {Organized Combat or Structural Advantage? The Politics of Inequality and the Winner-Take-All Economy in the United Kingdom},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {345-371},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329216655316},
  abstract     = {Since 1970 the United Kingdom, like the United States, has developed a `winner-take-all' political economy characterized by widening inequality and spectacular income growth at the top of the distribution. However, Britain's centralized executive branch and relatively insulated policymaking process are less amenable to the kind of `organized combat' that Hacker and Pierson describe for the United States. Britain's winner-take-all politics is better explained by the rise of political ideas favoring unfettered markets that, over time, produce a self-perpetuating structural advantage for the richest. That advantage is, in turn, justified and sustained by reference to the same ideas. Inequality growth in the United Kingdom has been primarily driven by the financialization of the economy that began under the Thatcher government and continued under New Labour. The survival of pro-finance policies through the financial crisis provides further evidence that lobbying by a weakened City of London was less decisive in shaping policy than the financial sector's continuing structural advantage and the tenacity of its supporting political consensus.},
}

@Article{Woll2016,
  author       = {Cornelia Woll},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  title        = {Politics in the Interest of Capital: A Not-So-Organized Combat*},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329216655318},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {373--391},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {In recent debates about inequality, many have pointed to the predominant position of the finance. This article highlights that structural power, not lobbying resources, are key to explaining variations across countries. It examines finance-government negotiations over national bank rescue schemes during the recent financial crisis. Given the structural power of finance, the variation in bank bailouts across countries cannot be explained by lobbying differences. Instead of observing organized interest intermediation, we can see that disorganization was crucial for the financial industry to get off the hook and let the government carry the burden of stabilizing the economy. Put differently, structural power is strongest when finance remains collectively inactive. In contrast to traditional accounts of the lobbying influence of finance, the comparison highlights that the lack of organization can have crucial redistributive consequences.},
}

@Article{Matthijs2016,
  author       = {Matthias Matthijs},
  title        = {The Euro's `Winner-Take-All' Political Economy: Institutional Choices, Policy Drift, and Diverging Patterns of Inequality},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {393--422},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329216655317},
  abstract     = {This article offers an institutional explanation for the conflicting trends in income inequality both across the Eurozone and within its member states. It argues that the euro's introduction created different economic policy incentives for peripheral and core members. First, the euro's design was a political choice skewed toward deflationary adjustment policies in hard times, leading to falling incomes and employment in the periphery. Second, the institutional incentives of the Eurozone are the opposite for export-driven coordinated market economies and demand-led mixed market economies during booms and downturns, respectively. During the euro crisis, the Eurozone's Northern countries gained at the expense of the Southern ones, while at the same time seeing lower domestic inequality compared to increased inequality in the periphery. This diverging pattern of European inequality was exacerbated by EU economic policy drift, the lack of any real national democratic choice in the periphery, and the growing importance of organized financial interests in Brussels.},
}

@Article{CioffiDubin2016,
  author       = {John W. Cioffi and Kenneth A. Dubin},
  title        = {Commandeering Crisis: Partisan Labor Repression in Spain under the Guise of Economic Reform},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {423--453},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329216656840},
  abstract     = {The Eurozone crisis has triggered profound political and economic changes across the debtor member states. This article shows how the crisis and the imposition of austerity policies by the Troika have (1) forced Spain (and by extension other Eurozone debtor states) to pursue internal devaluation as a means of economic adjustment through the reduction of real wages, (2) increased pressure for liberalizing labor market institutions, and (3) given Spain's conservative government the opportunity and cover to pursue radical neoliberal labor law reforms. Spain's 2012 labor law reforms went well beyond external demands. The crisis and the Troika's policy demands generated mass unemployment, devastated Spain's Socialist Party, and created the enabling conditions for economic reforms. But domestic partisan considerations led the conservative People's Party (PP) to commandeer the crisis to weaken unions as the electoral and organizational base of the center-left opposition. The PP channeled reform into an attack on labor that decisively shifted power to employers. As organized labor relations were reduced to concession bargaining, real wages have plummeted for the vast majority of Spaniards, even as mass unemployment and economic stagnation persist. Analysis suggests the emergence of a winner-take-all economy that will have lasting consequences for the Eurozone and the European Union.},
}

@Article{SondheimerGreen2010,
  author       = {Sondheimer, Rachel Milstein and Green, Donald P.},
  title        = {Using Experiments to Estimate the Effects of Education on Voter Turnout},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {54},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {174--189},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00425.x},
  abstract     = {The powerful relationship between education and voter turnout is arguably the most well-documented and robust finding in American survey research. Yet the causal interpretation of this relationship remains controversial, with many authors suggesting that the apparent link between education and turnout is spurious. In contrast to previous work, which has relied on observational data to assess the effect of education on voter turnout, this article analyzes two randomized experiments and one quasi-experiment in which educational attainment was altered exogenously. We track the children in these experiments over the long term, examining their voting rates as adults. In all three studies, we find that exogenously induced changes in high school graduation rates have powerful effects on voter turnout rates. These results imply that the correlation between education and turnout is indeed causal. We discuss some of the pathways by which education may transmit its influence.},
}

@Article{LarreguyMarshall2017,
  author       = {Larreguy, Horacio and Marshall, John},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {The Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {The Effect of Education on Civic and Political Engagement in Nonconsolidated Democracies: Evidence from Nigeria},
  doi          = {10.1162/REST_a_00633},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {387--401},
  volume       = {99},
  abstract     = {Developing democracies are experiencing unprecedented increases in primary and secondary schooling. To identify education's long-run political effects, we use a difference-in-differences design that leverages variation across local government areas and gender in the intensity of Nigeria's 1976 universal primary education reform√ëone of Africa's largest ever educational expansions√ëto instrument for education. We find large increases in basic civic and political engagement: better educated citizens are more attentive to politics, more likely to vote, and more involved in community associations. The effects are largest among minority groups and in fractionalized areas, without increasing support for political violence or own-group identification.},
}

@Article{CrokeEtAl2016,
  author       = {Croke, Keven and Grossman, Guy and Larreguy, Horacio A. and Marshall, John},
  title        = {Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {110},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {579--600},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055416000253},
  abstract     = {A large literature examining advanced and consolidating democracies suggests that education increases political participation. However, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. If education increases critical capacities, political awareness, and support for democracy, educated citizens may believe that participation is futile or legitimizes autocrats. We test this argument in Zimbabwe√ëa paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime√ëby exploiting cross-cohort variation in access to education following a major educational reform. We find that education decreases political participation, substantially reducing the likelihood that better-educated citizens vote, contact politicians, or attend community meetings. Consistent with deliberate disengagement, education√ïs negative effect on participation dissipated following 2008√ïs more competitive election, which (temporarily) initiated unprecedented power sharing. Supporting the mechanisms underpinning our hypothesis, educated citizens experience better economic outcomes, are more interested in politics, and are more supportive of democracy, but are also more likely to criticize the government and support opposition parties.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Burden2009,
  author       = {Barry C. Burden},
  title        = {The dynamic effects of education on voter turnout},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {28},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {540--549},
  note         = {Special issue on The American Voter Revisited},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2009.05.027},
  abstract     = {In this paper I investigate the dynamic relationship between formal education and voter turnout over the past half century. I reframe Brody's puzzle about why rising education levels did not produce higher voter turnout using The American Voter's ``funnel of causality'' to allow for a dynamic relationship between education and turnout. Analyzing survey data from 1952 to 2004, I show that the effect of college education increased starting in 1980s, thereby magnifying the ability of educational attainment to predict turnout. In contrast, education had a constant effect on political knowledge, another common measure of civic engagement. I conclude by evaluating several explanations for these divergent results.},
  keywords     = {Voter turnout, Education, Political knowledge},
}

@Article{Persson2015,
  author       = {Persson, Mikael},
  title        = {Education and Political Participation},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {45},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {689--703},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123413000409},
  abstract     = {What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behaviour it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BerinskyLenz2011,
  author       = {Berinsky, Adam J. and Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  title        = {Education and Political Participation: Exploring the Causal Link},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {357--373},
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-010-9134-9},
  abstract     = {One of the most consistently documented relationships in the field of political behavior is the close association between educational attainment and political participation. Although most research assumes that this association arises because education causes participation, it could also arise because education proxies for the factors that lead to political engagement: the kinds of people who participate in politics may be the kinds of people who tend to stay in school. To test for a causal effect of education, we exploit the rise in education levels among males induced by the Vietnam draft. We find little reliable evidence that education induced by the draft significantly increases participation rates.},
}

@Book{ScheveStasavage2015,
  author    = {Scheve, Kenneth, and Stasavage, David},
  title     = {{Taxing the Rich: A History of Fiscal Fairness in the United States and Europe}},
  date      = {2015},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  location  = {New York},
}

@Article{ScheveStasavage2012,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth and Stasavage, David},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {American Political science Review},
  title        = {{Democracy, War, and Wealth: Lessons from Two Centuries of Inheritance Taxation}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055411000517},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {81--2012},
  url          = {http://fbaum.unc.edu/teaching/articles/APSR-2012-Scheve.pdf},
  urldate      = {2022-03-02},
  volume       = {106},
  abstract     = {In this article we use an original data set to provide the first empirical analysis of the political economy of inherited wealth taxation that covers a significant number of countries and a long time frame (1816–2000). Our goal is to understand why, if inheritance taxes are often very old taxes, the implementation of inheritance tax rates significant enough to affect wealth inequality is a much more recent phenomenon. We hypothesize alternatively that significant taxation of inherited wealth depended on (1) the extension of the suffrage and (2) political conditions created by mass mobilization for war. Using a difference-in-differences framework for identification, we find little evidence for the suffrage hypothesis but very strong evidence for the mass mobilization hypothesis. Our study has implications for understanding the evolution of wealth inequality and the political conditions under which countries are likely to implement policies that significantly redistribute wealth and income.},
}

@Unpublished{ScheveStasavage2019,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth, and Stasavage, David},
  title        = {{Equal Treatment and the Inelasticity of Tax Policy to Rising Inequality}},
  date         = {2019},
  howpublished = {Working Paper, Stanford University},
}

@Article{Lachance2020,
  author       = {Anne Lachance},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice},
  title        = {Feedback Effects and Coalition Politics in Education Reforms: A Comparison of School Voucher Programs in Sweden and Wisconsin1},
  doi          = {10.1080/13876988.2019.1607172},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Since 1990, the most important trend in the evolution of education systems in advanced democracies has been the spread of school choice policies. Wisconsin and Sweden were early movers, creating their school voucher programs in 1990 and 1991 respectively. From the outset, there was a difference between the two programs: Sweden’s vouchers were universal, Wisconsin’s were means tested. This paper explains why, arguing that education policies created different grievances in these countries, which influenced the nature of the political coalitions supporting school choice. Swedish policy makers built an encompassing coalition, whereas Wisconsinites constructed a narrower coalition formed of unusual bedfellows.},
  publisher    = {Informa {UK} Limited},
}


@Article{OGrady2019,
  author       = {O'Grady, Tom},
  title        = {{Careerists Versus Coal-Miners: Welfare Reforms and the Substantive Representation of Social Groups in the British Labour Party}},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {52},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {544--578},
}

@Article{Gingrich2014,
  author       = {Gingrich, Jane},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Visibility, Values, and Voters: The Informational Role of the Welfare State},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381613001540},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {565--580},
  volume       = {76},
  abstract     = {How do citizens' preferences over social policy shape their vote choice? In this article, I argue that the relationship between individuals' values and voting behavior is powerfully conditioned by the informational structure of the welfare state. More visible welfare states provide citizens with greater information on social policy, allowing them to more easily connect these preferences to the political process. Where visibility is low, voters place less importance on social-policy issues in voting. I test this claim against data from 55 elections from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the 1996 and 2006 International Social Survey Program. I find compelling evidence that where welfare-state visibility is high, voters attach more weight to spatial distance from parties in voting, are more likely to see welfare related issues as important, are better able to place parties on a left-right spectrum, and have more consistent policy preferences.},
}

@Article{Rueda2018,
  author       = {Rueda, David},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Food Comes First, Then Morals: Redistribution Preferences, Parochial Altruism, and Immigration in Western Europe},
  doi          = {10.1086/694201},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {225--239},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {Altruism is an important omitted variable in much of the political economy literature. While material self-interest is the base of most approaches to redistribution (first affecting preferences and then politics and policy), there is a paucity of research on inequality aversion. I propose that other-regarding concerns influence redistribution preferences and that (1) they matter most to those in less material need and (2) they are conditional on the identity of the poor. Altruism is most relevant to the rich, and it is most influential when the recipients of benefits are similar to those financing them. Using data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2012, I will show that group homogeneity magnifies (or limits) the importance of altruism for the rich. In making these distinctions between the poor and the rich, the arguments in this article challenge some influential approaches to inequality, immigration, and voting.},
}

@Article{KuziemkoEtAl2014,
  author       = {Kuziemko, Ilyana and Buell, Ryan W. and Reich, Taly and Norton, Michael I.},
  title        = {{``Last-Place Aversion'': Evidence and Redistributive Implications}},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {129},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {105--149},
  issn         = {0033-5533},
  doi          = {10.1093/qje/qjt035},
  abstract     = {{ We present evidence from laboratory experiments showing that individuals are ``last-place averse.'' Participants choose gambles with the potential to move them out of last place that they reject when randomly placed in other parts of the distribution. In modified dictator games, participants randomly placed in second-to-last place are the most likely to give money to the person one rank above them instead of the person one rank below. Last-place aversion suggests that low-income individuals might oppose redistribution because it could differentially help the group just beneath them. Using survey data, we show that individuals making just above the minimum wage are the most likely to oppose its increase. Similarly, in the General Social Survey, those above poverty but below median income support redistribution significantly less than their background characteristics would predict. JEL Codes: H23, D31, C91. }},
}

@Article{DimickEtAl2017,
  author       = {Matthew Dimick and David Rueda and Daniel Stegmueller},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Altruistic Rich? Inequality and Other-Regarding Preferences for Redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00015099},
  issn         = {1554-0626},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {385--439},
  volume       = {11},
  abstract     = {What determines support among individuals for redistributive policies? Do individuals care about others when they assess the consequences of redistribution? This article proposes a model of other-regarding preferences for redistribution, which we term income-dependent altruism. Our model predicts that an individual's preferred level of redistribution is decreasing in income, increasing in inequality, and, more importantly, that the inequality effect is increasing in income. Thus, even though the rich prefer less redistribution than the poor, the rich are more responsive, in a positive way, to changes in inequality than are the poor. We contrast these results with several other prominent alternatives of other-regarding behavior. Using data for the United States from 1978 to 2010, we find significant support for our claims.},
}

@Article{CharnessRabin2002,
  author       = {Charness, Gary and Rabin, Matthew},
  title        = {{Understanding Social Preferences with Simple Tests}},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {117},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {817--869},
  issn         = {0033-5533},
  doi          = {10.1162/003355302760193904},
  abstract     = {{Departures from self-interest in economic experiments have recently inspired models of ``social preferences.'' We design a range of simple experimental games that test these theories more directly than existing experiments. Our experiments show that subjects are more concerned with increasing social welfare√ësacrificing to increase the payoffs for all recipients, especially low-payoff recipients√ëthan with reducing differences in payoffs (as supposed in recent models). Subjects are also motivated by reciprocity: they withdraw willingness to sacrifice to achieve a fair outcome when others are themselves unwilling to sacrifice, and sometimes punish unfair behavior.}},
}

@Article{BartleEtAl2017,
  author       = {John Bartle and Sarah Birch and Mariana Skirmuntt},
  title        = {The local roots of the participation gap: Inequality and voter turnout},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {48},
  pages        = {30--44},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2017.05.004},
  abstract     = {It is generally accepted that the rich are more likely to participate in politics than the poor. It is also generally accepted that the probability than an individual will participate in elections is influenced by the gap between the rich and the poor. There is little agreement, however, about whether inequality across time and space increases or decreases participation. In this paper we examine the impact of inequality across space. We suggest that the impact of inequality depends crucially on whether it is defined in terms of variations between geographical units (`segregation') or within geographical units (`heterogeneity'). Evidence to support this argument is drawn from multi-level British data. Heterogeneity has a mildly positive effect on participation but this effect seems to be outweighed by the negative impact of segregation. The effect of segregation, moreover, is most pronounced among the poorer sections of the population, indicating that geographical isolation among the poor ('ghettoization') leads to lower turnout among these groups.},
}

@Article{ScottEtAl2001,
  author       = {John T. Scott and Richard E. Matland and Philip A. Michelbach and Brian H. Bornstein},
  title        = {Just Deserts: An Experimental Study of Distributive Justice Norms},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {45},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {749--767},
  url          = {https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/dde5/af064d39d6dd34f2c17b09c33ed1e3a20d7f.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-09-06},
  abstract     = {We present a theoretically informed experimental study of distributive justice norms concerning income distribution. Our study consists of three related experiments that examine how individuals use four distinct allocation principles derived from both normative and empirical research-equality, merit, need, and efficiency-under a condition of impartiality. Our experiments are designed to investigate these principles and to determine how independent factors influence how individuals use them. We find that individuals tend to use all or most of these principles simultaneously in making distributive justice judgments, but that they weigh them differently according to various factors. In particular, we find an expectedly strong difference between how women and men use and weigh these principles. This gender difference parallels-and may even underlie- the gender gap observed in political and policy preferences.},
  publisher    = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
}

@Article{JenningsEtAl2009,
  author       = {Jennings, M. Kent and Laura Stoker and Jake Bowers},
  title        = {{Politics Across Generations: Family Transmission Reexamined}},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2009},
  volume       = {71},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {782--799},
}

@Article{WangEtAl2014,
  author       = {Wang, Cheng and Caminada, Koen and Goudswaard, Kees},
  title        = {{Income redistribution in 20 countries over time}},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Social Welfare},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {23},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {262--275},
  doi          = {10.1111/ijsw.12061},
  abstract     = {In most OECD countries, the gap between rich and poor has widened over the past decades. The present study analysed whether and to what extent direct taxes and social transfers contribute to this trend. The study contributes to the literature by disentangling several parts of fiscal redistribution in a comparative setting. We used micro-data from the Luxembourg Income Study to examine household market inequality and redistribution from transfers and taxes for 20 countries from the mid-1980s to the mid-2000s. The contribution of each programme was estimated using a sequential accounting budget incidence decomposition technique. We observed a sizeable increase in primary household inequality, but tax-benefit systems have offset two thirds of the average increase in primary income inequality. The public old-age pensions attributed 60 per cent to the increase in redistribution, while social assistance accounted for 20 per cent. Direct taxes slowed down redistribution by 16 per cent.},
}

@Article{VanOorschot2006,
  author       = {Van Oorschot, Wim},
  title        = {{Making the Differecne in Social Europe: Deservingness Perceptions among Citizens of European Welfare States}},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {16},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {23--42},
}

@Article{SearsFunk1990,
  author       = {Sears, David O. and Funk, Carolyn L.},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Behavioral Economics},
  title        = {The Limited Effect of Economic Self-Interest on the Political Attitudes of the Mass Public},
  doi          = {10.1016/0090-5720(90)90030-B},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {247--271},
  volume       = {19},
}

@Article{Svallfors2003,
  author       = {Svallfors, Stefan},
  title        = {{Welfare Regimes and Welfare Opinions: A Comparison of Eight Western Countries}},
  journaltitle = {Social Indicators Research},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {64},
  pages        = {495--520},
}

@InCollection{Butler2000,
  author    = {Butler, David},
  booktitle = {Twentieth-Century British Social Trends},
  date      = {2000},
  title     = {Electors and Elected},
  editor    = {A.H. Halsey, and Josephine Webb},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Macmillan},
}

@Article{ImmervollRichardson2011,
  author       = {Immervoll, Herwig and Richardson, Linda},
  title        = {{Redistribution Policy and Inequality Reduction in OECD Countries: What Has Changed in Two Decades?}},
  journaltitle = {IZA Discussion Paper No. 6030},
  date         = {2011},
}

@Article{BlattmanEtAl2014,
  author       = {Blattman, Christopher and Hartman, Alexandra C. and Blair, Robert A.},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {How to Promote Order and Property Rights under Weak Rule of Law? An Experiment in Changing Dispute Resolution Behavior through Community Education},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055413000543},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {100--120},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {Dispute resolution institutions facilitate agreements and preserve the peace whenever property rights are imperfect. In weak states, strengthening formal institutions can take decades, and so state and aid interventions also try to shape informal practices and norms governing disputes. Their goal is to improve bargaining and commitment, thus limiting disputes and violence. Mass education campaigns that promote alternative dispute resolution (ADR) are common examples of these interventions. We studied the short-term impacts of one such campaign in Liberia, where property disputes are endemic. Residents of 86 of 246 towns randomly received training in ADR practices and norms; this training reached 15\% of adults. One year later, treated towns had higher resolution of land disputes and lower violence. Impacts spilled over to untrained residents. We also saw unintended consequences: more extrajudicial punishment and (weakly) more nonviolent disagreements. Results imply that mass education can change high-stakes behaviors, and improving informal bargaining and enforcement behavior can promote order in weak states.},
}

@Article{ChongEtAl2001,
  author       = {Chong, Dennis and Jack Citrin and Patricia Conley},
  title        = {{When Self-Interest Matters}},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {22},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {541--570},
}

@Article{Atkinson2004,
  author       = {Atkinson, A. B.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Hacienda Publica Espa{\~n}ola/Review of Public Economics},
  title        = {{Income Tax and Top Incomes over the Twentieth Century}},
  pages        = {123--141},
  volume       = {168},
}

@Article{SearsFunk1999,
  author       = {Sears, David O. and Carolyn L. Funk},
  title        = {{Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions}},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--28},
}

@Article{Alexiadou2015,
  author       = {Alexiadou, Despina},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Ideologues, Partisans, and Loyalists: Cabinet Ministers and Social Welfare Reform in Parliamentary Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414015574880},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {1051--1086},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {Under what conditions can cabinet ministers affect the government’s policy agenda? Existing literature provides conflicting answers to this question. In this article, I show that some politicians are more likely than others to influence policy. Specifically, I consider three types of ministers: loyalists, who are loyal to their party leader and prioritize office over policy; partisans, who are party heavyweights and aspiring leaders; and ideologues, who have fixed policy ideas and are unwilling to compromise over office perks. I argue that ideologues and partisans will affect policy more than loyalists do. Using a novel data set on ministerial backgrounds, and examining the area of social welfare policy in 18 countries, I find support for my theoretical expectations.},
}

@Article{AaroePetersen2014,
  author       = {Aar\oe , Lene and Michael B. Petersen},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {{Crowding Out Culture: Scandinavians and Americans Agree on Social Welfare in the Face of Deservingness Cues}},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {684--697},
  volume       = {76},
}

@Book{BovensWille2017,
  author    = {Bovens, Marc and Wille, Anchrit},
  date      = {2017},
  title     = {{Diploma Democracy: The Rise of Political Meritocracy}},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@InCollection{Borchert2003,
  author    = {Borchert, Jens},
  booktitle = {The Political Class in Advanced Democracies},
  date      = {2003},
  title     = {Professional Politicians: Towards a Comparative Perspective},
  editor    = {J. Borchert and J. Zeiss},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{BachEtAl2012,
  author       = {Bach, Stefan, and Corneo, Giacomo, and Steiner, Viktor},
  title        = {{Effective Taxation of Top Incomes in Germany}},
  journaltitle = {German Economic Review},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {14},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {115-137},
}

@Article{DwyerWright2014,
  author       = {Dwyer, Peter and Wright, Sharon},
  title        = {{Universal Credit, Ubiquitous Conditionality and its Implications for Social Citizenship}},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Poverty and Social Justice},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {22},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--35},
}

@Article{GuvenenEtAl2014a,
  author       = {Guvenen, Fatih, and Kuruscu, Burhanettin, and Ozkan, Serdar},
  title        = {{Taxation of Human Capital and Wage Inequality: A Cross-Country Analysis}},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economic Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {81},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {818--850},
}

@Article{OhmuraEtAl2018,
  author       = {Ohmura, Tamaki and Bailer, Stefanie and Meissner, Peter and Selb, Peter},
  title        = {{Party Animals, Career Changers and other Pathways into Parliament}},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics,},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {41},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {169--195},
}

@Article{Marten2019,
  author       = {Marten, Linna},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Journal of Economics},
  title        = {{Demand for Redistribution: Individuals' Responses to Economic Setbacks}},
  doi          = {10.1111/sjoe.12276},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {225--242},
  volume       = {121},
  abstract     = {Economic circumstances have been argued to be a major determining factor of attitudes toward redistribution, but there is little well-established evidence at the individual level. The Swedish National Election Studies are constructed as a rotating survey panel, which makes it possible to estimate the causal effect of economic changes. The empirical analysis shows that individuals who lose their job become considerably more supportive of redistribution. Yet, attitudes toward redistribution return to their initial level as economic prospects improve, suggesting that the effect is only temporary. While a job loss also changes attitudes toward the political parties, the probability of voting for the left-wing is not affected.},
}

@InCollection{BestCotta2000,
  author    = {Best, Heinrich and Cotta, Maurizio},
  booktitle = {Parliamentary Representatives in Europe 1848--2000: Legislative Recruitment and Careers in Eleven European Countries},
  date      = {2000},
  title     = {Elite Transformation and Modes of Representation Since the mid-Nineteenth Century: Some Theoretical Considerations},
  editor    = {Heinrich Best and Maurizio Cotta},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{PeterEtAl2010,
  author       = {Peter, Klara Sabirianova, and Buttrick, Steve, and Duncan, Denvil},
  title        = {{Global reform of personal income taxation, 1981-2005: evidence from 189 countries}},
  journaltitle = {National Tax Journal},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {63},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {447--478},
}

@Article{VanKeersbergenEtAl2014,
  author       = {Van Keersbergen, Kees and Vis, Barbara and Hemerijck, Anton},
  title        = {{The Great Recession and Welfare State Reform: Is Retrenchment Really the Only Game Left in Town?}},
  journaltitle = {Social Policy and Administration},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {48},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {883--904},
}

@Article{GreenGerken1989,
  author       = {Green, Donald and Ann-Elizabeth Gerken},
  title        = {{Self-Interest and Public Opinion Toward Smoking Restrictions and Cigarette Taxes}},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  date         = {1989},
  volume       = {53},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--16},
}

@Article{Shapiro2002,
  author       = {Ian Shapiro},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Daedalus},
  title        = {Why the Poor Don't Soak the Rich},
  issn         = {0011-5266},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {118--128},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/20027743},
  volume       = {131},
  publisher    = {The MIT Press},
}

@Article{AlesinaLaFerrara2000,
  author       = {Alesina, Alberto and La Ferrara, Eliana},
  title        = {Participation in Heterogeneous Communities},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {115},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {847--904},
  doi          = {10.1162/003355300554935},
  abstract     = {This paper studies what determines group formation and the degree of participation when the population is heterogeneous, both in terms of income and race or ethnicity. We are especially interested in whether and how much the degree of heterogeneity in communities influences the amount of participation in different types of groups. Using survey data on group membership and data on U. S. localities, we find that, after controlling for many individual characteristics, participation in social activities is significantly lower in more unequal and in more racially or ethnically fragmented localities. We also find that those individuals who express views against racial mixing are less prone to participate in groups the more racially heterogeneous their community is. These results are consistent with our model of group formation.},
}

@Book{Kitschelt1994,
  author    = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
  title     = {The Transformation of European Social Democracy},
  date      = {1994},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  isbn      = {9780521451062},
}

@Article{CoppedgeEtAl2011,
  author       = {Coppedge, Michael and Gerring, John and Altman, David and Bernhard, Michael and Fish, Steven and Hicken, Allen and Kroenig, Matthew and Lindberg, Staffan I. and McMann, Kelly and Paxton, Pamela and et al.},
  title        = {Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy: A New Approach},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {9},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {247--267},
  doi          = {10.1017/S1537592711000880},
  abstract     = {In the wake of the Cold War, democracy has gained the status of a mantra. Yet there is no consensus about how to conceptualize and measure regimes such that meaningful comparisons can be made through time and across countries. In this prescriptive article, we argue for a new approach to conceptualization and measurement. We first review some of the weaknesses among traditional approaches. We then lay out our approach, which may be characterized as historical,multidimensional,disaggregated, and transparent. We end by reviewing some of the payoffs such an approach might bring to the study of democracy.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Collection{McKinnonEtAl2019,
  editor    = {McKinnon, Catriona and Jubb, Robert and Tomlin, Patrick},
  title     = {Issues in Political Theory},
  date      = {2019},
  edition   = {4},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{Duff2003,
  author    = {Duff, R.A.},
  title     = {Punishment, Communication and Community},
  date      = {2003},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
}

@Collection{GoodinEtAl2017,
  date      = {2017},
  editor    = {Goodin, Robert E. and Pettit, Philip and Pogge, Thomas W.},
  title     = {A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy},
  doi       = {10.1002/9781405177245},
  edition   = {3},
  isbn      = {9781405177245},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
}

@Book{Moore1997,
  author    = {Moore, Michael S.},
  title     = {Placing Blame: A Theory of Criminal Law},
  date      = {1997},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
}

@Collection{FreyMorris2009,
  editor    = {Frey, R.G. and Morris, Christopher},
  title     = {Liability and Responsibility},
  date      = {2009},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Tadros2011,
  author    = {Tadros, Victor},
  title     = {The Ends of Harm: The Moral Foundations of Criminal Law},
  date      = {2011},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  isbn      = {9780199554423},
}

@Article{Howard2017,
  author       = {Howard, Jeffrey W.},
  title        = {Punishment as Moral Fortification},
  journaltitle = {Law and Philosophy},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {45--75},
  issn         = {1573-0522},
  doi          = {10.1007/s10982-016-9272-2},
  url          = {https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/81571081.pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-09-10},
  abstract     = {The proposal that the criminal justice system should focus on rehabilitation -- rather than retribution, deterrence, or expressive denunciation -- is among the least popular ideas in legal philosophy. Foremost among rehabilitation's alleged weaknesses is that it views criminals as blameless patients to be treated, rather than culpable moral agents to be held accountable. This article offers a new interpretation of the rehabilitative approach that is immune to this objection and that furnishes the moral foundation that this approach has lacked. The view rests on the principle that moral agents owe it to one another to maintain the dependability of their moral capacities. Agents who culpably commit criminal wrongs, however, betray an unacceptable degree of moral unreliability. Punishment, on this theory, consists in the enforcement of the duties that offenders have to reduce their own likelihood of recidivism.},
}

@Article{BarabasEtAl2014,
  author       = {Barabas, Jason and Jerit, Jennifer and Pollock, William and Rainey, Carlisle},
  title        = {The Question(s) of Political Knowledge},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {108},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {840--855},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055414000392},
  abstract     = {Political knowledge is a central concept in the study of public opinion and political behavior. Yet what the field collectively believes about this construct is based on dozens of studies using different indicators of knowledge. We identify two theoretically relevant dimensions: a temporal dimension that corresponds to the time when a fact was established and a topical dimension that relates to whether the fact is policy-specific or general. The resulting typology yields four types of knowledge questions. In an analysis of more than 300 knowledge items from late in the first decade of the 2000s, we examine whether classic findings regarding the predictors of knowledge withstand differences across types of questions. In the case of education and the mass media, the mechanisms for becoming informed operate differently across question types. However, differences in the levels of knowledge between men and women are robust, reinforcing the importance of including gender-relevant items in knowledge batteries.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{JeritBarabas2012,
  author       = {Jerit, Jennifer and Barabas, Jason},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Partisan Perceptual Bias and the Information Environment},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0022381612000187},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {672--684},
  volume       = {74},
  abstract     = {Perceptual bias occurs when beliefs deviate from reality. Democrats and Republicans are thought to be especially susceptible to this type of biased-information processing. And yet we know little about the pervasiveness of perceptual bias outside the domain of `performance issues' (e.g., unemployment, inflation) or how individual-level partisan motivation interacts with the information environment. We investigate these issues in two studies that examine perceptual bias on a wide range of political topics spanning two decades. Using survey data as well as an experiment with diverse subjects, we demonstrate that people perceive the world in a manner consistent with their political views. The result is a selective pattern of learning in which partisans have higher levels of knowledge for facts that confirm their world view and lower levels of knowledge for facts that challenge them. This basic relationship is exaggerated on topics receiving high levels of media coverage.},
}

@Article{JeritEtAl2006,
  author       = {Jerit, Jennifer and Barabas, Jason and Bolsen, Toby},
  title        = {Citizens, Knowledge, and the Information Environment},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {50},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {266--282},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00183.x},
  abstract     = {In a democracy, knowledge is power. Research explaining the determinants of knowledge focuses on unchanging demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. This study combines data on the public's knowledge of nearly 50 political issues with media coverage of those topics. In a two-part analysis, we demonstrate how education, the strongest and most consistent predictor of political knowledge, has a more nuanced connection to learning than is commonly recognized. Sometimes education is positively related to knowledge. In other instances its effect is negligible. A substantial part of the variation in the education-knowledge relationship is due to the amount of information available in the mass media. This study is among the first to distinguish the short-term, aggregate-level influences on political knowledge from the largely static individual-level predictors and to empirically demonstrate the importance of the information environment.},
}

@Article{MondakAnderson2004,
  author       = {Mondak, Jeffery J. and Anderson, Mary R.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Knowledge Gap: A Reexamination of Gender-Based Differences in Political Knowledge},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2004.00161.x},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {492-512},
  volume       = {66},
  abstract     = {A considerable body of data suggests that men know more about politics than do women. Although gender gaps exist in other aspects of political behavior, the unusual magnitude of the gender gap makes it particularly perplexing. In this paper, we advance and test the hypothesis that the knowledge gap is partly an artifact of how knowledge is measured. If men are disproportionately more likely to guess than are women, then observed gender disparities in knowledge will be artificially inflated. To test this hypothesis, we reexamine data used in two recent inquiries concerning the gender gap in knowledge, along with experimental data from the 1998 NES Pilot Study. All analyses point to a common conclusion: approximately 50\% of the gender gap is illusory, reflecting response patterns that work to the collective advantage of male respondents.},
}

@WWW{Hughes2017-03,
  author       = {Hughes, Nicola},
  title        = {How to be an effective minister: What ministers do and how to do it well},
  date         = {2017-03},
  url          = {https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/how-be-effective-minister},
  organization = {Institute for Government},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
}

@WWW{HallsworthEtAl2011-04-18,
  author       = {Hallsworth, Michael and Parker, Simon and Rutter, Jill},
  title        = {Policy making in the real world},
  date         = {2011-04-18},
  url          = {https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/policy-making-real-world},
  organization = {Institute for Government},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
  abstract     = {This report looks at the attempts to improve policy making over the past fourteen years through looking at:
 - Processes -  the Treasury√ïs policy cycle
 - Qualities √ê the Cabinet Office's characteristics of good policy
 - Structures √ê the creation of Strategy Units and flexible project pools
 - Politics √ê finally incorporated in the new Policy Skills framework for civil servants.
Based on interviews with 50 senior civil servants and 20 former ministers, along with studying 60 evaluations of government policy, we argue that these reforms all fell short because they did not take account of the crucial role of politics and ministers and, as such, failed to build ways of making policy that were resilient to the real pressures and incentives in the system.},
}

@Book{HMTreasury2018,
  author  = {{HM Treasury}},
  title   = {The Green Book: Central Government Guidance on Appraisal and Evaluation},
  date    = {2018},
  isbn    = {978-1-912225-57-6},
  url     = {https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/685903/The_Green_Book.pdf},
  urldate = {2019-09-11},
}

@TechReport{Rutter2012-09-22,
  author      = {Rutter, Jill},
  title       = {Evidence and Evaluation in Policy Making: A problem of supply or demand?},
  institution = {Institute for Government},
  date        = {2012-09-22},
  url         = {https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/evidence-and-evaluation-policy-making},
  urldate     = {2019-09-11},
}

@WWW{Duffy2019-01-31,
  author       = {Duffy, Bobby},
  title        = {Brexit and public opinion: misperceptions},
  date         = {2019-01-31},
  url          = {https://ukandeu.ac.uk/brexit-and-public-opinion-misperceptions/},
  organization = {The UK in a Changing Europe},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
}

@Article{EzrowEtAl2011,
  author       = {Lawrence Ezrow and Catherine De Vries and Marco Steenbergen and Erica Edwards},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  title        = {Mean voter representation and partisan constituency representation: Do parties respond to the mean voter position or to their supporters?},
  doi          = {10.1177/1354068810372100},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {275--301},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {Do political parties respond to shifts in the preferences of their supporters, which we label the partisan constituency model, or to shifts in the mean voter position (the general electorate model)? Cross-national analyses -- based on observations from Eurobarometer surveys and parties' policy programmes in 15 countries from 1973 to 2002 -- suggest that the general electorate model characterizes the policy shifts of mainstream parties. Alternatively, when we analyse the policy shifts of Communist, Green and extreme Nationalist parties (i.e. `niche' parties), we find that these parties respond to shifts in the mean position of their supporters. The findings have implications for spatial theories and political representation.},
}

@Article{WeibleEtAl2012,
  author       = {Weible, Christopher M. and Heikkila, Tanya and deLeon, Peter and Sabatier, Paul A.},
  title        = {Understanding and influencing the policy process},
  journaltitle = {Policy Sciences},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {45},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--21},
  issn         = {1573-0891},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11077-011-9143-5},
  url          = {http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.704.2930&rep=rep1&type=pdf},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
  abstract     = {This essay translates some of the underlying logic of existing research of policy processes into a set of strategies for shaping policy agendas and influencing policy development and change. The argument builds from a synthesized model of the individual and a simplified depiction of the political system. Three overarching strategies are introduced that operate at the policy subsystem level: developing deep knowledge; building networks; and participating for extended periods of time. The essay then considers how a democratic ethic can inform these strategies. Ultimately, the success or failure of influencing the policy process is a matter of odds, but these odds could be changed favorably if individuals employ the three strategies consistently over time. The conclusion contextualizes the arguments and interprets the strategies offered as a meta-theoretical argument of political influence.},
}

@Article{KoopHanretty2018,
  author       = {Christel Koop and Chris Hanretty},
  title        = {Political Independence, Accountability, and the Quality of Regulatory Decision-Making},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {51},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {38--75},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414017695329},
  abstract     = {Recent decades have seen a considerable increase in delegation to independent regulatory agencies, which has been justified by reference to the superior performance of these bodies relative to government departments. Yet, the hypothesis that more independent regulators do better work has hardly been tested. We examine the link using a comprehensive measure of the quality of work carried out by competition authorities in 30 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) countries, and new data on the design of these organizations. We find that formal independence has a positive and significant effect on quality. Contrary to expectations, though, formal political accountability does not boost regulatory quality, and there is no evidence that it increases the effect of independence by reducing the risk of slacking. The quality of work is also enhanced by increased staffing, more extensive regulatory powers, and spillover effects of a more capable bureaucratic system.},
}

@Article{Koop2011,
  author       = {Koop, Christel},
  title        = {Explaining the Accountability of Independent Agencies: The Importance of Political Salience},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Policy},
  date         = {2011},
  volume       = {31},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {209--234},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0143814X11000080},
  abstract     = {Independent agencies are exempted from the accountability mechanisms inherent in the ministerial hierarchy. To compensate for this, politicians incorporate all kinds of information and reporting requirements into the statutes of the organizations. However, the degree to which this occurs varies considerably, which raises the question: Why are some agencies are made more accountable than others? This study examines the impact of political salience on degrees of accountability, controlling for other potential explanations. Using original data on 103 independent agencies in the Netherlands, the analysis demonstrates that salience has a twofold effect. First, agencies dealing with more salient issues are made more politically accountable. Second, agencies whose statutes are written when the issue of accountability is more salient are also subject to higher degrees of accountability. Other explanatory factors are the number of veto players and the legal basis of the organization.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Immergut1990,
  author       = {Immergut, Ellen M.},
  title        = {Institutions, Veto Points, and Policy Results: A Comparative Analysis of Health Care},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Policy},
  date         = {1990},
  volume       = {10},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {391--416},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0143814X00006061},
  abstract     = {The medical profession is reputed to control decision-making in medical care to such an extent that one can speak of professional dominance. Yet West European health policies have radically changed the working conditions and incomes of doctors in many countries. Why have some governments been able to `socialize' medicine? This article seeks to refute the view that the medical profession exercises a universal veto power. In contrast to scholars who explain medical influence in terms of singular characteristics of the medical profession or through the historical process of professionalization, this essay focuses on the properties of distinct political systems that make them vulnerable to medical influence. It argues that we have veto points within political systems and not veto groups within societies. By comparing the lobbying efforts of medical associations in Switzerland, France, and Sweden, the article analyses the role of political institutions in accounting for different patterns of medical association influence on health policy.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HopkinsEtAl2019,
  author       = {Hopkins, Daniel J. and Sides, John and Jack Citrin.},
  title        = {The Muted Consequences of Correct Information about Immigration},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {81},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {315--320},
  doi          = {10.1086/699914},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y47eynso},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
  abstract     = {Previous research shows that people commonly exaggerate the size of minority populations. Theories of intergroup threat predict that the larger people perceive minority groups to be, the less favorably they feel toward them. We investigate whether correcting Americans√ï misperceptions about one such population -- immigrants -- affects related attitudes. We con√ûrm that non-Hispanic Americans overestimate the percentage of the population that is foreign-born or in the United States without authorization. However, in seven separate survey experiments over 11 years, we √ûnd that providing accurate information does little to affect attitudes toward immigration, even though it does reduce the perceived size of the foreign-born population. This is true even when people√ïs misperceptions are explicitly corrected. These results call into question a potential cognitive mechanism that could underpin intergroup threat theory. Misperceptions about the size of minority groups may be a consequence, rather than a cause, of attitudes toward those groups.},
}

@Article{GadarianAlbertson2014,
  author       = {Gadarian, Shana Kushner and Albertson, Bethany},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  title        = {Anxiety, Immigration, and the Search for Information},
  doi          = {10.1111/pops.12034},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {133--164},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y2x329k4},
  urldate      = {2019-09-11},
  volume       = {35},
  abstract     = {In this article, we use the issue of immigration to explore the role of anxiety in responses to political appeals. According to previous literature, anxiety motivates citizens to learn and pay more attention to news coverage. Literature in psychology demonstrates that anxiety is associated with a tendency to pay closer attention to threatening information. We predict that anxious citizens will seek more information but that they will seek out and be attracted to threatening information. In an experiment, we induce anxiety about immigration and then subjects have the opportunity to search for additional information in a website designed to mimic online news sources. The website has both immigration and nonimmigration stories, and the immigration stories are split between threatening coverage and nonthreatening coverage. We find that anxious subjects exhibit biased information processing; they read, remember, and agree with threatening information.},
  keywords     = {emotion, immigration, experiment},
}

@Article{Jacobs2016,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan M.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {Policy Making for the Long Term in Advanced Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-110813-034103},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {433--454},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {A range of policy problems√ëfrom climate change to pension sustainability to skill shortages√ëconfront governments with intertemporal dilemmas: trade-offs between maximizing social welfare in the present and taking care of the future. There is, moreover, substantial variation in the degree to which democratic governments are willing to invest in long-term social goods. Surprisingly, the literature on the politics of public policy has paid little explicit attention to timing as a dimension of policy choice, focusing almost exclusively on matters of cross-sectional distribution. This article develops a framework for explaining intertemporal policy choices in democracies by adapting findings from the literatures on distributive politics, political economy, and political behavior. The article makes a case for analyzing the politics of the long term as a struggle over how welfare should be allocated across groups and over how policy effects should be distributed through time.},
}

@Article{GreenJennings2012a,
  author       = {Green, Jane and Jennings, Will},
  title        = {The dynamics of issue competence and vote for parties in and out of power: An analysis of valence in Britain, 1979--1997},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {51},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {469--503},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.02004.x},
  abstract     = {This article develops the reward-punishment issue model of voting using a newly collated aggregate measure of issue competence in Britain between 1971 and 1997, revealing systematic differences between governing and opposition parties in the way citizens' evaluations of party competence are related to vote intention. Using monthly Gallup √îbest party to handle the most important problem√ï and vote intention data, time series Granger-causation tests give support to a classic issue reward-punishment model for incumbents. However, for opposition parties this reward-punishment model does not hold: macro-issue competence evaluations are Granger-caused by changes in vote choice or governing party competence. An explanation is offered based upon the differentiating role of policy performance and informational asymmetries, and the implications are considered for comparative studies of voting, public opinion and for political party competition.},
  keywords     = {valence, competence, incumbents, oppositions, vote choice},
}

@Unpublished{AbramsonEtAl2019-08-14,
  author   = {Abramson, Scott F. and Ko¬çak, Korhan and Magazinnik, Asya},
  title    = {What Do We Learn About Voter Preferences From Conjoint Experiments?},
  date     = {2019-08-14},
  url      = {https://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/kkocak/files/conjoint_draft.pdf},
  urldate  = {2019-09-16},
  abstract = {Political scientists frequently interpret the results of conjoint experiments as reflective of voter preferences. In this paper we show that the target estimand of conjoint experiments, the AMCE, is not well-defined in these terms. Even with individually rational experimental subjects, unbiased estimates of the AMCE can indicate the opposite of the true preference of the majority. To show this, we characterize the preference aggregation rule implied by AMCE and demonstrate its several undesirable properties. With this result we provide a method for placing sharp bounds on the proportion of experimental subjects with a strict preference for a given candidate-feature. We provide a testable assumption to show when the AMCE corresponds in sign with the majority preference. Finally, we offer a structural interpretation of the AMCE and highlight that the problem we describe persists even when a model of voting is imposed.},
}

@Article{LahtinenEtAl2019,
  author       = {Lahtinen, Hannu and Martikainen, Pekka and Mattila, Mikko and Wass, Hanna and Rapeli, Lauri},
  title        = {{Do Surveys Overestimate or Underestimate Socioeconomic Differences in Voter Turnout? Evidence from Administrative Registers}},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {83},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {363--385},
  issn         = {0033-362X},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfz022},
  abstract     = {{Surveys generally overestimate the overall level of voter turnout in elections due to both the misreporting of voting and nonresponse. It is sometimes argued that socioeconomic differences in turnout are exaggerated in surveys because social desirability has a more pronounced effect on eligible voters in more advantaged socioeconomic positions. However, the contribution of nonresponse bias has not been taken into consideration in these assessments. Using a register-linked survey with information on the education, occupational social class, income, and voting in the 2015 Finnish parliamentary elections of both respondents and nonrespondents, this study shows that nonresponse bias leads to not only a larger overestimation of the overall level of turnout than social desirability, but also an underestimation of educational, social class, and income-related differences in the propensity to vote. Socioeconomic differences in the probability of voting in register-based data were at least two-thirds larger than differences obtained when using standard survey techniques. This finding implies that socioeconomic inequality in electoral participation is a more pressing social problem than previous evidence might indicate.}},
}

@Article{Amsalem2019,
  author       = {Amsalem, Eran},
  title        = {{How Informative and Persuasive is Simple Elite Communication?: Effects on Like-Minded and Polarized Audiences}},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {83},
  number       = {1},
  month        = {04},
  pages        = {1--25},
  issn         = {0033-362X},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfz001},
  abstract     = {{In the past two decades, increasing levels of simplicity in political elite rhetoric have drawn both empirical interest and normative concern from political scientists. While conventional wisdom holds that politicians simplify their public communications because ``simplicity works,'' the way citizens respond to such messages has hardly been investigated. This study presents the results of two experiments testing the effects of simplicity on two major goals of elite communication: informing citizens and persuading them. Results show that simple rhetoric has lower informative value for citizens than complex rhetoric, regardless of the issue being addressed and the partisan identity of the speaker. In terms of persuasion, results point to a conditional effect. When a politician addresses a like-minded audience, simplicity sways public opinion. However, when addressing a polarized audience, simple rhetoric is ineffective.}},
}

@Book{IversenSoskice2019,
  author    = {Iversen, Torben and Soskice, David},
  title     = {Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism through a Turbulent Century},
  date      = {2019},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  location  = {Princeton, NJ},
  isbn      = {978-0-691-18273-55},
  url       = {http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~iversen/PDFfiles/Iversen&Soskice_introduction.pdf},
  urldate   = {2019-09-20},
}

@Article{ColantoneStanig2018,
  author       = {Colantone, Italo and Stanig, Piero},
  title        = {Global Competition and Brexit},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {112},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {201--218},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055417000685},
  abstract     = {We show that support for the Leave option in the Brexit referendum was systematically higher in regions hit harder by economic globalization. We focus on the shock of surging imports from China over the past three decades as a structural driver of divergence in economic performance across U.K. regions. An IV approach supports a causal interpretation of our finding. We claim that the effect is driven by the displacement determined by globalization in the absence of effective compensation of its losers. Neither overall stocks nor inflows of immigrants in a region are associated with higher support for the Leave option. A positive association only emerges when focusing on immigrants from EU accession countries. The analysis of individual data suggests that voters respond to the import shock in a sociotropic way, as individuals tend to react to the general economic situation of their region, regardless of their specific condition.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{ColantoneStanig2018a,
  author       = {Colantone, Italo and Stanig, Piero},
  title        = {The Trade Origins of Economic Nationalism: Import Competition and Voting Behavior in Western Europe},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {62},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {936--953},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12358},
  abstract     = {We investigate the impact of globalization on electoral outcomes in 15 Western European countries over 1988√ê2007. We employ both official election results at the district level and individual-level voting data, combined with party ideology scores from the Comparative Manifesto Project. We compute a region-specific measure of exposure to Chinese imports, based on the historical industry specialization of each region. To identify the causal impact of the import shock, we instrument imports to Europe using Chinese imports to the United States. At the district level, a stronger import shock leads to (1) an increase in support for nationalist and isolationist parties, (2) an increase in support for radical-right parties, and (3) a general shift to the right in the electorate. These results are confirmed by the analysis of individual-level vote choices. In addition, we find evidence that voters respond to the shock in a sociotropic way.},
}

@Article{BoudreauMacKenzie2018,
  author       = {Boudreau, Cheryl and MacKenzie, Scott A.},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Wanting What Is Fair: How Party Cues and Information about Income Inequality Affect Public Support for Taxes},
  doi          = {10.1086/694784},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {367--381},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {Income inequality has risen dramatically in the United States, with potentially negative social, economic, and political consequences. Governments can use redistributive taxes to combat inequality, but doing so requires public support. When will voters support redistributive taxes? Using the dual-process framework, we make predictions about the conditions under which party cues and information about rising inequality affect support for redistributive taxes. We test these predictions by conducting survey experiments in a real-world electoral context. We find that although citizens are misinformed about the extent of inequality, information that corrects their misperceptions helps them express tax policy opinions that are consistent with their preferences for lower levels of inequality. We also find that citizens who are motivated to process inequality information systematically respond to it even when it conflicts with their party√ïs position. These results identify conditions under which efforts to inform the electorate about inequality can increase support for taxes.},
}

@Article{BaccaroPontusson2016,
  author       = {Lucio Baccaro and Jonas Pontusson},
  title        = {Rethinking Comparative Political Economy: The Growth Model Perspective},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {219--252},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {Since Charles Tilly made the comparison between state making and organized crime, it has often been assumed that illicit markets necessarily contain parallel, coercive governance structures: mafias. I argue that some illicit markets have mafias while others do not, and identify as the source of this variation the costliness of the use of force and the imperatives of territorial control. When the use of force is too costly and there is no need to control territory to conduct business, illicit entrepreneurs will not invest in the development of mafias or use violence to protect their property. I evaluate theories of both organized crime and new institutional economics to explain the relationship between the authority structures of the state and the authority structures of illicit markets. Because mafias and their use of violence can undermine state sovereignty and public order, understanding the origins of violent mafias can inform policy choices.},
  comment      = {This article offers an institutional explanation for the strikingly similar configuration of macroeconomic policy responses of advanced capitalist economies to the Great Recession. In recent decades, advanced economies have adopted a common structure of macroeconomic governance, which organizes macroeconomic policymaking around monetary policy operated by autonomous central banks and sets limits on politicians’ policymaking discretion. During the Great Recession, this macroeconomic governance allowed central banks to enact unconstrained monetary expansion and governments to enact constrained fiscal expansion. The argument here is empirically substantiated by focusing at how macroeconomic policies in response to the Great Recession have evolved in Australia and Sweden, as well as by looking at parallel developments in the United Kingdom and the United States.},
}

@Article{Mandelkern2015,
author       = {Ronen Mandelkern},
date         = {2015},
journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
title        = {Explaining the Striking Similarity in Macroeconomic Policy Responses to the Great Recession},
doi          = {10.1177/0010414015606734},
number       = {2},
pages        = {219--252},
volume       = {49},
abstract     = {Since Charles Tilly made the comparison between state making and organized crime, it has often been assumed that illicit markets necessarily contain parallel, coercive governance structures: mafias. I argue that some illicit markets have mafias while others do not, and identify as the source of this variation the costliness of the use of force and the imperatives of territorial control. When the use of force is too costly and there is no need to control territory to conduct business, illicit entrepreneurs will not invest in the development of mafias or use violence to protect their property. I evaluate theories of both organized crime and new institutional economics to explain the relationship between the authority structures of the state and the authority structures of illicit markets. Because mafias and their use of violence can undermine state sovereignty and public order, understanding the origins of violent mafias can inform policy choices.},
comment      = {This article offers an institutional explanation for the strikingly similar configuration of macroeconomic policy responses of advanced capitalist economies to the Great Recession. In recent decades, advanced economies have adopted a common structure of macroeconomic governance, which organizes macroeconomic policymaking around monetary policy operated by autonomous central banks and sets limits on politicians’ policymaking discretion. During the Great Recession, this macroeconomic governance allowed central banks to enact unconstrained monetary expansion and governments to enact constrained fiscal expansion. The argument here is empirically substantiated by focusing at how macroeconomic policies in response to the Great Recession have evolved in Australia and Sweden, as well as by looking at parallel developments in the United Kingdom and the United States.},
}

@Book{Schui2014,
  author    = {Florian Schui},
  date      = {2014},
  title     = {Austerity: The Great Failure},
  location  = {New Haven},
  publisher = {Yale University Press},
}

@Book{GreenJennings2017,
  author    = {Green, Jane and Jennings, Will},
  title     = {The Politics of Competence: Parties, Public Opinion and Voters},
  date      = {2017},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  isbn      = {9781316662557},
}

@Article{MinkdeHaan2006,
  author       = {Mark Mink and Jakob {de Haan}},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {European Union Politics},
  title        = {Are there Political Budget Cycles in the Euro Area?},
  doi          = {10.1177/1465116506063706},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {191--211},
  volume       = {7},
  abstract     = {This article examines whether there is a political budget cycle (PBC) in countries in the euro area. Using a multivariate model for 1999--2004 and various election indicators we find strong evidence that, since the start of the Stability and Growth Pact, fiscal policy-makers in the euro area have pursued expansionary policies before elections. In an election year -- but not in the year prior to the election -- the budget deficit increases. This result is in line with third-generation PBC models, which are based on moral hazard. We also find a significant but small partisan effect on fiscal policy outcomes.},
}

@Article{AmableAzizi2014,
  author       = {Bruno Amable and Karim Azizi},
  title        = {Counter-cyclical budget policy across varieties of capitalism},
  journaltitle = {Structural Change and Economic Dynamics},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {30},
  pages        = {1--9},
  issn         = {0954-349X},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.strueco.2014.01.001},
  abstract     = {The role of macroeconomic policy in the different varieties of capitalism has been largely ignored. Recent contributions to the literature have argued that nonliberal economies, i.e. coordinated market economies, should be expected to have less accommodating (i.e. less counter-cyclical) macroeconomic policies than liberal varieties. Using time-series cross-section data on 18 OECD countries between 1980 and 2009, this paper tests that hypothesis and, more particularly, whether the reaction of discretionary fiscal policy to macroeconomic shocks is different between liberal and nonliberal varieties of capitalism. The test results do not support the conclusion that nonliberal economies' macroeconomic policy would be less counter-cyclical than that of liberal economies. On the contrary, discretionary fiscal policy has been more counter-cyclical in former economies.},
  keywords     = {Varieties of capitalism, Macroeconomic policy, Fiscal policy},
}

@Article{Petrocik1996,
  author       = {John R. Petrocik},
  title        = {Issue Ownership in Presidential Elections, with a 1980 Case Study},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {1996},
  volume       = {40},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {825--850},
  url          = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2111797},
  urldate      = {2019-10-10},
}

@Article{PetrocikEtAl2003,
  author       = {Petrocik, John R. and Benoit, William L. and Hansen, Glenn J.},
  title        = {Issue Ownership and Presidential Campaigning, 1952--2000},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Quarterly},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {118},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {599--626},
  doi          = {10.1002/j.1538-165X.2003.tb00407.x},
}

@Article{Seeberg2017,
  author       = {Henrik Bech Seeberg},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {How Stable Is Political Parties' Issue Ownership? A Cross-Time, Cross-National Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032321716650224},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {475-492},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {Research on issue ownership is accelerating and so is its use in studies of voting and party behaviour. Yet we do not know how stable issue ownership is. Does it describe a solid, persistent association between a party and an issue in the eyes of the electorate, or does it describe a more fluid and fragile issue reputation of a party among the electorate? Theoretical and empirical work suggests both stability and variability in issue ownership. To get closer to an answer, this article presents and analyses unprecedented comprehensive data on issue ownership. The analysis identifies stability rather than change in issue ownership over time and similarity more than difference across countries, and therefore suggests that issue ownership is a general and long-term rather than a local and short-term phenomenon. The implications for how voters perceive parties are important.},
}

@Article{WalgraveEtAl2012,
  author       = {Walgrave, Stefaan and Lefevere, Jonas and Tresch, Anke},
  title        = {{The Associative Dimension of Issue Ownership}},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {76},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {771--782},
  issn         = {0033-362X},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfs023},
  abstract     = {{Issue ownership is commonly conceptualized as multidimensional, consisting of a `competence' dimension and an `associative' dimension. Because existing operationalizations of issue ownership tap only the former dimension, we focus on associative issue ownership: the spontaneous identification between specific issues and specific parties in the minds of voters. Survey evidence from Belgium shows that the associative dimension of issue ownership can be measured, that it differs from competence issue ownership, and that it is an independent determinant of voting behavior.}},
}

@Article{Cowart1978,
  author       = {Cowart, Andrew T.},
  title        = {The Economic Policies of European Governments, Part II: Fiscal Policy},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {1978},
  volume       = {8},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {425--439},
  abstract     = {While political controversies over the legitimacy of monetary interventions in Western economies were settled decades ago, the widespread acceptance of fiscal interventions as appropriate tools for achieving economic stability and economic growth is much more recent and much less pervasive. Even the pre-Depression classical economic model specified a role for government monetary policy: ensuring an appropriate stock of money. While institutions of monetary policy making now enjoy both a long history of utilizing monetary policy instruments and a low level of ideological conflict over the legitimacy of those interventions, the institutions of fiscal policy making enjoy neither. Though some governments had begun to practise fiscal interventions before the Second World War, the widespread use of such instruments is, by and large, a post-war phenomenon. Thus, governments have generally had less experience in learning √îhow to do it√ï.},
}

@Article{Phillips1958,
  author       = {Phillips, A. W.},
  date         = {1958},
  journaltitle = {Economica},
  title        = {The Relation Between Unemployment and the Rate of Change of Money Wage Rates in the United Kingdom, 1861--1957},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-0335.1958.tb00003.x},
  number       = {100},
  pages        = {283--299},
  volume       = {25},
}

@Article{BarberaEtAl2015,
  author       = {Pablo Barber{\'a} and John T. Jost and Jonathan Nagler and Joshua A. Tucker and Richard Bonneau},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  title        = {Tweeting From Left to Right: Is Online Political Communication More Than an Echo Chamber?},
  doi          = {10.1177/0956797615594620},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {1531-1542},
  volume       = {26},
  abstract     = {We estimated ideological preferences of 3.8 million Twitter users and, using a data set of nearly 150 million tweets concerning 12 political and nonpolitical issues, explored whether online communication resembles an ``echo chamber'' (as a result of selective exposure and ideological segregation) or a ``national conversation.'' We observed that information was exchanged primarily among individuals with similar ideological preferences in the case of political issues (e.g., 2012 presidential election, 2013 government shutdown) but not many other current events (e.g., 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, 2014 Super Bowl). Discussion of the Newtown shootings in 2012 reflected a dynamic process, beginning as a national conversation before transforming into a polarized exchange. With respect to both political and nonpolitical issues, liberals were more likely than conservatives to engage in cross-ideological dissemination; this is an important asymmetry with respect to the structure of communication that is consistent with psychological theory and research bearing on ideological differences in epistemic, existential, and relational motivation. Overall, we conclude that previous work may have overestimated the degree of ideological segregation in social-media usage.},
}

@Article{BarberaEtAl2019,
  author       = {Barber{\'a}, Pablo and Casas, Andreu and Nagler, Jonathan and Egan, Patrick J. and Bonneau, Richard and Jost, John T. and Tucker, Joshua A.},
  title        = {Who Leads? Who Follows? Measuring Issue Attention and Agenda Setting by Legislators and the Mass Public Using Social Media Data},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {113},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {883--901},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055419000352},
  abstract     = {Are legislators responsive to the priorities of the public? Research demonstrates a strong correspondence between the issues about which the public cares and the issues addressed by politicians, but conclusive evidence about who leads whom in setting the political agenda has yet to be uncovered. We answer this question with fine-grained temporal analyses of Twitter messages by legislators and the public during the 113th US Congress. After employing an unsupervised method that classifies tweets sent by legislators and citizens into topics, we use vector autoregression models to explore whose priorities more strongly predict the relationship between citizens and politicians. We find that legislators are more likely to follow, than to lead, discussion of public issues, results that hold even after controlling for the agenda-setting effects of the media. We also find, however, that legislators are more likely to be responsive to their supporters than to the general public.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl1993,
  author       = {Alberto Alesina and Gerald D. Cohen and Nouriel Roubini},
  title        = {Electoral business cycle in industrial democracies},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {1993},
  volume       = {9},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--23},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  doi          = {10.1016/0176-2680(93)90027-R},
  abstract     = {In this paper we examine the issue of endogenous timing of elections, as well as deepen our investigation of pre-electoral manipulation of both monetary and fiscal policy instruments. First, we test whether politicians may be opportunistic by calling early elections when favorable economic conditions exist, rather than attempting to create short-run favorable economic conditions at the time of elections. Tests of this hypothesis on the 14 OECD democracies with flexible timing of elections, reject this model. We do not find any evidence, except for Japan, that a positive economic situation increases the likelihood of early elections. Second, we consider the manipulation of policy instruments such as the monetary base, which is under direct control of the monetary authority, and two individual components of the budget; taxation and spending. Our results suggest the opportunistic policy maneuvering cannot be ruled out as a plausible description of politicians' behavior. However, the evidence is not overwhelmingly robust, perhaps because politicians cannot go `too far' in macroeconomic policy manipulations for fear of losing their reputation.},
}

@Article{AlexiadouGunaydin2019,
  author       = {Alexiadou, Despina and Gunaydin, Hakan},
  title        = {Commitment or expertise? Technocratic appointments as political responses to economic crises},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {58},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {845--865},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12338},
  abstract     = {Why do prime ministers or presidents appoint non-elected experts, also known as technocrats, during economic crises? Do they appoint them for their expertise or for their commitment to pro-market reforms? Answering this question is crucial for understanding and predicting the longer-term role of technocrats in democracies. With the aid of unique data on the political and personal background of finance ministers in 13 parliamentary and semi-presidential European democracies this article shows that commitment, not expertise is the primary driver of technocratic appointments during major economic crises. Technocrats are preferred over experienced politicians when the latter lack commitment to policy reform. An important implication of the findings is that technocratic appointments to top economic portfolios in West European countries are unlikely to become the norm outside economic crises, assuming economic crises are short-lived and not recurring.},
  keywords     = {technocrats, finance ministers, monetary and financial crises, ministerial selection, electoral systems},
}

@Article{BreenMcMenamin2014,
  author       = {Breen, Michael and McMenamin, Iain},
  title        = {{Political Institutions, Credible Commitment, and Sovereign Debt in Advanced Economies1}},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {57},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {842--854},
  issn         = {0020-8833},
  doi          = {10.1111/isqu.12079},
  abstract     = {{This article tests systematically the effect of political structures on the credibility of sovereign debtors in advanced economies. It argues that power-sharing and party system polarization have important effects on long-term interest rates. Where collective responsibility is high and polarization is low, the market perceives a more credible commitment on the part of sovereign debtors. These arguments derived from the theory of credible commitments perform much better than alternative accounts of the politics of sovereign debt, namely a market preference for right-wing governments and more flexible polities. The principal data consist of a panel of 23 rich countries between 1970 and 2009. There are tests for robustness to a wider sample and a variety of different measurements.}},
}

@Article{BartaJohnston2018,
  author       = {Zs{\'o}fia Barta and Alison Johnston},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Rating Politics? Partisan Discrimination in Credit Ratings in Developed Economies},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414017710263},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {587--620},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {How does government partisanship influence sovereign credit ratings of developed countries? Given the convergence of fiscal and monetary outcomes between left and right governments in the past decades, credit rating agencies (CRAs) should in principle not discriminate according to ideology. However, we hypothesize that CRAs might lower ratings for left governments as a strategy to limit negative policy and market surprises as they strive to keep ratings stable over the medium term. A panel analysis of Standard \& Poor's, Moody's, and Fitch's rating actions for 23 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) countries from 1995 to 2014 shows that left executives and the electoral victory of nonincumbent left executives are associated with significantly higher probabilities of negative rating changes. We find no evidence of similar systematic partisan bias in spreads on government bonds, but spreads do adjust to partisan-biased downgrades. This suggests that CRAs may introduce partisan discrimination into sovereign credit markets.},
}

@Article{Barnes2020,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Trade and redistribution: trade politics and the origins of progressive taxation},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2019.39},
  abstract     = {What explains variation in tax progressivity before World War I? I argue that trade politics shaped the emergence of progressive taxation. If labor could provide a useful ally, trade policy coalitions meant compromise on redistributive demands: progressive taxes, especially where inequality was lower. In time-series cross-sectional analysis, I find that trade interest proximity between labor and elites was associated with more progressive taxation in ten European countries between 1870 and 1913 under conditions of low inequality. The coalition and compromise mechanism is evident in sub-national evidence from Britain. Where constituency interests favored free trade, Liberal√êLabour electoral alliance was more likely in 1906, and the local MP was more likely to support the 1909 √íPeople's Budget√ì for progressive taxation.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BjornskovRode2019,
  author       = {Christian Bj{\o}rnskov and Martin Rode},
  title        = {Crisis, Ideology, and Interventionist Policy Ratchets},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {67},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {815--833},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032321718807858},
  abstract     = {Proper government reaction to economic crisis has long been a central element of public policy debate and is experiencing a revival after the Great Recession of 2008. Previous studies argue on theoretical and empirical grounds that crises may lead to more interventionist policies, but also cause deregulation and liberalization. This article claims that policy responses will partly depend on the core economic ideology of government, causing ideologically heterogeneous post-crisis strategies. Employing a panel of 69 countries for which salient ideology measures can be constructed, we find that growth crises between 1975 and 2015 caused larger increases in government size and regulatory policy when countries have left-wing governments. We also find some evidence of policy ratchets, meaning that certain crisis policies present a tendency to become permanent, regardless of the ideology of successive governments in power. Rolling back the public sector in size and scope seems to be possible, but our results show that, on average, it does not clearly occur as an ideologically driven reaction to anti-crisis policies.},
}

@Article{HerzogJankinMikhaylov2019-09,
  author       = {Herzog, Alexander and Jankin Mikhaylov, Slava},
  title        = {Intra-cabinet politics and fiscal governance in times of austerity},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  date         = {2019-09},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2019.40},
  abstract     = {In the context of recent economic and financial crisis in Europe, questions about the power of the core executive to control fiscal outcomes are more important than ever. Why are some governments more effective in controlling spending while others fall prey to excessive overspending by individual cabinet ministers? We approach this question by lifting the veil of collective cabinet responsibility and focusing on intra-cabinet decision-making around budgetary allocation. Using the contributions of individual cabinet members during budget debates in Ireland, we estimate their positions on a latent dimension that represents their relative levels of support or opposition to the cabinet leadership. We find some evidence that ministers who are close to the finance minister receive a larger budget share, but under worsening macro-economic conditions closeness to the prime minister is a better predictor for budget allocations. Our results highlight potential fragility of the fiscal authority delegation mechanism in adverse economic environment.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{McArthurReeves2019,
  author       = {Daniel McArthur and Aaron Reeves},
  title        = {The Rhetoric of Recessions: How British Newspapers Talk about the Poor When Unemployment Rises, 1896--2000},
  journaltitle = {Sociology},
  date         = {2019},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1177/0038038519838752},
  abstract     = {Recessions appear to coincide with an increasingly stigmatising presentation of poverty in parts of the media. Previous research on the connection between high unemployment and media discourse has often relied on case studies of periods when stigmatising rhetoric about the poor was increasing. We build on earlier work on how economic context affects media representations of poverty by creating a unique dataset that measures how often stigmatising descriptions of the poor are used in five centrist and right-wing British newspapers between 1896 and 2000. Our results suggest stigmatising rhetoric about the poor increases when unemployment rises, except at the peak of very deep recessions (e.g. the 1930s and 1980s). This pattern is consistent with the idea that newspapers deploy deeply embedded Malthusian explanations for poverty when those ideas resonate with the economic context, and so this stigmatising rhetoric of recessions is likely to recur during future economic crises.},
}

@Article{Fernandez-AlbertosKuo2019,
  author       = {Fernandez-Albertos, Jose and Kuo, Alexander},
  title        = {Selling Austerity: Preferences for Fiscal Adjustment during the Eurozone Crisis},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {52},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--23},
  doi          = {10.5129/001041520X15682460031849},
  abstract     = {What explains individual preferences for austerity during the eurozone crisis? To what extent are such preferences affected by the specific content of austerity policies or EU-related factors? To address these questions, we present new data and embedded experiments that test theories of austerity preferences, from a survey of a crisis-hit country, Spain. We find little support for austerity as conventionally measured, but such support can increase if specific reasons or benefits are made salient. The endorsement by the EU has no effect on austerity support, but support for spending wanes when tax increases and concerns about fiscal commitments to the EU are made salient. The results help understand how unpopular policies such as austerity might be sometimes palatable to large segments of the general public.},
}

@Article{BecherMenendezGonzalez2019,
  author       = {Becher, Michael and Men{\'e}ndez Gonz{\'a}lez, Irene},
  title        = {Electoral Reform and Trade-Offs in Representation},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {113},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {694--709},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055419000145},
  abstract     = {We examine the effect of electoral institutions on two important features of representation that are often studied separately: policy responsiveness and the quality of legislators. Theoretically, we show that while a proportional electoral system is better than a majoritarian one at representing popular preferences in some contexts, this advantage can come at the price of undermining the selection of good politicians. To empirically assess the relevance of this trade-off, we analyze an unusually controlled electoral reform in Switzerland early in the twentieth century. To account for endogeneity, we exploit variation in the intensive margin of the reform, which introduced proportional representation, based on administrative constraints and data on voter preferences. A difference-in-difference analysis finds that higher reform intensity increases the policy congruence between legislators and the electorate and reduces legislative effort. Contemporary evidence from the European Parliament supports this conclusion.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Seiferling2019,
  author       = {Seiferling, Mike},
  title        = {Fiscal deficits and executive planning horizons},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  date         = {2019},
  pages        = {1--15},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2018.69},
  abstract     = {Executive control of government is generally not a long-term job. In such cases, relatively short executive tenure should be expected to play an important role in determining the degree to which policymakers internalize the future costs associated with their current fiscal behavior. The effects of policymaker's expected planning horizons on macroeconomic outcomes, however, have been difficult to model outside of a fixed term limit context due to the unobserved likelihood of remaining in office, along with potential endogeneity problems where re-election campaigns can be enhanced with generous, deficit-financed expenditures in election years. From a globally representative sample of 79 countries over a 32-year period (1980√ê2012), this paper provides empirical evidence suggesting that incumbent governments who know that will not be in office in the following period with a probability of one, are found to generate significantly higher deficits in a linear discounting model, and are found to produce the least responsible fiscal outcomes where the likelihood of re-election is around fifty percent in quadratic discounting models.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Finseraas2019,
  author       = {Finseraas, Henning},
  title        = {Social democratic representation and welfare spending: a quantitative case study},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  date         = {2019},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2019.36},
  abstract     = {The welfare state literature argues that Social Democratic party representation is of key importance for welfare state outcomes. However, few papers are able to separate the influence of parties from voter preferences, which implies that the partisan effects will be overstated. I study a natural experiment to identify a partisan effect. In 1995, the Labour Party (Ap) in the Norwegian municipality of Fl¬å filed their candidate list too late and could not participate in the local election. Ap was the largest party in Fl¬å in the entire post-World War period, but have not regained this position. I use the synthetic control method to study the effects on welfare spending priorities. I find small and insignificant partisan effects.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Townsley2019,
  author       = {Townsley, Joshua},
  title        = {Is it worth door-knocking? Evidence from a United Kingdom-based Get Out The Vote (GOTV) field experiment on the effect of party leaflets and canvass visits on voter turnout},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  date         = {2019},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2018.39},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Unpublished{Buchs2019-08-09,
  author   = {Buchs, Aur{\'e}lia},
  title    = {The Effect of Fiscal Performance on the Reelection Results of Finance Ministers -- Evidence from Swiss Cantons},
  date     = {2019-08-09},
  url      = {https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1aa7/ba5d62bd3a0e9b673bda313ee3951e8bf3b3.pdf},
  urldate  = {2019-11-14},
  abstract = {Using data from 25 Swiss cantons over the 1980√ê2018 period, we estimate the effect of fiscal performance
on the re-election results of finance ministers. Our estimations show that better performance, measured by
the financing statement result in the year before re-election as well as cumulatively over the whole term,
significantly increases the obtained vote percentage of finance ministers compared to their prior election
result. Further we analyse how fiscal preferences and attitudes towards debt-financing channel the effect of
fiscal performance on re-election results. In addition we present evidence for politician-specific monitoring as
the finance minister in contrast to the spending ministers seems to be the sole member of government
electorally benefitting from a good cantonal financial situation. All in all the results suggest a high
sophistication level of citizens voting behaviour.},
}

@Article{OeschRennwald2018,
  author       = {Oesch, Daniel and Rennwald, Line},
  title        = {Electoral competition in Europe's new tripolar political space: Class voting for the left, centre-right and radical right},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {57},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {783--807},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12259},
  abstract     = {The rise of the radical right fundamentally changes the face of electoral competition in Western Europe. Bipolar competition is becoming tripolar, as the two dominant party poles of the twentieth century √ê the left and the centre-right √ê are challenged by a third pole of the radical right. Between 2000 and 2015, the radical right has secured more than 12 per cent of the vote in over ten Western European countries. This article shows how electoral competition between the three party poles plays out at the micro level of social classes. It presents a model of class voting that distinguishes between classes that are a party's preserve, classes that are contested strongholds of two parties and classes over which there is an open competition. Using seven rounds of the European Social Survey, it shows that sociocultural professionals form the party preserve of the left, and large employers and managers the preserve of the centre-right. However, the radical right competes with the centre-right for the votes of small business owners, and it challenges the left over its working-class stronghold. These two contested strongholds attest to the co-existence of old and new patterns of class voting. Old patterns are structured by an economic conflict: Production workers vote for the left and small business owners for the centre-right based on their economic attitudes. In contrast, new patterns are linked to the rise of the radical right and structured by a cultural conflict.},
  keywords     = {cleavage, radical right, social class, voting, working class},
}

@Article{BerinskyEtAl2019,
  author       = {Berinsky, Adam J. and Margolis, Michele F. and Sances, Michael W. and Warshaw, Christopher},
  title        = {Using screeners to measure respondent attention on self-administered surveys: Which items and how many?},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  date         = {2019},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2019.53},
  abstract     = {Inattentive respondents introduce noise into data sets, weakening correlations between items and increasing the likelihood of null findings. √íScreeners√ì have been proposed as a way to identify inattentive respondents, but questions remain regarding their implementation. First, what is the optimal number of Screeners for identifying inattentive respondents? Second, what types of Screener questions best capture inattention? In this paper, we address both of these questions. Using item-response theory to aggregate individual Screeners we find that four Screeners are sufficient to identify inattentive respondents. Moreover, two grid and two multiple choice questions work well. Our findings have relevance for applied survey research in political science and other disciplines. Most importantly, our recommendations enable the standardization of Screeners on future surveys.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{SnyderStroemberg2010,
  author       = {Snyder, James M. and Str{\"o}mberg, David},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Press Coverage and Political Accountability},
  doi          = {10.1086/652903},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {355--408},
  volume       = {118},
  abstract     = {We estimate the impact of press coverage on citizen knowledge, politicians' actions, and policy. We find that voters living in areas where, for exogenous reasons, the press covers their U.S. House representative less are less likely to recall their representative√ïs name and less able to describe and rate him or her. Congressmen who are less covered by the local press work less for their constituencies: they are less likely to stand witness before congressional hearings, to serve on constituency-oriented committees (perhaps), and to vote against the party line. Finally, federal spending is lower in areas with exogenously lower press coverage of congressmen.},
}

@Article{Holbein2016,
  author       = {Holbein, John},
  title        = {Left Behind? Citizen Responsiveness to Government Performance Information},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {110},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {353--368},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055416000071},
  abstract     = {Do citizens respond to policy-based information signals about government performance? Using multiple big datasets -- which link for the first time large-scale school administrative records and individual validated voting behavior -- I show that citizens react to exogenous school failure signals provided by No Child Left Behind. These signals cause a noticeable increase in turnout in local school board elections and increase the competitiveness of these races. Additionally, I present evidence that school failure signals cause citizens to vote with their feet by exiting failing schools, suggesting that exit plays an underexplored role in democratic accountability. However, performance signals elicit a response unequally, with failure primarily mobilizing high propensity citizens and encouraging exit among those who are white, affluent, and more likely to vote. Hence, while performance signals spur a response, they do so only for a select few, leaving many others behind.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{CattaneoEtAl2019,
  author    = {Cattaneo, Matias D. and Idrobo, Nicol{\'a}s and Titiunik, Roc{\'i}o},
  title     = {A Practical Introduction to Regression Discontinuity Designs: Foundations},
  date      = {2019},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HolbrookWeinschenk2020,
  author       = {Thomas M. Holbrook and Aaron C. Weinschenk},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title        = {Information, Political Bias, and Public Perceptions of Local Conditions in U.S. Cities},
  doi          = {10.1177/1065912919892627},
  pages        = {1065912919892627},
  abstract     = {Using two unique surveys, one that includes over 6,000 respondents interviewed across 39 cities and another that includes over 47,000 respondents interviewed across 26 U.S. cities, we investigate the extent to which perceptions of local conditions -- the state of the local economy, the quality of local schools, and local crime -- reflect actual local conditions. We examine individual-level differences in the accuracy of perceptions of local conditions using two different frameworks, one that emphasizes factors that limit information acquisition and may exacerbate political inequalities, and another that emphasizes motivations for information processing. Objective conditions influence perceptions of conditions, but the relationship between objective and perceived local conditions is strongest among individuals with high levels of education and preexisting knowledge. In addition, we find that partisanship plays a role in shaping perceptions of local conditions. While the partisan match between a respondent and the mayor of their city has little effect on local perceptions, the match between a respondent's partisanship and the president's party has a strong effect on perceptions of the local economy.},
}

@Article{BensonNichols1982,
  author       = {Benson, P. George and Nichols, Mary Lippitt},
  title        = {An Investigation of Motivational Bias in Subjective Predictive Probability Distributions},
  journaltitle = {Decision Sciences},
  date         = {1982},
  volume       = {13},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {225--239},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5915.1982.tb00145.x},
  abstract     = {In this paper the problem of conscious motivational bias in the assessment of subjective predictive probability distributions is explored. The primary purpose of this research is to discover how subjects express their bias. Results of an experiment are reported in which subjective distributions were assessed by subjects, first in the absence of a biasing incentive and then in the presence of an incentive to bias upward coupled with an incentive to be √ícredible.√ì In the biased task, subjects reported manipulating up to five characteristics of their distribution, such as location, shape, and dispersion. Furthermore, subjects reported using combinations of the characteristics strategically. Dominant strategies included shifting the mode upward and redistributing probability to the left, shifting the mode upward a small amount and redistributing probability to the right, and shifting the mode upward and tightening the distribution. The location of the mode was mentioned first by nearly all subjects, suggesting that they first locate their biased distribution and then manipulate other characteristics to express their bias, need for credibility, and other concerns.},
  keywords     = {Probability Assessment},
}

@Article{BarrEtAl2016,
  author       = {Barr, Abigail and Miller, Luis and Ubeda, Paloma},
  title        = {Moral consequences of becoming unemployed},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {113},
  number       = {17},
  pages        = {4676--4681},
  issn         = {0027-8424},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.1521250113},
  abstract     = {Unemployment has devastating effects on people's economic and social circumstances. Its negative effects on mental health and subjective well-being are also well documented. However, until now, there has been no quantitative evaluation of the moral consequences of unemployment. Here, using behavioral experiments and an unusual subject engagement strategy, we present evidence that becoming unemployed erodes the extent to which a person acknowledges earned entitlement, i.e., acknowledges an individual's right to that gained through his or her own effort or endeavor. This finding has important implications for the way we should think about economic and political systems. It indicates that, in addition to a causal link running from preferences to outcomes, there exists a feedback loop from outcomes to preferences that needs to be taken into account when considering system dynamics.We test the conjecture that becoming unemployed erodes the extent to which a person acknowledges earned entitlement. We use behavioral experiments to generate incentive-compatible measures of individuals{\textquoteright} tendencies to acknowledge earned entitlement and incorporate these experiments in a two-stage study. In the first stage, participants' acknowledgment of earned entitlement was measured by engaging them in the behavioral experiments, and their individual employment status and other relevant socioeconomic characteristics were recorded. In the second stage, a year later, the process was repeated using the same instruments. The combination of the experimentally generated data and the longitudinal design allows us to investigate our conjecture using a difference-in-difference approach, while ruling out the pure self-interest confound. We report evidence consistent with a large, negative effect of becoming unemployed on the acknowledgment of earned entitlement.},
  publisher    = {National Academy of Sciences},
}

@Article{Carlson2019,
  author       = {Carlson, Taylor N.},
  title        = {Through the Grapevine: Informational Consequences of Interpersonal Political Communication},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {113},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {325--339},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000305541900008X},
  abstract     = {Much of the US public acquires political information socially. However, the consequences of acquiring information from others instead of the media are under-explored. I conduct a √ítelephone-game√ì experiment to examine how information changes as it flows from official reports to news outlets to other people, finding that social information is empirically different from news articles. In a second experiment on a nationally representative sample, I randomly assign participants to read a news article or a social message about that article generated in Study 1. Participants exposed to social information learned significantly less than participants who were exposed to the news article. However, individuals exposed to information from someone who is like-minded and knowledgeable learned the same objective facts as those who received information from the media. Although participants learned the same factual information from these ideal informants as they did from the media, they had different subjective evaluations.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{AnspachCarlson2018,
  author       = {Anspach, Nicolas M. and Carlson, Taylor N.},
  title        = {What to Believe? Social Media Commentary and Belief in Misinformation},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2018},
  month        = oct,
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-018-9515-z},
  abstract     = {Americans are increasingly turning to social media for political information. However, given that the average social media user only clicks through on a small fraction of the political content available, the brief article previews that appear in the News Feed likely serve as shortcuts to political information. Yet, in addition to sharing political news, social media also allow users to make their own comments on news posts, comments which may challenge or distort the information contained in the articles. In this paper, we first analyze how social media posts on Twitter and Facebook differ from the actual content of their linked news articles, finding that social media comments regularly misrepresent the facts reported in the news. We then use a survey experiment to test the consequences of these information discrepancies. Specifically, we randomly assign individuals to read a full news article, a news article preview post (as seen on Facebook), or a news article preview with misinformative social commentary attached. We find that individuals in the social commentary conditions are more misinformed about the featured topic, tending to report the factually-incorrect information relayed in the comments rather than the factually-correct information embedded within the article preview.},
}

@Article{Carlson2018,
  author       = {Carlson, Taylor N.},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Modeling Political Information Transmission as a Game of Telephone},
  doi          = {10.1086/694767},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {348--352},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {Many individuals learn about politics from other people instead of directly from the media. While this could be a good way to reduce information costs, highly controlled lab experiments reveal that the information exchanged can be biased. These important lab experiments are so controlled, however, that they ignore the complexities of language inherent in real-world information transmission. In an effort to improve our understanding of how political information changes as it propagates from the media to one person to another, I conduct a novel online experiment in which I track information diffusion through individuals in communication chains. I then use content analysis to examine how the information is actually changing, finding that the amount of political information communicated decreases as the number of people in the chain increases. Furthermore, the information is increasingly distorted as the length of the chain increases.},
}

@Article{Feldmann2019,
  author       = {Feldmann, Magnus},
  title        = {Global Varieties of Capitalism},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {71},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {162--196},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0043887118000230},
  abstract     = {This article analyzes the prospects for globalizing the varieties of capitalism (voc) debate. It identifies and compares firm-centered, governance-centered, and state-centered approaches to extending the debate on capitalist diversity, and discusses the distinctive contributions of each approach as well as the trade-offs between them. The author draws on three agenda-setting volumes that engage with the voc framework and study capitalist diversity in three regions not usually covered by this literature: Latin America, East and Southeast Asia, and East Central Europe. As these regions play an increasingly important role in the world economy, this article examines what the books imply about the current state of knowledge about global voc. The author argues that the extension of the voc debate to these parts of the world is important for advancing the understanding of economic institutions; the approach can reinvigorate research on capitalist diversity and the institutional foundations of economic development in the current era of globalization.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Etzioni2015,
  author       = {Etzioni, Amitai},
  title        = {The Moral Effects of Economic Teaching},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Forum},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {30},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {228--233},
  doi          = {10.1111/socf.12153},
  abstract     = {Over the past 2 decades, dozens of studies have explored the relationship between exposure to economics and antisocial behavior. With a few exceptions, these studies find the economists and economics students are more likely to exhibit a range of √ídebased√ì moral behavior and attitudes, both in the controlled environment of the laboratory and in the outside world. This article presents a review of these studies. It draws on the various studies to address the question of whether the found differences are due to a selection effect√ëthat is, those with antisocial tendencies tend to study economics√ëor an indoctrination effect whereby exposure to economic theory causes antisocial behavior. The article suggests there is evidence that both effects play a role in explaining the debased behavior of economists and students of economics.},
  keywords     = {antisocial behavior, economic man, economic theory, game theory, neoclassical economics, social norms},
}

@Article{PluemperTraunmueller2020,
  author       = {Thomas Pl{\"u}mper and Richard Traunm{\"u}ller},
  title        = {The sensitivity of sensitivity analysis},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research \& Methods},
  date         = {2020},
  volume       = {8},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {149--159},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2018.30},
  abstract     = {This article evaluates the reliability of sensitivity tests. Using Monte Carlo methods we show that, first, the definition of robustness exerts a large influence on the robustness of variables. Second and more importantly, our results also demonstrate that inferences based on sensitivity tests are most likely to be valid if determinants and confounders are almost uncorrelated and if the variables included in the true model exert a strong influence on outcomes. Third, no definition of robustness reliably avoids both false positives and false negatives. We find that for a wide variety of data-generating processes, rarely used definitions of robustness perform better than the frequently used model averaging rule suggested by Sala-i-Martin. Fourth, our results also suggest that Leamer√ïs extreme bounds analysis and Bayesian model averaging are extremely unlikely to generate false positives. Thus, if based on these inferential criteria a variable is robust, it is almost certain to belong into the empirical model. Fifth and finally, we also show that researchers should avoid drawing inferences based on lack of robustness.},
}

@Article{ChanZhao2016,
  author       = {Chan, Kwan Nok and Zhao, Shuang},
  title        = {Punctuated Equilibrium and the Information Disadvantage of Authoritarianism: Evidence from the People's Republic of China},
  journaltitle = {Policy Studies Journal},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {44},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {134--155},
  doi          = {10.1111/psj.12138},
  abstract     = {According to the punctuated equilibrium thesis, government attention allocation alternates between long periods of stasis and dramatic spurts of disequilibrium because democratic institutions enable minority groups to obstruct change. This article presents a critical discrepancy in contemporary China, where punctuated instability is significantly more intense despite a lack of democratic institutions to empower minority obstructionism. Our empirical analysis further reveals that punctuated intensity goes even higher for Chinese regions facing fewer signs of social discontent. We attribute the intensification of punctuated dynamics to an information disadvantage arising from the lack of diverse, independent sources of information under authoritarianism. Our finding contributes to punctuated equilibrium theory by underlining the function of opposition groups not only as obstructionists but also as challengers to policy priorities. By marginalizing these challengers, authoritarian institutions confine attention to known problems, leading to serious delays in the discovery of and adjustment to emerging issues.},
  keywords     = {punctuated equilibrium, authoritarianism, China},
}

@Article{LamChan2015,
  author       = {Lam, Wai Fung and Chan, Kwan Nok},
  title        = {How Authoritarianism Intensifies Punctuated Equilibrium: The Dynamics of Policy Attention in Hong Kong},
  journaltitle = {Governance},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {28},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {549--570},
  doi          = {10.1111/gove.12127},
  abstract     = {The punctuated equilibrium theory contends that government attention allocation is universally leptokurtic in that long periods of stability are punctuated by bursts of rapid and radical change; the empirical evidence in support of this claim is however exclusively drawn from democratic systems. The absence of electoral politics and institutional decentralization in authoritarian regimes could presumably affect institutional friction; whether and how this might pose as a qualification to the thesis is of major interest. By analyzing four streams of government actions in Hong Kong from 1946 to 2007 straddling the colonial and postcolonial regimes, we have found that government processes are generally leptokurtic even under authoritarian regime institutions, with the degree of the dispersion of decision-making power across the streams of actions affecting the magnitude of punctuation. We have also found that punctuation was greater when the political system was more centralized but declined as the political system democratized.},
}

@Article{BaumgartnerEtAl2017,
  author       = {Frank R. Baumgartner and Marcello Carammia and Derek A. Epp and Ben Noble and Beatriz Rey and Tevfik Murat Yildirim},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Budgetary change in authoritarian and democratic regimes},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1296482},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {792--808},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {We compare patterns of change in budgetary commitments by countries during periods of democracy and authoritarianism. Previous scholarship has focused almost exclusively on democratic governments, finding evidence of punctuated equilibria. Authoritarian regimes may behave differently, both because they may operate with fewer institutional barriers to choice and because they have fewer incentives to gather and respond to policy-relevant information coming from civil society. By analysing public budgeting in Brazil, Turkey, Malta and Russia before and after their transitions from or to democracy, we can test punctuated equilibrium theory under a variety of governing conditions. Our goal is to advance the understanding of the causes of budgetary instability by leveraging contextual circumstances to push the theory beyond democracies and assess its broader applicability.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{Thal2020,
  author       = {Thal, Adam},
  title        = {The Desire for Social Status and Economic Conservatism among Affluent Americans},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2020},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055419000893},
  abstract     = {Affluent Americans have disproportionate influence over policymaking and often use their power to advance conservative economic policies that increase inequality. I show that this behavior is partially driven by affluent Americans√ï desire for social status. First, I use a new survey scale to show that affluent Americans√ï desire for social status strongly predicts their level of economic conservatism. Second, I test my theory experimentally in the context of social media. On sites like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, affluent Americans compete for social status by sharing curated versions of their lives that highlight their upper-class lifestyle. When I randomly assign affluent Americans to experience this status competition, it causes them to become more economically conservative. The results help us understand the social and psychological origins of economic conservatism among affluent Americans, and provide the first evidence that social media encourages political behaviors that are conducive to inequality.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{GilensThal2018,
  author       = {Gilens, Martin and Thal, Adam},
  title        = {{Doing Well and Doing Good?: How Concern for Others Shapes Policy Preferences and Partisanship among Affluent Americans}},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {82},
  number       = {2},
  month        = {06},
  pages        = {209--230},
  issn         = {0033-362X},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfy020},
  abstract     = {Previous research has identified nonmaterial considerations as especially important in shaping the political views of affluent Americans. While other scholars have focused on social issues like abortion or gay rights, or on collective goods like environmental protection, we explore the role of altruism in shaping the economic policy preferences and partisan identification of high-income Americans. We argue that altruistic concern for the well-being of the less well-off leads many affluent Americans to support antipoverty policies and the Democratic Party. Using measures based on actual giving behavior, we document that altruism matters little for low-income Americans' preferences and partisanship, but has substantively large effects on the affluent, leading altruistic high-income Americans to be substantially more supportive of antipoverty policy and the Democratic Party than their less altruistically inclined high-income peers. These findings help explain why a government that responds primarily to the wishes of the well-off may still pursue policies designed to help the poor.},
}

@Article{Thal2017,
  author       = {Thal, Adam},
  title        = {Class Isolation and Affluent Americans' Perception of Social Conditions},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {39},
  number       = {2},
  month        = jun,
  pages        = {401--424},
  issn         = {1573-6687},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-016-9361-9},
  abstract     = {Rising inequality and pro-affluent housing policy have led affluent Americans to become increasingly isolated into neighborhoods that only they are able to afford. I use an under-utilized and unusually large dataset to measure the effects of this isolation on affluent Americans' perception of social conditions, including crime, healthcare accessibility, joblessness, and public school quality. I find that the affluent form perceptions of such social conditions by extrapolating from the conditions that exist in their own neighborhoods. When these neighborhoods are predominately affluent, offering little hint of the problems faced by the lower classes, the affluent take on perceptions of social conditions that are significantly more positive than the perceptions of everyone else in society. By leading politically and economically powerful affluent Americans to develop the false sense that others' lives are as problem-free as their own, class isolation may imperil the prospects for improving social conditions in the United States.},
  refid        = {Thal2017},
}

@Article{AhlquistAnsell2017,
  author       = {Ahlquist, John S. and Ansell, Ben W.},
  title        = {Taking Credit: Redistribution and Borrowing in an Age of Economic Polarization},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {69},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {640--675},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0043887117000089},
  abstract     = {Several recent studies link rising income inequality in the United States to the global financial crisis, arguing that US politicians did not respond to growing inequality with fiscal redistribution. Instead, Americans saved less and borrowed more to maintain relative consumption in the face of widening economic disparities. This article proposes a theory in which fiscal redistribution dampens the willingness of citizens to borrow to fund current consumption. A key implication is that pretax inequality will be more tightly linked with credit in less redistributive countries. The long-run partisan composition of government is, in turn, a key determinant of redistributive effort. Examining a panel of eighteen OECD democracies, the authors find that countries with limited histories of left-wing participation in government are significantly more likely see credit expansion as prefisc inequality grows compared to those in which the political left has been more influential.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Sullivan2008,
  author       = {James X. Sullivan},
  title        = {Borrowing During Unemployment: Unsecured Debt as a Safety Net},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Human Resources},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {43},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {383--412},
  doi          = {10.3368/jhr.43.2.383},
  abstract     = {This paper examines whether unsecured credit markets help disadvantaged households supplement temporary shortfalls in earnings by investigating how unsecured debt responds to unemployment-induced earnings losses. Results indicate that very low-asset households√ëthose in the bottom decile of total assets√ëdo not borrow in response to these shortfalls. However, other low-asset households do borrow, increasing unsecured debt by more than 11 cents per dollar of earnings lost. In contrast, wealthy households do not increase unsecured debt during unemployment. The evidence suggests that very low-asset households do not have sufficient access to unsecured credit to smooth consumption over transitory unemployment spells.},
}

@Article{HuberEtAl2017,
  author       = {Huber, Evelyne and Huo, Jingjing and Stephens, John D},
  title        = {{Power, policy, and top income shares}},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {17},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {231-253},
  issn         = {1475-1461},
  doi          = {10.1093/ser/mwx027},
  url          = {http://pinguet.free.fr/huber2017.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-03-27},
  abstract     = {{The rise of the super-rich has attracted much political and academic attention in recent years. However, there have been few attempts to explain the cross-national along with the temporal variation in the rise of top incomes. Drawing on the World Wealth and Income Database, we study the income share of the top 1\% in current postindustrial democracies from 1960 to 2012. We find that extreme income concentration at the top is a predominantly political phenomenon, not the result of increasing marginal productivity of top managers in markets of increasing size. Top income shares are largely unrelated to economic growth, increased knowledge-intensive production, export competitiveness, financialization and wealth accumulation, though they are related to stock market capitalization. Instead, they are closely associated with political and policy changes such as union density and centralization, secular-right governments, top marginal tax rates and investment in public tertiary education.}},
}

@Article{NolanWeisstanner2020,
  author       = {Brian Nolan and David Weisstanner},
  title        = {Has the middle secured its share of growth or been squeezed?},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  date         = {2020},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2020.1727173},
  abstract     = {In striking contrast to the notion that democracy is under threat because `the middle' has been `squeezed' over recent decades, Iversen and Soskice (2019) in their book, Democracy and Prosperity, present an optimistic account about the future of democracy. This paper examines their key assumption that the symbiosis between democracy and advanced capitalism is underpinned by electorally decisive middle-class voters that secure a constant share of economic growth. Using comprehensive data on income trends, it is shown that this claim does not stand up to scrutiny: median income has often lagged behind the mean in household surveys, rather than kept pace with it as Iversen and Soskice claim. Strong real income growth has generally not compensated the middle for lagging behind. The varying fortunes of the middle in securing its share of economic growth have implications for the broader debate about inequality and democracy.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{BandieraEtAl2020,
  author       = {Bandiera, Oriana and Mohnen, Myra and Rasul, Imran and Viarengo, Martina},
  title        = {Nation-building Through Compulsory Schooling during the Age of Mass Migration},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  date         = {2020},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecoj.12624},
  abstract     = {Why did America introduce compulsory schooling laws at a time when financial investments in education and voluntary school attendance were high? We provide qualitative and quantitative evidence that states adopted compulsory schooling laws as a nation-building tool to instil civic values to the culturally diverse migrants during the ‘Age of Mass Migration’ between 1850 and 1914. We show the adoption of compulsory schooling laws occurred significantly earlier in states that hosted European migrants with lower exposure to civic values in their home countries. Using cross-county data, we show that these migrants had significantly lower demand for American schooling pre-compulsion.},
}

@Article{HeikkilaEtAl2020,
  author       = {Heikkila, Tanya and Weible, Christopher M. and Gerlak, Andrea K.},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  title        = {When does science persuade (or not persuade) in high-conflict policy contexts?},
  doi          = {10.1111/padm.12655},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {535--550},
  volume       = {98},
  abstract     = {Researchers struggle to understand the relationship between science and policy positions, especially the complicated interplay among the various factors that might affect the acceptance or rejection of scientific information. This article presents a typology that simplifies and guides research linking scientific information to policy positions. We use the typology to examine how characteristics of both scientific information and policy actors' existing policy positions affect the likelihood of changing, maintaining or reinforcing those policy positions. We analyse data from surveys conducted in 2015 and 2017 of policy actors engaged in contested policy debates over shale oil and gas development in Colorado, US. Our findings confirm expectations that policy actors will most likely maintain and reinforce their policy positions in response to scientific information. Our data also show that changes in policy positions depend on policy actors' risk perceptions, perceived issue contentiousness, networks and experience with science.},
}

@Article{GonzalezGranic2020,
  author       = {Gonz{\'a}lez, Tanja Artiga and Granic, Georg D.},
  title        = {Spatial Voting Meets Spatial Policy Positions: An Experimental Appraisal},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2020},
  volume       = {114},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {285--290},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055419000492},
  abstract     = {We develop and validate a novel experimental design that builds a bridge between experimental research on the theory of spatial voting and the literature on measuring policy positions from text. Our design utilizes established text-scaling techniques and their corresponding coding schemes to communicate candidates’ numerical policy positions via verbal policy statements. This design allows researchers to investigate the relationship between candidates’ policy stances and voter choice in a purely text-based context. We validate our approach with an online survey experiment. Our results generalize previous findings in the literature and show that proximity considerations are empirically prevalent in purely text-based issue framing scenarios. The design we develop is broad and portable, and we discuss how it adds to current experimental designs, as well as suggest several implications and possible routes for future research.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{SchaubMorisi2020,
  author       = {Schaub, Max and Morisi, Davide},
  title        = {Voter mobilisation in the echo chamber: Broadband internet and the rise of populism in Europe},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  date         = {2020},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12373},
  abstract     = {Can the diffusion of broadband internet help explain the recent success of populist parties in Europe? Populists cultivate an anti-elitist communication style, which, they claim, directly connects them with ordinary people. The internet therefore appears to be the perfect tool for populist leaders. This study shows that this notion holds up to rigorous empirical testing. Drawing on survey data from Italy and Germany, a positive correlation is found between use of the internet as a source of political information and voting for populist parties. By instrumenting internet use with broadband coverage at the municipality level, the study then demonstrates that this relationship is causal. The findings suggest that part of the rise of populism can be attributed to the effect of online tools and communication strategies made possible by the proliferation of broadband access.},
  keywords     = {populism, broadband internet, voting behaviour, Italy, Germany},
}

@Article{BentonPhilips2020,
  author       = {Benton, Allyson L. and Philips, Andrew Q.},
  title        = {Does the @realDonaldTrump Really Matter to Financial Markets?},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2020},
  volume       = {64},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {169-190},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12491},
  abstract     = {Does the @realDonaldTrump really matter to financial markets? Research shows that new information about the likely future policy direction of government affects financial markets. In contrast, we argue that new information can also arise about the likely future government's resolve in following through with its policy goals, affecting financial markets as well. We test our argument using data on U.S. President Donald J. Trump's Mexico-related policy tweets and the U.S. dollar/Mexican peso exchange rate. We find that Trump's Mexico-related tweets raised Mexican peso volatility while his policy views were unknown as well as thereafter, as they signaled his resolve in carrying out his Mexico-related agenda. By helping politicians disseminate policy information to voters, and since voters hold governments accountable for their policy performance, social media allows investors to gather information about the likely policy direction and policy resolve of government, especially those of newcomers whose direction and resolve are unknown.},
}

@Article{BatintiCosta-Font2020,
  author       = {Batinti, Alberto and Costa-Font, Joan},
  title        = {Do economic recessions ``squeeze the middle class''?},
  journaltitle = {Economics \& Politics},
  date         = {2020},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecpo.12145},
  abstract     = {We examine whether economic downturns are linked to the distribution of population income giving rise to an observed “middle class squeeze.” We test this hypothesis using a novel and unique dataset using the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) and allowing us to construct alternative definitions of middle class, such as income-based measures, including labor income based, and perceived measures from the Integrated Values Study (IVS). Our findings suggest that, although recessions are not consistently correlated with middle class squeeze overall, the more unanticipated shocks resulting from the Great Recession show consistently through several definitions, a negative and robust conditional correlation. Furthermore, we find that recessions are positively correlated with the share of the population that regards itself as “middle class.” Estimates are heterogeneous to the baseline unemployment at the time of a recession, country spending on social protection, to middle class measures and definitions.},
  keywords     = {economic recessions, employment shocks, income distribution, middle class size},
}

@Article{BischofWagner2019,
  author       = {Bischof, Daniel and Wagner, Markus},
  title        = {Do Voters Polarize When Radical Parties Enter Parliament?},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {63},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {888-904},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12449},
  abstract     = {Do voters polarize ideologically when radical views gain political legitimacy, or does the rise of radical voices merely reflect societal conflict? We argue that elite polarization as signaled by radical parties' first entrance into parliament leads to voter divergence. Immediately after the election, legitimization and backlash effects mean that voters on both ideological sides move toward the extremes. In the longer term, this polarization is solidified because of radical parties' parliamentary presence. A panel study of Dutch voters shows that the 2002 parliamentary entrance of a radical-right party indeed led to immediate ideological polarization across the political spectrum. Estimating time-series cross-sectional models on Eurobarometer data from 17 countries (1973–2016) shows an additional long-term impact of radical-right party entry on polarization. The presence of radical voices on the right has polarizing effects, illustrating how such institutional recognition and legitimization can have a far-reaching impact on society.},
}

@Article{HillenSteiner2020,
  author       = {Hillen, Sven and Steiner, Nils D.},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {The consequences of supply gaps in two-dimensional policy spaces for voter turnout and political support: The case of economically left-wing and culturally right-wing citizens in Western Europe},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12348},
  eprint       = {https://ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/1475-6765.12348},
  number       = {n/a},
  volume       = {n/a},
  abstract     = {Parties with left-wing positions on economic issues and right-wing (i.e., authoritarian) positions on cultural issues have been historically largely absent from the supply side of the policy space of Western European democracies. Yet, many citizens hold such left-authoritarian issue attitudes. This article addresses the hypotheses that left-authoritarian citizens are less likely to vote, less satisfied with the democratic process and have lower levels of political trust when there is a left-authoritarian supply gap. Using data for 14 Western European countries from the European Social Survey 2008 in the main analysis, it is shown that left-authoritarians are less likely to vote and exhibit lower levels of satisfaction with democracy and political trust. A supplementary analysis of national election studies from Finland before and after the electoral breakthrough of the left-authoritarian True Finns Party in 2011 indicates that whether left-authoritarians participate less and believe less in the efficacy of voting is contingent on the presence of a strong left-authoritarian party. This study illuminates how constrained party supply in a two-dimensional policy space can affect voter turnout as well as political support, and has broader implications for the potential further rise of left-authoritarian challenger parties.},
  keywords     = {left-authoritarians, voter turnout, political support, policy space, supply gap},
}

@Article{BlairEtAl2019,
  author       = {Blair, Graeme and Cooper, Jasper and Coppock, Alexander and Humphreys, Macartan},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Declaring and Diagnosing Research Designs},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055419000194},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {838--859},
  volume       = {113},
  abstract     = {Researchers need to select high-quality research designs and communicate those designs clearly to readers. Both tasks are difficult. We provide a framework for formally ``declaring'' the analytically relevant features of a research design in a demonstrably complete manner, with applications to qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods research. The approach to design declaration we describe requires defining a model of the world (M), an inquiry (I), a data strategy (D), and an answer strategy (A). Declaration of these features in code provides sufficient information for researchers and readers to use Monte Carlo techniques to diagnose properties such as power, bias, accuracy of qualitative causal inferences, and other ``diagnosands.'' Ex ante declarations can be used to improve designs and facilitate preregistration, analysis, and reconciliation of intended and actual analyses. Ex post declarations are useful for describing, sharing, reanalyzing, and critiquing existing designs. We provide open-source software, DeclareDesign, to implement the proposed approach.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{KollmeyerPeters2019,
  author       = {Kollmeyer, Christopher and Peters, John},
  title        = {Financialization and the Decline of Organized Labor: A Study of 18 Advanced Capitalist Countries, 1970--2012},
  journaltitle = {Social Forces},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {98},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1-30},
  issn         = {0037-7732},
  doi          = {10.1093/sf/soy105},
  abstract     = {Is financialization contributing to the slow decline of union density that is occurring across most advanced capitalist countries? Combining insights from literatures on financialization, corporate governance, and comparative political economy, we argue that the growing dominance of finance within advanced capitalism weakens unions through several channels, and plays an important but underappreciated role in the deunionization of national workforces. Using data from 18 advanced capitalist countries over several decades, this assertion is tested against the literature's existing explanations for declining union density. Results from panel regression models suggest that financialization is an important cause of union decline, but that its particular effects vary between different types of advanced capitalism. The study concludes by arguing that financialization creates new interconnections between firms and finance capital, resulting in business practices that ultimately put downward pressure on union densities across advanced capitalist countries.},
}

@Article{AhlquistEtAl2020,
  author       = {Ahlquist, John and Copelovitch, Mark and Walter, Stefanie},
  title        = {The Political Consequences of External Economic Shocks: Evidence from Poland},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2020},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12503},
  abstract     = {How do external economic shocks influence domestic politics? We argue that those materially exposed to the shock will display systematic differences in policy preferences and voting behavior compared to the unexposed, and political parties can exploit these circumstances. Empirically, we take advantage of the 2015 surprise revaluation of the Swiss franc to identify the Polish citizens with direct economic exposure to this exogenous event. Using an original survey fielded prior to the 2015 elections and an embedded survey experiment, we show that exposed individuals were more likely to demand government support and more likely to desert the government and vote for the largest opposition party, which was able to use the shock to expand its electoral coalition without alienating its core voters. Our article clarifies the connection between international shocks, voters’ policy preferences, partisan policy responses, and, ultimately, voting decisions.},
}

@Article{Egan2020,
  author       = {Egan, Patrick J.},
  title        = {Identity as Dependent Variable: How Americans Shift Their Identities to Align with Their Politics},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2020},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12496},
  abstract     = {Political science generally treats identities such as ethnicity, religion, and sexuality as ``unmoved movers'' in the chain of causality. I hypothesize that the growing salience of partisanship and ideology as social identities in the United States, combined with the increasing demographic distinctiveness of the nation's two political coalitions, is leading some Americans to engage in a self-categorization and depersonalization process in which they shift their identities toward the demographic prototypes of their political groups. Analyses of a representative panel data set that tracks identities and political affiliations over a 4-year span confirm that small but significant shares of Americans engage in identity switching regarding ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and class that is predicted by partisanship and ideology in their pasts, bringing their identities into alignment with their politics. These findings enrich and complicate our understanding of the relationship between identity and politics and suggest caution in treating identities as unchanging phenomena.},
}

@Book{GelmanEtAl2020,
  author  = {Andrew Gelman and John B. Carlin and Hal S. Stern and David B. Dunson and Aki Vehtari and Donald B. Rubin},
  title   = {Bayesian Data Analysis},
  date    = {2020},
  edition = {3},
  url     = {http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/book/BDA3.pdf},
  urldate = {2020-04-07},
}

@Article{FeezellOrtiz2020,
  author       = {Jessica T. Feezell and Brittany Ortiz},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Information, Communication \& Society},
  title        = {`I saw it on Facebook': an experimental analysis of political learning through social media},
  doi          = {10.1080/1369118X.2019.1697340},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {The maldistribution of political knowledge in society has important consequences for individual-level political behavior and the representativeness of governmental policies. Increased media selectivity threatens to widen the gap between the politically well-informed and the less-informed by decreasing chance encounters with incidental political information. This study asks: Does exposure to incidental political information through social media promote political learning among users? We conduct two longitudinal, controlled experiments administered through the Facebook platform, and find no statistical difference in the levels of factual political knowledge among participants exposed to political information compared to those who were not. However, those in the treatment group with low political interest may be more likely to venture an incorrect guess than those in the control group, suggesting that exposure to incidental political information through social media may lead to an increase in self-perceived knowledge among some.},
}

@Unpublished{AmatEtAl2020-04-06,
  author   = {Francesc Amat and Andreu Arenas and Albert Falcó-Gimeno and Jordi Muñoz},
  title    = {Pandemics meet democracy. Experimental evidence from the COVID-19 crisis in Spain},
  date     = {2020-04-06},
  url      = {https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/dkusw/},
  urldate  = {2020-04-11},
  abstract = {The COVID-19 outbreak poses an unprecedented challenge for contemporary democracies. Despite the global scale of the problem, the response has been mainly national, and global coordination has been so far extremely weak. All over the world governments are making use of exceptional powers to enforce lockdowns, often sacrificing civil liberties and profoundly altering the pre-existing power balance, which nurtures fears of an authoritarian turn. Relief packages to mitigate the economic consequences of the lockdowns are being discussed, and there is little doubt that the forthcoming recession will have important distributive consequences. In this paper we study citizens' responses to these democratic dilemmas. We present results from a set of survey experiments run in Spain from March 20 to March 28, together with longitudinal evidence from a panel survey fielded right before and after the virus outbreak. Our findings reveal a strong preference for a national as opposed to a European/international response. The national bias is much stronger for the COVID-19 crisis than for other global problems, such as climate change or international terrorism. We also find widespread demand for strong leadership, willingness to give up individual freedom, and a sharp increase in support for technocratic governance. As such, we document the initial switch in mass public preferences towards technocratic and authoritarian government caused by the pandemic. We discuss to what extent this crisis may contribute to a shift towards a new, self-enforcing political equilibrium.},
  doi      = {10.31235/osf.io/dkusw},
}

@Article{PolackoEtAl2020,
  author       = {Matthew Polacko and Oliver Heath and Michael S Lewis-Beck and Ruth Dassonneville},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {Policy Polarization, Income Inequality and Turnout},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032321720906581},
  pages        = {0032321720906581},
  pubstate     = {OnlineFirst},
  abstract     = {Past research on the relationship between income inequality and turnout has produced mixed results, with some studies suggesting that income inequality leads to lower turnout while other studies find little or no significant effects. In this article, we investigate the extent to which these mixed results are due to the contingent nature of inequality on turnout, which depends upon the nature of the policy options that are presented to the electorate. We test these expectations on data from national elections in 30 established democracies from 1965 through 2017 covering 300 elections. Regression analysis using country-level fixed effects reveals consistent evidence in favor of our hypotheses: Inequality tends to have a negative impact on turnout, especially in depolarized party systems, but as party system polarization increases the negative impact of inequality is mitigated.},
}

@Article{BlumenauLauderdale2022,
  author       = {Blumenau, Jack and Lauderdale, Benjamin E.},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Variable Persuasiveness of Political Rhetoric},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Which types of political rhetoric are most persuasive? Politicians make arguments that share common rhetorical elements, including metaphor, ad hominem attacks, appeals to expertise, moral appeals, and many others. However, political arguments are also highly multidimensional, making it dicult to assess the relative persuasive power of these elements. We report on a novel experimental design which assesses the relative persuasiveness of a large number of arguments that deploy a set of rhetorical elements to argue for and against proposals across a range of UK political issues. We find modest differences in the average eectiveness of rhetorical elements shared by many arguments, but also large variation in the persuasiveness of arguments of the same rhetorical type across issues. In addition to revealing that some argument-types are more effective than others in shaping public opinion, these results have important implications for the interpretation of survey-experimental studies in the field of political communication.},
}

@Article{Arceneaux2012,
  author       = {Arceneaux, Kevin},
  title        = {Cognitive Biases and the Strength of Political Arguments},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {56},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {271-285},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00573.x},
  abstract     = {Competition in political debate is not always sufficient to neutralize the effects of political rhetoric on public opinion. Yet little is known about the factors that shape the persuasiveness of political arguments. In this article, I consider whether cognitive biases influence the perceived strength of political arguments, making some arguments more persuasive than others. Lessons from neurobiology and recent political psychology research on emotion lead to the expectation that individuals are more likely to be persuaded by political arguments that evoke loss aversion via a fearful response—even in the face of a counterargument. Evidence from two experiments corroborates this expectation. I consider the normative implications of these empirical findings and potential avenues for future research.},
}

@Article{Elkjer2020,
  author       = {Elkj{\ae}r, Mads Andreas},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {What Drives Unequal Policy Responsiveness? Assessing the Role of Informational Asymmetries in Economic Policy-Making},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414020912282},
  number       = {14},
  pages        = {2213--2245},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {Recent scholarship on inequality and political representation argues that economic elites are dominating democratic policy-making, yet it struggles to explain the underlying mechanisms. This article proposes that unequal responsiveness reflects asymmetries in information about fiscal policy across income classes, as opposed to being a structural bias inherent in capitalist democracy. I test the argument in a pathway case study of economic policy-making in Denmark, using a new data set that combines preference and spending data spanning 18 spending domains between 1985 and 2017. I find that governments that pursue standard macroeconomic policies coincidentally respond more strongly to the preferences of the affluent, owing to a closer adjustment of preferences to the state of the economy among citizens in upper income groups. These findings have important democratic and theoretical implications, as they suggest that unequal responsiveness may not reflect substantive misrepresentation of majority interests, but rather differences in information levels across groups.},
}

@Article{BenedettoEtAl2020,
  author       = {Giacomo Benedetto and Simon Hix and Nicola Mastrorocco},
  title        = {The Rise and Fall of Social Democracy, 1918-2017},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  date         = {2020},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {We describe the electoral history of one of Europe’s most successful party families over the past 100 years in 31 countries. With a unique and newly collected dataset of national election results, and a large number of economic and social variables measured for each country-election observation, we ﬁnd that two main factors drive the electoral performance of social democratic parties: public sector spending, and the size of the manufacturing sector. Our ﬁndings suggest that most of the fall in support for social democratic parties in recent years is correlated with a decline in the number of industrial workers as well as a reduction in the propensity of social democratic parties’ core supporters (industrial workers and public sector employees) to vote for them.},
}

@Article{ElffEtAl2020,
  author       = {Elff, Martin and Heisig, Jan Paul and Schaeffer, Merlin and Shikano, Susumu},
  title        = {Multilevel Analysis with Few Clusters: Improving Likelihood-Based Methods to Provide Unbiased Estimates and Accurate Inference},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2020},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123419000097},
  abstract     = {Quantitative comparative social scientists have long worried about the performance of multilevel models when the number of upper-level units is small. Adding to these concerns, an influential Monte Carlo study by Stegmueller (2013) suggests that standard maximum-likelihood (ML) methods yield biased point estimates and severely anti-conservative inference with few upper-level units. In this article, the authors seek to rectify this negative assessment. First, they show that ML estimators of coefficients are unbiased in linear multilevel models. The apparent bias in coefficient estimates found by Stegmueller can be attributed to Monte Carlo Error and a flaw in the design of his simulation study. Secondly, they demonstrate how inferential problems can be overcome by using restricted ML estimators for variance parameters and a t-distribution with appropriate degrees of freedom for statistical inference. Thus, accurate multilevel analysis is possible within the framework that most practitioners are familiar with, even if there are only a few upper-level units.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Marshall2019,
  author       = {Marshall, John},
  title        = {The Anti-Democrat Diploma: How High School Education Decreases Support for the Democratic Party},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {63},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {67--83},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12409},
  abstract     = {Attending high school can alter students' life trajectories by affecting labor market prospects and through exposure to ideas and networks. However, schooling's influence competes with early socialization forces and may be confounded by selection biases. Consequently, little is known about whether or how high school education shapes downstream political preferences and voting behavior. Using a generalized difference-in-differences design leveraging variation in U.S. state dropout laws across cohorts, I find that raising the school dropout age decreases Democratic partisan identification and voting later in life. Instrumental variables estimates suggest that an additional completed grade of high school decreases Democratic support by around 15 percentage points among students induced to remain in school by higher dropout ages. High school's effects principally operate by increasing income and support for conservative economic policies, especially at an individual's midlife earnings peak. In contrast, such schooling does not affect conservative attitudes on noneconomic issues or political engagement.},
}

@Article{MeyerEtAl2020,
  author       = {Meyer, Thomas M. and Haselmayer, Martin and Wagner, Markus},
  title        = {Who Gets into the Papers? Party Campaign Messages and the Media},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2020},
  volume       = {50},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {281--302},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123417000400},
  abstract     = {Parties and politicians want their messages to generate media coverage and thereby reach voters. This article examines how attributes related to content and sender affect whether party messages are likely to get media attention. Based on content analyses of 1,613 party press releases and 6,512 media reports in a parliamentary, multiparty context, we suggest that party messages are more likely to make it into the news if they address concerns that are already important to the media or other parties. Discussing these issues may particularly help opposition parties and lower-profile politicians get media attention. These results confirm the importance of agenda setting and gatekeeping, shed light on the potential success of party strategies, and have implications for political fairness and representation.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HuebscherEtAl2021,
  author       = {H{\"u}bscher, Evelyne and Sattler, Thomas and Wagner, Markus},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Voter Responses to Fiscal Austerity},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1751--1760},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {The strong political opposition to the recent wave of fiscal austerity shows how diffcult it is for governments to design politically sustainable responses to rising public debt. These difficulties are grounded in a limited understanding of the popular constraints that constrain government action during periods of fiscal pressure. For instance, a highly influential view advocates fiscal spending cuts over tax increases and claims that, empirically, these policies have a minimal impact on political support for governments. But recent research suggests that this account underestimates the impact of these policies on voters. This is because of strategic selection bias: we do not observe voter punishment because governments time cutbacks to minimise such punishment. To address the empirical challenge of estimating voter reactions to policy choices, we conduct survey experiments in Spain, Portugal, Italy, the UK and Germany. These experiments allow us to directly estimate the responses of individual voters to different types of fiscal adjustment. Contrary to the previous literature, the results show that the reelection chances of governments decrease massively when they propose fiscal austerity measures. Voters object particularly strongly to spending cuts and, to a lesser extent, to tax increases. These findings are inconsistent with the policy recommendations of the major international financial institutions, like the ECB, since the outbreak of the European debt crisis.},
}

@Article{PaulusEtAl2017,
  author       = {Paulus, Alari and Figari, Francesco and Sutherland, Holly},
  title        = {{The design of fiscal consolidation measures in the European Union: distributional effects and implications for macro-economic recovery}},
  journaltitle = {Oxford Economic Papers},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {69},
  number       = {3},
  month        = {12},
  pages        = {632--654},
  issn         = {0030-7653},
  doi          = {10.1093/oep/gpw054},
  abstract     = {{The paper considers the austerity measures introduced in the wake of the financial and economic crisis in the late 2000s in relation to their distributional impact across households and potential effects on aggregate demand. We determine the size, composition and effects of fiscal consolidation using a `bottom-up' measurement strategy and find notable cross-country variation. We show that while richer households tend to bear a greater burden in most countries, combined cuts in public wages and transfers are more likely to affect liquidity-constrained households and thereby aggregate demand, casting doubts on the presumed effectiveness of such measures for macro-economic recovery. This suggests that in order to reach robust policy conclusions it is important to consider the distributional patterns of detailed policy measures.}},
}

@Article{SavageEtAl2019,
  author       = {Savage, M. and Callan, T. and Nolan, B. and Colgan, B.},
  title        = {The Great Recession, Austerity and Inequality: Lessons from Ireland},
  journaltitle = {Review of Income and Wealth},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {65},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {312--336},
  doi          = {10.1111/roiw.12337},
  abstract     = {The advent of the Great Recession and the widespread adoption of fiscal austerity policies have heightened concern about inequality and its effects. We examine how the distribution of income in Ireland—a country which experienced one of the most severe economic contractions—has evolved over the years 2008 to 2013. Standard cross-sectional analysis of the income distribution shows broad stability in the Gini coefficient and in decile shares, with one main exception: the share of the bottom decile fell sharply, with the largest fall in average incomes being for that group. Longitudinal analysis shows that the falls in the average income for the bottom decile were not due to decreasing income for those remaining in the bottom decile, but to falls in income from those initially located in higher deciles. The extent of redistribution through taxes and transfers increased strongly, as measured by the Reynolds-Smolensky index, which rose from 0.20 before the onset of the crisis to 0.27 in 2013. Analysis indicates that about three-quarters of this increased redistribution is due to automatic stabilisers and one-quarter to discretionary policy changes.},
  keywords     = {H24, D31, D63, decomposition, inequality, income distribution, longitudinal, microsimulation},
}

@Article{AdamEtAl2015,
  author       = {Adam, Stuart and Browne, James and Elming, William},
  title        = {The Effect of the UK Coalition Government's Tax and Benefit Changes on Household Incomes and Work Incentives},
  journaltitle = {Fiscal Studies},
  date         = {2015},
  volume       = {36},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {375--402},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-5890.2015.12058},
  abstract     = {The coalition government that was in office in the UK between May 2010 and May 2015 introduced a sizeable package of tax and benefit reforms to reduce the UK's large budget deficit. We use a microsimulation model that includes a broader range of policy measures than previous studies to estimate how these reforms affected both household incomes and work incentives. We find that lower-income working-age households and the very richest have lost the most, while working-age households without children in the upper-middle of the income distribution actually gained from these reforms. Some results of our analysis are, however, highly sensitive to the choice of ‘no reform’ baseline. This is particularly true of how much pensioners have gained or lost from the reforms, since this depends critically on whether the basic state pension is increased in line with earnings or prices in the ‘no reform’ scenario. When analysing the impact of these reforms on individuals’ work incentives, we find that the coalition's changes have slightly strengthened work incentives. The participation tax rate has, on average, been reduced by 3 percentage points, perhaps a less significant strengthening of incentives than might have been expected given the scale of the coalition's benefit cuts. However, this average effect disguises considerable variation across the population; indeed, the majority of workers have seen the incentive to increase their earnings weaken, not strengthen, as a result of the coalition's reforms.},
  keywords     = {Tax policy, welfare policy, redistributive effects, work incentives, H21, H23, H24, I38},
}

@Book{RuedaStegmueller2019,
  author    = {Rueda, David and Stegmueller, Daniel},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Who Wants What? Redistribution Preferences in Comparative Perspective},
  doi       = {10.1017/9781108681339},
  isbn      = {9781108681339},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Mourdoukoutas2019-06-22,
  author       = {Panos Mourdoukoutas},
  title        = {Americans Dreaming Of Socialism Should Talk To The Greeks},
  journaltitle = {Wall Street Journal},
  date         = {2019-06-22},
  url          = {https://www.forbes.com/sites/panosmourdoukoutas/2019/06/22/americans-dreaming-of-socialism-should-talk-to-the-greeks/#1b13c4f67e5d},
  urldate      = {2020-06-24},
}

@Article{Fernandez-VillaverdeOhanian2019-01-09,
  author       = {Jes{\'u}s Fern{\'a}ndez-Villaverde and Lee E. Ohanian},
  title        = {How Sweden Overcame Socialism},
  journaltitle = {Wall},
  date         = {2019-01-09},
  url          = {https://www.wsj.com/articles/how-sweden-overcame-socialism-11547078767},
  urldate      = {2020-06-24},
}

@InProceedings{CurtinEtAl2002,
  author     = {Curtin, Richard and Presser, Stanley and Singer, Eleanor},
  title      = {The impact of nonresponse bias on the index of consumer sentiment},
  date       = {2002},
  editor     = {G{\"u}nter Poser and Daniel Bloesch},
  eventtitle = {25th Centre for International Research on Economic Tendency Surveys Conference},
  pages      = {307--23},
}

@Article{Larsen2019,
  author       = {Larsen, Erik Gahner},
  title        = {Policy Feedback Effects on Mass Publics: A Quantitative Review},
  journaltitle = {Policy Studies Journal},
  date         = {2019},
  volume       = {47},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {372--394},
  doi          = {10.1111/psj.12280},
  abstract     = {There has been an impressive stride in the research on policy feedback effects on mass publics over recent years. However, we lack systematic evidence on how large such policy feedback effects are in the literature. This article provides a review of 65 published studies and quantifies the findings and key themes in the policy feedback literature. The results show a great degree of heterogeneity in the domains and outcomes being studied and in the effects of policies on the public. In line with the findings from narrative reviews, feedback effects are greater for outcomes related to political participation and engagement. Last, the review sheds light on important theoretical and methodological limitations to be addressed in future research.},
  keywords     = {policy feedback, mass publics, quantitative review},
}

@Article{Larsen2018,
  author       = {Larsen, Erik Gahner},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {European Sociological Review},
  title        = {{Welfare Retrenchments and Government Support: Evidence from a Natural Experiment}},
  doi          = {10.1093/esr/jcx081},
  issn         = {0266-7215},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {40--51},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {{A large body of literature has provided mixed results on the impact of welfare retrenchments on government support. This article examines whether the impact of welfare retrenchments can be explained by proximity, i.e. whether or not the retrenched policy is related to people's everyday lives. To overcome limitations in previous studies, the empirical approach utilizes a natural experiment with data from the European Social Survey collected concurrently with a salient retrenchment reform of the education grant system in Denmark. The results confirm that people proximate to a welfare policy react substantially stronger to retrenchment reforms than the general public. Robustness and placebo tests further show that the results are not caused by non-personal proximities or satisfaction levels not related to the reform and the government. In sum, the findings speak to a growing body of literature interested in the impact of government policies on mass public.}},
}

@Article{FazekasLarsen2016,
  author       = {Fazekas, Zolt{\'a}n and Larsen, Erik Gahner},
  title        = {Media Content and Political Behavior in Observational Research: A Critical Assessment},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2016},
  volume       = {46},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {195--204},
  doi          = {10.1017/S000712341500006X},
  abstract     = {This article discusses possible issues of how media content and exposure were linked in previous research. It argues that the original conclusions of the article ‘Who's Afraid of Conflict? The Mobilizing Effect of Conflict Framing in Campaign News’ do not hold due to the chosen operationalization. It also demonstrates that using the proposed methodology, both exposure to conflictual and non-conflictual news yield the same substantive conclusion. In addition to re-evaluating the role of conflict, the article contributes to the discussion on how to integrate media and individual-level measures in the study of electoral behavior.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Pardos-Prado2012,
  author       = {Sergi Pardos-Prado},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Valence beyond consensus: Party competence and policy dispersion from a comparative perspective},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2012.01.004},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  note         = {Special Symposium: Generational Differences in Electoral Behaviour},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {342--352},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {Part of the growing literature on valence politics interprets the electoral impact of party competence perceptions as resulting from consensus over ideological positions in contemporary societies. The relationship between valence politics and consensus, however, is usually based on either disputable theoretical assumptions or on single-country analyses. In this paper I empirically test the assumptions linking valence politics and policy consensus in a comparative perspective across 21 political systems. The results show no evidence that valence is associated with consensus, and some evidence that the electoral effect of valence is correlated with certain forms of policy dispersion, such as ideological party polarisation. The implication that perceptions of party competence are significantly informed by spatial-based considerations is discussed.},
  keywords     = {Valence, Party competence, Spatial voting, Ideological consensus, Hierarchical modelling},
}

@Article{LinnNagler2017,
  author       = {Suzanna Linn and Jonathan Nagler},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  title        = {Economic Voting and Economic Inequality: U.S. Presidential Elections 1952--2012},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532673X16685313},
  eprint       = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X16685313},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {589-620},
  volume       = {45},
  abstract     = {Most economic models of election outcomes make two assumptions: voters look at the aggregate economy, and they compare the state of the economy with some fixed reference. We argue that the increase in economic inequality and slowing of overall growth suggest these assumptions should no longer hold. We propose a theory that allows voters to take into account the distribution of economic growth, and we reconsider different decision rules voters could use to evaluate the incumbent. Analyzing presidential elections from 1952 through 2012, we show that models using the economic performance of individual income quintiles are indistinguishable in overall fit from models using aggregate income to predict election results, but can produce different predictions given different distributions of growth. And we show that voters do not appear to explicitly compare economic performance of the incumbent with the out-party, suggesting they have reneged on their role as rational gods of vengeance.},
}

@Article{Hole2007,
  author       = {Hole, Arne Risa},
  title        = {A comparison of approaches to estimating confidence intervals for willingness to pay measures},
  journaltitle = {Health Economics},
  date         = {2007},
  volume       = {16},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {827--840},
  doi          = {10.1002/hec.1197},
  abstract     = {This paper describes four approaches to estimating confidence intervals for willingness to pay measures: the delta, Fieller, Krinsky Robb and bootstrap methods. The accuracy of the various methods is compared using a number of simulated datasets. In the majority of the scenarios considered all four methods are found to be reasonably accurate as well as yielding similar results. The delta method is the most accurate when the data is well-conditioned, while the bootstrap is more robust to noisy data and misspecification of the model. These conclusions are illustrated by empirical data from a study of willingness to pay for a reduction in waiting time for a general practitioner appointment in which all the methods produce fairly similar confidence intervals. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley \& Sons, Ltd.},
  keywords     = {willingness to pay, confidence interval, delta method, bootstrap},
}

@Article{GarzMartin2020,
  author       = {Garz, Marcel and Martin, Gregory J.},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Media Influence on Vote Choices: Unemployment News and Incumbents' Electoral Prospects},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12539},
  number       = {2},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {How does news about the economy influence voting decisions? We isolate the effect of the information environment from the effect of change in the underlying economic conditions themselves by taking advantage of left-digit bias. We show that unemployment figures crossing a round-number “milestone” cause a discontinuous increase in the amount of media coverage devoted to unemployment conditions, and we use this discontinuity to estimate the effect of attention to unemployment news on voting, holding constant the actual economic conditions on the ground. Milestone effects on incumbent U.S. governor vote shares are large and notably asymmetric: Bad milestone events hurt roughly twice as much as good milestone events help.},
}

@Article{Garz2018,
  author       = {Marcel Garz},
  title        = {Effects of unemployment news on economic perceptions -- Evidence from German Federal States},
  journaltitle = {Regional Science and Urban Economics},
  date         = {2018},
  volume       = {68},
  pages        = {172--190},
  issn         = {0166-0462},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.regsciurbeco.2017.11.006},
  abstract     = {This study investigates whether news coverage about unemployment affects people's perceptions of the state of the economy. I compile a German state-level data set, based on household surveys and information obtained from analyzing 35 newspapers. The data are used to separate media effects from real economic consequences, taking advantage of two sources of exogenous variation. First, I exploit the salience of ``milestones'' in the number of unemployed. The news value of these milestones, which is not based on economic fundamentals, causes the media to report more about unemployment than usually. Second, I show that the amount of reports decreases when competing newsworthy events occur at the time of the release of the monthly unemployment statistics. Instrumental variable estimates indicate that a one standard deviation increase in coverage accounts for about a quarter of the average monthly change in the index of economic perceptions.},
  keywords     = {Left-digit bias, media, News competition, Regional differences, Sentiment},
}

@Article{Garz2014,
  author       = {Garz, Marcel},
  title        = {Good news and bad news: evidence of media bias in unemployment reports},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {161},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {499--515},
  issn         = {1573-7101},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11127-014-0182-2},
  abstract     = {This study employs information obtained from media content analyses, as well as economic and political data, to investigate negativity in unemployment news between 2001 and 2010 in Germany. The data indicate a substantial bias in terms of the amounts of negative and positive reports, compared with the actual development of unemployment. Moreover, the media tend to place negative unemployment reports more prominently than positive ones. The estimates suggest that the bias is not the consequence of journalists asymmetrically interpreting the official unemployment numbers. Instead, it is associated with the exploitation of often non-economic information and structural influences in the process of news production.},
}

@Article{Garz2012,
  author       = {Garz, Marcel},
  title        = {Job Insecurity Perceptions and Media Coverage of Labor Market Policy},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Labor Research},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {528--544},
  issn         = {1936-4768},
  doi          = {10.1007/s12122-012-9146-9},
  abstract     = {This study employs a panel data set that combines information obtained from media content analysis, micro-level survey data, and macroeconomic variables to investigate the impact of media coverage on individual perceptions of job insecurity in Germany. Estimates indicate that these perceptions increase in years with greater quantity of news reporting. This volume effect is larger for socio-demographic groups with a generally low incidence of insecurity perceptions (e.g., highly educated and remunerated employees), which implies that unequally distributed perceptions converge when media coverage is strong. Moreover, the results suggest that information processing is subject to an optimism bias.},
}

@Article{GarzEtAl2020,
  author       = {Marcel Garz and Gaurav Sood and Daniel F. Stone and Justin Wallace},
  title        = {The supply of media slant across outlets and demand for slant within outlets: Evidence from US presidential campaign news},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  date         = {2020},
  volume       = {63},
  pages        = {101877},
  issn         = {0176-2680},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101877},
  abstract     = {We conduct across-outlet and within-outlet (and within-topic) analyses of ``congenially'' slanted news. We study ``horse race'' news (news on candidates' chances in an upcoming election) from six major online outlets for the 2012 and 2016 US presidential campaigns. We find robust evidence that horse race headlines were slanted congenially with respect to the preferences of the outlets' typical readers. However, evidence of congenial slant in the timing and frequency of horse race stories is weaker. We also find limited evidence of greater within-outlet demand for headlines most congenial to outlets' typical readers, and somewhat stronger evidence of greater demand for relatively uncongenial headlines. We discuss how various aspects of our results are consistent with each of the major mechanisms driving slant studied in the theoretical literature, and may help explain when each mechanism is more likely to come into play. In particular, readers may be more likely to click on uncongenial headlines due to inferring that these stories are particularly informative when they stand in contrast to an outlet's typically congenial slant.},
  keywords     = {Media bias, Polarization, Media slant, Motivated beliefs, Selective exposure, Horse race news},
}

@Article{Curtice2020,
  author       = {Curtice, John},
  title        = {Will Covid-19 change attitudes towards the welfare state?},
  journaltitle = {IPPR Progressive Review},
  date         = {2020},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {93-104},
  doi          = {10.1111/newe.12185},
}

@Article{BarberaEtAl2021,
  author       = {Barber{\'a}, Pablo and Boydstun, Amber E. and Linn, Suzanna and McMahon, Ryan and Nagler, Jonathan},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {Automated Text Classification of News Articles: A Practical Guide},
  doi          = {10.1017/pan.2020.8},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {19--42},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {Automated text analysis methods have made possible the classification of large corpora of text by measures such as topic and tone. Here, we provide a guide to help researchers navigate the consequential decisions they need to make before any measure can be produced from the text. We consider, both theoretically and empirically, the effects of such choices using as a running example efforts to measure the tone of New York Times coverage of the economy. We show that two reasonable approaches to corpus selection yield radically different corpora and we advocate for the use of keyword searches rather than predefined subject categories provided by news archives. We demonstrate the benefits of coding using article segments instead of sentences as units of analysis. We show that, given a fixed number of codings, it is better to increase the number of unique documents coded rather than the number of coders for each document. Finally, we find that supervised machine learning algorithms outperform dictionaries on a number of criteria. Overall, we intend this guide to serve as a reminder to analysts that thoughtfulness and human validation are key to text-as-data methods, particularly in an age when it is all too easy to computationally classify texts without attending to the methodological choices therein.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Stegmueller2014,
  author       = {Daniel Stegmueller},
  title        = {Bayesian hierarchical age-period-cohort models with time-structured effects: An application to religious voting in the US, 1972--2008},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  date         = {2014},
  volume       = {33},
  pages        = {52--62},
  issn         = {0261-3794},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.005},
  abstract     = {To examine dynamics of political processes using repeated cross-section data, effects of age, cohort, and time period have to be disentangled. I propose a Bayesian dynamic hierarchical model with cohort and period effects modeled as random walk through time. It includes smoothly time-varying effects of covariates, allowing researchers to study changing effects of individual characteristics on political behavior. It provides a flexible functional form estimate of age by integrating a semi-parametric approach in the hierarchical model. I employ this approach to examine religious voting in the United States using repeated cross-sectional surveys from 1972 to 2008. I find starkly differing nonlinear trends of de- and re-alignment among different religious denominations.},
  keywords     = {Age-period-cohort, Hierarchical models, State-space models, Religion, Voting},
}

@Article{BaldassarriGrossman2011,
  author       = {Baldassarri, Delia and Grossman, Guy},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  title        = {Centralized sanctioning and legitimate authority promote cooperation in humans},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.1105456108},
  issn         = {0027-8424},
  number       = {27},
  pages        = {11023--11027},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {Social sanctioning is widely considered a successful strategy to promote cooperation among humans. In situations in which individual and collective interests are at odds, incentives to free-ride induce individuals to refrain from contributing to public goods provision. Experimental evidence from public goods games shows that when endowed with sanctioning powers, conditional cooperators can discipline defectors, thus leading to greater levels of cooperation. However, extant evidence is based on peer punishment institutions, whereas in complex societies, systems of control are often centralized: for instance, we do not sanction our neighbors for driving too fast, the police do. Here we show the effect of centralized sanctioning and legitimate authority on cooperation. We designed an adaptation of the public goods game in which sanctioning power is given to a single monitor, and we experimentally manipulated the process by which the monitor is chosen. To increase the external validity of the study, we conducted lab-in-the-field experiments involving 1,543 Ugandan farmers from 50 producer cooperatives. This research provides evidence of the effectiveness of centralized sanctioning and demonstrates the causal effect of legitimacy on cooperation: participants are more responsive to the authority of an elected monitor than a randomly chosen monitor. Our essay contributes to the literature on the evolution of cooperation by introducing the idea of role differentiation. In complex societies, cooperative behavior is not only sustained by mechanisms of selection and reciprocity among peers, but also by the legitimacy that certain actors derive from their position in the social hierarchy.},
}

@Article{MontgomeryEtAl2018,
  author       = {Montgomery, Jacob M. and Nyhan, Brendan and Torres, Michelle},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {How Conditioning on Posttreatment Variables Can Ruin Your Experiment and What to Do about It},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12357},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {760--775},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {In principle, experiments offer a straightforward method for social scientists to accurately estimate causal effects. However, scholars often unwittingly distort treatment effect estimates by conditioning on variables that could be affected by their experimental manipulation. Typical examples include controlling for posttreatment variables in statistical models, eliminating observations based on posttreatment criteria, or subsetting the data based on posttreatment variables. Though these modeling choices are intended to address common problems encountered when conducting experiments, they can bias estimates of causal effects. Moreover, problems associated with conditioning on posttreatment variables remain largely unrecognized in the field, which we show frequently publishes experimental studies using these practices in our discipline's most prestigious journals. We demonstrate the severity of experimental posttreatment bias analytically and document the magnitude of the potential distortions it induces using visualizations and reanalyses of real-world data. We conclude by providing applied researchers with recommendations for best practice.},
}

@Book{SaezZucman2019,
  author    = {Saez, Emmanuel and Zucman, Gabriel},
  title     = {The Triumph of Injustice},
  date      = {2019},
  publisher = {Norton \& Company},
  isbn      = {9781324002727},
  pagetotal = {232},
}

@Unpublished{DomsMorin2004-07,
  author       = {Doms, Mark and Morin, Norman},
  title        = {Consumer Sentiment, the Economy, and the News Media},
  date         = {2004-07},
  howpublished = {Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco},
  note         = {FRBSF Working Paper 2004-09},
  url          = {http://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/files/wp04-09bk.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-08-17},
}

@Article{Mudde2004,
  author       = {Mudde, Cas},
  title        = {The Populist Zeitgeist},
  journaltitle = {Government and Opposition},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {39},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {541--563},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00135.x},
  abstract     = {Since the 1980s the rise of so-called ‘populist parties’ has given rise to thousands of books, articles, columns and editorials. This article aims to make a threefold contribution to the current debate on populism in liberal democracies. First, a clear and new definition of populism is presented. Second, the normal-pathology thesis is rejected; instead it is argued that today populist discourse has become mainstream in the politics of western democracies. Indeed, one can even speak of a populist Zeitgeist. Third, it is argued that the explanations of and reactions to the current populist Zeitgeist are seriously flawed and might actually strengthen rather than weaken it.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Appiah2006,
  author       = {Appiah, Kwame Anthony},
  title        = {The politics of identity},
  journaltitle = {Daedalus},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {135},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {15--22},
  doi          = {10.1162/daed.2006.135.4.15},
  url          = {https://search.proquest.com/openview/37c3523286730d9d30b5b1bd9fcea159},
  urldate      = {2020-08-17},
}

@Article{MonroeEtAl2000,
  author       = {Monroe, Kristen Renwick and Hankin, James and {Van Vechten}, Renée Bukovchik},
  title        = {The Psychological Foundations of Identity Politics},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  date         = {2000},
  volume       = {3},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {419--447},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.419},
  abstract     = {This chapter reviews social psychological theories relating to political identity and group behavior. We define individual and social identity, examine the main social psychological explanations of social identity, and discuss work on intergroup relations, boundaries, and conflict. We suggest several particular substantive political debates that would benefit from knowledge of this literature.},
}

@Article{Bernstein1997,
  author       = {Bernstein, Mary},
  title        = {Celebration and Supression: The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  date         = {1997},
  volume       = {103},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {531--565},
  doi          = {10.1086/231250},
  abstract     = {Critics of identity politics decry the celebration of difference within identity movements, yet many activists underscore their similarities to, rather than differences from, the majority. This article develops the idea of "identity deployment" as a form of strategic collective action. Thus one can ask under what political conditions are identities that celebrate or suppress differences deployed strategically. A comparison of strategies used in four lesbian and gay rights campaigns shows that interactions between social movement organizations, state actors, and the opposition determine the types of identities deployed. The author suggests the model's application to the Civil Rights and feminist movements. [The organizers of the 1993 lesbian and gay march on Washington] face a dilemma: how to put forward a set of unsettling demands for unconventional people in ways that will not make enemies of potential allies. They do so by playing down their differences before the media and the country while celebrating it in private. (Tarrow 1994, p. 10)},
}

@Article{Huddy2001,
  author       = {Huddy, Leonie},
  title        = {From Social to Political Identity: A Critical Examination of Social Identity Theory},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {22},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {127--156},
  doi          = {10.1111/0162-895X.00230},
  abstract     = {Interest in the concept of identity has grown exponentially within both the humanities and social sciences, but the discussion of identity has had less impact than might be expected on the quantitative study of political behavior in general and on political psychology more specifically. One of the approaches that holds the most promise for political psychologists is social identity theory, as reflected in the thinking of Henri Tajfel, John Turner, and colleagues. Although the theory addresses the kinds of problems of interest to political psychologists, it has had limited impact on political psychology because of social identity theorists' disinclination to examine the sources of social identity in a real world complicated by history and culture. In this review, four key issues are examined that hinder the successful application of social identity theory to political phenomena. These key issues are the existence of identity choice, the subjective meaning of identities, gradations in identity strength, and the considerable stability of many social and political identities.},
  keywords     = {social identity, identity politics, political identification, intergroup relations},
}

@Article{HuddyEtAl2015,
  author       = {Huddy, Leonie and Mason, Lilliana and Aar\o{}e, Lene},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Expressive Partisanship: Campaign Involvement, Political Emotion, and Partisan Identity},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055414000604},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--17},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y3l3gzb8},
  urldate      = {2020-08-17},
  volume       = {109},
  abstract     = {Party identification is central to the study of American political behavior, yet there remains disagreement over whether it is largely instrumental or expressive in nature. We draw on social identity theory to develop the expressive model and conduct four studies to compare it to an instrumental explanation of campaign involvement. We find strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity. A series of experiments underscore the power of partisan identity to generate action-oriented emotions that drive campaign activity. Strongly identified partisans feel angrier than weaker partisans when threatened with electoral loss and more positive when reassured of victory. In contrast, those who hold a strong and ideologically consistent position on issues are no more aroused emotionally than others by party threats or reassurances. In addition, threat and reassurance to the party's status arouse greater anger and enthusiasm among partisans than does a threatened loss or victory on central policy issues. Our findings underscore the power of an expressive partisan identity to drive campaign involvement and generate strong emotional reactions to ongoing campaign events.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BurkhauserEtAl2012,
  author       = {Burkhauser, Richard V. and Feng, Shuaizhang and Jenkins, Stephen P. and Larrimore, Jeff},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {Recent Trends in Top Income Shares in the United States: Reconciling Estimates from March CPS and IRS Tax Return Data},
  doi          = {10.1162/REST_a_00200},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {371--388},
  volume       = {94},
  abstract     = {Although most U.S. income inequality research is based on public use March CPS data, a new wave of research using IRS tax return data reports substantially faster inequality growth for recent years. We show that these apparently inconsistent estimates are largely reconciled when the income distribution and inequality are defined the same way. Using internal CPS data for 1967 to 2006, we show that CPS-based estimates of top income shares are similar to IRS data-based estimates reported by Piketty and Saez (2003). Our results imply that income inequality changes since 1993 are largely driven by changes in incomes of the top 1\%.},
}

@Article{MechlingEtAl2017,
  author       = {George Mechling and Stephen Miller and Ron Konecny},
  title        = {Do Piketty and Saez Misstate Income Inequality? Critiquing the Critiques},
  journaltitle = {Review of Political Economy},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {29},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {30--46},
  doi          = {10.1080/09538259.2017.1255439},
  abstract     = {A large body of literature points to sharply growing income inequality over the past half century. The Piketty and Saez dataset that measures income distribution provides empirical support for this claim. Our article evaluates three prominent criticisms of this dataset as well as the responses of Piketty and Saez to these criticisms. One key argument against using their dataset is that Piketty and Saez do not control for income shifting by top income earners in response to the Tax Reform Act of 1986 (TRA86) and thus overstate income inequality. In evaluating this criticism we find that a segment of their dataset likely understates income inequality; this is just the opposite of what critics assert. This implies that the Piketty--Saez dataset is a valuable resource for income inequality research and that scholars can use it to build more refined, accurate and insightful measures of income inequality.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Book{Mohamed2020,
  author    = {Mohamed, Hashi},
  title     = {People Like Us: Social Mobility, Inequality and Making it in Modern Britain},
  date      = {2020},
  publisher = {Profile Books},
  isbn      = {9781788161121},
}

@Book{Hirsch2018,
  author    = {Hirsch, Afua},
  title     = {Brit(ish): On Race, Identity and Belonging},
  date      = {2018},
  publisher = {Random House UK Ltd},
  isbn      = {9781784705039},
  pagetotal = {384},
}

@Book{Gilroy2006,
  author    = {Gilroy, Paul},
  date      = {2006},
  title     = {There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780203995075},
  isbn      = {9780415289818},
  location  = {London New York},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  origdate  = {1987},
}

@Book{Lammy2020,
  author    = {Lammy, David},
  title     = {Tribes: How Our Need to Belong Can Make or Break the Good Society},
  date      = {2020},
  publisher = {Little, Brown Book Group},
  isbn      = {9781472128713},
  pagetotal = {352},
}

@Book{Hechter2001,
  author    = {Hechter, Michael},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {Containing Nationalism},
  doi       = {10.1093/019924751X.001.0001},
  isbn      = {9780199247516},
  pagetotal = {268},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{Winder2010,
  author    = {Winder, Robert},
  title     = {Bloody Foreigners},
  date      = {2010},
  publisher = {Little, Brown Book Group},
  isbn      = {9780748123964},
  pagetotal = {560},
}

@InCollection{Breuilly2015,
  author    = {John Breuilly},
  booktitle = {International Encyclopedia of the Social \& Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition)},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Nations and Nation-States in History},
  doi       = {10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.62092-5},
  edition   = {Second Edition},
  editor    = {James D. Wright},
  isbn      = {9780080970875},
  location  = {Oxford},
  pages     = {297--303},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  abstract  = {The article begins by considering the debate about the existence and significance of nations and nationalism before the rise of the nation-state in the modern period. It then considers the role of nations and nationalism in the formation of nation-states. This begins with Europe, looking at the distinct processes of state reform, national unification, and separatist nationalism in producing different kinds of nation-states. The role of international relations and war is also considered. The following section turns to nation-state formation beyond Europe, especially the waves of new states following the two World Wars and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The article concludes with some reflections on the future of nations and nation-states.},
  keywords  = {Decolonization, Empire, Ethnicity, Nation, National sovereignty, Nationalism, Nation-state, Reform, Separatism, State, Unification, War},
}

@Article{BlaydesPaik2016,
  author       = {Blaydes, Lisa and Paik, Christopher},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {The Impact of Holy Land Crusades on State Formation: War Mobilization, Trade Integration, and Political Development in Medieval Europe},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0020818316000096},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {551–-586},
  volume       = {70},
  abstract     = {Holy Land Crusades were among the most significant forms of military mobilization to occur during the medieval period. Crusader mobilization had important implications for European state formation. We find that areas with large numbers of Holy Land crusaders witnessed increased political stability and institutional development as well as greater urbanization associated with rising trade and capital accumulation, even after taking into account underlying levels of religiosity and economic development. Our findings contribute to a scholarly debate regarding when the essential elements of the modern state first began to appear. Although our causal mechanisms -- which focus on the importance of war preparation and urban capital accumulation -- resemble those emphasized by previous research, we date the point of critical transition to statehood centuries earlier, in line with scholars who emphasize the medieval origins of the modern state. We also point to one avenue by which the rise of Muslim military and political power may have affected European institutional development.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{SteeleEtAl2017,
  author       = {Steele, Abbey and Paik, Christopher and Tanaka, Seiki},
  title        = {Constraining the Samurai: Rebellion and Taxation in Early Modern Japan},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {61},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {352--370},
  issn         = {0020-8833},
  doi          = {10.1093/isq/sqx008},
  abstract     = {{On the eve of the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the nearly 300 semi-autonomous domains across Japan had widely varying tax rates. Some handed over 70 percent of their rice yield to the samurai ruler of the domain, while others provided 15 percent. This variation existed in spite of the similar fiscal demands that the domain rulers faced within the Tokugawa regime—the feudal system that governed Japan between 1603 and 1868. This period was remarkably stable; Japan saw no foreign or domestic wars. This allows us to focus on the impact of pressure from below on taxation. We study the extent to which peasant-led rebellions and collective desertion (“flight”) lowered the subsequent tax rate imposed by samurai rulers. Using newly compiled data on different types of peasant-led political mobilization—from petitions to insurrections—we find an association between, on the one hand, large-scale rebellions and flight and, on the other, lower tax rates. We interpret the results as evidence of rebellious or mobile peasants’ ability to constrain their rulers; the more complacent fail to win concessions. Our findings suggest that peasant mobilization played a role in restricting state growth in early modern Japan through tax concessions.}},
}

@Book{Klein2020,
  author    = {Klein, Ezra},
  title     = {Why We're Polarised},
  date      = {2020},
  publisher = {Profile Books},
  isbn      = {1788166787},
}

@Article{StormEtAl2017,
  author       = {Storm, Ingrid and Sobolewska, Maria and Ford, Robert},
  title        = {Is ethnic prejudice declining in Britain? Change in social distance attitudes among ethnic majority and minority Britons},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {68},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {410--434},
  doi          = {10.1111/1468-4446.12250},
  abstract     = {Most literature on racial prejudice deals with the racial attitudes of the ethnic majority and ethnic minorities separately. This paper breaks this tradition. We examine the social distance attitudes of white and non-white British residents to test if these attitudes follow the same trends over time, whether they are driven by the same social processes and whether they are inter-related. We have three main findings. Firstly, social distance from other ethnic groups has declined over time for both white and ethnic minority Britons. For the white majority there are both period and cohort elements to this decline. Secondly, we see some evidence that social distance between the majority and minority groups is reciprocal. Specifically, minorities who experience rejection by the white British feel a greater sense of distance from them. Thirdly, we find that all groups share the perception of the same ethnic hierarchy. We see evidence of particularly widespread hostility towards Muslim Britons from all ethnic groups suggesting that Muslims are singled out for negative attention from many British residents of all other backgrounds, including a large number who do not express hostility to other groups.},
  keywords     = {ethnic prejudice, social distance, interethnic marriage, ethnic hierarchy, anti-Muslim bias, racial discrimination, social attitude trends, Britain},
}

@Article{Ford2008,
  author       = {Ford, Robert},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Is racial prejudice declining in Britain?},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-4446.2008.00212.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {609--636},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {This article employs two previously neglected indicators of racial prejudice from the British Social Attitudes surveys to examine the social distribution of prejudices against black and Asian Britons. Three hypotheses are proposed and tested: that racial prejudice is declining in Britain; that this decline is principally generational in nature; and that greater prejudice is shown towards more culturally distinct Asian minorities than black minorities. Strong evidence is found for the first two hypotheses, with evidence of an overall decline in prejudice and of a sharp decline in prejudices among generations who have grown up since mass black and Asian immigration began in the 1950s. Little evidence is found for the third hypothesis: British reactions towards black and Asian minorities are broadly similar suggesting racial differences may still be the main factor prompting white hostility to British minorities.},
  keywords     = {Prejudice, Britain, ethnic minorities, attitudes, cohort, diversity},
}

@Article{FanCook2003,
  author       = {David P. Fan and R. Dennis Cook},
  title        = {A differential equation model for predicting public opinions and behaviors from persuasive information: Application to the index of consumer sentiment},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Mathematical Sociology},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {27},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {29--51},
  doi          = {10.1080/00222500305886},
  abstract     = {This paper shows that ideodynamics is a differential equation model capable ofpredicting public opinions and behaviors from persuasive information. Statistics are also developed for the model. The methodology is applied to predict the time trend of public opinion about the economy as quantified by the Index of Consumer Sentiment compiled by the University of Michigan. The explanatory variables are derived from news coverage of the economy in positive and negative terms.},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{FordGoodwin2017,
  author       = {Ford, Robert and Goodwin, Matthew},
  title        = {Britain After Brexit: A Nation Divided},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Democracy},
  date         = {2017},
  volume       = {28},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {17--30},
  doi          = {10.1353/jod.2017.0002},
  abstract     = {On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom voted by a 52 to 48 margin to leave the European Union. The result of the EU referendum was the latest and most dramatic expression of long-term social changes that have been silently reshaping public opinion, political behavior, and party competition in Britain and Western democracies. In this essay, we consider the underlying social and attitudinal shifts that made “Brexit” and the rise to prominence of the populist, right-wing U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) possible. Finally, we consider what these momentous developments reveal about the state of British politics and society.On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom voted by a 52 to 48 margin to leave the European Union. The result of the EU referendum was the latest and most dramatic expression of long-term social changes that have been silently reshaping public opinion, political behavior, and party competition in Britain and Western democracies. In this essay, we consider the underlying social and attitudinal shifts that made “Brexit” and the rise to prominence of the populist, right-wing U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) possible. Finally, we consider what these momentous developments reveal about the state of British politics and society.},
}

@Article{HenrichEtAl2010,
  author       = {Henrich, Joseph and Heine, Steven J. and Norenzayan, Ara},
  title        = {The weirdest people in the world?},
  journaltitle = {Behavioral and Brain Sciences},
  date         = {2010},
  volume       = {33},
  number       = {2-3},
  pages        = {61-–83},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0140525X0999152X},
  abstract     = {Behavioral scientists routinely publish broad claims about human psychology and behavior in the world's top journals based on samples drawn entirely from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) societies. Researchers – often implicitly – assume that either there is little variation across human populations, or that these “standard subjects” are as representative of the species as any other population. Are these assumptions justified? Here, our review of the comparative database from across the behavioral sciences suggests both that there is substantial variability in experimental results across populations and that WEIRD subjects are particularly unusual compared with the rest of the species – frequent outliers. The domains reviewed include visual perception, fairness, cooperation, spatial reasoning, categorization and inferential induction, moral reasoning, reasoning styles, self-concepts and related motivations, and the heritability of IQ. The findings suggest that members of WEIRD societies, including young children, are among the least representative populations one could find for generalizing about humans. Many of these findings involve domains that are associated with fundamental aspects of psychology, motivation, and behavior – hence, there are no obvious a priori grounds for claiming that a particular behavioral phenomenon is universal based on sampling from a single subpopulation. Overall, these empirical patterns suggests that we need to be less cavalier in addressing questions of human nature on the basis of data drawn from this particularly thin, and rather unusual, slice of humanity. We close by proposing ways to structurally re-organize the behavioral sciences to best tackle these challenges.},
}

@Article{FehrFischbacher2003,
  author       = {Ernst Fehr and Urs Fischbacher},
  title        = {The nature of human altruism},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {425},
  number       = {6960},
  pages        = {785--791},
  doi          = {10.1038/nature02043},
  abstract     = {Some of the most fundamental questions concerning our evolutionary origins, our social relations, and the organization of society are centred around issues of altruism and selfishness. Experimental evidence indicates that human altruism is a powerful force and is unique in the animal world. However, there is much individual heterogeneity and the interaction between altruists and selfish individuals is vital to human cooperation. Depending on the environment, a minority of altruists can force a majority of selfish individuals to cooperate or, conversely, a few egoists can induce a large number of altruists to defect. Current gene-based evolutionary theories cannot explain important patterns of human altruism, pointing towards the importance of both theories of cultural evolution as well as gene–culture co-evolution.},
}

@Article{Nowak2006,
  author       = {Martin A. Nowak},
  title        = {Five Rules for the Evolution of Cooperation},
  journaltitle = {Science},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {314},
  number       = {5805},
  pages        = {1560--1563},
  doi          = {10.1126/science.1133755},
  abstract     = {Cooperation is needed for evolution to construct new levels of organization. Genomes, cells, multicellular organisms, social insects, and human society are all based on cooperation. Cooperation means that selfish replicators forgo some of their reproductive potential to help one another. But natural selection implies competition and therefore opposes cooperation unless a specific mechanism is at work. Here I discuss five mechanisms for the evolution of cooperation: kin selection, direct reciprocity, indirect reciprocity, network reciprocity, and group selection. For each mechanism, a simple rule is derived that specifies whether natural selection can lead to cooperation.},
}

@Article{NowakSigmund2005,
  author       = {Martin A. Nowak and Karl Sigmund},
  title        = {Evolution of indirect reciprocity},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  date         = {2005},
  volume       = {437},
  number       = {7063},
  pages        = {1291--1298},
  doi          = {10.1038/nature04131},
  abstract     = {Natural selection is conventionally assumed to favour the strong and selfish who maximize their own resources at the expense of others. But many biological systems, and especially human societies, are organized around altruistic, cooperative interactions. How can natural selection promote unselfish behaviour? Various mechanisms have been proposed, and a rich analysis of indirect reciprocity has recently emerged: I help you and somebody else helps me. The evolution of cooperation by indirect reciprocity leads to reputation building, morality judgement and complex social interactions with ever-increasing cognitive demands.},
}

@Article{FehrGachter2002,
  author       = {Ernst Fehr and Simon Gächter},
  title        = {Altruistic punishment in humans},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {415},
  number       = {6868},
  pages        = {137--140},
  doi          = {10.1038/415137a},
  abstract     = {Human cooperation is an evolutionary puzzle. Unlike other creatures, people frequently cooperate with genetically unrelated strangers, often in large groups, with people they will never meet again, and when reputation gains are small or absent. These patterns of cooperation cannot be explained by the nepotistic motives associated with the evolutionary theory of kin selection and the selfish motives associated with signalling theory or the theory of reciprocal altruism. Here we show experimentally that the altruistic punishment of defectors is a key motive for the explanation of cooperation. Altruistic punishment means that individuals punish, although the punishment is costly for them and yields no material gain. We show that cooperation flourishes if altruistic punishment is possible, and breaks down if it is ruled out. The evidence indicates that negative emotions towards defectors are the proximate mechanism behind altruistic punishment. These results suggest that future study of the evolution of human cooperation should include a strong focus on explaining altruistic punishment.},
}

@Article{BowlesGintis2002a,
  author       = {Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis},
  title        = {Social Capital and Community Governance},
  journaltitle = {Economic Journal},
  date         = {2002},
  volume       = {112},
  number       = {483},
  pages        = {F419--F436},
  doi          = {10.1111/1468-0297.00077},
  abstract     = {\emph{Community governance} is the set of small group social interactions that, with market and state, determine economic outcomes. We argue (i) community governance addresses some common market and state failures but typically relies on insider‐outsider distinctions that may be morally repugnant and economically costly; (ii) the individual motivations supporting community governance are not captured by either selfishness or altruism; (iii) communities, markets and states are complements, not substitutes; (iv) when poorly designed, markets and states crowd out communities; (v) some distributions of property rights are better than others at fostering community governance; and (vi) communities will probably increase in importance in the future.},
}

@Article{Tabellini2008,
  author       = {Guido Tabellini},
  title        = {The Scope of Cooperation: Values and Incentives{\ast}},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {123},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {905--950},
  doi          = {10.1162/qjec.2008.123.3.905},
  abstract     = {What explains the range of situations in which individuals cooperate? This paper studies a model where individuals respond to incentives but are also influenced by norms of good conduct inherited from earlier generations. Parents rationally choose what values to transmit to their offspring, and this choice is influenced by the spatial patterns of external enforcement and of likely future transactions. The equilibrium displays strategic complementarities between values and current behavior, which reinforce the effects of changes in the external environment. Values evolve gradually over time, and if the quality of legal enforcement is chosen under majority rule, there is path dependence: adverse initial conditions may lead to a unique equilibrium where legal enforcement remains weak and individual values discourage cooperation.},
}

@Article{FehrFischbacher2004,
  author       = {Ernst Fehr and Urs Fischbacher},
  title        = {Third-party punishment and social norms},
  journaltitle = {Evolution and Human Behavior},
  date         = {2004},
  volume       = {25},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {63--87},
  doi          = {10.1016/s1090-5138(04)00005-4},
  abstract     = {We examine the characteristics and relative strength of third-party sanctions in a series of experiments. We hypothesize that egalitarian distribution norms and cooperation norms apply in our experiments, and that third parties, whose economic payoff is unaffected by the norm violation, may be willing to enforce these norms although the enforcement is costly for them. Almost two-thirds of the third parties indeed punished the violation of the distribution norm and their punishment increased the more the norm was violated. Likewise, up to roughly 60\% of the third parties punished violations of the cooperation norm. Thus, our results show that the notion of strong reciprocity extends to the sanctioning behavior of “unaffected” third parties. In addition, these experiments suggest that third-party punishment games are powerful tools for studying the characteristics and the content of social norms. Further experiments indicate that second parties, whose economic payoff is reduced by the norm violation, punish the violation much more strongly than do third parties.},
}

@Article{BoydEtAl2003,
  author       = {R. Boyd and H. Gintis and S. Bowles and P. J. Richerson},
  title        = {The evolution of altruistic punishment},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {100},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {3531--3535},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.0630443100},
  abstract     = {Both laboratory and field data suggest that people punish noncooperators even in one-shot interactions. Although such “altruistic punishment” may explain the high levels of cooperation in human societies, it creates an evolutionary puzzle: existing models suggest that altruistic cooperation among nonrelatives is evolutionarily stable only in small groups. Thus, applying such models to the evolution of altruistic punishment leads to the prediction that people will not incur costs to punish others to provide benefits to large groups of nonrelatives. However, here we show that an important asymmetry between altruistic cooperation and altruistic punishment allows altruistic punishment to evolve in populations engaged in one-time, anonymous interactions. This process allows both altruistic punishment and altruistic cooperation to be maintained even when groups are large and other parameter values approximate conditions that characterize cultural evolution in the small-scale societies in which humans lived for most of our prehistory.},
}

@Article{BrosnandeWaal2003,
  author       = {Sarah F. Brosnan and Frans B. M. de Waal},
  title        = {Monkeys reject unequal pay},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  date         = {2003},
  volume       = {425},
  number       = {6955},
  pages        = {297--299},
  doi          = {10.1038/nature01963},
  abstract     = {During the evolution of cooperation it may have become critical for individuals to compare their own efforts and pay-offs with those of others. Negative reactions may occur when expectations are violated. One theory proposes that aversion to inequity can explain human cooperation within the bounds of the rational choice model, and may in fact be more inclusive than previous explanations Although there exists substantial cultural variation in its particulars, this ‘sense of fairness’ is probably a human universal that has been shown to prevail in a wide variety of circumstances. However, we are not the only cooperative animals, hence inequity aversion may not be uniquely human. Many highly cooperative nonhuman species seem guided by a set of expectations about the outcome of cooperation and the division of resources. Here we demonstrate that a nonhuman primate, the brown capuchin monkey (Cebus apella), responds negatively to unequal reward distribution in exchanges with a human experimenter. Monkeys refused to participate if they witnessed a conspecific obtain a more attractive reward for equal effort, an effect amplified if the partner received such a reward without any effort at all. These reactions support an early evolutionary origin of inequity aversion.},
}

@Article{HenrichEtAl2006,
  author       = {Joseph Henrich and Richard McElreath and Abigail Barr and Jean Ensminger and Clark Barrett and Alexander Bolyanatz and Juan Camilo Cardenas and Michael Gurven and Edwins Gwako and Natalie Henrich and Carolyn Lesorogol and Frank Marlowe and David Tracer and John Ziker},
  title        = {Costly Punishment Across Human Societies},
  journaltitle = {Science},
  date         = {2006},
  volume       = {312},
  number       = {5781},
  pages        = {1767--1770},
  doi          = {10.1126/science.1127333},
  abstract     = {Recent behavioral experiments aimed at understanding the evolutionary foundations of human cooperation have suggested that a willingness to engage in costly punishment, even in one-shot situations, may be part of human psychology and a key element in understanding our sociality. However, because most experiments have been confined to students in industrialized societies, generalizations of these insights to the species have necessarily been tentative. Here, experimental results from 15 diverse populations show that (i) all populations demonstrate some willingness to administer costly punishment as unequal behavior increases, (ii) the magnitude of this punishment varies substantially across populations, and (iii) costly punishment positively covaries with altruistic behavior across populations. These findings are consistent with models of the gene-culture coevolution of human altruism and further sharpen what any theory of human cooperation needs to explain.},
}

@Article{FehrSchmidt1999,
  author       = {E. Fehr and K. M. Schmidt},
  title        = {A Theory of Fairness, Competition, and Cooperation},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  date         = {1999},
  volume       = {114},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {817--868},
  doi          = {10.1162/003355399556151},
  abstract     = {There is strong evidence that people exploit their bargaining power in competitive markets but not in bilateral bargaining situations. There is also strong evidence that people exploit free-riding opportunities in voluntary cooperation games. Yet, when they are given the opportunity to punish free riders, stable cooperation is maintained, although punishment is costly for those who punish. This paper asks whether there is a simple common principle that can explain this puzzling evidence. We show that if some people care about equity the puzzles can be resolved. It turns out that the economic environment determines whether the fair types or the selfish types dominate equilibrium behavior.},
}

@Article{FehrEtAl2008,
  author       = {Ernst Fehr and Helen Bernhard and Bettina Rockenbach},
  title        = {Egalitarianism in young children},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  date         = {2008},
  volume       = {454},
  number       = {7208},
  pages        = {1079--1083},
  doi          = {10.1038/nature07155},
  abstract     = {Human social interaction is strongly shaped by other-regarding preferences, that is, a concern for the welfare of others. These preferences are important for a unique aspect of human sociality—large scale cooperation with genetic strangers—but little is known about their developmental roots. Here we show that young children’s other-regarding preferences assume a particular form, inequality aversion that develops strongly between the ages of 3 and 8. At age 3–4, the overwhelming majority of children behave selfishly, whereas most children at age 7–8 prefer resource allocations that remove advantageous or disadvantageous inequality. Moreover, inequality aversion is strongly shaped by parochialism, a preference for favouring the members of one’s own social group. These results indicate that human egalitarianism and parochialism have deep developmental roots, and the simultaneous emergence of altruistic sharing and parochialism during childhood is intriguing in view of recent evolutionary theories which predict that the same evolutionary process jointly drives both human altruism and parochialism.},
}

@Article{HenrichEtAl2001,
  author       = {Joseph Henrich and Robert Boyd and Samuel Bowles and Colin Camerer and Ernst Fehr and Herbert Gintis and Richard McElreath},
  title        = {In Search of Homo Economicus: Behavioral Experiments in 15 Small-Scale Societies},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  date         = {2001},
  volume       = {91},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {73--78},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.91.2.73},
}

@Book{BowlesGintis2011,
  author    = {Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert},
  title     = {Cooperative Species},
  date      = {2011},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  isbn      = {9781400838837},
  pagetotal = {280},
}

@Article{Hirsch2020-07-30,
  author       = {Hirsch, Afua},
  date         = {2020-07-30},
  journaltitle = {The Guardian},
  title        = {Who will hold the police to account for racist acts that criminalise a community?},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jul/30/police-racist-criminalise-communities-stop-and-search},
  urldate      = {2020-08-18},
}

@Article{Hytner2020-08-03,
  author       = {Hytner, David},
  title        = {Tottenham's Danny Rose tired of police stopping him to ask if car is stolen},
  journaltitle = {The Guardian},
  date         = {2020-08-03},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/aug/03/tottenham-danny-rose-tired-of-police-stopping-him-to-ask-if-car-is-stolen},
  urldate      = {2020-08-18},
}

@Book{NowakHighfield2011,
  author    = {Nowak, Martin A. and Highfield, Roger},
  date      = {2011},
  title     = {SuperCooperators : Atruism, Evolution, and Why We Need Each Other to Succeed},
  isbn      = {9781451626636},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Free Press},
}

@Article{GrossmanBaldassarri2012,
  author       = {Guy Grossman and Delia Baldassarri},
  title        = {The Impact of Elections on Cooperation: Evidence from a Lab-in-the-Field Experiment in Uganda},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  date         = {2012},
  volume       = {56},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {964--985},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2012.00596.x},
  abstract     = {Communities often rely on sanctioning to induce public goods contributions. Past studies focus on how external agencies or peer sanctioning induce cooperation. In this article, we focus instead on the role played by centralized authorities, internal to the community. Combining ``lab-in-the-field'' experiments with observational data on 1,541 Ugandan farmers from 50 communities, we demonstrate the positive effect of internal centralized sanctioning authorities on cooperative behavior. We also show that the size of this effect depends on the political process by which authority is granted: subjects electing leaders contribute more to public goods than subjects who were assigned leaders through a lottery. To test the ecological validity of our findings, we relate farmers' behavior in the experiment to their level of cooperation in their community organization. We show that deference to authority in the controlled setting predicts cooperative behavior in the farmers' natural environment, in which they face a similar social dilemma.},
}

@Article{PedersenEtAl2013,
  author       = {Eric J. Pedersen and Robert Kurzban and Michael E. McCullough},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences},
  title        = {Do humans really punish altruistically? A closer look},
  doi          = {10.1098/rspb.2012.2723},
  number       = {1758},
  pages        = {20122723},
  volume       = {280},
  abstract     = {Some researchers have proposed that natural selection has given rise in humans to one or more adaptations for altruistically punishing on behalf of other individuals who have been treated unfairly, even when the punisher has no chance of benefiting via reciprocity or benefits to kin. However, empirical support for the altruistic punishment hypothesis depends on results from experiments that are vulnerable to potentially important experimental artefacts. Here, we searched for evidence of altruistic punishment in an experiment that precluded these artefacts. In so doing, we found that victims of unfairness punished transgressors, whereas witnesses of unfairness did not. Furthermore, witnesses’ emotional reactions to unfairness were characterized by envy of the unfair individual’s selfish gains rather than by moralistic anger towards the unfair behaviour. In a second experiment run independently in two separate samples, we found that previous evidence for altruistic punishment plausibly resulted from affective forecasting error—that is, limitations on humans’ abilities to accurately simulate how they would feel in hypothetical situations. Together, these findings suggest that the case for altruistic punishment in humans—a view that has gained increasing attention in the biological and social sciences—has been overstated.},
}

@Book{Hechter2013,
  author    = {Hechter, Michael},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Alien Rule},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9781107337084},
  isbn      = {9781107337084},
  location  = {Cambridge},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{BlaydesChaney2013,
  author       = {Blaydes, Lisa and Chaney, Eric},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Feudal Revolution and Europe's Rise: Political Divergence of the Christian West and the Muslim World before 1500 {CE}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055412000561},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {16--34},
  volume       = {107},
  abstract     = {We document a divergence in the duration of rule for monarchs in Western Europe and the Islamic world beginning in the medieval period. While leadership tenures in the two regions were similar in the 8th century, Christian kings became increasingly long lived compared to Muslim sultans. We argue that forms of executive constraint that emerged under feudal institutions in Western Europe were associated with increased political stability and find empirical support for this argument. While feudal institutions served as the basis for military recruitment by European monarchs, Muslim sultans relied on mamlukism—or the use of military slaves imported from non-Muslim lands. Dependence on mamluk armies limited the bargaining strength of local notables vis-à-vis the sultan, hindering the development of a productively adversarial relationship between ruler and local elites. We argue that Muslim societies’ reliance on mamluks, rather than local elites, as the basis for military leadership, may explain why the Glorious Revolution occurred in England, not Egypt.},
}

@Article{BlinderEtAl2013,
  author       = {Scott Blinder and Robert Ford and Elisabeth Ivarsflaten},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Better Angels of Our Nature: How the Antiprejudice Norm Affects Policy and Party Preferences in Great Britain and Germany},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12030},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {841--857},
  volume       = {57},
  abstract     = {Existing research on public opinion related to race and immigration politics emphasizes the role of prejudice or bias against minority groups. We argue that the social norm against prejudice, and individual motivations to comply with it, are crucial elements omitted from prior analyses. In contemporary Western societies, most citizens receive strong signals that prejudice is not normatively acceptable. We demonstrate that many majority‐group individuals have internalized a motivation to control prejudiced thoughts and actions and that this motivation influences their political behavior in predictable ways. We introduce measures capturing this motivation, develop hypotheses about its influence, and test these hypotheses in three separate experimental and nonexperimental survey studies conducted in Britain and Germany. Our findings support a dual‐process model of political behavior suggesting that while many voters harbor negative stereotypes, they also—particularly when certain contextual signals are present—strive to act in accordance with the “better angels of their natures.”},
}

@Book{Carens2013,
  author    = {Carens, Joseph},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {The Ethics of Immigration},
  isbn      = {9780190246792},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{HeathEtAl2013,
  author    = {Heath, Anthony F. and Fisher, Stephen D. and Rosenblatt, Gemma and Sanders, David and Sobolewska, Maria},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {The Political Integration of Ethnic Minorities in Britain},
  doi       = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656639.001.0001},
  isbn      = {9780199656639},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{BenPorathSmith2013,
  author    = {Ben-Porath, Sigal and Smith, Rogers M.},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Varieties of Sovereignty and Citizenship},
  isbn      = {9780812244564},
  location  = {Philadelphia},
  publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
}

@Article{MargalitShayo2020,
  author       = {Margalit, Yotam and Shayo, Moses},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {How Markets Shape Values and Political Preferences: A Field Experiment},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12517},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  abstract     = {How does engagement with markets affect socioeconomic values and political preferences? A long line of thinkers has debated the nature and direction of such effects, but claims are difficult to assess empirically because market engagement is endogenous. We designed a large field experiment to evaluate the impact of financial markets, which have grown dramatically in recent decades. Participants from a national sample in England received substantial sums they could invest over a 6‐week period. We assigned them into several treatments designed to distinguish between different theoretical channels of influence. Results show that investment in stocks led to a more right‐leaning outlook on issues such as merit and deservingness, personal responsibility, and equality. Subjects also shifted to the right on policy questions. These results appear to be driven by growing familiarity with, and decreasing distrust of markets. The spread of financial markets thus has important and underappreciated political ramifications.},
}

@Article{DancygierMargalit2019,
  author       = {Rafaela Dancygier and Yotam Margalit},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {The Evolution of the Immigration Debate: Evidence from a New Dataset of Party Positions Over the Last Half-Century},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414019858936},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {734--774},
  volume       = {53},
  comment      = {Immigration is one of the most contentious issues across contemporary democracies, but this has not always been the case. What accounts for this development? We study how immigration has evolved in the political debate in Western Europe over five decades by creating and analyzing a comprehensive new data set -- Immigration in Party Manifestos (IPM) -- of all immigration-related appeals made in preelection manifestos by major parties. Our account focuses on three central debates. First, contra to perceived wisdom, we find no evidence of polarization between left and right. Instead, we document a striking co-movement. Second, we find only modest support for the argument that the success of anti-immigrant parties significantly shapes how centrist parties position themselves on immigration. Finally, our evidence counters the claim that cultural issues have overtaken the debate over immigration. Although the prominence of immigration-related cultural appeals has increased in certain countries and elections, the economic dimension has remained prevalent.},
}

@Article{Margalit2019a,
  author       = {Yotam Margalit},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Economic Insecurity and the Causes of Populism, Reconsidered},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.33.4.152},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {152--170},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {Growing conventional wisdom holds that a chief driver of the populist vote is economic insecurity. I contend that this view overstates the role of economic insecurity as an explanation in several ways. First, it conflates the significance of economic insecurity in influencing the election outcome on the margin with its significance in explaining the overall populist vote. Empirical findings indicate that the share of populist support explained by economic insecurity is modest. Second, recent evidence indicates that voters' concern with immigration—a key issue for many populist parties—is only marginally shaped by its real or perceived repercussions on their economic standing. Third, economics-centric accounts of populism treat voters' cultural concerns as largely a by-product of experiencing adverse economic change. This approach underplays the reverse process, whereby disaffection from social and cultural change drives both economic discontent and support for populism.},
}

@Article{KimMargalit2016,
  author       = {Kim, {Sung Eun} and Margalit, Yotam},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Informed Preferences? The Impact of Unions on Workers{\textquotesingle} Policy Views},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12280},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {728--743},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {Despite declining memberships, labor unions still represent large shares of electorates worldwide. Yet their political clout remains contested. To what extent, and in what way, do unions shape workers' political preferences? We address these questions by combining unique survey data of American workers and a set of inferential strategies that exploit two sources of variation: the legal choice that workers face in joining or opting out of unions and the over‐time reversal of a union's policy position. Focusing on the issue of trade, we offer evidence that unions influence their members' policy preferences in a significant and theoretically predictable manner. In contrast, we find that self‐selection into membership accounts at most for a quarter of the observed “union effect.” The study illuminates the impact of unions in cohering workers' voice and provides insight on the role of information provision in shaping how citizens form policy preferences.},
}

@Article{McConnellEtAl2017,
  author       = {Christopher McConnell and Yotam Margalit and Neil Malhotra and Matthew Levendusky},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Economic Consequences of Partisanship in a Polarized Era},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12330},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {5--18},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {With growing affective polarization in the United States, partisanship is increasingly an impediment to cooperation in political settings. But does partisanship also affect behavior in nonpolitical settings? We show evidence that it does, demonstrating its effect on economic outcomes across a range of experiments in real‐world environments. A field experiment in an online labor market indicates that workers request systematically lower reservation wages when the employer shares their political stance, reflecting a preference to work for co‐partisans. We conduct two field experiments with consumers and find a preference for dealing with co‐partisans, especially among those with strong partisan attachments. Finally, via a population‐based, incentivized survey experiment, we find that the influence of political considerations on economic choices extends also to weaker partisans. Whereas earlier studies show the political consequences of polarization in American politics, our findings suggest that partisanship spills over beyond the political, shaping cooperation in everyday economic behavior.},
}

@Article{Baldassarri2015,
  author       = {Delia Baldassarri},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Cooperative Networks: Altruism, Group Solidarity, Reciprocity, and Sanctioning in Ugandan Producer Organizations},
  doi          = {10.1086/682418},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {355--395},
  volume       = {121},
  abstract     = {Repeated interaction and social networks are commonly considered viable solutions to collective action problems. This article identifies and systematically measures four general mechanisms—that is, generalized altruism, group solidarity, reciprocity, and the threat of sanctioning—and tests which of them brings about cooperation in the context of Ugandan producer organizations. Using an innovative methodological framework that combines “lab-in-the-field” experiments with survey interviews and complete social networks data, the article goes beyond the assessment of a relationship between social networks and collective outcomes to study the mechanisms that favor cooperative behavior. The article first establishes a positive relationship between position in the network structure and propensity to cooperate in the producer organization and then uses farmers’ behavior in dictator and public goods games to test different mechanisms that may account for such a relationship. Results show that cooperation is induced by patterns of reciprocity that emerge through repeated interaction rather than other-regarding preferences like altruism or group solidarity.},
}

@Article{DellaVignaEtAl2014,
  author       = {Stefano DellaVigna and Ruben Enikolopov and Vera Mironova and Maria Petrova and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Applied Economics},
  title        = {Cross-Border Media and Nationalism: Evidence from Serbian Radio in Croatia},
  doi          = {10.1257/app.6.3.103},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {103--132},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {How do nationalistic media affect animosity between ethnic groups? We consider one of Europe's deadliest conflicts since WWII, the Serbo-Croatian conflict. We show that, after a decade of peace, cross-border nationalistic Serbian radio triggers ethnic hatred toward Serbs in Croatia. Mostly attracted by nonpolitical content, many Croats listen to Serbian public radio (intended for Serbs in Serbia) whenever signal is available. As a result, the vote for extreme nationalist parties is higher and ethnically offensive graffiti are more common in Croatian villages with Serbian radio reception. A laboratory experiment confirms that Serbian radio exposure causes anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats.},
}

@Article{BrunnerEtAl2013,
  author       = {Eric Brunner and Stephen L. Ross and Ebonya Washington},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Economic Policy},
  title        = {Does Less Income Mean Less Representation?},
  doi          = {10.1257/pol.5.2.53},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {53--76},
  volume       = {5},
  abstract     = {We assemble a novel dataset of matched legislative and constituent votes and demonstrate that less income does not mean less representation. We show: (i) The opinions of high- and low-income voters are highly correlated; the legislator's vote often reflects the desire of both. (ii) What differences in representation by income exist vary by legislator party. Republicans more often vote the will of their higher income over their lower income constituents; Democratic legislators do the reverse. (iii) Differences in representation by income are largely explained by the correlation between constituent income and party affiliation.},
}

@Article{Broockman2013,
  author       = {David E. Broockman},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Distorted Communication, Unequal Representation: Constituents Communicate Less to Representatives Not of Their Race},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12068},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {307--321},
  volume       = {58},
  abstract     = {Communications from constituents strongly shape the representation politicians provide. However, if politicians hear less from some constituents than others, this unequal communication may lead to unequal representation. In this article, I present a field experiment demonstrating that constituents are less likely to communicate to representatives not of their race. The experiment exploited electoral rules in Maryland, where several multimember districts have both black and white representatives. I provided 8,829 residents of such districts an opportunity to communicate to one of their actual representatives, whose race I randomized. Both blacks and whites were markedly less likely to communicate to their representatives not of their race. These results imply that politicians receive racially distorted communication, hearing disproportionately infrequently from constituents unlike them. The fact that most racial minorities have white representatives may thus help explain both minorities’ less frequent communication to their representatives and the diminished substantive representation minorities typically receive.},
}

@Article{Dancygier2013,
  author       = {Rafaela Dancygier},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {The Left and Minority Representation: The Labour Party, Muslim Candidates, and Inclusion Tradeoffs},
  doi          = {10.5129/001041513807709338},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--21},
  volume       = {46},
  abstract     = {As ethnic diversity increases across Europe, the Left faces a trade-off between incorporating new minorities and retaining support from settled, working-class voters. An examination of the Labour Party's selection of Muslims, employing a dataset containing over 42,000 local election candidates in England, indicates that inclusion is less likely where core voters are most concerned about the representation of Muslims' material and religious interests, in economically deprived areas with sizable Muslim populations. In these areas Muslim candidates underperform at the polls, and labor parties are less likely to choose Muslim candidates as a result. Selection thus varies based on the economic and cultural threats that Muslim representation poses to the Left's core constituency. These findings contribute to understanding the forces that shape ethnic minority political incorporation across contexts.},
}

@Article{Axelrod2013,
  author       = {Robert Axelrod},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  title        = {How Political Science Can Enrich Other Disciplines},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9477.12012},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {82--93},
  volume       = {37},
}

@Article{SchmidtSpies2013,
  author       = {Alexander W. Schmidt and Dennis C. Spies},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Do Parties ``Playing the Race Card'' Undermine Natives' Support for Redistribution? Evidence From Europe},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414013488542},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {519--549},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {In this article, we address the question of whether the policy statements of political parties with regard to migration affect the link between individual anti-immigrant sentiment and support for redistributive policies. While the effect of political parties ``playing the race card'' is well documented and repeatedly discussed in the American context, it has received little attention in comparative studies. We test our measurements of issue-salience with regard to migration and welfare-related matters by conducting multilevel models for a sample of 14 European countries. We also control for the potential effects of the countries’ welfare regimes—which is so far the most prominent contextual variable. Our results strongly indicate a moderating party-effect: The more parties accentuate crucial migration issues, the less general support there is for welfare programs by native anti-immigrant groups. In contrast, we find no effect of the repeatedly discussed welfare regime on this relationship, once controlled for party statements.},
}

@Book{Levendusky2013a,
  author    = {Levendusky, Matthew},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {How Partisan Media Polarize America},
  isbn      = {9780226069159},
  location  = {Chicago London},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{CharnyshEtAl2014,
  author       = {Volha Charnysh and Christopher Lucas and Prerna Singh},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {The Ties That Bind: National Identity Salience and Pro-Social Behavior Toward the Ethnic Other},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414014543103},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {267--300},
  volume       = {48},
  comment      = {At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group identification processes. Bridging perceived intergroup boundaries is therefore key to improving intergroup relations. In contrast to the dominant association of nationalism with racism, chauvinism, xenophobia, and intolerance, we highlight the constructive potential of national identification. In a survey experiment, we find that the increased salience of a shared (Indian) national identity increases donations by members of a dominant ethnic group (Hindus) to members of a rival, minority group (Muslims). This effect is moderated by social status (caste). We suggest that national identification leads to a greater transformation in the behavior of low-status members of an ethnic group because they are more likely to be drawn to national identity as an enhancement of their social standing. Our study has implications for theories of social identity and interethnic cooperation, as well as for the literature on nationalism.},
}

@Article{Stroemberg2015,
  author       = {David Strömberg},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Economics},
  title        = {Media and Politics},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-economics-080213-041101},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {173--205},
  volume       = {7},
}

@Article{Stasavage2016,
  author       = {David Stasavage},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {Representation and Consent: Why They Arose in Europe and Not Elsewhere},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-043014-105648},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {145--162},
  volume       = {19},
  comment      = {Medieval Western Europeans developed two practices that are the bedrock of modern democracy: representative government and the consent of the governed. Why did this happen in Europe and not elsewhere? I ask what the literature has to say about this question, focusing on the role of political ideas, on economic development, and on warfare. I consider Europe in comparison with the Byzantine Empire, the Abbasid Caliphate, and Song Dynasty China. I argue that ultimately Europe's different path may have been an accident. It was produced by Western Europe's experience of outside invasion that replaced the Western Roman Empire with a set of small, fragmented polities in which rulers were relatively weak. Small size meant low transaction costs for maintaining assemblies. The relatively weak position of rulers meant that consent of the governed was necessary. I also suggest how these conclusions should influence our understanding of democracy today.},
}

@Article{VliegenthartEtAl2016,
  author       = {Vliegenthart, Rens and Walgrave, Stefaan and Baumgartner, Frank R. and Bevan, Shaun and Breunig, Christian and Brouard, Sylvain and {Chaqu{\'e}s Bonafont}, Laura and Grossman, Emiliano and Jennings, Will and Mortensen, Peter B. and Palau, Anna M. and Sciarini, Pascal and Tresch, Anke},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Do the media set the parliamentary agenda? A comparative study in seven countries},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12134},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {283--301},
  volume       = {55},
  abstract     = {A growing body of work has examined the relationship between media and politics from an agenda‐setting perspective: Is attention for issues initiated by political elites with the media following suit, or is the reverse relation stronger? A long series of single‐country studies has suggested a number of general agenda‐setting patterns but these have never been confirmed in a comparative approach. In a comparative, longitudinal design including comparable media and politics evidence for seven European countries (Belgium, Denmark, France, Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom), this study highlights a number of generic patterns. Additionally, it shows how the political system matters. Overall, the media are a stronger inspirer of political action in countries with single‐party governments compared to those with multiple‐party governments for opposition parties. But, government parties are more reactive to media under multiparty governments.},
}

@Article{Verba2015,
  author       = {Sidney Verba},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Reflections on The Civic Culture and The Civic Culture Transformed},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592715002352},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1084--1086},
  volume       = {13},
}

@Article{ShortlandVarese2015,
  author       = {Anja Shortland and Federico Varese},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {State-Building, Informal Governance and Organised Crime: The Case of Somali Piracy},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9248.12227},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {811--831},
  volume       = {64},
  abstract     = {This article argues that gangs, clans, mafias and insurgencies are, like states, forms of governance. This insight is applied to the case of Somali piracy and the article explores whether protectors of piracy were clearly distinct from pirates; and to what extent protectors coordinated their activities across the Somali coastland. It is shown that clan elders and Islamist militias facilitated piracy by protecting hijacked ships in their anchorages and resolving conflicts within and between pirate groups. Protection arrangements operated across clans, as illustrated by the free movement of hijacked ships along the coastline and the absence of re-hijacking after ransoms were paid. Piracy protection can be thought of as part of a continuum of protection arrangements that goes from mafias to legitimate states. The article concludes by highlighting the implications of the findings for the debate on state-building and organised crime.},
}

@Article{BaldwinMvukiyehe2015,
  author       = {Kate Baldwin and Eric Mvukiyehe},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Elections and Collective Action: Evidence from Changes in Traditional Institutions in Liberia},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0043887115000210},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {690--725},
  volume       = {67},
  abstract     = {Numerous recent field and laboratory experiments find that elections cause higher subsequent levels of collective action within groups. This article questions whether effects observed in these novel environments apply when traditional institutions are democratized. The authors test the external validity of the experimental findings by examining the effects of introducing elections in an indigenous institution in Liberia. They use a break in the process of selecting clan chiefs at the end of Liberia’s civil wars to identify the effects of elections on collective action within communities. Drawing on survey data and outcomes from behavioral games, the authors find that the introduction of elections for clan chiefs has little effect on community-level and national-level political participation but that it increases contentious collective action and lowers levels of contributions to public goods. These findings provide an important counterpoint to the experimental literature, suggesting that elections have less salutary effects on collective action when they replace customary practices.},
}

@Book{Butler2015a,
  author    = {Butler, Daniel M.},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Representing the Advantaged},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9781139871969},
  isbn      = {1107428726},
  pagetotal = {162},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{DruckmanJacobs2015,
  author    = {Druckman, James N. and Jacobs, Lawrence R.},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Who Governs?},
  isbn      = {9780226234410},
  pagetotal = {192},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@Book{AbrajanoHajnal2017,
  author    = {Marisa Abrajano and Zoltan L. Hajnal},
  date      = {2017},
  title     = {White Backlash},
  isbn      = {9780691176192},
  pagetotal = {256},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
}

@Book{Goodman2014,
  author    = {Goodman, Sara},
  date      = {2014},
  title     = {Immigration and Membership Politics in Western Europe},
  isbn      = {9781107477865},
  location  = {New York, NY},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{FunkeEtAl2016,
  author       = {Manuel Funke and Moritz Schularick and Christoph Trebesch},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {European Economic Review},
  title        = {Going to extremes: Politics after financial crises, 1870--2014},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.euroecorev.2016.03.006},
  pages        = {227--260},
  volume       = {88},
  abstract     = {Partisan conflict and policy uncertainty are frequently invoked as factors contributing to slow post-crisis recoveries. Recent events in Europe provide ample evidence that the political aftershocks of financial crises can be severe. In this paper we study the political fall-out from systemic financial crises over the past 140 years. We construct a new long-run dataset covering 20 advanced economies and more than 800 general elections. Our key finding is that policy uncertainty rises strongly after financial crises as government majorities shrink and polarization rises. After a crisis, voters seem to be particularly attracted to the political rhetoric of the extreme right, which often attributes blame to minorities or foreigners. On average, far-right parties increase their vote share by 30\% after a financial crisis. Importantly, we do not observe similar political dynamics in normal recessions or after severe macroeconomic shocks that are not financial in nature.},
}

@Article{BitlerHoynes2015,
  author       = {Marianne Bitler and Hilary Hoynes},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Heterogeneity in the Impact of Economic Cycles and the Great Recession: Effects within and across the Income Distribution},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.p20151055},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {154--160},
  volume       = {105},
  abstract     = {In this paper, we examine the effects of economic cycles on low- to moderate-income families. We use variation across states and over time to estimate the effects of cycles on the distribution of income, using fine gradations of the household income-to-poverty ratio. We also explore how the effects of cycles affect the risk of falling into poverty across demographic groups, focusing on age, race/ethnicity, and family type. We conclude by testing to see whether these relationships have changed in the Great Recession. We discuss the results in light of the changes in the social safety net in recent decades.},
}

@Article{Rodrik2014,
  author       = {Dani Rodrik},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {When Ideas Trump Interests: Preferences, Worldviews, and Policy Innovations},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.28.1.189},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {189--208},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {Ideas are strangely absent from modern models of political economy. In most prevailing theories of policy choice, the dominant role is instead played by "vested interests"—elites, lobbies, and rent-seeking groups which get their way at the expense of the general public. Any model of political economy in which organized interests do not figure prominently is likely to remain vacuous and incomplete. But it does not follow from this that interests are the ultimate determinant of political outcomes. Here I will challenge the notion that there is a well-defined mapping from "interests" to outcomes. This mapping depends on many unstated assumptions about the ideas that political agents have about: 1) what they are maximizing, 2) how the world works, and 3) the set of tools they have at their disposal to further their interests. Importantly, these ideas are subject to both manipulation and innovation, making them part of the political game. There is, in fact, a direct parallel, as I will show, between inventive activity in technology, which economists now routinely make endogenous in their models, and investment in persuasion and policy innovation in the political arena. I focus specifically on models professing to explain economic inefficiency and argue that outcomes in such models are determined as much by the ideas that elites are presumed to have on feasible strategies as by vested interests themselves. A corollary is that new ideas about policy—or policy entrepreneurship—can exert an independent effect on equilibrium outcomes even in the absence of changes in the configuration of political power. I conclude by discussing the sources of new ideas.},
}

@Article{SorokaEtAl2013a,
  author       = {Stuart Soroka and Antonia Maioni and Pierre Martin},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law},
  title        = {What Moves Public Opinion on Health Care? Individual Experiences, System Performance, and Media Framing},
  doi          = {10.1215/03616878-2334656},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {893--920},
  volume       = {38},
  abstract     = {Although Canadians generally support their health care “model,” dissatisfaction with health care policy and demands for fundamental changes in the system often surface in public opinion surveys. We seek to explain variations in levels of dissatisfaction and demands for health care reform with a series of micro- and macro-level analyses that account for a combination of individual experiences with health care delivery, broader measures of system performance, and media framing. Empirical analyses are guided by a model of opinion on policy that distinguishes between personal and collective, and prospective and retrospective assessments. This view helps make sense of the fact that those who use the system can have generally positive experiences even as there is decreasing confidence in the system's ability to meet future needs, and increasing demand for reform. What drives these divergent perceptions? We suggest that system performance plays a role in driving the long-term trend, but media content may also be an important driver as well, particularly for collective attitudes.},
}

@WWW{Ibbetson2019-10-01,
  author       = {Connor Ibbetson},
  date         = {2019-10-01},
  title        = {Should there be harsher punishments for criminals?},
  url          = {https://yougov.co.uk/topics/legal/articles-reports/2019/10/01/brits-want-harsher-punishments-criminals},
  organization = {YouGov},
  urldate      = {2022-01-06},
}

@WWW{Dahlgreen2014-08-13,
  author       = {Will Dahlgreen},
  date         = {2014-08-13},
  title        = {50 years after the last execution in Britain, people still tend to support the reintroduction of the death penalty, by 45--39\%},
  url          = {https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/articles-reports/2014/08/13/capital-punishment-50-years-favoured},
  organization = {YouGov},
  urldate      = {2020-08-20},
}

@WWW{BBCNews2015-03-26,
  author  = {{BBC News}},
  date    = {2015-03-26},
  title   = {Support for death penalty drops below 50\% for the first time},
  url     = {https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-32061822},
  urldate = {2020-08-20},
}

@Article{Monten2006,
  author       = {Monten, Jonathan},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {International Studies Quarterly},
  title        = {Thucydides and Modern Realism},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00390.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {3--26},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {This paper makes two main arguments about the relationship between Thucydides, modern realism, and the key conceptual ideas they introduce to situate and explain international politics. First, Thucydides refutes the central claim underlying modern realist scholarship, that the sources of state behavior can be located not in the character of the primary political units but in the decentralized system or structure created by their interaction. Second, however, analyses that discuss Thucydides exclusively with respect to this “third-image” realism do not take into account the most important emendation made to political realism in the last half of the twentieth century, Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics. Waltz reformulates the theory of how anarchic political structures affect the behavior of their constituent units and suggests that the question posed by realism—and to be asked of Thucydides—is not whether states behave according to the Athenian thesis or consistently observe the power-political laws of nature, but whether they suffer “costs” in terms of political autonomy, security, and cultural integrity if they do not. Many scholars are therefore incorrect to assume that demonstrating the importance of non-structural factors in The Peloponnesian War severs the connection between Thucydides and structural realism. Thucydides may in fact be a realist, but not for reasons conventionally assumed.},
}

@Book{Mearsheimer2001,
  author    = {Mearsheimer, John J.},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {The Tragedy of Great Power Politics},
  isbn      = {0393020258},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Norton},
}

@Article{Jervis1978,
  author       = {Robert Jervis},
  date         = {1978},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma},
  doi          = {10.2307/2009958},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {167--214},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yy7n7yav},
  urldate      = {2020-08-21},
  volume       = {30},
}

@Article{KneafseyRegan2020,
  author       = {Liam Kneafsey and Aidan Regan},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Political Economy},
  title        = {The role of the media in shaping attitudes toward corporate tax avoidance in Europe: experimental evidence from Ireland},
  doi          = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1796753},
  pages        = {1--26},
  abstract     = {This article examines the role of the mass media in shaping attitudes toward corporate tax avoidance. Using an original and novel survey experiment of the European Union’s ruling against Apple in Ireland, we find that media frames play an important role in shaping citizens attitudes. We find that respondents exposed to treatments questioning the morality and fairness of Ireland’s facilitation of Apple tax avoidance are more likely to acknowledge the negative impact on Ireland’s EU neighbours. The more nationalistic the media frame, the more likely respondents disagree with the EU ruling against Apple. These results are largely robust to the inclusion of control variables for ideology, age, previous voting behaviour, and gender. These findings suggest that media frames are an important factor in shoring up popular support for those components of growth regimes that are politically controversial. More broadly, our findings suggest that to understand the determinants of national varieties of capitalism - or growth models - we need to examine the role of the country-specific media.},
}

@Article{MearsheimerWalt2016,
  author       = {Mearsheimer, John J. and Walt, Stephen M.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Affairs},
  title        = {The Case for Offshore Balancing: A Superior U.S. Grand Stategy},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {70--83},
  url          = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/43946934},
  volume       = {95},
}

@Article{Mearsheimer2006,
  author       = {Mearsheimer, John J.},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Current History},
  title        = {China's Unpeaceful Rise},
  pages        = {160--162},
  url          = {https://online.ucpress.edu/currenthistory/article-pdf/105/690/160/389671/curh_105_690_160.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-08-24},
}

@Article{Mearsheimer2016-11-27,
  author       = {Mearsheimer, John J.},
  date         = {2016-11-27},
  journaltitle = {The National Interest},
  title        = {Donald Trump Should Embrace a Realist Foreign Policy},
  url          = {https://nationalinterest.org/feature/donald-trump-should-embrace-realist-foreign-policy-18502},
  urldate      = {2020-08-24},
}

@Article{RosatoSchuessler2011,
  author       = {Sebastian Rosato and John Schuessler},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592711003963},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {803--819},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.},
}

@Article{Tajfel1974,
  author       = {Henri Tajfel},
  date         = {1974},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Information},
  title        = {Social identity and intergroup behaviour},
  doi          = {10.1177/053901847401300204},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {65--93},
  volume       = {13},
  publisher    = {{SAGE} Publications},
}

@Article{BilligTajfel1973,
  author       = {Michael Billig and Henri Tajfel},
  date         = {1973},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Social Psychology},
  title        = {Social categorization and similarity in intergroup behaviour},
  doi          = {10.1002/ejsp.2420030103},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {27--52},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {The present study is one of a series exploring the role of social categorization in intergroup behaviour. It has been found in our previous studies that in ‚minimal' situations, in which the subjects were categorized into groups on the basis of visual judgments they had made or of their esthetic preferences, they clearly discriminated against members of an outgroup although this gave them no personal advantage. However, in these previous studies division into groups was still made on the basis of certain criteria of ‚real' similarity between subjects who were assigned to the same category. Therefore, the present study established social categories on an explicitly random basis without any reference to any such real similarity.

It was found that, as soon as the notion of ‚group' was introduced into the situation, the subjects still discriminated against those assigned to another random category. This discrimination was considerably more marked than the one based on a division of subjects in terms of interindividual similarities in which the notion of ‚group' was never explicitly introduced. In addition, it was found that fairness was also a determinant of the subjects' decisions.

The results are discussed from the point of view of their relevance to a social‐cognitive theory of intergroup behaviour.},
}

@Article{HoboltEtAl2020,
  author       = {Hobolt, Sara and Leeper, Thomas and Tilley, James},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Divided by the vote: affective polarization in the wake of the Brexit referendum},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123420000125},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {A well-functioning democracy requires a degree of mutual respect and a willingness to talk across political divides. Yet numerous studies have shown that many electorates are polarized along partisan lines, with animosity towards the partisan out-group. In this article, we further develop the idea of affective polarization, not by partisanship, but instead by identification with opinion-based groups. Examining social identities formed during Britain’s 2016 referendum on European Union membership, we use surveys and experiments to measure the intensity of partisan and Brexit-related affective polarization. The results show that Brexit identities are prevalent, felt to be personally important, and cut across traditional party lines. These identities generate affective polarization as intense as that of partisanship in terms of stereotyping, prejudice, and various evaluative biases, convincingly demonstrating that affective polarization can emerge from identities beyond partisanship.},
}

@Article{HarrisFindley2012,
  author       = {Adam S. Harris and Michael G. Findley},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  title        = {Is Ethnicity Identifiable? Lessons from an Experiment in South Africa},
  doi          = {10.1177/0022002712459710},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {4--33},
  volume       = {58},
  abstract     = {Ethnicity is frequently posited as an important factor in civil violence and other political contexts. Despite the attention that ethnicity receives, its effects depend on an important, but mostly ignored, assumption that ethnicity is identifiable within and across groups. There is likely considerable variation in peoples’ abilities to identify each other. Certain individuals within groups might be better at identifying others’ ethnicities; further, different types of information might aid identification better. We contend that the strength of an individual’s ethnic identity influences her ability to identify others correctly. We test this argument using an experiment in the Eastern Cape of South Africa in which individuals attempted to identify members of the major black ethnic groups. We find that the average individual struggles to identify ethnicity correctly in many conditions. Individuals with a stronger identity, however, are often better at correctly identifying the ethnicity of others relative to the average individual. When receiving contradictory information, individuals with stronger identities were sometimes deceived more easily than others. These results have implications for a diverse set of studies relying on the identifiability assumption.},
}

@Article{HarrisEtAl2017,
  author       = {Adam S. Harris and Michael G. Findley and Daniel L. Nielson and Kennard L. Noyes},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title        = {The Economic Roots of Anti-immigrant Prejudice in the Global South: Evidence from South Africa},
  doi          = {10.1177/1065912917734062},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {228--241},
  volume       = {71},
  abstract     = {Most research in developed countries on prejudice toward foreign-born minorities suggests that cultural rather than economic threat motivates xenophobia. Prior studies leave unanswered questions about the origins of anti-immigrant prejudice in developing countries, where one-third of worldwide immigration occurs. Alternatively, developing-country research simply assumes that economic threat drives prejudice in the global South but has not presented credible empirical evidence. In this study, we seek to reliably measure anti-immigrant prejudice and examine possible determinants of prejudice and prejudice-based voting behavior. Through a list experiment conducted on a random sample of South Africans (N = 1,088), we investigate the predictive power of economic threat theory in explaining prejudice toward immigrants in South Africa. The results show that significant prejudice toward immigrants exists among South Africans and that such prejudice is higher among the unemployed, but these sentiments do not seem to influence vote choice. The evidence suggests that the determinants of anti-immigrant sentiments due to South-South migration are distinct from South-North migration.},
}

@Book{SobolewskaFord2020,
  author    = {Sobolewska, Maria and Ford, Robert},
  date      = {2020},
  title     = {Brexitland: Identity, Diversity and the Reshaping of British Politics},
  isbn      = {9781108461900},
  pagetotal = {240},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Gilens1996,
  author       = {Martin Gilens},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {``Race Coding'' and White Opposition to Welfare},
  doi          = {10.2307/2082611},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {593--604},
  volume       = {90},
  abstract     = {Crime and welfare are now widely viewed as “coded” issues that activate white Americans' negative views of blacks without explicitly raising the “race card.” But does the desire of whites to combat crime or curtail welfare really stem from their dislike of blacks? Are these not pressing problems about which Americans rightly should be concerned—apart from any associations these issues may have with race? In this paper I assess the extent to which white Americans' opposition to welfare is rooted in their attitudes toward blacks. Using conventional survey modeling techniques and a randomized survey-based experiment from a national telephone survey, I find that racial attitudes are the single most important influence on whites' welfare views. I also show that whites hold similar views of comparably described black and white welfare mothers, but that negative views of black welfare mothers are more politically potent, generating greater opposition to welfare than comparable views of white welfare mothers.},
}

@Article{SandersEtAl2013,
  author       = {David Sanders and Anthony Heath and Stephen Fisher and Maria Sobolewska},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {The Calculus of Ethnic Minority Voting in Britain},
  doi          = {10.1111/1467-9248.12040},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {230--251},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {Using data from the 2010 UK general election, the article shows that there is a distinctive calculus of party choice among Britain's overwhelmingly Labour‐supporting ethnic minorities. Ethnic minority (EM) voters are similar to whites in the importance they accord to partisanship and valence considerations in deciding which party they vote for. However, EM voters place less emphasis on ideological spatial calculations. Additionally, across all ethnic minority groups, there is an important – and differentiated – role for perceptions of discrimination. In 2010, personal experience of (egocentric) discrimination tended to damage Labour as the incumbent governing party. In contrast, perceptions of (sociotropic) discrimination against fellow EM citizens interacted with participation in British cultural practices to increase support for Labour. These findings reflect the history of Labour and Conservative governments in the UK. Labour is the only party that, in power, has legislated actively to promote ethnic minority rights and interests.},
}

@Article{SandersEtAl2013a,
  author       = {David Sanders and Stephen D. Fisher and Anthony Heath and Maria Sobolewska},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Ethnic and Racial Studies},
  title        = {The democratic engagement of Britain{\textquotesingle}s ethnic minorities},
  doi          = {10.1080/01419870.2013.827795},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {120--139},
  volume       = {37},
  abstract     = {Democratic engagement is a multi-faceted phenomenon that embraces citizens' involvement with electoral politics, their participation in ‘conventional’ extra-parliamentary political activity, their satisfaction with democracy and trust in state institutions, and their rejection of the use of violence for political ends. Evidence from the 2010 BES and EMBES shows that there are important variations in patterns of democratic engagement across Britain's different ethnic-minority groups and across generations. Overall, ethnic-minority engagement is at a similar level to and moved by the same general factors that influence the political dispositions of whites. However, minority democratic engagement is also strongly affected by a set of distinctive ethnic-minority perceptions and experiences, associated particularly with discrimination and patterns of minority and majority cultural engagement. Second-generation minorities who grew up in Britain are less, rather than more, likely to be engaged.},
}

@Article{SchwartzEtAl2020,
  author       = {Cassilde Schwartz and Miranda Simon and David Hudson and Jennifer van-Heerde-Hudson},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {A Populist Paradox? How Brexit Softened Anti-Immigrant Attitudes},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123419000656},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {Recent political contests across Europe and North America have been propelled by a wave of populist, anti-immigrant resentment, and it was widely expected that these populist victories would further fan the flames of xenophobia. This article reports the results of an experiment around the Brexit referendum, designed to test how populist victories shape anti-immigrant attitudes. The study finds that anti-immigrant attitudes actually softened after the Brexit referendum, among both Leave and Remain supporters, and these effects persisted for several months. How could a right-wing, populist victory soften anti-immigrant attitudes? The authors use causal mediation analysis to understand this ‘populist paradox’. Among Leavers, a greater sense of control over immigration channelled the effects of the Brexit outcome onto anti-immigrant attitudes. Individuals' efforts to distance themselves from accusations of xenophobia and racism explains the softening of attitudes towards immigration observed among both Leavers and Remainers.},
}

@Article{KimEtAl2020,
  author       = {Eunji Kim and Michael E. Shepherd and Joshua D. Clinton},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  title        = {The effect of big-city news on rural America during the {COVID}-19 pandemic},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.2009384117},
  pages        = {202009384},
  abstract     = {Can “urban-centric” local television news coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic affect the behavior of rural residents with lived experiences so different from their “local” news coverage? Leveraging quasi-random geographic variation in media markets for 771 matched rural counties, we show that rural residents are more likely to practice social distancing if they live in a media market that is more impacted by COVID-19. Individual-level survey responses from residents of these counties confirm county-level behavioral differences and help attribute the differences we identify to differences in local television news coverage—self-reported differences only exist among respondents who prefer watching local news, and there are no differences in media usage or consumption across media markets. Although important for showing the ability of local television news to affect behavior despite urban–rural differences, the media-related effects we identify are at most half the size of the differences related to partisan differences.},
}

@Article{Kenny2019,
  author       = {Paul D. Kenny},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title        = {``The Enemy of the People'': Populists and Press Freedom},
  doi          = {10.1177/1065912918824038},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {261--275},
  volume       = {73},
  abstract     = {To what extent is populist rule associated with a decline in press freedom and freedom of expression? Populist rule refers to government headed by charismatic leaders who seek to gain and retain power by mobilizing mass constituencies that are typically free of other political attachments. Populism in this sense matters for two reasons: (1) controlling the media is a core objective of populists compared with other types of political leaders, who can rely on other organizational links to supporters; and (2) the interests of populist parties are virtually equivalent to the interests of party leaders, which means that populists face different time horizons and constraints on their behavior than the leaders of more deeply institutionalized parties. Using cross-national data on up to ninety-one countries from 1980 to 2014, this paper tests whether populist rule is associated with the erosion of press freedom and freedom of expression relative to other types of government and whether any effect is conditional on the ideology of the populist government in question. It finds that populist rule is associated with a decline in most measures of media freedom relative to programmatic party rule. However, this effect is lessened for right-leaning populist governments.},
}

@Article{SchakelEtAl2020,
  author       = {Wouter Schakel and Brian Burgoon and Armèn Hakhverdian},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Politics {\&} Society},
  title        = {Real but Unequal Representation in Welfare State Reform},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329219897984},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {131--163},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {Scholars have long debated whether welfare policymaking in industrialized democracies is responsive to citizen preferences and whether such policymaking is more responsive to rich than to poor citizens. Debate has been hampered, however, by difficulties in matching data on attitudes toward particular policies to data on changes in the generosity of actual policies. This article uses better, more targeted measures of policy change that allow more valid exploration of responsiveness for a significant range of democracies. It does so by linking multicountry and multiwave survey data on attitudes toward health, pension, and unemployment policies and data on actual policy generosity, not just spending, in these domains. The analysis reveals that attitudes correlate strongly with subsequent changes in welfare generosity in the three policy areas and that such responsiveness is much stronger for richer than for poorer citizens. Representation is likely real but also vastly unequal in the welfare politics of industrialized democracies.},
}

@Article{ShefferEtAl2017,
  author       = {Sheffer, Lior and Loewen, Peter John and Soroka, Stuart and Walgrave, Stefaan and Sheafer, Tamir},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Nonrepresentative Representatives: An Experimental Study of the Decision Making of Elected Politicians},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055417000569},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {302--321},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y4vbt6jc},
  urldate      = {2020-09-03},
  volume       = {112},
  abstract     = {A considerable body of work in political science is built upon the assumption that politicians are more purposive, strategic decision makers than the citizens who elect them. At the same time, other work suggests that the personality profiles of office seekers and the environment they operate in systematically amplifies certain choice anomalies. These contrasting perspectives persist absent direct evidence on the reasoning characteristics of representatives. We address this gap by administering experimental decision tasks to incumbents in Belgium, Canada, and Israel. We demonstrate that politicians are as or more subject to common choice anomalies when compared to nonpoliticians: they exhibit a stronger tendency to escalate commitment when facing sunk costs, they adhere more to policy choices that are presented as the status-quo, their risk calculus is strongly subject to framing effects, and they exhibit distinct future time discounting preferences. This has obvious implications for our understanding of decision making by elected politicians.},
}

@Article{Gardiner2006,
  author       = {Stephen M. Gardiner},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Environmental Values},
  title        = {A Perfect Moral Storm: Climate Change, Intergenerational Ethics and the Problem of Moral Corruption},
  doi          = {10.3197/096327106778226293},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {397--413},
  url          = {https://www.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/attachment/event/12036/gardiner-perfect-moral-storm.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-03},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {The peculiar features of the climate change problem pose substantial obstacles to our ability to make the hard choices necessary to address it. Climate change involves the convergence of a set of global, intergenerational and theoretical problems. This convergence justifies calling it a 'perfect moral storm'. One consequence of this storm is that, even if the other difficult ethical questions surrounding climate change could be answered, we might still find it difficult to act. For the storm makes us extremely vulnerable to moral corruption.},
}

@Article{Swift2004,
  author       = {Adam Swift},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Theory and Research in Education},
  title        = {The Morality of School Choice},
  doi          = {10.1177/1477878504040574},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {7--21},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {Summarising the arguments of \emph{How Not to Be A Hypocrite: School Choice for the Morally Perplexed Parent} (Routledge Falmer 2003), the article discusses three questions. The first is whether parents who disapprove of elite private schools to such an extent that they would vote to ban them are acting hypocritically or inconsistently with their principles if they send their children to such schools. My answer is that they need not be. The second is whether parents should have the option of sending their children to such schools; whether those schools should be allowed to exist. My answer is that they should not. The third is whether, given that such schools do exist, parents are justified in sending their children to them. My answer is that in certain circumstances they may be, but that most of those who opt for such schools are not justified in doing so. As long as the state school is ‘good enough’, parents should send their children to that school, even where it would not be as good for their children as would private alternatives.},
}

@Book{Broome2012,
  author    = {Broome, John},
  date      = {2012},
  title     = {Climate Matters: Ethics in a Warming World},
  isbn      = {9780393937961},
  location  = {New York, NY},
  publisher = {W.W. Norton},
  address   = {New York},
}

@Article{Caney2014,
  author       = {Simon Caney},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
  title        = {Two Kinds of Climate Justice: Avoiding Harm and Sharing Burdens},
  doi          = {10.1111/jopp.12030},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {125--149},
  url          = {https://www.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/attachment/event/11873/caney-two-kinds-climate-justice_0.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-03},
  volume       = {22},
}

@Book{HeywardRoser2016,
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Climate Justice in a Non-Ideal World},
  doi       = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198744047.001.0001},
  editor    = {Clare Heyward and Dominic Roser},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@InCollection{Caney2016,
  author  = {Simon Caney},
  date    = {2016},
  title   = {Climate Change and Non-Ideal Theory},
  chapter = {1},
  doi     = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198744047.003.0002},
  pages   = {21--42},
}

@Article{Gardiner2001,
  author       = {Gardiner, Stephen M.},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  title        = {The Real Tragedy of the Commons},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1088-4963.2001.00387.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {387--416},
  volume       = {30},
}

@Collection{WalterArmstrongSinnott2005,
  date      = {2005},
  editor    = {Walter Armstrong-Sinnott, Sinnott-Armstrong W.},
  title     = {Perspectives on Climate Change: Science, Economics, Politics, Ethics},
  isbn      = {9780762312719},
  pagetotal = {328},
  publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited},
}

@Book{Swift2003,
  author    = {Swift, Adam},
  date      = {2003},
  title     = {How Not to be a Hypocrite: School Choice for the Morally Perplexed},
  isbn      = {9780415311175},
  location  = {London, UK},
  publisher = {Routledge},
}

@Article{Hanretty2017,
author       = {Chris Hanretty},
date         = {2017},
journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
title        = {Areal interpolation and the {UK}'s referendum on {EU} membership},
doi          = {10.1080/17457289.2017.1287081},
number       = {4},
pages        = {466--483},
volume       = {27},
abstract     = {I show how results from the United Kingdom's referendum on membership of the European Union can be remapped from local authority level to parliamentary constituency level through the use of a scaled Poisson regression model which incorporates demographic information from lower level geographies. I use these estimates to show how the geographic distribution of signatures to a petition for a second referendum was strongly associated with how constituencies voted in the actual referendum.},
}

@Article{ArnoldFreier2016,
  author       = {Felix Arnold and Ronny Freier},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Only conservatives are voting in the rain: Evidence from German local and state elections},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2015.11.005},
  pages        = {216--221},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {In this note, we use data from different elections in the German state of North-Rhine Westphalia between 1975 and 2010 to show that the Conservatives profit from lower voter turnout at the expense of the Social Democrats. We deal with the endogeneity of voter turnout by using election day rain as an instrumental variable. Our particular contribution is the comparison of municipal and state elections.},
}

@Article{Enns2015,
  author       = {Enns, Peter K.},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Relative Policy Support and Coincidental Representation},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592715002315},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1053--1064},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y27lunaj},
  urldate      = {2020-09-03},
  volume       = {13},
  abstract     = {The finding that the preferences of middle-income Americans are ignored when they diverge from the preferences of the rich is one of the most widely accepted and influential conclusions in political science research today. I offer a cautionary note regarding this conclusion. I demonstrate that even on those issues for which the preferences of the wealthy and those in the middle diverge, policy ends up about where we would expect if policymakers represented the middle class and ignored the affluent. This result emerges because even when middle- and high-income groups express different levels of support for a policy (i.e., a preference gap exists), the policies that receive the most (least) support among the middle typically receive the most (least) support among the affluent (i.e., relative policy support is often equivalent). As a result, the opportunity of unequal representation of the “average citizen” is much less than previously thought. The analysis also shows, however, that substantial opportunity exists for unequal representation of strong partisan preferences. Together, these results reinforce the importance of party identification for understanding policy outcomes and who gets represented.},
}

@Article{Gilens2015,
  author       = {Martin Gilens},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {The Insufficiency of ``Democracy by Coincidence'': A Response to Peter K. Enns},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592715002327},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1065--1071},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y4n5kncp},
  urldate      = {2020-09-03},
  volume       = {13},
}

@Article{Enns2015a,
  author       = {Peter K. Enns},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Reconsidering the Middle: A Reply to Martin Gilens},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592715002339},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1072--1074},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y4h7b53y},
  urldate      = {2020-09-03},
  volume       = {13},
}

@Article{BranhamEtAl2017,
  author       = {Branham, {J. Alexander} and Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Quarterly},
  title        = {When Do the Rich Win?},
  doi          = {10.1002/polq.12577},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {43--62},
  volume       = {132},
}

@Article{HiaeshutterRiceEtAl2019,
  author       = {Hiaeshutter-Rice, Dan and Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Freedom of the Press and Public Responsiveness},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592719003852},
  pages        = {1--13},
  abstract     = {Public responsiveness to policy is contingent on there being a sufficient amount of clear and accurate information about policy available to citizens. It is of some significance then, that there are increasing concerns about limits being placed on media outlets around the world. We examine the impact of these limits on the public’s ability to respond meaningfully to policy by analyzing cross-national variation in the opinion–policy link. Using new measures on spending preferences from Wave 4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, merged with OECD data on government spending and Freedom House measures of press freedom, we assess the role of mass media in facilitating public responsiveness. We find evidence that when media are weak, so too is public responsiveness to policy. These results highlight the critical role that accurate, unfettered media can play in modern representative democracy.},
}

@Article{WalgraveEtAl2017,
  author       = {Stefaan Walgrave and Julie Sevenans and Kirsten Van Camp and Peter Loewen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  title        = {What Draws Politicians' Attention? An Experimental Study of Issue Framing and its Effect on Individual Political Elites},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-017-9413-9},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {547--569},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {What politicians devote attention to, is an important question as political attention is a precondition of policy change. We use an experimental design to study politicians’ attention to incoming information and deploy it among large samples of elected politicians in three countries: Belgium, Canada, and Israel. Our sample includes party leaders, ministers and regular members of parliament. These elites were confronted with short bits of summary information framed in various ways and were then asked how likely it was that they would read the full information. We test for three frames: conflict, political conflict, and responsibility. We find that framing moderates the effect of messages on politicians’ attention to information. Politicians react more strongly (i.e., they devote more attention) to political conflict frames than to non-political conflict frames and they react stronger to political responsibility attributions than to non-political responsibility attributions. Conflict frames attract more attention than consensus frames only from members of opposition parties. Political conflict frames attract more attention from government party politicians. These effects occur largely across issues and across the three countries.},
}

@Book{Gandhi1996,
  author    = {Gandhi, Mahatma},
  date      = {1996},
  title     = {Selected Political Writings},
  editor    = {Dennis Dalton},
  publisher = {Hackett Publishing Company},
  url       = {https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucl/detail.action?docID=624317},
  urldate   = {2020-09-07},
}

@Book{Mills1997,
  author    = {Mills, Charles W.},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {The Racial Contract},
  doi       = {10.7591/j.ctt5hh1wj},
  isbn      = {9780801434549},
  publisher = {Cornell University Press},
  urldate   = {2020-09-07},
  abstract  = {The Racial Contract puts classic Western social contract theory, deadpan, to extraordinary radical use. With a sweeping look at the European expansionism and racism of the last five hundred years, Charles W. Mills demonstrates how this peculiar and unacknowledged "contract" has shaped a system of global European domination: how it brings into existence "whites" and "non-whites," full persons and sub-persons, how it influences white moral theory and moral psychology; and how this system is imposed on non-whites through ideological conditioning and violence. The Racial Contract argues that the society we live in is a continuing white supremacist state.Holding up a mirror to mainstream philosophy, this provocative book explains the evolving outline of the racial contract from the time of the New World conquest and subsequent colonialism to the written slavery contract, to the "separate but equal" system of segregation in the twentieth-century United States. According to Mills, the contract has provided the theoretical architecture justifying an entire history of European atrocity against non-whites, from David Hume's and Immanuel Kant's claims that blacks had inferior cognitive power, to the Holocaust, to the kind of imperialism in Asia that was demonstrated by the Vietnam War.Mills suggests that the ghettoization of philosophical work on race is no accident. This work challenges the assumption that mainstream theory is itself raceless. Just as feminist theory has revealed orthodox political philosophy's invisible white male bias, Mills's explication of the racial contract exposes its racial underpinnings.},
}

@Book{Parekh2019,
  author    = {Parekh, Bhikhu},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Ethnocentric Political Theory},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-11708-5},
  isbn      = {9783030117085},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
}

@InCollection{Butt2013,
  author    = {Butt, Daniel},
  booktitle = {International Encyclopedia of Ethics},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Colonialism and Postcolonialism},
  doi       = {10.1002/9781444367072.wbiee763},
  isbn      = {9781444367072},
  abstract  = {Much of the history of international relations is characterized by the violent attempts of one community to subjugate another. In 1955, Aimé Césaire wrote of the “great historical tragedy” that befell Africa in its encounter with European colonialism, an encounter that led Césaire to conclude that “Europe is responsible before the human community for the highest heap of corpses in human history” (2000: 45). A range of important ethical issues emerges from a consideration of the past interaction between colonizing and colonized peoples, both in the African context and elsewhere in the world. This article first seeks to describe the key characteristics of colonialism as a system of domination and subjugation, before considering the legitimacy of contemporary judgments on the morality of historical colonialism. It then examines how the particular character of colonialism complicates arguments relating to the rectification of injustice. It concludes by asking what lessons those interested in ethics can learn from the diverse body of work produced by writers in the postcolonial tradition.},
}

@Book{Cesaire2000,
  author     = {Aimé Césaire},
  date       = {2000},
  title      = {Discourse on Colonialism},
  isbn       = {9781583670248},
  publisher  = {NYU Press},
  translator = {Joan Pinkham},
  url        = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfkrm},
  abstract   = {"Cesaire's essay stands as an important document in the development of third world consciousness--a process in which [he] played a prominent role." --Library Journal This classic work, first published in France in 1955, profoundly influenced the generation of scholars and activists at the forefront of liberation struggles in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. Nearly twenty years later, when published for the first time in English, Discourse on Colonialism inspired a new generation engaged in the Civil Rights, Black Power, and anti-war movements and has sold more than 75,000 copies to date. Aime Cesaire eloquently describes the brutal impact of capitalism and colonialism on both the colonizer and colonized, exposing the contradictions and hypocrisy implicit in western notions of "progress" and "civilization" upon encountering the "savage," "uncultured," or "primitive." Here, Cesaire reaffirms African values, identity, and culture, and their relevance, reminding us that "the relationship between consciousness and reality are extremely complex. . . . It is equally necessary to decolonize our minds, our inner life, at the same time that we decolonize society." An interview with Cesaire by the poet Rene Depestre is also included.},
  origdate   = {1950},
}

@Book{Memmi2003,
  author    = {Memmi, Albert},
  date      = {2003},
  title     = {The colonizer and the colonized},
  isbn      = {9781315065670},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Earthscan},
  url       = {https://www-taylorfrancis-com.libproxy.ucl.ac.uk/books/9781315065670},
  urldate   = {2020-09-07},
  origdate  = {1957},
}

@Article{Moore2016,
  author       = {Margaret Moore},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy Compass},
  title        = {`Justice and Colonialism'},
  doi          = {10.1111/phc3.12337},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {447--461},
  volume       = {11},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the relationship between justice and colonialism. It defines colonialism; examines the kind of injustice that colonialism involved; and the possibility of corrective justice.},
}

@Article{Lu2011,
  author       = {Lu, Catherine},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
  title        = {Colonialism as Structural Injustice: Historical Responsibility and Contemporary Redress},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.2011.00403.x},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {261--281},
  volume       = {19},
}

@Book{Sartre2001,
  author    = {Sartre, Jean-Paul},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {Colonialism and Neocolonialism},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780203991848},
  isbn      = {9780203991848},
  location  = {London New York},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  abstract  = {Colonialism and Neo-Colonialism is a classic critique of France's policies in Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s and inspired much subsequent writing on colonialism, post-colonialism, politics, and literature. It includes Sartre's celebrated preface to Fanon's classic Wretched of the Earth. Colonialism and Neo-Colonialism had a profound impact on French intellectual life, inspiring many other influential French thinkers and critics of colonialism such as Jean-Francois Lyotard, Frantz Fanon, Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Derrida.},
  origdate  = {1964},
}

@Article{Uzoigwe2019,
  author       = {Godfrey N. Uzoigwe},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Global South Studies},
  title        = {Neocolonialism Is Dead: Long Live Neocolonialism},
  doi          = {10.1353/gss.2019.0004},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {59--87},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {During the 1950s, in what is today called the Global South—to some, a misnomer—a new concept, neocolonialism, was added to the lexicon of political thought. By the decades of the 1960s and 1970s, it had become a controversial political phenomenon. Predictably, most politicians and scholars in the West rejected the concept. By the close of the twentieth century, neocolonialism no longer occupied center stage in nationalist and scholarly discourses about the problems developing nations faced. Perspectives on this inevitable historical phenomenon came to mirror opponents' ideas on imperialism and colonialism. Those who regarded them as a bad thing were alarmed at their continued existence through the back door after independence and vociferously denounced them as predatory and nefarious, but those who regarded them as essentially a good thing equally stoutly denied the existence of neocolonialism, regarding the intentions of the industrialized West in the new nations as essentially Christian, benevolent, and beneficial. Because of the renewed scholarly interest in the subject since the 1980s, especially the widening perspectives on the concept, this article revisits the phenomenon of neocolonialism and discusses its enduring manifestations, concluding that because of its very nature, neocolonialism has all along been alive and well. The political leaders of both the developed nations and the Global South are urged, therefore, to confront the phenomenon, not as superior and inferior or as colonizer and colonized but as partners in the pursuit of global peace, security, and prosperity. The conclusions are drawn from a study of a complex array of relevant sources from the 1950s to contemporary times.},
}

@Article{Valentini2015,
  author       = {Valentini, Laura},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy {\&} Public Affairs},
  title        = {On the Distinctive Procedural Wrong of Colonialism},
  doi          = {10.1111/papa.12057},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {312--331},
  volume       = {43},
}

@Book{Young2016,
  author    = {Young, Robert},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction},
  doi       = {10.1002/9781119316817},
  isbn      = {9781119316817},
  location  = {Chichester, UK},
  publisher = {Wiley Blackwell},
}

@Article{Ypi2013,
  author       = {Ypi, Lea},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy {\&} Public Affairs},
  title        = {What's Wrong with Colonialism},
  doi          = {10.1111/papa.12014},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {158--191},
  volume       = {41},
}

@Article{Parekh1992,
  author       = {Bhikhu Parekh},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {The Cultural Particularity of Liberal Democracy},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01819.x},
  number       = {1{\_}suppl},
  pages        = {160--175},
  volume       = {40},
  abstract     = {Liberal democracy is liberalized democracy: that is, democracy defined and structured within the limits set by liberalism. The paper outlines the constitutive features of liberalism and shows how they determined the form and content of democracy and gave rise to liberal democracy as we know it today. It then goes on to argue that liberal democracy is specific to a particular cultural context and cannot claim universal validity. This, however, does not lead to cultural relativism as it is possible to formulate universal principles that every good government should respect. The paper offers one way of reconciling universalism and cultural diversity.},
}

@Book{Graeber2018,
  author    = {Graeber, David},
  date      = {2018},
  title     = {Bullshit Jobs: A Theory},
  isbn      = {978-1-5011-4334-2},
  publisher = {Penguin},
  url       = {https://www.loniya.org/storage/pdf/1535752644.pdf},
  urldate   = {2020-09-07},
}

@Book{Graeber2015,
  author    = {Graeber, David},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {The Utopia of Rules: On Technology, Stupidity, and the Secret Joys of Bureaucracy},
  isbn      = {978-1-61219-375-5},
  publisher = {Melville House Publishing},
  url       = {https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-the-utopia-of-rules.pdf},
  urldate   = {2020-09-07},
}

@Report{DepartmentJustice2015,
  author      = {{Department of Justice}},
  date        = {2015-03-04},
  institution = {Civil Rights Division, United States Department of Justice},
  title       = {Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department},
  type        = {resreport},
  pagetotal   = {102},
  url         = {https://tinyurl.com/jpk4bjb},
  urldate     = {2020-09-07},
}

@WWW{Graeber2015a,
  author       = {Graeber, David},
  date         = {2015-03-19},
  title        = {Ferguson and the Criminalization of American Life},
  url          = {https://gawker.com/ferguson-and-the-criminalization-of-american-life-1692392051},
  organization = {Gawker.com},
  urldate      = {2020-09-07},
}

@Article{Hardin1991,
  author       = {Hardin, Russell},
  date         = {1991},
  journaltitle = {Rationality and Society},
  title        = {Acting together, Contributing together},
  doi          = {10.1177/1043463191003003007},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {365--380},
  volume       = {3},
}

@Article{Hardin1971,
  author       = {Russell Hardin},
  date         = {1971},
  journaltitle = {Behavioral Science},
  title        = {Collective action as an agreeable n-prisoners' dilemma},
  doi          = {10.1002/bs.3830160507},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {472--481},
  volume       = {16},
}

@WWW{Coates2015,
  author       = {Coates, Ta-Nehisi},
  date         = {2015-03-05},
  title        = {The Gangsters of Ferguson},
  url          = {https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/03/The-Gangsters-Of-Ferguson/386893/},
  organization = {The Atlantic},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
}

@Article{OliverManey2000,
  author       = {Oliver, Pamela E. and Maney, Gregory M.},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Political Processes and Local Newspaper Coverage of Protest Events: From Selection Bias to Triadic Interactions},
  doi          = {10.1086/316964},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {463--505},
  volume       = {106},
  abstract     = {Political processes affect both protest and news coverage of protest, but past research has failed to examine these interactions. Data from one city reveal the interaction of political process, news value, and news routine factors in news coverage of protest versus other message events. Protests about legislative issues received the most coverage. Controlling for issue type, protest forms were covered less when the legislature was in session, while other forms (largely ceremonies and speeches) were covered more. Yearly variations in coverage rates of nonlegislative protests distorted the apparent shape of the protest cycle. Other predictive factors include size, police involvement, conflict, counterdemonstrators, amplified sound, Monday event, religious sponsorship (negative), and annual or holiday event.},
}

@Article{MarwellEtAl1988,
  author       = {Marwell, Gerald and Oliver, Pamela E. and Prahl, Ralph},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Social Networks and Collective Action: A Theory of the Critical Mass. {III}},
  doi          = {10.1086/229028},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {502--534},
  volume       = {94},
  abstract     = {Most analyses of collective action agree that overcoming the freerider problem requires organizing potential contributors, thus making their decisions interdependent. The potential for organizing depends on the social ties in the group, particularly on the overall density or frequency of ties, on the extent to which they are centralized in a few individuals, and on the costs of communicating and coordinating actions through these ties. Mathematical analysis and computer simulations extend a formal microsocial theory of interdependent collective action to treat social networks and organization costs. As expected, the overall density of social ties in a group improves its prospects for collective action. More significant, because less expected, are the findings that show that the centralization of network ties always has a positive effect on collective action and that the negative effect of costs on collective action declines as the group's resource or interest heterogeneity increases. These nonobvious results are due to the powerful effects of selectivity, the organizer's ability to concentrate organizing efforts on those individuals whose potential contributions are the largest.},
}

@Article{Fowler2020,
  author       = {Fowler, Anthony},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Partisan Intoxication or Policy Voting?},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00018027a},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {141--179},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y5ylzwob},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {Many political scientists believe that partisanship is an arbitrary psychological attachment that exerts a drug-like effect on voters' decisions. An implication is that voters don't care much about policy or government performance, and instead, elections are just a roll call of intoxicated partisans. I review and reassess the evidence for this view, concluding that there is no compelling evidence to support it. For many empirical tests, partisan intoxication and policy voting are observationally equivalent. Rare opportunities to partially distinguish between these possibilities like the southern realignment suggest that policy voting is more prevalent. When I conduct new tests utilizing survey experiments about hypothetical candidates, the weight of the evidence favors policy voting.},
}

@Article{Rogers2020,
  author       = {Steven Rogers},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Sobering up after ``Partisan Intoxication or Policy Voting?''},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00019039},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {181--212},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y56q8fc8},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {"Partisan Intoxication or Policy Voting?" raises questions central to understanding the extent to which individuals vote their partisanship and brings important attention to the potential observational equivalence between partisan and policy voting. In this response, I affirm some of Fowler's arguments but also build upon existing studies to highlight that tests of the policy voting hypothesis need to seriously consider both the direct and indirect effects of partisanship to understand the relative role of policy versus partisanship. Such consideration is particularly significant as partisanship's indirect effects can have troubling implications for democracy. I also reexamine the southern realignment and voters' responses to hypothetical candidate policy positions, and when accounting for elite decision-making and complex information environments, I find voters respond less to candidate ideology and policy positions than suggested by Fowler's original analyses. Together, my findings underscore the point that "policy voting and partisan intoxication are neither exhaustive nor mutually exclusive explanations" of voter behavior (Fowler, 2020, p. 144).},
}

@Article{Fowler2020a,
  author       = {Fowler, Anthony},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Defending Sober Voters against Sensationalist Scholars: A Reply to Rogers},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00018027b},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {213--219},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/y5ysldpj},
  urldate      = {2020-09-08},
  volume       = {15},
}

@Collection{CohenWellman2005,
  date      = {2005},
  editor    = {Cohen, Andrew I. and Wellman, Christopher Heath},
  title     = {Contemporary Debates in Applied Ethics},
  isbn      = {978-1-405-11547-6},
  pagetotal = {364},
  publisher = {John Wiley \& Sons},
}

@TechReport{NicksonEtAl2020,
  author      = {Sarah Nickson and Alex Thomas and Erenie Mullens-Burgess},
  date        = {2020-09-01},
  institution = {Institute for Government},
  title       = {Decision making in a crisis: First responses to the coronavirus pandemic},
  url         = {https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/decision-making-crisis.pdf},
  urldate     = {2020-09-09},
}

@Article{Gilardi2010,
  author       = {Fabrizio Gilardi},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Who Learns from What in Policy Diffusion Processes?},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00452.x},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {650--666},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yxsmg6lj},
  urldate      = {2020-09-09},
  volume       = {54},
  abstract     = {The idea that policy makers in different states or countries may learn from one another has fascinated scholars for a long time, but little systematic evidence has been produced so far. This article improves our understanding of this elusive argument by distinguishing between the policy and political consequences of reforms and by emphasizing the conditional nature of learning processes. Using a directed dyadic approach and multilevel methods, the analysis of unemployment benefits retrenchment in OECD countries demonstrates that policy makers learn selectively from the experience of others. Right governments tend to be more sensitive to information on the electoral consequences of reforms, while left governments are more likely to be influenced by their policy effects.},
}

@Article{Russell2020,
  author       = {Meg Russell},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  title        = {Brexit and Parliament: The Anatomy of a Perfect Storm},
  doi          = {10.1093/pa/gsaa011},
  abstract     = {The Westminster parliament lies at the heart of UK democracy. Yet its role and powers became increasingly controversial during the ‘Brexit’ process, following the 2016 referendum decision to leave the European Union. Fierce arguments were framed as ‘parliament versus people’, which fed a populist narrative and raised fundamental questions about where UK sovereignty should lie. This article charts the stages of parliament’s Brexit ‘perfect storm’, tracing its causes to four factors: the design of the referendum, a period of (unfamiliar) minority government, deeply divided political parties, and the weakness of parliamentary rules in facilitating a solution. In the end, the Brexit argument was primarily one inside the Conservative Party, but parliament got the blame.},
}

@Article{GarritzmannSeng2015,
  author       = {Garritzmann, Julian L. and Seng, Kilian},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Party politics and education spending: challenging some common wisdom},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2015.1048703},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {510--530},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {Much literature has analysed parties’ influence on public education spending. We challenge this literature on theoretical, methodological and empirical grounds. It is standard to regress expenditure on cabinet seat-share weighted party family dummies in time-series cross-section regressions using ‘country-year’ data. But using ‘country-year’ data artificially inflates the number of cases and leads to biased estimates, as governments usually do not change annually. Second, using party families as proxies for party preferences assumes that parties within families hold similar positions while they differ across families. But this is empirically often not the case. Finally, a historical institutionalist perspective suggests that we should not expect party effects anymore in the first place. Empirically, we propose a new design, using direct measures of party preferences in analyses on government-term level. We find that the partisan composition of government did not have any significant effects on education spending from 1995 to 2010 in 21 democracies.},
}

@Online{YglesiasKlein2020,
  author       = {Yglesias, Matthew and Klein, Ezra},
  date         = {2020-09-11},
  title        = {The definitive case against the filibuster},
  url          = {https://overcast.fm/ FOOTdso9U},
  organization = {The Weeds, Vox.com},
  urldate      = {2020-09-11},
}

@Article{Kertzer2020,
  author       = {Kertzer, Joshua D.},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Re-Assessing Elite-Public Gaps in Political Behavior},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  url          = {https://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~jkertzer/Research_files/Elite-Public-Gaps-Web.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-11},
  abstract     = {Political scientists often criticize psychological approaches to the study of
politics on the grounds that many psychological theories were developed on convenience
samples of college students or members of the mass public, whereas many of the most
important decisions in politics are made by elites, who are presumed to differ systematically from ordinary citizens. This paper proposes an overarching framework for thinking
about differences between elites and masses, presenting the results of a meta-analysis
of 162 paired treatments from paired experiments on political elites and mass publics,
as well as an analysis of 12 waves of historical elite and mass public opinion data on
foreign policy issues over a 43 year period. It finds political scientists both overstate the
magnitude of elite-public gaps in decision-making, and misunderstand the determinants
of elite-public gaps in political attitudes, many of which are due to basic compositional
differences rather than to elites’ domain-specific expertise.},
}

@Article{BarabasEtAl2020,
  author       = {Jason Barabas and Benjamin Carter and Kevin Shan},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  title        = {Analogical Framing: How Policy Comparisons Alter Political Support for Health Care Reform},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532673x20926125},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {596--611},
  url          = {http://www.jasonbarabas.com/images/BarabasCarterShan_2020APR_PageProofs.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-11},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {Analogies have captivated philosophers for millennia, yet their effects on modern public opinion preferences remain largely unexplored. Nevertheless, the lack of evidence as to whether analogies aid in political persuasion has not stopped politicians from using these rhetorical devices in public debates. To examine such strategic attempts to garner political support, we conducted survey experiments in the United States that featured the analogical arguments being used by Democrats and Republicans as well as some of the policy rationales that accompanied their appeals. The results revealed that analogies—especially those that also provided the underlying policy logic—increased support for individual health coverage mandates, the Affordable Care Act (ACA), and even single payer national health proposals. However, we demonstrated that rebutting flawed analogies was also possible. Thus, within the health care arena, framing proposals with analogies can alter policy preferences significantly, providing a way to deliver policy rationales persuasively.},
}

@Article{Hartman2012,
  author       = {Todd K. Hartman},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  title        = {Toll Booths on the Information Superhighway? Policy Metaphors in the Case of Net Neutrality},
  doi          = {10.1080/10584609.2012.694983},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {278--298},
  url          = {https://tinyurl.com/yxnzu5me},
  urldate      = {2020-09-11},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {Scholars have argued for centuries that metaphors are persuasive in politics, yet scant experimental research exists to validate these assertions. Two experiments about the issue of federally regulating the Internet were conducted to test whether metaphors confer a unique persuasive advantage relative to conventional messages. The results of these studies confirm that an apt metaphor can be a powerful tool of persuasion. Moreover, the evidence suggests that metaphor-induced persuasion works particularly well for politically unsophisticated citizens by increasing assessments of message quality. Ultimately, this research concerns how individuals make sense of politics and how policymakers can use what we know about human cognition to convey their platforms to the general public.},
}

@Article{BarabasJerit2010,
  author       = {Barabas, Jason and Jerit, Jennifer},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Are Survey Experiments Externally Valid?},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055410000092},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {226--242},
  url          = {http://www.jjerit.com/images/BarabasJerit_APSR_2010.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-11},
  volume       = {104},
  abstract     = {Researchers use survey experiments to establish causal effects in descriptively representative samples, but concerns remain regarding the strength of the stimuli and the lack of realism in experimental settings. We explore these issues by comparing three national survey experiments on Medicare and immigration with contemporaneous natural experiments on the same topics. The survey experiments reveal that providing information increases political knowledge and alters attitudes. In contrast, two real-world government announcements had no discernable effects, except among people who were exposed to the same facts publicized in the mass media. Even among this exposed subsample, treatment effects were smaller and sometimes pointed in the opposite direction. Methodologically, our results suggest the need for caution when extrapolating from survey experiments. Substantively, we find that many citizens are able to recall factual information appearing in the news but may not adjust their beliefs and opinions in response to this information.},
}

@Article{GrassoEtAl2019,
  author       = {Maria Teresa Grasso and Stephen Farrall and Emily Gray and Colin Hay and Will Jennings},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Thatcher's Children, Blair's Babies, Political Socialization and Trickle-down Value Change: An Age, Period and Cohort Analysis},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123416000375},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {17--36},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {To what extent are new generations ‘Thatcherite’? Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985–2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher’s Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour – Blair’s Babies – shares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.},
}

@Article{OGradyAbouChadi2019,
  author       = {Tom O'Grady and Tarik Abou-Chadi},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Research {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Not so responsive after all: European parties do not respond to public opinion shifts across multiple issue dimensions},
  doi          = {10.1177/2053168019891380},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {205316801989138},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {Many studies have found that European parties change their policy positions in response to changes in public opinion. This is both theoretically and normatively appealing, suggesting that European party politics operates in a way that is consistent with spatial models. Nonetheless, virtually all previous studies are based on a single, uni-dimensional measure of public opinion: left–right self-placement from the Eurobarometer surveys. This measure has a number of flaws, including the fact that political conflict in Europe now occurs across multiple issue dimensions beyond the classic divide on state involvement in the economy. We used new measures of Europeans’ ideological positions across four different issue dimensions and 26 countries from 1981–2016, together with data on parties’ policy positions from their manifestos, to re-evaluate findings on responsiveness. Across many different model specifications, samples and outcome measures, we found virtually no evidence that European political parties respond to public opinion on any issue dimension. Our findings suggest that scholars may require better measures of party positions, more nuanced theories of responsiveness (for example to sub-groups, or across longer time horizons), or may need to refocus their attention towards responsiveness via policy outcomes rather than parties’ policy commitments.},
}

@Article{KershawEtAl2013,
  author       = {Trina C. Kershaw and Christopher K. Flynn and Leamarie T. Gordon},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Thinking {\&} Reasoning},
  title        = {Multiple paths to transfer and constraint relaxation in insight problem solving},
  doi          = {10.1080/13546783.2012.742852},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {96--136},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {In two experiments participants received various training methods designed to relax constraints present in the Four-Tree problem (deBono, 1967), a difficult insight problem. Geometry misconceptions were corrected via direct instruction. Participants’ difficulty with developing three-dimensional representations was addressed via spontaneous analogical transfer (Experiment 1) or via cued analogical transfer (Experiment 2). We found that, while both training methods were effective, alleviating multiple constraints was more effective than the alleviation of single constraints via training programmes (c.f. Kershaw & Ohlsson, 2004). Providing single difficulty hints was ineffective in promoting solution. Implications for multiple paths to transfer (Nokes, 2009; Nokes & Ohlsson, 2005) and multiple constraints are discussed.},
}

@Article{CacciatoreEtAl2015,
  author       = {Michael A. Cacciatore and Dietram A. Scheufele and Shanto Iyengar},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Mass Communication and Society},
  title        = {The End of Framing as we Know it~{\ldots}~and the Future of Media Effects},
  doi          = {10.1080/15205436.2015.1068811},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {7--23},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {Framing has become one of the most popular areas of research for scholars in communication and a wide variety of other disciplines, such as psychology, behavioral economics, political science, and sociology. Particularly in the communication discipline, however, ambiguities surrounding how we conceptualize and therefore operationalize framing have begun to overlap with other media effects models to a point that is dysfunctional. This article provides an in-depth examination of framing and positions the theory in the context of recent evolutions in media effects research. We begin by arguing for changes in how communication scholars approach framing as a theoretical construct. We urge scholars to abandon the general term “framing” altogether and instead distinguish between different types of framing. We also propose that, as a field, we refocus attention on the concept's original theoretical foundations and, more important, the potential empirical contributions that the concept can make to our field and our understanding of media effects. Finally, we discuss framing as a bridge between paradigms as we shift from an era of mass communication to one of echo chambers, tailored information and microtargeting in the new media environment.},
}

@Article{AghionEtAl2019,
  author       = {Philippe Aghion and Xavier Jaravel and Torsten Persson and Doroth{\'{e}}e Rouzet},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  title        = {Education and Military Rivalry},
  doi          = {10.1093/jeea/jvy022},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {376--412},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {What makes countries engage in reforms of mass education? Motivated by historical evidence on the relation between military threats and expansions of primary education, we assemble a panel dataset from the last 150 years in European countries and from the postwar period in a large set of countries. We uncover three stylized facts: (i) investments in education are associated with military threats, (ii) democratic institutions are negatively correlated with education investments, and (iii) education investments respond more strongly to military threats in democracies. These patterns continue to hold when we exploit rivalries in a country’s neighborhood as an alternative source of variation. We develop a theoretical model that rationalizes the three empirical findings. The model has an additional prediction about investments in physical infrastructures, which finds support in the data.},
}

@Unpublished{Paglayan2017-08-21,
  author  = {Paglayan, Agustina},
  date    = {2017-08-21},
  title   = {Civil War, State Consolidation, and the Spread of Mass Education},
  url     = {https://tinyurl.com/rlv43ma},
  urldate = {2020-09-15},
}

@Article{AmsalemZoizner2020,
  author       = {Eran Amsalem and Alon Zoizner},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Real, but Limited: A Meta-Analytic Assessment of Framing Effects in the Political Domain},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123420000253},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {In the past three decades, scholars have frequently used the concept of framing effects to assess the competence of citizens' political judgments and how susceptible they are to elite influence. Yet prior framing studies have reached mixed conclusions, and few have provided systematic cumulative evidence. This study evaluates the overall efficacy of different types of framing effects in the political domain by systematically meta-analyzing this large and diverse literature. A combined analysis of 138 experiments reveals that when examined across contexts, framing exerts medium-sized effects on citizens' political attitudes and emotions. However, framing effects on behavior are negligible, and small effects are also found in more realistic studies employing frame competition. These findings suggest that although elites can influence citizens by framing issues, their capacity to do so is constrained. Overall, citizens appear to be more competent than some scholars envision them to be.},
}

@Article{Pillay2018,
  author       = {Suren Pillay},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Politikon},
  title        = {Thinking the State from Africa: Political Theory, Eurocentrism and Concrete Politics},
  doi          = {10.1080/02589346.2018.1418203},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {32--47},
  volume       = {45},
  abstract     = {This paper is divided into two parts. In the first section, I describe a project that we have underway at University of Western Cape, to rethink Political Theory and Philosophy. It is a project partly responsive to the questions that have been raised over the last two years in South African universities, about rethinking the curriculum and `decolonizing knowledge'. The second part of this paper will offer a description of a course that I have been teaching at Honours and Masters level on Political Violence and the Modern State. In recounting these two projects I wish to contribute to possible ways we might reconstitute the genealogy of the modern state from an African vantage point, and therefore to think about how this might be done in a way that is not Eurocentric.},
}

@Article{Arendt1946,
  author       = {Hannah Arendt},
  date         = {1946},
  journaltitle = {The Sewanee Review},
  title        = {Expansion and the Philosophy of Power},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {601--616},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/27537695},
  urldate      = {2020-09-15},
  volume       = {54},
}

@Article{Arendt2007,
  author       = {Arendt, Hannah},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Social Research: An International Quarterly},
  title        = {The Great Tradition: I. Law and Power},
  issue        = {3},
  pages        = {713--726},
  url          = {https://muse.jhu.edu/article/527572/},
  urldate      = {2020-09-15},
  volume       = {74},
}

@Article{Allen2008,
  author       = {Amy Allen},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Power},
  title        = {Rationalizing oppression},
  doi          = {10.1080/17540290801943414},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {51--65},
  volume       = {1},
  abstract     = {Recently, it has been claimed that rational choice theory provides the best framework for understanding how oppression is reproduced and maintained over time, particularly through the mechanism of inducing individuals to participate in their own oppression. This paper subjects this claim to critical scrutiny, drawing on a detailed discussion of the example of marital power to argue that rational choice theory does not and, indeed, cannot fully explain how individuals are compelled to participate in their own oppression.},
}

@Article{RoseShin2001,
  author       = {Rose, Richard and Shin, Doh Chull},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Democratization Backwards: The Problem of Third-Wave Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123401000138},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {331--354},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {Countries in the third wave of democratization have introduced competitive elections before establishing basic institutions of a modern state such as the rule of law, institutions of civil society and the accountability of governors. By contrast, countries in the first wave of democratization became modern states before universal suffrage was introduced. Because they have democratized backwards, most third-wave countries are currently incomplete democracies. Incomplete democracies can develop in three different ways: completing democratization; repudiating free elections and turning to an undemocratic alternative; or falling into a low-level equilibrium trap in which the inadequacies of elites are matched by low popular demands and expectations. The significance of incomplete democratization is shown by analysing public opinion survey data from three new democracies varying in their predecessor regimes: the Russian Federation (a totalitarian past); the Czech Republic (both a democratic and a totalitarian past) and the Republic of Korea (formerly an authoritarian military regime).},
}

@Article{Karl1990,
  author       = {Karl, Terry Lynn},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Dilemmas of Democratization in Latin America},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--21},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/422302},
  volume       = {23},
}

@Article{Bunce2000,
  author       = {Valerie Bunce},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Comparative Democratization},
  doi          = {10.1177/001041400003300602},
  number       = {6-7},
  pages        = {703--734},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {Comparative studies of democratization have produced two types of generalizations: those having nearly universal application and those applying to a range of countries within a region. In the first category are such arguments as the role of high levels of economic development in guaranteeing democratic sustainability, the centrality of political elites in establishing and terminating democracy, and deficits in rule of law and state capacity as the primary challenge to the quality and survival of new democracies. In the second category are contrasts between recent democratization in post-Socialist Europe versus Latin America and southern Europe—for example, in the relationship between democratization and economic reform and in the costs and benefits for democratic consolidation of breaking quickly versus slowly with the authoritarian past. The two sets of conclusions have important methodological implications for how comparativists understand generalizability and the emphasis placed on historical versus proximate causation.},
}

@Book{Shin2011,
  author    = {Shin, Doh Chull},
  date      = {2011},
  title     = {Confucianism and Democratization in East Asia},
  doi       = {10.1017/cbo9781139084086},
  isbn      = {9781139084086},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{CaseyOwen2013,
  author       = {Gregory P. Casey and Ann L. Owen},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  title        = {Good News, Bad News, and Consumer Confidence},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00900.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {292--315},
  volume       = {94},
  abstract     = {Objectives
We test for asymmetric reactions of consumer confidence and the news media to changes in economic fundamentals. We examine the relationship between media reporting and consumer confidence.

Methods
Using data from the University of Michigan Index of Consumer Sentiment and a new data set on media coverage constructed by ourselves, we estimate time series regressions that explain changes in consumer confidence and media coverage of economic news.

Results
We find evidence of asymmetric reactions by consumers to changes in economic fundamentals; however, we find no evidence of a systematic negativity bias. We also find no evidence of bias in the media. The findings of asymmetric reactions are strengthened when we control for expectations.

Conclusion
Asymmetric reactions in consumer confidence depend on the nature of the economic fundamental that is changing. Reference points are important in determining consumer reaction, but they do not explain asymmetric responses.},
}

@Article{GoidelLangley1995,
  author       = {Robert K. Goidel and Ronald E. Langley},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title        = {Media Coverage of the Economy and Aggregate Economic Evaluations: Uncovering Evidence of Indirect Media Effects},
  doi          = {10.1177/106591299504800205},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {313--328},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {In the following analysis, we investigate two important questions: (1) how closely does media coverage of the economy reflect real changes in eco nomic conditions? and (2) to what extent does economic coverage of the economy exert an independent effect on economic evaluations? We then use this information to explore Republican claims that media coverage of the economy hurt the Bush reelection campaign. Consistent with previous research, we find that, overall, the media tend to follow negative economic conditions more closely than positive economic conditions. In addition, news coverage appears to be strongly related to aggregate public evaluations of the economy, even after controlling for real economic conditions. Final ly, we also find that news coverage of the economy was significantly differ ent during 1982, 1991, and 1992 than during other years under study. During these years, coverage of the economy was more negative than would have been expected on the basis of economic conditions alone. The implications of these findings, particularly with respect to Republican claims of media bias, are explored.},
}

@Article{Coggins2011,
  author       = {Bridget Coggins},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Friends in High Places: International Politics and the Emergence of States from Secessionism},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0020818311000105},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {433--467},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {State emergence is an essential dynamic of the international system, yet international relations scholars pay it little attention. Their oversight is all the more unfortunate because international politics ultimately determine which aspiring system members will succeed in becoming new states. Existing models of state emergence rely exclusively on internal or domestic-level explanations. However, the international system is inherently social; therefore any aspiring state's membership also depends on the acceptance of its peers. I present a novel, international-level model of state birth that suggests state leaders should use decisions regarding new members strategically to advance their own interests, not passively abide by domestic factors. I test this argument using a new data set on secessionism and Great Power recognition (1931–2000). I find that external politics have important, underappreciated effects on state emergence. Furthermore, acknowledging the politics of recognition's centrality to state birth alters our understanding of civil conflict dynamics and conflict resolution and suggests important implications for system-wide stability.},
}

@Article{ZvobgoLoken2020-06-19,
  author       = {Zvobgo, Kelebogile and Loken, Meredith},
  date         = {2020-06-19},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Policy},
  title        = {Why Race Matters in International Relations},
  url          = {https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/06/19/why-race-matters-international-relations-ir/},
  urldate      = {2020-09-16},
}

@Article{MaliniakEtAl2013,
  author       = {Daniel Maliniak and Ryan Powers and Barbara F. Walter},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {The Gender Citation Gap in International Relations},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0020818313000209},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {889--922},
  url          = {http://www.saramitchell.org/maliniak.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-16},
  volume       = {67},
  abstract     = {This article investigates the extent to which citation and publication patterns differ between men and women in the international relations (IR) literature. Using data from the Teaching, Research, and International Policy project on peer-reviewed publications between 1980 and 2006, we show that women are systematically cited less than men after controlling for a large number of variables including year of publication, venue of publication, substantive focus, theoretical perspective, methodology, tenure status, and institutional affiliation. These results are robust to a variety of modeling choices. We then turn to network analysis to investigate the extent to which the gender of an article's author affects that article's relative centrality in the network of citations between papers in our sample. Articles authored by women are systematically less central than articles authored by men, all else equal. This is likely because (1) women tend to cite themselves less than men, and (2) men (who make up a disproportionate share of IR scholars) tend to cite men more than women. This is the first study in political science to reveal significant gender differences in citation patterns and is especially meaningful because citation counts are increasingly used as a key measure of research's quality and impact.},
}

@Article{McKinnon2011,
  author       = {Catriona McKinnon},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy},
  title        = {Climate change justice: getting motivated in the last chance saloon},
  doi          = {10.1080/13698230.2011.529708},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {195--213},
  volume       = {14},
}

@Book{Cripps2013,
  author    = {Elizabeth Cripps},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Climate Change and the Moral Agent},
  doi       = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665655.001.0001},
  isbn      = {9780199665655},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Bermeo1992,
  author       = {Nancy Bermeo},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Democracy and the Lessons of Dictatorship},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {273--291},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/422133},
  volume       = {24},
  abstract     = {This article investigates the cultural and behavioral legacies of dictatorship. It argues that the experience of dictatorship can lead to a process of political learning in which social actors reevaluate their past perspectives on the relative merits of democracy. It begins by explaining what political learning is, using examples from Europe and Latin America, moves on to explain why political learning is key to the reconstruction of democracy and what it adds to our understanding of empirical democratic theory, and closes with a discussion of how it takes place and why it emerges in some dictatorships and not in others. Political learning comes from two principal sources, comparisons with previous regimes and foreign reference states and interactions in exile communities, jails, opposition groups, and the arenas of civil society left relatively unrestrained by the dictatorship. The sources of political learning are affected by level of economic development but also have important historical and cultural components.},
}

@Article{Bermeo1997,
  author       = {Nancy Bermeo},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Myths of Moderation: Confrontation and Conflict during Democratic Transitions},
  issn         = {0010-4159},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {305--322},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/422123},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {This essay examines the moderation argument: transitions to democracy are threatened if radical forces push their demands too long or too hard. Drawing on evidence from Iberia, South America, and Asia, it illustrates when moderation is required and when it is not. Conditions for democratization hinge less on the absence or existence of radicalism than on pivotal elites' perception of the effects of radicalism. Successful transitions to democracy can be made despite radical activity if elites project that radical forces will not dominate electoral politics.},
}

@Article{Bermeo2007,
  author       = {Nancy Bermeo},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Democratization},
  title        = {War and Democratization: Lessons from the Portuguese Experience},
  doi          = {10.1080/13510340701303246},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {388--406},
  volume       = {14},
}

@Article{Bermeo1994,
  author       = {Nancy Bermeo},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Sacrifice, Sequence, and Strength in Successful Dual Transitions: Lessons from Spain},
  doi          = {10.2307/2132184},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {601--627},
  volume       = {56},
  abstract     = {This article presents a model for successful dual transitions derived from an analysis of the Spanish experience of 1977-1986. I argue that the successful implementation of structural adjustment programs depends on two factors: one, a reform sequence that delays deepened structural adjustment until after the consolidation of democracy seems assured, and two, a strong ruling party. In the Spanish case and in other successful dual transitions discussed here, the party that won the first democratic elections concentrated on consolidating democracy while the party that won the second national elections concentrated on economic reforms.},
}

@Article{Walter1997,
  author       = {Barbara F. Walter},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {The Critical Barrier to Civil War Settlement},
  doi          = {10.1162/002081897550384},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {335--364},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {Unlike interstate wars, civil wars rarely end in negotiated settlements. Between 1940 and 1990 55 percent of interstate wars were resolved at the bargaining table, whereas only 20 percent of civil wars reached similar solutions. Instead, most internal wars ended with the extermination, expulsion, or capitulation of the losing side. In fact, groups fighting civil wars almost always chose to fight to the finish unless an outside power stepped in to guarantee a peace agreement. If a third party agreed to enforce the terms of a peace treaty, negotiations always succeeded regardless of the initial goals, ideology, or ethnicity of the participants. If a third party did not intervene, these talks usually failed.},
}

@Report{FixlerEtAl2020-05,
  author      = {Fixler, Dennis and Gindelsky, Marina and Johnson, David},
  date        = {2020-05},
  institution = {U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis},
  title       = {Measuring Inequality in the National Accounts},
  url         = {https://www.bea.gov/system/files/papers/measuring-inequality-in-the-national-accounts_0.pdf},
  urldate     = {2020-09-16},
}

@Online{HakhverdianFord2020,
  author       = {Hakhverdian, Armèn and Ford, Robert},
  date         = {2020-09-16},
  title        = {A return to Brexitland, with Rob Ford},
  url          = {http://stukroodvlees.nl/episode-82-a-return-to-brexitland-with-rob-ford/},
  organization = {Stuk Rood Vlees},
  subtitle     = {Episode 82},
  urldate      = {2020-09-18},
}

@Article{Mousa2020,
  author       = {Salma Mousa},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Science},
  title        = {Building social cohesion between Christians and Muslims through soccer in post-{ISIS} Iraq},
  doi          = {10.1126/science.abb3153},
  number       = {6505},
  pages        = {866--870},
  volume       = {369},
  abstract     = {Can intergroup contact build social cohesion after war? I randomly assigned Iraqi Christians displaced by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to an all-Christian soccer team or to a team mixed with Muslims. The intervention improved behaviors toward Muslim peers: Christians with Muslim teammates were more likely to vote for a Muslim (not on their team) to receive a sportsmanship award, register for a mixed team next season, and train with Muslims 6 months after the intervention. The intervention did not substantially affect behaviors in other social contexts, such as patronizing a restaurant in Muslim-dominated Mosul or attending a mixed social event, nor did it yield consistent effects on intergroup attitudes. Although contact can build tolerant behaviors toward peers within an intervention, building broader social cohesion outside of it is more challenging.},
}

@Online{JacobsZhou2020-08-31,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan and Zhou, Yang-Yang},
  date         = {2020-08-31},
  title        = {The promise and limits of intergroup contact with Salma Mousa},
  url          = {https://www.buzzsprout.com/1318327/5227189-episode-01-the-promise-and-limits-of-intergroup-contact-with-salma-mousa},
  organization = {Scope Conditions Podcast},
  urldate      = {2020-09-21},
}

@Article{PanSiegel2019,
  author       = {Pan, Jennifer and Siegel, Alexandra A.},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {How Saudi Crackdowns Fail to Silence Online Dissent},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055419000650},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {109--125},
  volume       = {114},
  abstract     = {Saudi Arabia has imprisoned and tortured activists, religious leaders, and journalists for voicing dissent online. This reflects a growing worldwide trend in the use of physical repression to censor online speech. In this paper, we systematically examine the consequences of imprisoning well-known Saudis for online dissent by analyzing over 300 million tweets as well as detailed Google search data from 2010 to 2017 using automated text analysis and crowd-sourced human evaluation of content. We find that repression deterred imprisoned Saudis from continuing to dissent online. However, it did not suppress dissent overall. Twitter followers of the imprisoned Saudis engaged in more online dissent, including criticizing the ruling family and calling for regime change. Repression drew public attention to arrested Saudis and their causes, and other prominent figures in Saudi Arabia were not deterred by the repression of their peers and continued to dissent online.},
}

@Article{SiegelBadaan2020,
  author       = {Siegel, Alexandra A. and Badaan, Vivienne},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {{\#}No2Sectarianism: Experimental Approaches to Reducing Sectarian Hate Speech Online},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055420000283},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {837--855},
  volume       = {114},
  abstract     = {We use an experiment across the Arab Twittersphere and a nationally representative survey experiment in Lebanon to evaluate what types of counter-speech interventions are most effective in reducing sectarian hate speech online. We explore whether and to what extent messages priming common national identity or common religious identity, with and without elite endorsements, decrease the use of hostile anti-outgroup language. We find that elite-endorsed messages that prime common religious identity are the most consistently effective in reducing the spread of sectarian hate speech. Our results provide suggestive evidence that religious elites may play an important role as social referents—alerting individuals to social norms of acceptable behavior. By randomly assigning counter-speech treatments to actual producers of online hate speech and experimentally evaluating the effectiveness of these messages on a representative sample of citizens that might be incidentally exposed to such language, this work offers insights for researchers and policymakers on avenues for combating harmful rhetoric on and offline.},
}

@Article{AlrababahEtAl2021,
  author       = {Alrababa'h, Ala' and Marble, William and Mousa, Salma and Siegel, Alexandra A.},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Can Exposure to Celebrities Reduce Prejudice? The Effect of Mohamed Salah on Islamophobic Behaviors and Attitudes},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055421000423},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1111--1128},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {Can exposure to celebrities from stigmatized groups reduce prejudice? To address this question, we study the case of Mohamed Salah, a visibly Muslim, elite soccer player. Using data on hate crime reports throughout England and 15 million tweets from British soccer fans, we find that after Salah joined Liverpool F.C., hate crimes in the Liverpool area dropped by 16\% compared with a synthetic control, and Liverpool F.C. fans halved their rates of posting anti-Muslim tweets relative to fans of other top-flight clubs. An original survey experiment suggests that the salience of Salah’s Muslim identity enabled positive feelings toward Salah to generalize to Muslims more broadly. Our findings provide support for the parasocial contact hypothesis—indicating that positive exposure to out-group celebrities can spark real-world behavioral changes in prejudice.},
  howpublished = {Immigration Policy Lab Working Paper 19-04},
  publisher    = {Center for Open Science},
}

@Article{FrymerGrumbach2020,
  author       = {Paul Frymer and Jacob M. Grumbach},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Labor Unions and White Racial Politics},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12537},
  url          = {https://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/pfrymer/files/ajps12537_rev.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-09-22},
  abstract     = {Scholars and political observers point to declining labor unions, on the one hand, and rising white identity politics, on the other, as profound changes in American politics. However, there has been little attention given to the potential feedback between these forces. In this article, we investigate the role of union membership in shaping white racial attitudes. We draw upon research in history and American political development to generate a theory of interracial labor politics, in which union membership reduces racial resentment. Cross‐sectional analyses consistently show that white union members have lower racial resentment and greater support for policies that benefit African Americans. More importantly, our panel analysis suggests that gaining union membership between 2010 and 2016 reduced racial resentment among white workers. The findings highlight the important role of labor unions in mass politics and, more broadly, the importance of organizational membership for political attitudes and behavior.},
}

@Book{Arrow1951,
  author    = {Arrow, Kenneth},
  date      = {1951},
  title     = {Social Coice and Individual Values},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Wiley},
}

@Article{BursztynEtAl2019a,
  author       = {Leonardo Bursztyn and Michael Callen and Bruno Ferman and Saad Gulzar and Ali Hasanain and Noam Yuchtman},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
  title        = {Political Identity: Experimental Evidence on Anti-Americanism in Pakistan},
  doi          = {10.1093/jeea/jvz053},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {We identify Pakistani men’s willingness to pay to preserve their anti-American identity using two experiments imposing clearly specified financial costs on anti-American expression, with minimal consequential or social considerations. In two distinct studies, one-quarter to one-third of subjects forgo payments from the U.S. government worth around one-fifth of a day’s wage to avoid an identity-threatening choice: anonymously checking a box indicating gratitude toward the U.S. government. We find sensitivity to both payment size and anticipated social context: when subjects anticipate that rejection will be observable by others, rejection falls suggesting that, for some, social image can outweigh self-image.},
}

@Article{CantoniEtAl2017,
  author       = {Davide Cantoni and Yuyu Chen and David Y. Yang and Noam Yuchtman and Y. Jane Zhang},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Curriculum and Ideology},
  doi          = {10.1086/690951},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {338--392},
  volume       = {125},
  abstract     = {We study the causal effect of school curricula on students’ political attitudes, exploiting a major textbook reform in China between 2004 and 2010. The sharp, staggered introduction of the new curriculum across provinces allows us to identify its causal effects. We examine government documents articulating desired consequences of the reform and identify changes in textbooks reflecting these aims. A survey we conducted reveals that the reform was often successful in shaping attitudes, while evidence on behavior is mixed. Studying the new curriculum led to more positive views of China’s governance, changed views on democracy, and increased skepticism toward free markets.},
}

@Article{PrettyWard2001,
  author       = {Jules Pretty and Hugh Ward},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {World Development},
  title        = {Social Capital and the Environment},
  doi          = {10.1016/s0305-750x(00)00098-x},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {209--227},
  url          = {https://faculty.ucmerced.edu/ecampbell3/slkiva/Pretty-GMF-2001.pdf},
  urldate      = {2020-10-18},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {For as long as people have managed natural resources, they have engaged in collective action. But development assistance has paid too little attention to how social and human capital affects environmental outcomes. Social capital comprises relations of trust, reciprocity, common rules, norms and sanctions, and connectedness in institutions. Recent years have seen remarkable advances in group formation, with in the past decade some 408,000–478,000 groups emerging with 8.2–14.3 million members in watershed, irrigation, microfinance, forest, and integrated pest management, and for farmers' research. A new typology describes the evolution of groups through three stages, and indicates what kinds of policy support are needed to safeguard and spread achievements.},
}

@Article{HealyLenz2017,
  author       = {Andrew Healy and Gabriel S. Lenz},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Presidential Voting and the Local Economy: Evidence from Two Population-Based Data Sets},
  doi          = {10.1086/692785},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1419--1432},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {We show that standard economic measures based on samples and richer newly available ones based on populations lead to different conclusions about democratic accountability. Previous research, which has primarily relied on sample-based measures, has mostly missed an important determinant of presidential election outcomes: the local economy. We detect the local economy’s impact with two unique data sets, one of which includes data on all consumer loans made in California and the other a census of businesses. In contrast to measures subject to sampling error, these population-based measures indicate that economic conditions at the ZIP code and county level have an impact on presidential election outcomes. Presidents therefore face incentives to focus on electorally important geographic regions.},
}

@Online{Runciman2020-04,
  author       = {Runciman, David},
  date         = {2020-04-27},
  title        = {Hobbes On The State},
  url          = {https://www.talkingpoliticspodcast.com/history-of-ideas/hobbes},
  organization = {Talking Politics Podcast},
  titleaddon   = {History of Ideas},
  urldate      = {2020-11-02},
}

@Article{ValentinoEtAl2019,
  author       = {Nicholas A. Valentino and Stuart N. Soroka and Shanto Iyengar and Toril Aalberg and Raymond Duch and Marta Fraile and Kyu S. Hahn and Kasper M. Hansen and Allison Harell and Marc Helbling and Simon D. Jackman and Tetsuro Kobayashi},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Economic and Cultural Drivers of Immigrant Support Worldwide},
  doi          = {10.1017/s000712341700031x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1201--1226},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {Employing a comparative experimental design drawing on over 18,000 interviews across eleven countries on four continents, this article revisits the discussion about the economic and cultural drivers of attitudes towards immigrants in advanced democracies. Experiments manipulate the occupational status, skin tone and national origin of immigrants in short vignettes. The results are most consistent with a Sociotropic Economic Threat thesis: In all countries, higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force.},
}

@Article{Romer1975,
  author       = {Thomas Romer},
  date         = {1975},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Individual welfare, majority voting, and the properties of a linear income tax},
  doi          = {10.1016/0047-2727(75)90016-x},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {163--185},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {A fundamental problem in public finance is the determination of parameters of income tax functions. This paper focuses on this problem in the context of a linear tax function whose parameters are chosen according to majority vote by the taxpayers. The possibility of conflict between high national income and distributional equity is explored and it is found that, even when the distribution of earning power is rightward skew, majority voting does not necessarily lead to the adoption of a tax function which has the average tax rate rising with income.},
}

@Unpublished{BarnesHicks2020,
  author = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  date   = {2020},
  title  = {(Why) Are the Left Perceived as Debt-Profligate?},
}

@Article{GreenHobolt2008,
  author       = {Green, Jane and Hobolt, Sara},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {{Owning the issue agenda: Party strategies and vote choices in British elections}},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {460--476},
  volume       = {27},
}

@InCollection{Jun2003,
  author    = {U. Jun},
  booktitle = {The Political Class in Advanced Democracies},
  date      = {2003},
  title     = {Great Britain: from the Prevalence of the Amateur to the Professional Politician},
  editor    = {J. Borchert and J. Zeiss},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{CampbellCowley2014,
  author       = {Campbell, Rosie and Phillip Cowley},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  title        = {{Rich Man, Poor Man, Politician Man: Wealth Effects in a Candidate Biography Survey Experiment}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {56--74},
  volume       = {16},
}

@Article{CarnesSadine2014,
  author       = {Carnes, Nicholas and Sadine, Meredith L.},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {{The Mill Workers Son Heuristic: How Voters Perceive Politicians from Working-Class Families -- and How They Really Behave in Office}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {285--298},
  volume       = {77},
}

@Article{CarnesLupu2015,
  author       = {Carnes, Nicholas and Lupu, Noam},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {{Rethinking the Comparative Perspective on Class and Representation: Evidence from Latin America}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--18},
  volume       = {59},
}

@Book{Rush2001,
  author    = {Rush, Michael},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {The Role of the Member of Parliament Since 1868},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{Cowley2002,
  author    = {Cowley, Philip},
  date      = {2002},
  title     = {Revolts and Rebellions: Parliamentary Voting under Blair},
  location  = {London, UK},
  publisher = {Politico's Publishing},
}

@Book{HazanRahat2010,
  author    = {Hazan, Reuven Y., and Rahat, Gideon},
  date      = {2010},
  title     = {Democracy Within Parties: Candidate Selection Methods and their Political Consequences},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{NorrisLevendusky1995,
  author    = {Norris, Pippa, and Levendusky, Joni},
  date      = {1995},
  title     = {Political Recruitment: Gender, Race and Class in the British Parliament},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@article{Cairney2007,
author = {Cairney, Paul},
journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {2},
pages = {212--233},
title = {{The Professionalisation of MPs: Refining the `Politics-Facilitating' Explanation}},
volume = {60},
date ={2007}
}

@article{Allen2013,
author = {Allen, Paul},
journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {685--707},
title = {{Linking Pre-Parliamentary Political Experience and the Career Trajectories of the 1997 General Election Cohort}},
volume = {66},
date ={2013}
}

@Article{CowleyStuart1997,
  author       = {Cowley, Philip and Stuart, Mark},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  title        = {{Sodomy, Slaughter, Sunday Shopping and Seatbelts: Free Votes in the House of Commons, 1979 to 1996}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {119--130},
  volume       = {3},
}

@article{Cowley2012,
author = {Cowley, Philip},
journaltitle = {Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {31--38},
title = {{Arise, Novice Leader! The Continuing Rise of the Career Politician in Britain}},
volume = {32},
date ={2012}
}

@article{Goplerud2015,
author = {Goplerud, Max},
journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
pages = {332--351},
title = {{The First Time is (Mostly) the Charm: Special Advisers as Parliamentary Candidates and Members of Parliament}},
volume = {68},
date ={2015}
}

@Book{Svallfors2006,
  author    = {Svallfors, Stefan},
  date      = {2006},
  title     = {The Moral Economy of Class: Class and Attitudes in Comparative Perspective},
  location  = {Stanford, CA},
  publisher = {Stanford University Press},
}

@InCollection{Crewe1988,
  author    = {Crewe, Ivor},
  booktitle = {Thatcherism},
  date      = {1988},
  title     = {Has the Electorate Become Thatcherite?},
  editor    = {Robert Skidelsky},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Chatto and Windus},
}

@Book{Hardman2018,
  author    = {Hardman, Isabel},
  date      = {2018},
  title     = {Why We Get the Wrong Politicians},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Atlantic Books},
}

@InCollection{Evans1999,
  author    = {Evans, Geoffrey},
  booktitle = {The End of Class Politics? Class Voting in Comparative Context},
  date      = {1999},
  title     = {Class Voting: From Premature Obituary to Reasoned Appraisal},
  editor    = {G. Evans},
  location  = {Oxford, UK},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@InCollection{Hout2008,
  author    = {M. Hout},
  booktitle = {Social Class: How Does It Work?},
  date      = {2008},
  title     = {How Class Works: Objective and Subjective Aspects of Class Since the 1970s},
  editor    = {A. Lareau and D. Conley},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Russell Sage Foundation},
}

@Book{HeathEtAl2001,
  author    = {Heath, Anthony F. and Jowell, Roger M. and Curtice, John},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {The Rise of New Labour: Party Policies and Voter Choices},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{GingrichHaeusermann2015,
  author       = {Gingrich, Jane and H{\"a}usermann, Silja},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  title        = {{The Decline of the Working-Class Vote, the Reconfiguration of the Welfare Support Coalition and Consequences for the Welfare State}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {50--75},
  volume       = {25},
}

@Book{Hutton1995,
  author    = {Hutton, Will},
  date      = {1995},
  title     = {The State We're In: Why Britain is in Crisis and how to Overcome It},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Vintage},
}

@InCollection{Fielding1997,
  author    = {Fielding, Steven},
  booktitle = {Labour's Landslide},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {Labour's path to power},
  editor    = {A. Geddes and J. Tonge},
  location  = {Manchester},
  publisher = {Manchester University Press},
}

@InCollection{Cowley1997,
  author    = {Cowley, Philip},
  booktitle = {Labour's Landslide},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {The Conservative Party: decline and fall},
  editor    = {A. Geddes and J. Tonge},
  location  = {Manchester},
  publisher = {Manchester University Press},
}

@InCollection{WickhamJones1997,
  author    = {Wickham-Jones, Mark},
  booktitle = {Labour's Landslide},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {How the Conservatives lost the economic argument},
  editor    = {A. Geddes and J. Tonge},
  location  = {Manchester},
  publisher = {Manchester University Press},
}

@Book{DriverMartell2006,
  author    = {Driver, Stephen and Martell, Luke},
  date      = {2006},
  title     = {New Labour (2nd ed.)},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Polity Press},
}

@Book{Hay1999,
  author    = {Hay, Colin},
  date      = {1999},
  title     = {The Political Economy of New Labour: Labouring Under False Pretences?},
  location  = {Manchester},
  publisher = {Manchester University Press},
}

@Book{Heffernan2000,
  author    = {Heffernan, Richard},
  date      = {2000},
  title     = {New Labour and Thatcherism: Political Change in Britain},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Macmillan Press},
}

@Book{Gould2010,
  author    = {Gould, Phillip},
  date      = {2010},
  title     = {The Unfinished Revolution: How New Labour Changed British Politics Forever},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Abacus},
}

@Book{Rentoul2001,
  author    = {Rentoul, John},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {Tony Blair: Prime Minister},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Little, Brown \& Co.},
}

@InCollection{King1998,
  author    = {King, Anthony},
  booktitle = {New Labour Triumphs: Britain at the Polls},
  date      = {1998},
  title     = {Why Labour Won At Last},
  editor    = {A. King et al},
  location  = {New Jersey},
  publisher = {Chatham House},
}


@article{Hills2002,
author = {Hills, John},
journaltitle = {Fiscal Studies},
pages = {539--58},
title = {{Following or Leading Public Opinion? Social Security Policy and Public Attitudes Since 1997}},
volume = {23},
date ={2002}
}

@InCollection{Gould1998,
  author    = {Gould, Philip},
  booktitle = {Political Communication: Why Labour Won the General Election of 1997},
  date      = {1998},
  title     = {Why Labour Won},
  editor    = {I Crewe, B. Gosschalk and J. Bartle},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Frank Cass},
}

@article{Kellner1997,
author = {Kellner, Peter},
journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
number = {4},
pages = {616--630},
title = {{Why the Tories were Trounced}},
volume = {50},
date ={1997}
}

@Book{OGrady2022,
  author    = {O'Grady, Tom},
  date      = {2022},
  title     = {The Transformation of British Welfare Provision: Discourse, Public Opinion and Policy feedback},
  isbn      = {9780192898890},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{KingWickhamJones1999,
  author       = {King, Desmond and Wickham-Jones, Mark},
  date         = {1999},
  journaltitle = {Political Quarterly},
  title        = {{From Clinton to Blair: the Democratic (Party) Origins of Welfare to Work}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {62--74},
  volume       = {70},
}

@InCollection{BarrCoulter1990,
  author    = {Barr, Nicholas and Coulter, Fiona},
  booktitle = {The State of Welfare: The Welfare State in Britain since 1974},
  date      = {1990},
  title     = {Social Security: Solution or Problem?},
  editor    = {J. Hills},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Clarendon Press},
}

@Book{Clasen2005,
  author    = {Clasen, Jochen},
  date      = {2005},
  title     = {Reforming European Welfare States: Germany and the United Kingdom Compared},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{WattsEtAl2014,
  author       = {Watts, Beth and Fitzpatrick, Suzanne and Bramley, Glen and Watkins, David},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Joseph Rowntree Foundation Research Summary},
  title        = {{Welfare Sanctions and Conditionality in the UK}},
}

@Article{LuptonEtAl2013,
  author       = {Lupton, Ruth and Hills, John and Stewart, Kitty and Vizard, Polly},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {LSE Center for the Analysis of Social Exclusion, `Social Policy in a Cold Climate' Project, Research Report 1},
  title        = {{Labour’s Social Policy Record: Policy, Spending and Outcomes 1997-2010}},
}

@Article{BrownePhillips2010,
  author       = {Browne, James and Phillips, David},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Institute for Fiscal Studies 2010 Election Briefing Note No. 1},
  title        = {{Tax and Benefit Reforms Under Labour}},
}

@Article{CaugheyEtAl2019,
  author       = {Caughey, Devin and O'Grady, Tom and Warshaw, Christopher},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {{Policy Ideology in European Mass Publics, 1981-2016}},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {674--693},
  volume       = {113},
}

@InCollection{HaeusermannKriesi2015,
  author    = {H{\"a}usermann, Silja and Kriesi, Hanspeter},
  booktitle = {The Politics of Advanced Capitalism},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {What do voters want? Dimensions and configurations in individual-level preferences and party choice},
  editor    = {Pablo Beramendi, Silja H{\"a}usermann, Herbert Kitschelt and Hanspeter Kriesi},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@article{Heath2015,
author = {Heath, Oliver},
journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {173--193},
title = {{Policy Representation, Social Representation and Class Voting in Britain}},
volume = {45},
date ={2015}
}

@Article{EvansMellon2016,
  author       = {Evans, Geoffrey and Mellon, Jon},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  title        = {{Working Class Votes and Conservative Losses: Solving the UKIP Puzzle}},
  pages        = {464--479},
  volume       = {69},
}

@InCollection{Denver1998,
  author    = {Denver, David},
  booktitle = {New Labour Triumphs: Britain at the Polls},
  date      = {1998},
  title     = {The Government that could do no Right},
  editor    = {A. King et al},
  location  = {New Jersey},
  publisher = {Chatham House},
}

@Article{GlynWood2001,
  author       = {Glyn, Andrew and Wood, Stewart},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {Political Quarterly},
  title        = {{Economic Policy under New Labour: How Social Democratic is the Blair Government?}},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {50--66},
  volume       = {72},
}

@Article{RadicePollard1993,
  author       = {Radice, Giles and Pollard, Stephen},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Fabian Society Pamphlet 560},
  title        = {{More Southern Discomfort: a year on -- taxing and spending}},
}

@Article{RadicePollard1994,
  author       = {Radice, Giles and Pollard, Stephen},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Fabian Society Pamphlet 568},
  title        = {{Any Southern Comfort?}},
}

@InCollection{HillsEtAl2016,
  author    = {Hills, John and {De Agostini}, Paola and Sutherland, Holly},
  booktitle = {Social Policy in a Cold Climate: Policies and their Consequences Since the Crisis},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Benefits, pensions, tax credits and direct taxes},
  editor    = {R. Lupton et al},
  location  = {Bristol},
  publisher = {Policy Press},
}

@Book{Gingrich2020,
author = {Gingrich, Jane},
title = {Third Way Social Democracy},
publisher = {Draft Book Manuscript},
date ={2020}
}

@Book{Fielding2003,
  author    = {Fielding, Steven},
  date      = {2003},
  title     = {The Labour Party: Continuity and Change in the Making of `New' Labour},
  location  = {Basingstoke},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
}

@Book{FordGoodwin2014,
  author    = {Ford, Robert and Goodwin, Matthew},
  date      = {2014},
  title     = {Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Routledge},
}

@Book{Sloman2019,
  author    = {Sloman, Peter},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Transfer State: The Idea of a Guaranteed Income and the Politics of Redistribution in Modern Britain},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{Lynch2020,
  author    = {Lynch, Julia},
  date      = {2020},
  title     = {Regimes of Inequality: The Political Economy of Health and Wealth},
  location  = {New York},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Cook2003,
  author    = {Cook, Robin},
  date      = {2003},
  title     = {Point of Departure: Diaries from the Front Bench},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Simon \& Schuster},
}

@Article{WickhamJones2005,
  author       = {Wickham-Jones, Mark},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Quarterly},
  title        = {{Signaling Credibility: Electoral Strategy and New Labour in Britain}},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {653--673},
  volume       = {120},
}

@article{Lister2001,
author = {Lister, Ruth},
journaltitle = {Critical Social Policy},
number = {4},
pages = {425--447},
title = {{New Labour: a study in ambiguity from a position of ambivalence}},
volume = {21},
date ={2001}
}

@article{Gregg2010,
author = {Gregg, Paul},
journaltitle = {The Political Quarterly},
number = {s1},
pages = {S16--S30},
title = {{New Labour and Inequality}},
volume = {81},
date ={2010}
}

@Article{FordGoodwin2010,
  author       = {Ford, Robert and Goodwin, Matthew},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {{Angry White Men: Individual and Contextual Predictors of Support for the British National Party}},
  pages        = {1--25},
  volume       = {58},
}

@article{Rhodes2010,
author = {Rhodes, James},
journaltitle = {Ethnicities},
pages = {77--99},
title = {{White Backlash, `Unfairness' and Justifications of British National Party (BNP) Support}},
volume = {10},
number = {1},
date ={2010}
}

@Article{FordEtAl2012,
  author       = {Ford, Robert and Goodwin, Matthew and Cutts, David},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {{Strategic Eurosceptics and polite xenophobes: Support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in the 2009 European Parliament elections}},
  pages        = {204--234},
  volume       = {51},
}

@Article{WhitakerLynch2011,
  author       = {Whitaker, Richard and Lynch, Philip},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  title        = {{Explaining Support for the UK Independence Party at the 2009 European Parliament Elections}},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {204--234},
  volume       = {21},
}

@Article{Heath2018,
  author       = {Heath, Oliver},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {{Policy Alienation, Social Alienation and Working-Class Abstention in Britain, 1964--2010}},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123416000272},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1053--1073},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {This article presents an examination of class-based inequalities in turnout at British elections. These inequalities have substantially grown, and the class divide in participation has become greater than the class divide in vote choice between the two main parties. To account for class inequalities in turnout three main hypotheses – to do with policy indifference, policy alienation and social alienation – are tested. The results from the British context suggest that the social background of political representatives influences the ways in which voters participate in the political process, and that the decline in proportion of elected representatives from working-class backgrounds is strongly associated with the rise of working-class abstention.},
}

@Book{ButlerKavanagh1997,
  author    = {Butler, David, and Dennis Kavanagh},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {The British General Election of 1997},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
}

@Book{ButlerKavanagh2001,
  author    = {Butler, David, and Dennis Kavanagh},
  date      = {2001},
  title     = {The British General Election of 2001},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
}

@Book{ButlerKavanagh2005,
  author    = {Butler, David, and Dennis Kavanagh},
  date      = {2005},
  title     = {The British General Election of 2005},
  location  = {London},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
}

@Article{GerringEtAl2020,
  author       = {John Gerring and Tore Wig and Wouter Veenendaal and Daniel Weitzel and Jan Teorell and Kyosuke Kikuta},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Why Monarchy? The Rise and Demise of a Regime Type},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414020938090},
  pages        = {001041402093809},
  abstract     = {Monarchy was the dominant form of rule in the pre-modern era and it persists in a handful of countries. We propose a unified theoretical explanation for its rise and decline. Specifically, we argue that monarchy offers an efficient solution to the primordial problem of order where societies are large and citizens isolated from each other and hence have difficulty coordinating. Its efficiency is challenged by other methods of leadership selection when communication costs decline, lowering barriers to citizen coordination. This explains its dominance in the pre-modern world and its subsequent demise. To test this theory, we produce an original dataset that codes monarchies and republics in Europe (back to 1100) and the world (back to 1700). With this dataset, we test a number of observable implications of the theory—centering on territory size, political stability, tenure in office, conflict, and the role of mass communications in the modern era.},
}

@Article{Runciman2019,
  author       = {Runciman, David},
  date         = {2019-10},
  journaltitle = {London Review of Books},
  title        = {His Fucking Referendum},
  issue        = {19},
  url          = {https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v41/n19/david-runciman/his-fucking-referendum},
  urldate      = {2020-11-25},
  volume       = {41},
}

@TechReport{Rodrik2020,
  author    = {Dani Rodrik},
  date      = {2020},
  title     = {Why Does Globalization Fuel Populism? Economics, Culture, and the Rise of Right-wing Populism},
  doi       = {10.3386/w27526},
  abstract  = {There is compelling evidence that globalization shocks, often working through culture and identity, have played an important role in driving up support for populist movements, particularly of the right-wing kind. I start with an empirical analysis of the 2016 presidential election in the U.S. to show globalization-related attitudinal variables were important correlates of the switch to Trump. I then provide a conceptual framework that identifies four distinct channels through which globalization can stimulate populism, two each on the demand and supply sides of politics, respectively. I evaluate the empirical literature with the help of this framework, discussing trade, financial globalization, and immigration separately. I conclude the paper by discussing some apparently anomalous cases where populists have been against, rather than in favor of trade protection.},
  publisher = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
}

@Article{Caporaso2018,
  author       = {James A. Caporaso},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  title        = {Europe's Triple Crisis and the Uneven Role of Institutions: the Euro, Refugees and Brexit},
  doi          = {10.1111/jcms.12746},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1345--1361},
  volume       = {56},
  abstract     = {Europe is currently embroiled in three ongoing and interacting crises concerning the eurozone, refugees and Brexit. After briefly describing each crisis, I turn to the ways in which they intersect and the role of institutions in solving the crises. There are two central themes in the paper. The first is that the three crises intersect and feed on one another. The second is that, while institutions can often help, they are not panaceas. Existing scholarship on the EU often implies that the EU operates far from its institutional frontier and that substantial improvements in welfare are just around the corner if only we ‘get our institutions right’. But institutional fixes do not exist for all problems. I argue that there is a large space for institutional improvement in the eurozone crisis, less regarding refugees, and still less for Brexit.},
}

@Article{TaggartSzczerbiak2018,
  author       = {Taggart, Paul and Szczerbiak, Aleks},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Putting Brexit into perspective: the effect of the Eurozone and migration crises and Brexit on Euroscepticism in European states},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2018.1467955},
  number       = {8},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the link between recent EU crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism across Europe. It draws on data from expert surveys with qualitative data to outline the way in which we can empirically see the link between the impacts of the crises in European states, and how far, and in what ways, Euroscepticism has been mobilized by political parties in those states. It identifies four main frames through which the EU is contested in European states which focus on: economic factors, immigration, democracy/sovereignty and national factors. It also shows that there has been a clear difference between the impacts of the different crises. While the Eurozone crisis had a particularly powerful effect in the party systems of those countries most affected by the bailout packages and the migration crisis had a particularly strong effect on party politics in the post-communist states of central Europe, Brexit has had a very limited impact on national party politics, although this may change in the longer-term.},
}

@Article{GreenEtAl2019,
  author       = {Green, Donald P. and Davenport, Tiffany C. and Hanson, Kolby},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
  title        = {Are There Long-Term Effects of the Vietnam Draft on Political Attitudes or Behavior? Apparently Not},
  doi          = {10.1017/XPS.2018.18},
  number       = {2},
  volume       = {6},
  abstract     = {The Vietnam draft lottery exposed millions of men to risk of induction at a time when the Vietnam War was becoming increasingly unpopular. We study the long-term effects of draft risk on political attitudes and behaviors of men who were eligible for the draft in 1969–1971. Our 2014–2016 surveys of men who were eligible for the Vietnam draft lotteries reveal no appreciable effect of draft risk across a wide range of political attitudes. These findings are bolstered by analysis of a vast voter registration database, which shows no differences in voting rates or tendency to register with the Democratic or Republican parties. The pattern of weak long-term effects is in line with studies showing that the long-term economic effects of Vietnam draft risk dissipated over time and offers a counterweight to influential observational studies that report long-term persistence in the effects of early experiences on political attitudes.},
}

@Article{Holcombe2020,
  author       = {Randall G. Holcombe},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Institutional Economics},
  title        = {Contractarian ideology and the legitimacy of government},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1744137420000521},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {Social contract theory depicts a constitutional contract as the result of a hypothetical agreement among society's members to escape a prisoners' dilemma situation. It depicts citizens as political equals agreeing to be forced into a cooperative strategy rather than a socially suboptimal strategy that gives them the highest personal payoff. Government is the organization that forces everyone to cooperate. However, citizens can never bargain as political equals. An elite few design the rules, and others are forced to comply with them. The contractarian ideology that depicts government as acting in the general public interest legitimizes the actions of government, giving those elite few who hold government power a greater ability to use it to further their own interests, often at the expense of the masses. Within the context of a prisoners' dilemma game, contractarian ideology leads to an outcome that is socially suboptimal, but beneficial for the political elite.},
}

@Book{Skocpol1995a,
  author    = {Skocpol, Theda},
  date      = {1995},
  title     = {Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States},
  isbn      = {067471766X},
  location  = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
}

@Book{Titmuss2018,
  author    = {Titmuss, Richard M.},
  date      = {2018},
  title     = {Essays on `The Welfare State'},
  editor    = {Ben Jackson},
  isbn      = {9781447349556},
  location  = {Bristol, UK},
  publisher = {Policy Press},
  origdate  = {1958},
}

@Article{Wasow2020,
  author       = {Wasow, Omar},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting},
  doi          = {10.1017/s000305542000009x},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {638--659},
  volume       = {114},
  abstract     = {How do stigmatized minorities advance agendas when confronted with hostile majorities? Elite theories of influence posit marginal groups exert little power. I propose the concept of agenda seeding to describe how activists use methods like disruption to capture the attention of media and overcome political asymmetries. Further, I hypothesize protest tactics influence how news organizations frame demands. Evaluating black-led protests between 1960 and 1972, I find nonviolent activism, particularly when met with state or vigilante repression, drove media coverage, framing, congressional speech, and public opinion on civil rights. Counties proximate to nonviolent protests saw presidential Democratic vote share increase 1.6–2.5\%. Protester-initiated violence, by contrast, helped move news agendas, frames, elite discourse, and public concern toward ``social control.'' In 1968, using rainfall as an instrument, I find violent protests likely caused a 1.5–7.9\% shift among whites toward Republicans and tipped the election. Elites may dominate political communication but hold no monopoly.},
}

@Article{Trump2020,
  author       = {Trump, Kris-Stella},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  title        = {When and why is economic inequality seen as fair},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.cobeha.2019.12.001},
  pages        = {46--51},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {Economic inequality is seen as fair when people believe it to be the result of fair processes, or in other words, in accordance with normative rules about resource allocation. As a result, people may support substantial inequalities of outcome as fair. There is broad agreement, within and across societies, on the normative rules that govern resource allocation. However, when people use these rules to evaluate specific instances of inequality, their conclusions are systematically affected by available information, self-interest and group-interest, and system justification. This causes divided opinions regarding the fairness of specific inequalities. Recent evidence suggests that growing economic inequality does not directly impact perceptions of fairness, but may reduce perceptions of meritocracy, thereby indirectly reducing the legitimacy of inequality.},
}

@Book{Rodden2019,
  author    = {Jonathan A. Rodden},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Why Cities Lose: the Deep Roots of the Urban-Rural Political Divide},
  publisher = {Basic Books},
}

@Book{Fourcade2009,
  author    = {Marion Fourcade},
  date      = {2009},
  title     = {Economists and Societies: Discipline and Profession in the United States, Britain and France, 1890s to 1990s},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
}

@Book{Mudge2018,
  author    = {Stephanie L. Mudge},
  date      = {2018},
  title     = {Leftism Reinvented: Western Parties from Socialism to Neoliberalism},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
}

@Book{Adolph2013,
  author    = {Christopher Adolph},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Bankers, Bureaucrats and Central Bank Politics: The Myth of Neutrality},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Book{Atkinson2015,
  author    = {Anthony B. Atkinson},
  date      = {2015},
  title     = {Inequality: What can be done?},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
}

@Book{Meguid2008,
  author    = {Bonnie M. Meguid},
  date      = {2008},
  title     = {Party Competition between Unequals: Strategies and Electoral Fortunes in Western Europe},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{HirschmanBerman2014,
  author       = {Hirschman, Daniel and Berman, Elizabeth Popp},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  title        = {{Do economists make policies? On the political effects of economics}},
  doi          = {10.1093/ser/mwu017},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {779-811},
  volume       = {12},
  abstract     = {{Economics is often described as the most politically influential social science and yet economic advice is often largely irrelevant to prominent policy debates. We draw on literatures in political science, sociology and science and technology studies to explain this apparent contradiction. Existing research suggests that the influence of economics is mediated by local circumstances and meso-level social structures, and that much of it flows through indirect channels. We elaborate three sites of analysis useful for unpacking these influences: the broad professional authority of economics, the institutional position of economists in government, and the role of economics in the cognitive infrastructure of policymaking, including the diffusion of economic styles of reasoning and the establishment of economic policy devices for seeing and deciding.}},
}

@Article{SapienzaZingales2013,
  author       = {Sapienza, Paola and Zingales, Luigi},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Economic Experts versus Average Americans},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.103.3.636},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {636-42},
  url          = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.103.3.636},
  volume       = {103},
  abstract     = {We compare answers to policy questions by economic experts and a representative sample of the US population. We find a 35 percentage point difference between the two groups. This gap is only partially explained by differences in ideological or personal characteristics of the two samples. Interestingly, the difference is the largest on the questions where economists agree the most and where there is the largest amount of literature. Informing people of the expert opinions does not seem to have much of an impact. Ordinary people seem to be skeptical of the implicit assumptions embedded into the economists' answers.},
}

@Article{McLure1984,
  author       = {McLure, Jr, C. E.},
  date         = {1984},
  journaltitle = {Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space},
  title        = {The Evolution of Tax Advice and the Taxation of Capital Income in the USA},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {251-269},
  volume       = {2},
}

@Article{HopkinBlyth2012,
  author       = {Jonathan Hopkin and Mark Blyth},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Political Economy},
  title        = {What can Okun teach Polanyi? Efficiency, regulation and equality in the OECD},
  doi          = {10.1080/09692290.2010.526469},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1-33},
  volume       = {19},
  publisher    = {Routledge},
}

@Article{EggersHainmueller2009,
  author       = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Hainmueller, Jens},
  date         = {2009},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {MPs for Sale? Returns to Office in Postwar British Politics},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0003055409990190},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {513-533},
  volume       = {103},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{DoringManow2017,
  author       = {Döring, Holger and Manow, Philip},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Is Proportional Representation More Favourable to the Left? Electoral Rules and Their Impact on Elections, Parliaments and the Formation of Cabinets},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123415000290},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {149-164},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {How do electoral rules affect the composition of governments? It is a robust finding that countries with majoritarian rules more often elect conservative governments than those with proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. There are three explanations for this pattern. The first stresses the impact of voting behaviour: the middle class more often votes for right-wing parties in majoritarian electoral systems, anticipating governments’ redistributive consequences. The second explanation is based on electoral geography: the regional distribution of votes may bias the vote-seat translation against the Left in majoritarian systems due to the wide margins by which the Left wins core urban districts. The third explanation refers to party fragmentation: if the Right is more fragmented than the Left in countries with PR, then there is less chance of a right-wing party gaining formateur status. This study tests these three hypotheses for established democracies over the entire post-war period. It finds the first two mechanisms at work in the democratic chain of delegation from voting via the vote-seat translation to the formation of cabinets, while party fragmentation does not seem to co-vary as much as expected with electoral rules. These findings confirm that majoritarian systems have a substantive conservative bias, whereas countries with PR show more differentiated patterns.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Hemingway2020,
  author       = {Alexander Hemingway},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Government and Opposition},
  title        = {Does Class Shape Legislators' Approach to Inequality and Economic Policy? A Comparative View},
  doi          = {10.1017/gov.2020.27},
  pages        = {1--24},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {Do the class backgrounds of legislators shape their views and actions relating to inequality and economic policy? Building on findings about ‘white-collar government’ in the US, this article examines the relationship between legislators’ class and their attitudes and self-reported behaviour in advanced democracies, drawing on survey data from 15 countries including 73 national and subnational parliaments in Europe and Israel. I find that legislators from business backgrounds are more likely to support income inequality and small government, as well as less likely to consult with labour groups, than those from working-class and other backgrounds. These results are buttressed by analysis of an additional cross-national survey of European legislative candidates’ attitudes, which replicates key findings. Given the skewed class makeup of legislatures in advanced democracies, these findings may be relevant to our understanding of widespread economic and political inequalities that are increasingly salient in many countries.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press ({CUP})},
}

@Article{ScheveStasavage2020,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth and Stasavage, David},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {APSA Comparative Politics Newsletter},
  title        = {Economic Crises and Inequality in Light of COVID-19},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {15--21},
  volume       = {30},
}

@Article{NaumannEtAl2016,
  author       = {Naumann, Elias, and Buss, Christopher and Bähr, Johannes},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {European Sociological Review},
  title        = {How Unemployment Experience Affects Support for the Welfare State: A Panel Approach},
  doi          = {10.1093/esr/jcv094},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {81--92},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {This article investigates whether self-interest as compared with values or ideological dispositions shapes individual attitudes towards the welfare state. Causal interpretations of how self-interest, values, and welfare state attitudes are linked have been difficult to sustain so far, as the research mainly relies on static, cross-sectional analyses. We address this empirical challenge using data from the Dutch Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences panel (2008–2013) that covers the period of the international economic crisis. We investigate how individuals change their attitudes in times of economic hardship. Our findings confirm theoretical expectations that people change their support for unemployment benefits in reaction to changes in their individual material circumstances. Job loss leads to an increased support for public provision of unemployment benefits. The analysis also suggests that this attitude change is persistent. After the temporarily unemployed have found a new job, they do not return to their pre-unemployment attitude. In contrast, individual support for life course-related domains of the welfare state such as health care or pensions is not affected by changes in individual material circumstances. Our results show that individual material circumstances and thus self-interest have a sizable effect on how individuals change their welfare state attitudes.},
}

@Article{Stegmueller2013a,
  author       = {Daniel Stegmueller},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Political Analysis},
  title        = {Modeling Dynamic Preferences: A Bayesian Robust Dynamic Latent Ordered Probit Model},
  doi          = {10.1093/pan/mpt001},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {314--333},
  volume       = {21},
  abstract     = {Much politico-economic research on individuals' preferences is cross-sectional and does not model dynamic aspects of preference or attitude formation. I present a Bayesian dynamic panel model, which facilitates the analysis of repeated preferences using individual-level panel data. My model deals with three problems. First, I explicitly include feedback from previous preferences taking into account that available survey measures of preferences are categorical. Second, I model individuals' initial conditions when entering the panel as resulting from observed and unobserved individual attributes. Third, I capture unobserved individual preference heterogeneity both via standard parametric random effects and a robust alternative based on Bayesian nonparametric density estimation. I use this model to analyze the impact of income and wealth on preferences for government intervention using the British Household Panel Study from 1991 to 2007.},
}

@Article{Ares2020,
  author       = {Macarena Ares},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {Changing classes, changing preferences: how social class mobility affects economic preferences},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2019.1644575},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1211--1237},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.},
}

@Unpublished{Pahontu2020,
  author  = {Pahontu, Raluca},
  date    = {2020},
  title   = {Divisive Jobs: Three Facets of Risk, Precarity and Redistribution},
  url     = {https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3208111},
  urldate = {2020-12-14},
}

@Article{LangsaetherEtAl2020,
  author       = {Langsaether, {Peter Egge} and Evans, Geoffrey and O'Grady, Tom},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science, forthcoming},
  title        = {Explaining the relationship between class position and political preferences: A long-term panel analysis of intra-generational class mobility},
}

@Article{KaneNewman2019,
  author       = {John V. Kane and Benjamin J. Newman},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Organized Labor as the New Undeserving Rich?: Mass Media, Class-Based Anti-Union Rhetoric and Public Support for Unions in the United States},
  doi          = {10.1017/s000712341700014x},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {997--1026},
  volume       = {49},
  abstract     = {Labor unions play a prominent role in the economy and in politics, and have long been depicted by opponents as an overly powerful, corrupt and economically harmful institution. In labor-related news in recent years, anti-union rhetoric has regularly focused on union workers themselves, frequently portraying them as overpaid, greedy and undeserving of their wealth, while also drawing a contrast between the compensation of union vs. non-union workers. This type of rhetoric is referred to here as class-based anti-union rhetoric (CAR). Despite its prevalence, it remains unknown whether CAR affects public opinion toward unions. This study uses a series of national survey experiments to demonstrate that exposure to CAR reduces the perceived similarity of targeted union workers, unions’ perceived deservingness of public support and support for pro-union legislation. Moreover, CAR repeatedly nullified or reversed the otherwise positive relationship between the strength of worker identity and solidarity with union workers.},
}

@TechReport{PeytonEtAl2020,
  author      = {Kyle Peyton and Gregory Huber and Alexander Coppock},
  date        = {2020-11-28},
  institution = {SocArxiv Papers},
  title       = {The Generalizability of Online Experiments Conducted During The COVID-19 Pandemic},
  doi         = {10.31235/osf.io/s45yg},
  abstract    = {The disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic led many social scientists toward online survey experimentation for empirical research. Generalizing from the experiments conducted during a period of persistent crisis may be challenging due to changes in who participates in online survey research and how the participants respond to treatments. We investigate the generalizability of COVID-era survey experiments with 33 replications of 12 pre-pandemic designs fielded across 13 surveys on American survey respondents obtained from Lucid between March and July of 2020. We find strong evidence that these experiments replicate in terms of sign and significance, but at somewhat reduced magnitudes that are possibly explained by increased inattentiveness. These findings mitigate concerns about the generalizability of online research during this period. The pandemic does not appear to have fundamentally changed how subjects respond to treatments, provided they pay attention to treatments and outcome questions. In this light, we offer some suggestions for renewed care in the design, analysis, and interpretation of experiments conducted during the pandemic.},
}

@Article{DahlumEtAl2019,
  author       = {Sirianne Dahlum and Carl Henrik Knutsen and Tore Wig},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Who Revolts? Empirically Revisiting the Social Origins of Democracy},
  doi          = {10.1086/704699},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1494--1499},
  volume       = {81},
  abstract     = {Several prominent accounts suggest that democratic transitions are more likely to take place when opposition to the incumbent regime is led by certain social groups. We further develop the argument that opposition movements dominated by industrial workers or the urban middle classes have both the requisite motivation and capacity to bring about democratization. To systematically test this argument, we collect new data on the social composition of antiregime opposition movements, globally from 1900 to 2006. We find that movements dominated by one of these urban groups more often result in democracy, both when compared to other movements and to situations without organized mass opposition. As expected, the relationship is stronger in urban than rural societies, and in more recent decades. When further differentiating the groups and accounting for plausible alternative explanations, the relationship between industrial worker campaigns and democratization is very robust, whereas the evidence is mixed for middle-class campaigns.},
}

@Article{BandauAhrens2019,
  author       = {Frank Bandau and Leo Ahrens},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  title        = {The impact of partisanship in the era of retrenchment: Insights from quantitative welfare state research},
  doi          = {10.1177/0958928719868446},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {34--47},
  volume       = {3030},
}

@Unpublished{KaneAnson2020,
  author   = {Kane, John V. and Anson, Ian G.},
  date     = {2020-11-30},
  title    = {Deficit Attention Disorder: Partisan-Motivated Reasoning About Government Overspending},
  url      = {https://preprints.apsanet.org/engage/apsa/article-details/5fc0947cf9fdb80017e21442},
  urldate  = {2020-12-29},
  abstract = {Government overspending remains a prominent concern in American politics. Yet, despite the burgeoning literature on partisan-motivated reasoning (PMR), we know little about the extent to which such concern arises from partisan considerations. We advance extant literature by uncovering a novel means by which citizens reason about deficits in a partisan-motivated fashion—i.e., by shifting the importance of the issue. Leveraging pre-registered experimental and observational studies, we find that partisans systematically adjust the importance of government overspending based upon which party occupies the presidency. Further, this proclivity to engage in PMR does not require explicit cues from elites, is symmetrical across parties, and appears to function both to protect one’s own party and rebuke the opposing party. Lastly, in a large-scale text analysis of transcripts from televised partisan media, we again find strong evidence of PMR on the issue of government overspending, though primarily in conservative media.},
  doi      = {10.33774/apsa-2020-nqpr9},
}

@Article{LarrimoreEtAl2021,
  author       = {Jeff Larrimore and Richard V. Burkhauser and Gerald Auten and Philip Armour},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Recent Trends in U.S. Income Distributions in Tax Record Data Using More Comprehensive Measures of Income Including Real Accrued Capital Gains},
  doi          = {10.1086/713098},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Use of IRS tax records improves researchers' ability to track income trends, although the focus on taxable market income in this research excludes important income sources. Using IRS data in combination with other data sources, we explore the effect of measuring inequality levels and trends with income including real accrued capital gains based on Haig-Simons principles. While median market income fell 10 percent from 1989 to 2016, median income increased by 26 percent using our Haig-Simons based measure. Top 1 percent income shares were lower and increased by only about one-third of that estimated using previous approaches over this period.},
}

@Article{SoraceHobolt2020,
  author       = {Miriam Sorace and Sara Binzer Hobolt},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {A tale of two peoples: motivated reasoning in the aftermath of the Brexit Vote},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2020.50},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {Partisanship is a powerful driver of economic perceptions. Yet we know less about whether other political divisions may lead to similar evaluative biases. In this paper, we explore how the salient divide between “Remainers” and “Leavers” in the UK in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum has given rise to biased economic perceptions. In line with the cognitive dissonance framework, we argue that salient non-partisan divisions can change economic perceptions by triggering processes of self- and in-group justification. Using both nationally-representative observational and experimental survey data, we demonstrate that the perceptions of the economy are shaped by the Brexit divide and that these biases are exacerbated when respondents are reminded of Brexit. These findings indicate that perceptual biases are not always rooted in partisanship, but can be triggered by other political divisions.},
}

@Article{DuranteEtAl2019,
  author       = {Ruben Durante and Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {The Political Legacy of Entertainment {TV}},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.20150958},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {2497--2530},
  volume       = {109},
  abstract     = {We study the political impact of commercial television in Italy exploiting the staggered introduction of Berlusconi's private TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals with early access to Mediaset all-entertainment content were more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. The effect persists for five elections and is driven by heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the elderly. Regarding possible mechanisms, we find that individuals exposed to entertainment TV as children were less cognitively sophisticated and civic-minded as adults, and ultimately more vulnerable to Berlusconi's populist rhetoric.},
}

@Article{JacobsEtAl2021,
  author       = {Alan M. Jacobs and Tim Büthe and Ana Arjona and Leonardo R. Arriola and Eva Bellin and Andrew Bennett and Lisa Björkman and Erik Bleich and Zachary Elkins and Tasha Fairfield and Nikhar Gaikwad and Sheena Chestnut Greitens and Mary Hawkesworth and Veronica Herrera and Yoshiko M. Herrera and Kimberley S. Johnson and Ekrem Karako{\c{c}} and Kendra Koivu and Marcus Kreuzer and Milli Lake and Timothy W. Luke and Lauren M. MacLean and Samantha Majic and Rahsaan Maxwell and Zachariah Mampilly and Robert Mickey and Kimberly J. Morgan and Sarah E. Parkinson and Craig Parsons and Wendy Pearlman and Mark A. Pollack and Elliot Posner and Rachel Beatty Riedl and Edward Schatz and Carsten Q. Schneider and Jillian Schwedler and Anastasia Shesterinina and Erica S. Simmons and Diane Singerman and Hillel David Soifer and Nicholas Rush Smith and Scott Spitzer and Jonas Tallberg and Susan Thomson and Antonio Y. V{\'{a}}zquez-Arroyo and Barbara Vis and Lisa Wedeen and Juliet A. Williams and Elisabeth Jean Wood and Deborah J. Yashar},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {The Qualitative Transparency Deliberations: Insights and Implications},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592720001164},
  abstract     = {In recent years, a variety of efforts have been made in political science to enable, encourage, or require scholars to be more open and explicit about the bases of their empirical claims and, in turn, make those claims more readily evaluable by others. While qualitative scholars have long taken an interest in making their research open, reflexive, and systematic, the recent push for overarching transparency norms and requirements has provoked serious concern within qualitative research communities and raised fundamental questions about the meaning, value, costs, and intellectual relevance of transparency for qualitative inquiry. In this Perspectives Reflection, we crystallize the central findings of a three-year deliberative process—the Qualitative Transparency Deliberations (QTD)—involving hundreds of political scientists in a broad discussion of these issues. Following an overview of the process and the key insights that emerged, we present summaries of the QTD Working Groups’ final reports. Drawing on a series of public, online conversations that unfolded at www.qualtd.net, the reports unpack transparency’s promise, practicalities, risks, and limitations in relation to different qualitative methodologies, forms of evidence, and research contexts. Taken as a whole, these reports—the full versions of which can be found in the Supplementary Materials—offer practical guidance to scholars designing and implementing qualitative research, and to editors, reviewers, and funders seeking to develop criteria of evaluation that are appropriate—as understood by relevant research communities—to the forms of inquiry being assessed. We dedicate this Reflection to the memory of our coauthor and QTD working group leader Kendra Koivu.},
}

@Article{EditorialBoard2020,
  author       = {{Editorial Board}},
  date         = {2020-04-03},
  journaltitle = {Financial Times},
  title        = {Virus lays bare the frailty of the social contract},
  url          = {https://www.ft.com/content/7eff769a-74dd-11ea-95fe-fcd274e920ca},
  urldate      = {2021-01-18},
}

@InCollection{Feldman2013,
  author    = {Stanley Feldman},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Political Ideology},
  doi       = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199760107.013.0019},
  pages     = {591--626},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract  = {This chapter reviews evidence on the structure and psychological determinants of political ideology. It presents empirical evidence that supports a multidimensional structure of ideology and discusses correlates of the major dimensions. It then reviews recent research on the origins of ideology: Social and moral values, personality, biology, and genetics. The chapter summarizes major conclusions from these studies and evaluates the quality of the evidence for each of the potential explanations. The chapter concludes with suggestions for better integrating political science and psychological approaches to ideology and developing stronger connections across the varied explanations.},
}

@Collection{HuddyEtAl2013,
  date      = {2013},
  editor    = {Huddy, Leonie and Sears, David O. and Levy, Jack S.},
  title     = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology},
  edition   = {2},
  isbn      = {9780199760107},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract  = {Political psychology applies what is known about human psychology to the study of politics. It examines citizens’ vote choices and public opinion as well as how political leaders deal with threat, mediate political conflicts, and make foreign policy decisions. The second edition of the Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology gathers together a distinguished group of international scholars to shed light on such questions as: To what extent are people’s political choices influenced by information outside of conscious awareness? Does personality affect leadership style? Do strong emotions distort the political process and worsen or enhance political decisions? Focusing on political psychology at the individual level (genes, early childhood, personality, decision-making, emotions, values, ideology) and the collective (group identity, social justice, mass mobilization, political violence, prejudice reduction), this interdisciplinary volume covers models of the mass public and political elites and addresses both domestic issues and foreign policy. The volume provides an up-to-date, comprehensive, and expertly distilled account of cutting-edge research within both psychology and political science.},
}

@Article{BojarEtAl2022,
  author       = {Bojar, Abel and Bremer, Björn and Kriesi, Hanspeter and Wang, Chendi},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Effect of Austerity Packages on Government Popularity During the Great Recession},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123420000472},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {181--199},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {During the Great Recession, governments across the continent implemented austerity policies. A large literature claims that such policies are surprisingly popular and have few electoral costs. This article revisits this question by studying the popularity of governments during the economic crisis. The authors assemble a pooled time-series data set for monthly support for ruling parties from fifteen European countries and treat austerity packages as intervention variables to the underlying popularity series. Using time-series analysis, this permits the careful tracking of the impact of austerity packages over time. The main empirical contributions are twofold. First, the study shows that, on average, austerity packages hurt incumbent parties in opinion polls. Secondly, it demonstrates that the magnitude of this electoral punishment is contingent on the economic and political context: in instances of rising unemployment, the involvement of external creditors and high protest intensity, the cumulative impact of austerity on government popularity becomes considerable.},
}

@Article{IyengarEtAl2019,
  author       = {Iyengar, Shanto and Lelkes, Yphtach and Levendusky, Matthew and Malhotra, Neil and Westwood, Sean J.},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {129--146},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {While previously polarization was primarily seen only in issue-based terms, a new type of division has emerged in the mass public in recent years: Ordinary Americans increasingly dislike and distrust those from the other party. Democrats and Republicans both say that the other party's members are hypocritical, selfish, and closed-minded, and they are unwilling to socialize across party lines. This phenomenon of animosity between the parties is known as affective polarization. We trace its origins to the power of partisanship as a social identity, and explain the factors that intensify partisan animus. We also explore the consequences of affective polarization, highlighting how partisan affect influences attitudes and behaviors well outside the political sphere. Finally, we discuss strategies that might mitigate partisan discord and conclude with suggestions for future work.},
}

@WWW{JacobsEtAl2021b,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott and Hicks, Timothy and Merkley, Eric},
  date         = {2021-02-04},
  title        = {Replication Data for: `Whose News? Class-Biased Economic Reporting in the United States'},
  doi          = {10.7910/DVN/Q9E8RF},
  howpublished = {American Political Science Review Dataverse},
}

@Online{DID2021,
  author       = {{Desert Island Discs}},
  date         = {2021-01-15},
  title        = {David Olusoga, historian and broadcaster},
  url          = {https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m000r314},
  note         = {Interviewed by Lauren Laverne},
  organization = {BBC},
  urldate      = {2021-02-07},
}

@Article{EppJennings2021,
  author       = {Epp, Derek A. and Jennings, Jay T.},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  title        = {Inequality, Media Frames, and Public Support for Welfare},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfaa043},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {The political preferences of those with high and low incomes are highly correlated, and both groups become less supportive of redistributive spending as economic inequality increases. This article looks for a source of these interincome group correlations by examining trends in media coverage. We find that during periods of higher inequality, media coverage is more likely to focus on the personal characteristics of welfare recipients rather than the social consequences and causes of poverty. Observational and experimental data indicate that this shift in media frames can predict declining support for welfare spending, even for those with lower incomes who might benefit from redistribution. These findings help explain the reactions of the American public to rising inequality.},
}

@Article{Woodruff2016,
  author       = {David M. Woodruff},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Politics {\&} Society},
  title        = {Governing by Panic},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329215617465},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {81--116},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {The Eurozone’s reaction to the crisis beginning in late 2008 involved not only efforts to mitigate the arbitrarily destructive effects of markets but also vigorous pursuit of policies aimed at austerity and deflation. To explain this paradoxical outcome, I build on Karl Polanyi’s account of a similar deadlock in the 1930s. Polanyi argued that a society-protecting response to malfunctioning markets was limited under the gold standard by the prospect of currency panic, which bankers used to push for austerity, deflationary policies, and labor’s political marginalization. I reconstruct Polanyi’s “governing by panic” theory to explain Eurozone policy during three key episodes of sovereign bond market panic in 2010–12. By threatening to allow financial panics to continue, the European Central Bank promoted policies and institutional changes aimed at austerity and deflation, limiting the protective response. Germany’s Ordoliberalism, and its weight in European affairs, contributed to the credibility of this threat.},
}

@Article{ChangLeblond2015,
  author       = {Chang, Michele and Leblond, Patrick},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Political Economy},
  title        = {All in: Market expectations of eurozone integrity in the sovereign debt crisis},
  doi          = {10.1080/09692290.2014.941905},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {626--655},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {The behaviour of sovereign bond investors stands at the heart of the euro area debt crisis. By pushing upward the yields on the government debts of member states standing in the eurozone's periphery, investors caused, in a self-fulfilling way, the crisis that ultimately threatened the eurozone's integrity and the euro's survival. So how do we explain the behaviour of market investors before, during and after the eurozone's sovereign debt crisis? Why did investors not discriminate in their pricing of eurozone sovereign bonds before the crisis? Why did they abruptly change their minds in 2010? And why have they gradually felt reassured enough from mid-2011, depending on the country, to ask for significantly lower yields on sovereign bonds? To answer these questions, the paper argues that investors’ confidence rests to a large extent on the expectation of the eurozone's solidarity, which is why large-scale multilateral solutions coming from the euro area were more successful in resolving the crisis than unilateral ones coming primarily from the debtor countries. As a result, this paper improves our understanding of the international political economy of financial (currency, bank and debt) crises by looking at the particular case of a monetary union with a single currency.},
}

@Unpublished{Fetzer2020-10,
  author  = {Thiemo Fetzer},
  date    = {2020-10},
  title   = {Subsidizing the spread of COVID19: Evidencefrom the UK’s Eat-Out-to-Help-Out scheme},
  note    = {CAGE working paper no. 517},
  url     = {https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/research/centres/cage/manage/publications/wp.517.2020.pdf},
  urldate = {2021-02-08},
}

@Article{EvansEtAl1996,
  author       = {Evans, Geoffrey and Heath, Anthony and Lalljee, Mansur},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Sociology},
  title        = {Measuring Left-Right and Libertarian-Authoritarian Values in the British Electorate},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {93--112},
  url          = {https://www.catherinedevries.eu/stats/Evans.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-02-08},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {Butler and Stokes' authoritative analysis of the British electorate concluded that in general voters' political attitudes were poorly formed and, in consequence, unstable and inconsistent. This paper re-examines this question by developing and evaluating multiple-item scales of two core dimensions of mass political beliefs: left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values. The scales are shown to have respectable levels of internal consistency, high levels of stability over a one-year period, and to be useful predictors of support for political parties. In these respects they compare favourably with other commonly used indicators of political attitudes, values and ideology (left-right self-placement, postmaterialism and attitudes to nationalization). This superiority applies across different levels of political involvement. Contrary to the conclusions of earlier research into mass political ideology in Britain, therefore, it is contended that in general the electorate has meaningful political beliefs. Moreover, as the scales developed in this research form part of the British and Northern Irish Social Attitudes Series and recent British Election Studies, they provide an important resource for further studies of political culture in the UK.},
}

@Article{CondonWichowsky2020,
  author       = {Meghan Condon and Amber Wichowsky},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Inequality in the Social Mind: Social Comparison and Support for Redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1086/705686},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {149--161},
  volume       = {82},
  abstract     = {Income inequality is fundamentally relational in nature, but research on the American public's response to it tends to examine individuals in isolation, concluding that support for redistribution is unresponsive to inequality. We focus instead on perceptions of relative socioeconomic position, which we manipulate experimentally through imagined social interactions with high- or low-status others. We find that subjects who make social comparisons between themselves and someone who is socioeconomically advantaged perceive their own status as lower, assess their own socioeconomic status more accurately, and become more supportive of social welfare spending, even though we provide no factual information about the income distribution to subjects in the experiment. Our findings demonstrate that Americans respond with support for redistribution when conditions facilitate upward social comparison. We argue for a shift in scholarly attention to the structural factors that keep rising upper-tail inequality socially invisible.},
}

@Book{AchenBartels2017,
  author    = {Achen, Christopher H. and Bartels, Larry M.},
  date      = {2017},
  title     = {Democracy for realists: Why elections do not produce responsive government},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  volume    = {4},
}

@Article{LermanMcCabe2017,
  author       = {Lerman, Amy E. and McCabe, Katherine T.},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Personal experience and public opinion: a theory and test of conditional policy feedback},
  doi          = {10.1086/689286},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {624--641},
  volume       = {79},
  abstract     = {Using a regression discontinuity design, we show that personal experience with public health insurance programs exerts a causal influence on attitudes toward both Medicare and the Affordable Care Act. However, we argue that the conditional dynamics of these policy feedback effects differ from standard models of opinion formation and change. Specifically, we find that personal experience can shape preferences among those whose partisanship might otherwise make them resistant to elite messaging; in the case of support for health policy, we find effects of public programs are most pronounced among Republicans. In addition, we find that the effects of personal experience, unlike attempts to shape attitudes through elite political messaging, are concentrated among low-information voters who might otherwise not be attuned to the political environment.},
  publisher    = {University of Chicago Press Chicago, IL},
}

@Book{Lerman2019,
  author    = {Lerman, Amy E.},
  date      = {2019},
  title     = {Good enough for government work: The public reputation crisis in America (and what we can do to fix it)},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@TechReport{CavailleNeundorf2016,
  author      = {Cavaill{\'e}, Charlotte and Neundorf, Anja},
  date        = {2016},
  institution = {NICEP},
  title       = {Does Material Hardship Affect Political Preferences? It Depends on the Political Context},
  note        = {Working Paper, 2016--01},
}

@Book{Arnold1990,
  author    = {Arnold, R. Douglas},
  date      = {1990},
  title     = {The logic of congressional action},
  publisher = {Yale University Press},
}

@Article{Wehl2020,
  author       = {Wehl, Nadja},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Exchange},
  title        = {Going beyond values versus self-interest: whose attitudes change after employment transitions?},
  doi          = {10.1080/2474736X.2020.1809473},
  number       = {1},
  volume       = {2},
  abstract     = {Are self-interest or presumably stable value orientations and other predispositions the main drivers behind social policy attitudes? This article contributes to this debate by moving away from its binary discussion. It differentiates between attitude changes driven by self-interest that are in line with pre-existing predispositions and those that are not. Empirically, this article focuses on changes of labour market policy attitudes after employment transitions and job insecurity changes. More precisely, this article differentiates between attitude changes within three subgroups. (A) People whose self-interest after the employment transitions reinforces their prior predispositions. (B) People without strong prior predispositions, who are thus unconstrained by them. And (C) people whose self-interest after the employment transitions contradicts their prior predispositions. Panel analyses with fixed effects use German SOEP waves from 1997 and 2002. Main effects suggest an important role for self-interest as they show significant attitudinal reactions after most of the transitions and perception changes. However, subgroup analyses result in a somewhat mixed picture. They show attitude changes within different subgroups after different transitions and perception changes. This mixed empirical picture suggests caution when interpreting attitudinal change or stability after changing material circumstances as a sign for the relative importance of self-interest or predispositions.},
  publisher    = {Taylor \& Francis},
}

@Article{JacobsMettler2018,
  author       = {Jacobs, Lawrence R and Mettler, Suzanne},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {When and how new policy creates new politics: Examining the feedback effects of the Affordable Care Act on public opinion},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {345--363},
  volume       = {16},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Mettler2019,
  author       = {Mettler, Suzanne},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  title        = {Making What Government Does Apparent to Citizens: Policy Feedback Effects, Their Limitations, and How They Might Be Facilitated},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {30--46},
  volume       = {685},
  publisher    = {SAGE Publications Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA},
}

@Article{PetersenEtAl2011,
  author       = {Petersen, Michael Bang and Slothuus, Rune and Stubager, Rune and Togeby, Lise},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Deservingness versus values in public opinion on welfare: The automaticity of the deservingness heuristic},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {24--52},
  volume       = {50},
  publisher    = {Wiley Online Library},
}

@Article{VaughnWeary2002,
  author       = {Vaughn, Leigh Ann and Weary, Gifford},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology},
  title        = {Roles of the availability of explanations, feelings of ease, and dysphoria in judgments about the future},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {686--704},
  volume       = {21},
  publisher    = {Guilford Press},
}

@Article{StapelEtAl1994,
  author       = {Stapel, Diederik A. and Reicher, Stephen D. and Spears, Russell},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Social Cognition},
  title        = {Social identity, availability and the perception of risk},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--17},
  volume       = {12},
  publisher    = {Guilford Press},
}

@Article{Feldman1988,
  author       = {Feldman, Stanley},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Structure and consistency in public opinion: The role of core beliefs and values},
  pages        = {416--440},
}

@Article{Goren2005,
  author       = {Goren, Paul},
  date         = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Party identification and core political values},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {881--896},
  volume       = {49},
}

@Article{FreederEtAl2019,
  author       = {Freeder, Sean and Lenz, Gabriel S. and Turney, Shad},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The importance of knowing ``what goes with what'': Reinterpreting the evidence on policy attitude stability},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {274--290},
  volume       = {81},
}

@Article{HopkinsParish2019,
  author       = {Hopkins, Daniel J. and Parish, Kalind},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  title        = {The medicaid expansion and attitudes toward the affordable care act: Testing for a policy feedback on mass opinion},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {123--134},
  volume       = {83},
  publisher    = {Oxford University Press UK},
}

@Article{Berinsky2007,
  author       = {Berinsky, Adam J.},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Assuming the costs of war: Events, elites, and American public support for military conflict},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {975--997},
  volume       = {69},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press New York, USA},
}

@Article{GelepithisGiani2020,
  author       = {Margarita Gelepithis and Marco Giani},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {Inclusion without Solidarity: Education, Economic Security, and Attitudes toward Redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032321720933082},
  pages        = {003232172093308},
  abstract     = {Highly educated individuals tend to be less supportive of redistribution by most accounts because they have more to lose and less to gain from it. In this article, we use European Social Survey data to develop the argument that university education reduces support for redistribution in large part independently of the improved material circumstances with which it is associated. While university encourages a range of progressive ideas related to cultural inclusivity, it simultaneously encourages conservative redistribution preferences that are reinforced—but only partly explained—by the economic security it tends to provide. In short, European universities foster norms of cultural inclusion, while simultaneously eroding norms of economic solidarity.},
}

@Article{Sychowiec2021,
  author       = {Maciej Sychowiec},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Comparative European Politics},
  title        = {Does political ideology affect a government's credit rating? The evidence on parties' socio-cultural positions in European countries},
  doi          = {10.1057/s41295-021-00236-7},
  abstract     = {Does the political ideology of governments influence credit ratings? Previous studies report that the economic left–right dimension has an impact on credit ratings. However, recent literature shows that there are no significant differences between right-wing and left-wing debt-related policies. In addition, current political developments, such as the rise of populist movements, indicate that the economic left–right dimension may not be sufficient to describe how political ideology affects governments’ actions and thereby credit ratings. Therefore, this paper suggests that the socio-cultural dimension of political ideology or the GAL-TAN (Green–Alternative–Liberal vs. Traditionalist–Authoritarian–Nationalist) also impacts a country’s rating. In particular, the study proposes that TAN-leaning governments are perceived as a risk factor for debt repayment because they are less likely to adhere to rule of law and are reluctant to cooperate with international organizations and other domestic political parties. They also prefer protectionist policies for cultural reasons. Using data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 24 European countries between 1999 and 2019, the results show that governments with TAN-leaning major parties are associated with lower sovereign credit ratings. This study contributes toward a closer understanding of what role day-to-day politics and governments’ political ideology have for the assignment of credit ratings.},
}

@Article{Dinas2013,
  author       = {Elias Dinas},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Why Does the Apple Fall Far from the Tree? How Early Political Socialization Prompts Parent-Child Dissimilarity},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123413000033},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {827--852},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Children are more likely to adopt their family's political views when politics is important to their parents, and the children of politically engaged parents tend to become politically engaged adults. When these transmission dynamics are considered together, an important hypothesis follows: the children who are most likely to initially acquire the political views of their parents are also most likely to later abandon them as a result of their own engagement with the political world. Data from the Political Socialisation Panel Study provide support for this hypothesis, illuminate its observational implications and shed light on the mechanisms, pointing to the role of new social contexts, political issues and salient political events. Replications using different data from the US and the UK confirm that this dynamic is generalizable to different cohorts and political periods.},
}

@Article{KuoMargalit2012,
  author       = {Alexander Kuo and Yotam Margalit},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Measuring Individual Identity: Experimental Evidence},
  doi          = {10.5129/001041512801283013},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {459--479},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {What determines the identity category to which individuals feel they most belong? What is the political significance of one's proclaimed identity? Recent research addresses these questions using surveys that explicitly ask individuals about their identity. Yet little is known about the nature of the attachments conveyed in responses to identity questions. The findings of a set of studies and experiments investigating these reported attachments suggest that the purported identity captured in survey responses varies significantly within subjects over time; changes in people's primary identity can be highly influenced by situational triggers; and changes in purported self-identity do not imply a corresponding change in policy preferences. These results are drawn from three studies that vary in terms of design, country sample, and research instrument.},
}

@WWW{BarnesHicks2019-10-08,
  author  = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  date    = {2019-10-08},
  title   = {Why Are the Left Perceived as Debt-Profligate?A Pre-Analysis Plan},
  url     = {https://osf.io/wpx3t},
  urldate = {2019-09-16},
}

@Article{JacquesHaffert2021,
  author       = {Olivier Jacques and Lukas Haffert},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  title        = {Are governments paying a price for austerity? Fiscal consolidations reduce government approval},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1755773921000035},
  pages        = {1--19},
  abstract     = {What are the political effects of fiscal consolidations? Theoretical considerations suggest that consolidations should reduce the public’s support for their governments, but empirical studies have found surprisingly small effects on government support. However, most of these studies analyze electoral outcomes, which are separated from the consolidation by a multi-link causal chain. We argue that more direct measures of government support, such as executive approval, show much stronger negative effects of consolidation, since they are less affected by the strategic timing of consolidations or the political alternatives on offer. We analyze a time series cross-sectional dataset of executive approval in 14 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries from 1978 to 2014, using the narrative approach to measure fiscal consolidations. We find that spending cuts decrease government approval, especially during economic downturns, but tax increases’ impact on approval remains minimal. Finally, left- and right-wing governments are equally likely to lose approval after implementing austerity.},
}

@WWW{BarnesHicks2021a,
  author = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy},
  date   = {2021-02},
  title  = {Replication Data for: `Are Policy Analogies Persuasive? The Household Budget Analogy and Public Support for Austerity'},
  doi    = {10.7910/DVN/PXTOK9},
}

@Article{GerringEtAl2016,
  author       = {John Gerring and Michael Hoffman and Dominic Zarecki},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Diverse Effects of Diversity on Democracy},
  doi          = {10.1017/s000712341600003x},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {283--314},
  volume       = {48},
  abstract     = {Diverse identities coexisting within the same society are often viewed as problematic for economic and political development. This article argues that different types of social diversity have differential effects on regime type. Specifically, ethno-linguistic diversity increases prospects for democracy while religious diversity decreases prospects for democracy. The article presents a variety of reasons why diversity might have divergent causal effects on regime type. Cross-national regressions in a variety of econometric formats – including instrumental variables – provide corroborating evidence for the argument.},
}

@Article{BertsouCaramani2021,
  author       = {Eri Bertsou and Daniele Caramani},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {People Haven't Had Enough of Experts: Technocratic Attitudes among Citizens in Nine European Democracies},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12554},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  abstract     = {Political representation theory postulates that technocracy and populism mount a twofold challenge to party democracy, while also standing at odds with each other in the vision of representation they advocate. Can these relationships be observed empirically at the level of citizen preferences, and what does this mean for alternative forms of representation? The article investigates technocratic attitudes among citizens following three dimensions—expertise, elitism, and anti‐politics—and, using latent class analysis, identifies citizen groups that follow a technocratic, populist, and party‐democratic profile in nine European democracies. Results show that technocratic attitudes are pervasive and can be meaningfully distinguished from populist attitudes, though important overlaps remain. We investigate differences in demographics and political attitudes among citizen profiles that are relevant to political behavior and conclude by highlighting the role that citizens’ increasing demands for expertise play in driving preferences for alternative types of governance},
}

@Article{CarlinEtAl2021,
  author       = {Ryan E. Carlin and Timothy Hellwig and Gregory J. Love and Cecilia Mart{\'{\i}}nez-Gallardo and Matthew M. Singer},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {When Does the Public Get It Right? The Information Environment and the Accuracy of Economic Sentiment},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414021989758},
  pages        = {001041402198975},
  pubstate     = {OnlineFirst},
  abstract     = {Public evaluations of the economy are key for understanding how citizens develop policy opinions and monitor government performance. But what drives economic evaluations? In this article, we argue the context in which information about the economy is distributed shapes economic perceptions. In high-quality information environments—where policies are transparent, the media is free, and political opposition is robust—mass perceptions closely track economic conditions. In contrast, compromised information environments provide openings for political manipulation, leading perceptions to deviate from business cycle fluctuations. We test our argument with unique data from eight Latin American countries. Results show restrictions on access to information distort the public’s view of economic performance. The ability of voters to sanction governments is stronger when democratic institutions and the media protect citizens’ access to independent, unbiased information. Our findings highlight the importance of accurate evaluations of the economy for government accountability and democratic responsiveness.},
}

@Article{CliffordEtAl2021,
  author       = {Clifford, Scott and Sheagley, Geoffrey and Piston, Spencer},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Increasing Precision without Altering Treatment Effects: Repeated Measures Designs in Survey Experiments},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055421000241},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1048--1065},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {The use of survey experiments has surged in political science. The most common design is the between-subjects design in which the outcome is only measured posttreatment. This design relies heavily on recruiting a large number of subjects to precisely estimate treatment effects. Alternative designs that involve repeated measurements of the dependent variable promise greater precision, but they are rarely used out of fears that these designs will yield different results than a standard design (e.g., due to consistency pressures). Across six studies, we assess this conventional wisdom by testing experimental designs against each other. Contrary to common fears, repeated measures designs tend to yield the same results as more common designs while substantially increasing precision. These designs also offer new insights into treatment effect size and heterogeneity. We conclude by encouraging researchers to adopt repeated measures designs and providing guidelines for when and how to use them.},
}

@Article{BendorShapiro2019,
  author       = {Bendor, Jonathan and Shapiro, Jacob N.},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Historical Contingencies in the Evolution of States and Their Militaries},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0043887118000229},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {126--161},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {Historians and some scholars of international relations have long argued that historical contingencies play a critical role in the evolution of the international system, but have not explained whether they do so to a greater extent than in other domains or why such differences may exist. The authors address these lacunae by identifying stable differences between war and other policy domains that render the evolution of the international system more subject to chance events than those other domains. The selection environment of international politics has produced tightly integrated organizations (militaries) as the domain’s key players to a much greater degree than other policy domains. Because there are few players, no law of large numbers holds, and because militaries are tightly integrated, microshocks can reverberate up to macro-organizational levels. The anarchic character of the international system amplifies the impact of these shocks. The authors explore these phenomena in a range of historical examples.},
}

@Article{BansakEtAl2021,
  author       = {Bansak, Kirk and Bechtel, Michael M. and Margalit, Yotam},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Why Austerity? The Mass Politics of a Contested Policy},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055420001136},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {486--505},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {The effects of austerity in response to financial crises are widely contested and assumed to cause significant electoral backlash. Nonetheless, governments routinely adopt austerity when confronting economic downturns and swelling deficits. We explore this puzzle by distinguishing public acceptance of austerity as a general approach and support for specific austerity packages. Using original survey data from five European countries, we show that austerity is in fact the preferred response among most voters. We develop potential explanations for this surprising preference and demonstrate the empirical limitations of accounts centered on economic interests or an intuitive framing advantage. Instead, we show that the preference for austerity is highly sensitive to its political backers and precise composition of spending cuts and tax hikes. Using a novel approach to estimate support for historical austerity programs, we contend that governments’ strategic crafting of policy packages is a key factor underlying the support for austerity.},
}

@Unpublished{KalleitnerEtAl2021,
  author   = {Kalleitner, Fabian and Schmitt, Laila and Mühlböck, Monika and Kittel, Bernhard},
  date     = {2021-04-27},
  title    = {The impact of covid-19 on inequality perceptions and its consequences for tax preferences},
  note     = {Presented at the Joint Workshop of the Virtual Comparative Political Economy Working Group and the Max Planck Online Workshop in Comparative Political Economy (MAX CPE)},
  abstract = {Scientific literature suggests that moments of crisis and debates about unequal governmental treatment are crucial to justify the introduction of redistributive taxes. The COVID-19 pandemic triggered an economic crisis that may act as a catalysator for such compensation arguments as individuals’ economic risks are stratified by existing inequalities in employment conditions, workplace flexibility and other areas. Hence, we ask whether citizens perceive that the COVID-19 crisis and subsequent governmental isolation measures affected people unequally and whether this in turn increases their support for redistribution by taxation. To answer these questions, we use novel individual public opinion data from an ongoing panel survey in Austria. This survey measured respondents’ preferences for income-, wealth-, and inheritance taxes and respondents’ desired distributional impact of these taxes in a factorial survey inspired setting. Results indicate that Austrians favour the introduction of wealth taxes in comparison to additional income or the introduction of inheritance taxes. In line with our expectations, respondents who perceive the crisis increased inequality are supporting more redistributive taxes irrespective of the type of tax. However, we find only small changes in average perceptions over time, suggesting that the unequal and prolonged impact of the pandemic alone might be insufficient to significantly increase demand for redistribution by taxation.},
}

@Article{MellonEtAl2021,
  author       = {Jonathan Mellon and Jack Bailey and Christopher Prosser},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Parliamentary Affairs},
  title        = {How Do Coronavirus Attitudes Fit into Britain's Ideological Landscape?},
  doi          = {10.1093/pa/gsab030},
  abstract     = {Coronavirus upended British politics in 2020 but where does it fit into the ideological map of party competition? Recent British elections have seen a shift from economic left–right competition between the major parties to competition on the cultural (liberal–authoritarian) dimension, most notably in terms of the issues of immigration and membership of the European Union. Using British Election Study data from June 2020, we find that coronavirus attitudes fall primarily onto the traditional economic left–right dimension, with left-wing voters more willing to make economic sacrifices of various types to reduce infections. However, more draconian coronavirus measures (such as fining or imprisoning those who violate the coronavirus rules) are most supported by voters who score high on authoritarianism. We show that the structure of coronavirus attitudes puts the Conservative government in a difficult position where many steps it takes to reduce infections risk alienating its core economic right-wing vote.},
}

@Article{LundbergEtAl2021,
  author       = {Ian Lundberg and Rebecca Johnson and Brandon M. Stewart},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {What Is Your Estimand? Defining the Target Quantity Connects Statistical Evidence to Theory},
  doi          = {10.1177/00031224211004187},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {532--565},
  volume       = {86},
  abstract     = {We make only one point in this article. Every quantitative study must be able to answer the question: what is your estimand? The estimand is the target quantity—the purpose of the statistical analysis. Much attention is already placed on how to do estimation; a similar degree of care should be given to defining the thing we are estimating. We advocate that authors state the central quantity of each analysis—the theoretical estimand—in precise terms that exist outside of any statistical model. In our framework, researchers do three things: (1) set a theoretical estimand, clearly connecting this quantity to theory; (2) link to an empirical estimand, which is informative about the theoretical estimand under some identification assumptions; and (3) learn from data. Adding precise estimands to research practice expands the space of theoretical questions, clarifies how evidence can speak to those questions, and unlocks new tools for estimation. By grounding all three steps in a precise statement of the target quantity, our framework connects statistical evidence to theory.},
}

@Article{AresEtAl2021,
  author       = {Macarena Ares and Reto Bürgisser and Silja Häusermann},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  title        = {Attitudinal polarization towards the redistributive role of the state in the wake of the {COVID}-19 crisis},
  doi          = {10.1080/17457289.2021.1924736},
  number       = {sup1},
  pages        = {41--55},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {The COVID-19 crisis presents a unique opportunity to study how public opinion towards the redistributive role of the state reacts to a major economic shock. The pandemic and the measures taken to stop it exposed citizens to both increased fiscal constraint and heightened redistributive capacity: historical drops in GDP (and fiscal revenue) coincided with unprecedented increases in public spending on healthcare provisions and social policy, as well as staggering amounts of financial liquidity provided to hard-hit economic sectors. How did this affect citizens’ attitudes towards redistribution and their assessments of the capacity of the state to intervene? To tackle these questions, we rely on a two-wave panel survey fielded in Germany, Sweden and Spain in late 2018 and June 2020. While preferred levels of redistribution have remained largely stable, our results indicate major shifts and growing ideological polarization around perceptions of welfare state efficiency and capacity, fiscal constraint and political trust. Hence, the COVID-crisis has so far neither led to a left- nor a right-wing shift in citizens' desired level of state intervention, but to an increasingly polarized context of (re)distributive politics, which is likely to imply heightened conflict over economic and social policy in the future.},
}

@Article{GelmanEtAl2012,
  author       = {Andrew Gelman and Jennifer Hill and Masanao Yajima},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness},
  title        = {Why We (Usually) Don't Have to Worry About Multiple Comparisons},
  doi          = {10.1080/19345747.2011.618213},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {189--211},
  url          = {http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/research/published/multiple2f.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-06-28},
  volume       = {5},
  abstract     = {Applied researchers often find themselves making statistical inferences in settings that would seem to require multiple comparisons adjustments. We challenge the Type I error paradigm that underlies these corrections. Moreover we posit that the problem of multiple comparisons can disappear entirely when viewed from a hierarchical Bayesian perspective. We propose building multilevel models in the settings where multiple comparisons arise. Multilevel models perform partial pooling (shifting estimates toward each other), whereas classical procedures typically keep the centers of intervals stationary, adjusting for multiple comparisons by making the intervals wider (or, equivalently, adjusting the p values corresponding to intervals of fixed width). Thus, multilevel models address the multiple comparisons problem and also yield more efficient estimates, especially in settings with low group-level variation, which is where multiple comparisons are a particular concern.},
}

@Article{GingerichVogler2021,
  author       = {Daniel W. Gingerich and Jan P. Vogler},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {World Politics},
  title        = {Pandemics and Political Development},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0043887121000034},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {393--440},
  volume       = {73},
  abstract     = {Do pandemics have lasting consequences for political behavior? The authors address this question by examining the consequences of the deadliest pandemic of the last millennium: the Black Death (1347–1351). They claim that pandemics can influence politics in the long run if the loss of life is high enough to increase the price of labor relative to other factors of production. When this occurs, labor-repressive regimes, such as serfdom, become untenable, which ultimately leads to the development of proto-democratic institutions and associated political cultures that shape modalities of political engagement for generations. The authors test their theory by tracing the consequences of the Black Death in German-speaking Central Europe. They find that areas hit hardest by that pandemic were more likely to adopt inclusive political institutions and equitable land ownership patterns, to exhibit electoral behavior indicating independence from landed elite influence during the transition to mass politics, and to have significantly lower vote shares for Hitler’s National Socialist Party in the Weimar Republic’s fateful 1930 and July 1932 elections.},
}

@Article{JackmanSpahn2021,
  author       = {Simon Jackman and Bradley Spahn},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {{PS}: Political Science {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Politically Invisible in America},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1049096521000639},
  abstract     = {Campaigns, parties, interest groups, pollsters, and political scientists rely on voter-registration lists and consumer files to identify people as targets for registration drives, persuasion, and mobilization and to be included in sampling frames for surveys. We introduce a new category of Americans: the politically invisible—that is, people who are unreachable using these voter and marketing lists. Matching a high-quality, random sample of the US population to multiple lists reveals that at least 11% of the adult citizenry is unlisted. An additional 12% is mislisted (i.e., not living at their recorded address). These groups are invisible to list-based campaigns and research, making them difficult or impossible to contact. Two in five Blacks and (citizen) Hispanics are unreachable, but only 18% of whites. The unreachable are poorer than the reachable population, have markedly lower levels of political engagement, and are much less likely to report contact with candidates and campaigns. They are heavily Democratic in party identification and vote intention, favoring Obama versus Romney 73 to 27, with only 16% identifying as Republicans. That the politically invisible are more liberal and from historically marginalized groups shows that the turn to list-based campaigning and research could worsen existing biases in the political system.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press ({CUP})},
}

@Article{BenjaminiHochberg1995,
  author       = {Yoav Benjamini and Yosef Hochberg},
  date         = {1995},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series B (Methodological)},
  title        = {Controlling the False Discovery Rate: A Practical and Powerful Approach to Multiple Testing},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.2517-6161.1995.tb02031.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {289--300},
  volume       = {57},
  abstract     = {The common approach to the multiplicity problem calls for controlling the familywise error rate (FWER). This approach, though, has faults, and we point out a few. A different approach to problems of multiple significance testing is presented. It calls for controlling the expected proportion of falsely rejected hypotheses — the false discovery rate. This error rate is equivalent to the FWER when all hypotheses are true but is smaller otherwise. Therefore, in problems where the control of the false discovery rate rather than that of the FWER is desired, there is potential for a gain in power. A simple sequential Bonferronitype procedure is proved to control the false discovery rate for independent test statistics, and a simulation study shows that the gain in power is substantial. The use of the new procedure and the appropriateness of the criterion are illustrated with examples.},
}

@Article{MagkonisEtAl2021,
  author       = {Georgios Magkonis and Kalliopi-Maria Zekente and Vasilios Logothetis},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {Does the Left Spend More? An Econometric Survey of Partisan Politics},
  doi          = {10.1111/obes.12426},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1077--1099},
  volume       = {83},
  abstract     = {This study provides a quantitative review of the empirical literature on partisan politics. Given the voluminous work on this subject, we focus on the relationship between government ideology and public spending. By exploiting a dataset of 800 estimates from papers published between 1992 and 2018, we find no evidence of publication bias. Taking into account the differences in the various categories of spending, proxies of ideologies, estimations methods, as well as, data and publication characteristics, we find evidence of a small positive and significant effect.},
}

@Article{BremerEtAl2020,
  author       = {Bremer, Bj{\"o}rn and Hutter, Swen and Kriesi, Hanspeter},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Dynamics of protest and electoral politics in the Great Recession},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12375},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {842--866},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {This article links the consequences of the Great Recession on protest and electoral politics. It innovates by combining the literature on economic voting with social movement research and by presenting the first integrated, large-scale empirical analysis of protest mobilisation and electoral outcomes in Europe. The economic voting literature offers important insights on how and under what conditions economic crises play out in the short-run. However, it tends to ignore the closely connected dynamics of opposition in the two arenas and the role of protests in politicising economic grievances. More specifically, it is argued that economic protests act as a ‘signalling mechanism’ by attributing blame to decision makers and by highlighting the political dimension of deteriorating economic conditions. Ultimately, massive protest mobilisation should, thus, amplify the impact of economic hardship on the electoral losses of incumbents and mainstream parties more generally. The empirical analysis to study this relationship relies on an original semi-automated protest event dataset combined with an updated dataset of electoral outcomes in 30 European countries from 2000 to 2015. The results indicate that the dynamics of economic protests and electoral punishment are closely related and point to a destabilisation of European party systems during the Great Recession.},
}

@Article{StubagerSlothuus2012,
  author       = {Rune Stubager and Rune Slothuus},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  title        = {What Are the Sources of Political Parties' Issue Ownership? Testing Four Explanations at the Individual Level},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-012-9204-2},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {567--588},
  volume       = {35},
  abstract     = {Political parties’ issue ownership—their perceived competence in handling issues and problems—is a major ingredient explaining voting behavior. Yet, our understanding of the sources of issue ownership is limited. This study is the first to bring together and evaluate four different explanations of voters’ perceptions of parties’ issue ownership: partisanship, attitudes, perceived real-world developments, and constituency-based ownership. Using novel measures implemented in a national survey, we show that all four sources exert independent, if varying, influences on voters’ issue ownership perceptions. Even though voters’ partisanship tends to dominate issue ownership perceptions, attitudes and performance evaluations also matter. Moreover, the hitherto mostly neglected constituency based component of ownership has a substantial, independent influence on ownership perceptions. These findings indicate that issue ownership is more than merely an expression of partisanship and attitudes.},
}

@Article{CaminadaEtAl2018,
  author       = {Koen Caminada and Kees Goudswaard and Chen Wang and Jinxian Wang},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Economic Studies},
  title        = {Income Inequality and Fiscal Redistribution in 31 Countries After the Crisis},
  doi          = {10.1057/s41294-018-0079-z},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {119--148},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {In this paper, we analyze fiscal redistribution after the Great Recession. Are welfare states still effective in reducing income inequality? We use recent microdata from the Luxembourg Income Study to examine redistribution from transfers and income taxes, and the several underlying social programs that drive the changes in 31 countries. On average, we find that social transfers and income taxes reduce the Gini by 31\%. In most countries, pensions are a dominant factor. After performing a number of sensitivity analyses, we conclude that the redistributive impact of the welfare state is still substantial.},
}

@Article{CaminadaEtAl2019,
  author       = {Koen Caminada and Kees Goudswaard and Chen Wang and Jinxian Wang},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {International Social Security Review},
  title        = {Has the redistributive effect of social transfers and taxes changed over time across countries?},
  doi          = {10.1111/issr.12193},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {3--31},
  volume       = {72},
  abstract     = {In most Member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation Development (OECD), the income gap between rich and poor has widened over the past decades. This article analyses whether and to what extent income taxes and social transfers have contributed to this trend. Has the redistributive impact of different social programmes changed over time? We use microdata from the LIS Cross National Data Center in Luxembourg for the period 1982–2014 and study both the total population and the working-age population. In contrast to the results of some other studies, especially by the OECD, we do not find that redistribution has declined. Tax-benefit systems around 2013 are more effective at reducing income inequality compared to the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s, especially among the total population. Changes in social programmes are not a driver of greater income inequality across the countries included in this study.},
}

@TechReport{BourquinWaters2019,
  author      = {Bourquin, Pascale and Waters, Tom},
  date        = {2019-05-27},
  institution = {Institute for Fiscal Studies},
  title       = {The effect of taxes and benefits on UK inequality},
  doi         = {10.1920/BN.IFS.2019.BN0249},
  url         = {https://ifs.org.uk/publications/14127},
  urldate     = {2021-08-09},
}

@Article{CarlinEtAl2021a,
  author       = {Ryan E. Carlin and Timothy Hellwig and Gregory J. Love and Cecilia Mart{\'{\i}}nez-Gallardo and Matthew M. Singer},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {When growth is not enough: inequality, economic gains, and executive approval},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2021.25},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {A robust economy is assumed to bolster leaders' standing. This ignores how benefits of growth are distributed. Extending the partisan models of economic voting, we theorize executives are more likely rewarded when gains from growth go to their constituents. Analyses of presidential approval in 18 Latin American countries support our pro-constituency model of accountability. When economic inequality is high, growth concentrates among the rich, and approval of right-of-center presidents is higher. Leftist presidents benefit from growth when gains are more equally distributed. Further analyses show growth and inequality inform perceptions of personal finances differently based on wealth, providing a micro-mechanism behind the aggregate findings. Study results imply that the economy is not purely a valence issue, but also a position issue.},
}

@Article{RattsoSorensen2016,
  author       = {Ratts{\o}, J{\o}rn and S{\o}rensen, Rune J.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Public--private political cleavage: what happens after retirement?},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11127-016-0324-9},
  number       = {3-4},
  pages        = {315--333},
  volume       = {166},
  abstract     = {Political preferences of public employees differ from those of workers in the private sector. The former are more likely to vote for left-wing parties and orient themselves ideologically towards the left. This political cleavage can be understood as the result of occupational incentives, or alternatively, as ideological self-selection whereby individuals favoring government solutions seek employment in the public sector. We test the selection hypothesis by estimating the effects of public versus private occupational sector on political preferences before and after retirement. The data are from the Norwegian Election Surveys and cover nine national elections between 1977 and 2009. The research design addresses a series of cross-sectional data and the key challenge of endogenous retirement is handled with instrumental variables. Party choice, ideological orientation, and public spending preferences are shown to change following retirement, and former private and public employees converge. The results reject selection based on ‘hard-wired’ political preferences.},
}

@Article{AfonsoEtAl2015,
  author       = {Alexandre Afonso and Sotirios Zartaloudis and Yannis Papadopoulos},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {How party linkages shape austerity politics: clientelism and fiscal adjustment in Greece and Portugal during the eurozone crisis},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2014.964644},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {315--334},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.},
}

@Article{LiebertzGiersch2021,
  author       = {Scott Liebertz and Jason Giersch},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {{PS}: Political Science {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Political Professors and the Perception of Bias in the College Classroom},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1049096521000640},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {755--760},
  volume       = {54},
  abstract     = {This article addresses three related questions. Does voicing a political ideology in class make a professor less appealing to students? Does voicing an ideology in class make a professor less appealing to students with opposing views? Does the intensity of professors’ ideology affect their appeal? We conducted survey experiments in two public national universities to provide evidence of the extent to which students may tolerate or even prefer that professors share their political views and under which conditions these preferences may vary. Results from the experiments indicate that expressing a political opinion did not make a professor less appealing to students—and, in fact, made the professor more appealing to some students—but the perception that a professor’s ideology is particularly intense makes the class much less favorable for students with opposing views. Students are indifferent between moderately political and nonpolitical professors.},
}

@Article{FerraginaZola2021,
  author       = {Emanuele Ferragina and Andrew Zola},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {New Political Economy},
  title        = {The End of Austerity as Common Sense?: An Experimental Analysis of Public Opinion Shifts and Class Dynamics During the Covid-19 Crisis},
  doi          = {10.1080/13563467.2021.1952560},
  pages        = {1--18},
  abstract     = {The Covid-19 pandemic is disrupting the international political economy unlike any event since WWII. Consequently, France reversed years of fiscal consolidation by instating, at least temporarily, a costly emergency furlough scheme reaching a third of the workforce. This provides a natural setting to investigate a potential ‘critical juncture’, and whether the French public still accepts austerity politics today, as it seems to have after the Global Financial Crisis. We observe crisis narratives’ salience across social classes, employing an original quantitative approach for Critical Political Economy, which uses panel data and two experiments. We test if citizens’ viewpoints are sensitive to the trade-off between health and economics, receptive to austerity and conditioned by their socioeconomic status. We find that public opinion shifted after an authoritative and dire economic forecast at the pandemic’s first peak in April 2020, but that acquiescence to austerity did not occur during the phase-out of the first lockdown in June, with the exception of the upper class. Overall, public support favours increased social spending, and pro-austerity crisis narratives might not shape the majority’s ‘common sense’, as they had after the GFC. We conclude with implications for the study of class and public policy in a post-pandemic world.},
}

@Article{HyytinenEtAl2017,
  author       = {Hyytinen, Ariand Meril{\"a}nen, Jaakko and Saarimaa, Tuukka and Toivanen, Otto and Tukianen, Janne},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Public Employees as Politicians: Evidence from Close Elections},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055417000284},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {68--81},
  volume       = {112},
  abstract     = {We analyze the effect of municipal employees' political representation in municipal councils on local public spending. We use within-party, as-good-as-random variation in close elections in the Finnish open-list proportional election system to quantify the effect. One more councilor employed by the public sector increases spending by about 1\%. The effect comes largely through the largest party and is specific to the employment sector of the municipal employee. The results are consistent with public employees having an information advantage over other politicians, and thus, being able to influence policy.},
}

@Article{BarnesEtAl2022,
  author       = {Lucy Barnes and Jack Blumenau and Benjamin E. Lauderdale},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Measuring Attitudes toward Public Spending Using a Multivariate Tax Summary Experiment},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12643},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {205--221},
  volume       = {66},
  abstract     = {It is difficult to measure public views on trade-offs between spending priorities because public understanding of existing government spending is limited and the budgetary problem is complicated. We present a new measurement strategy using a continuous treatment, multivariate choice experiment. The experiment proposes deficit-neutral bundles of changes in spending and taxation, allowing us to investigate attitudes toward modifications to the existing budget. We then use a structural choice model to estimate public preferences over spending categories and the taxation level, on average and as a function of respondent attributes. In our application, we find that the UK public favors paying more in tax to finance large spending increases across major budget categories, that spending preferences are multidimensional, and that younger people prefer lower levels of taxation and spending than older people.},
}

@Article{BauerEtAl2016,
  author       = {Paul C. Bauer and Pablo Barber{\'{a}} and Kathrin Ackermann and Aaron Venetz},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  title        = {Is the Left-Right Scale a Valid Measure of Ideology?},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-016-9368-2},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {553--583},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {In order to measure ideology, political scientists heavily rely on the so-called left-right scale. Left and right are, however, abstract political concepts and may trigger different associations among respondents. If these associations vary systematically with other variables this may induce bias in the empirical study of ideology. We illustrate this problem using a unique survey that asked respondents open-ended questions regarding the meanings they attribute to the concepts “left” and “right”. We assess and categorize this textual data using topic modeling techniques. Our analysis shows that variation in respondents’ associations is systematically related to their self-placement on the left-right scale and also to variables such as education and respondents’ cultural background (East vs. West Germany). Our findings indicate that the interpersonal comparability of the left-right scale across individuals is impaired. More generally, our study suggests that we need more research on how respondents interpret various abstract concepts that we regularly use in survey questions.},
}

@Article{NeundorfPardosPrado2021,
  author       = {Anja Neundorf and Sergi Pardos-Prado},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {The Impact of {COVID}-19 on Trump's Electoral Demise: The Role of Economic and Democratic Accountability},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592721001961},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {Did the COVID-19 crisis have a significant effect on Trump’s electoral demise? We present survey experimental evidence on two substantial effects of the pandemic. First, information on the unprecedented economic downturn significantly depressed Trump’s popular support across all partisan groups, and especially among middle-low and low-income respondents. Second, being primed on the poor public health record of the Trump administration reduced its electoral prospects among citizens between 55 and 70 years old. We conclude that the 2020 election was a normal contest compatible with theories of economic voting and political competence. Our results suggest that democratic accountability can be a powerful determinant of the fate of populist leaders once in power.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press ({CUP})},
}

@Article{ReinhartEtAl2012,
  author       = {Carmen M. Reinhart and Vincent R. Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Public Debt Overhangs: Advanced-Economy Episodes Since 1800},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.26.3.69},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {69--86},
  volume       = {26},
  abstract     = {We identify the major public debt overhang episodes in the advanced economies since the early 1800s, characterized by public debt to GDP levels exceeding 90 percent for at least five years. Consistent with Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) and most of the more recent research, we find that public debt overhang episodes are associated with lower growth than during other periods. The duration of the average debt overhang episode is perhaps its most striking feature. Among the 26 episodes we identify, 20 lasted more than a decade. The long duration belies the view that the correlation is caused mainly by debt buildups during business cycle recessions. The long duration also implies that the cumulative shortfall in output from debt overhang is potentially massive. These growth-reducing effects of high public debt are apparently not transmitted exclusively through high real interest rates, as in eleven of the episodes, interest rates are not materially higher.},
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@Article{ReinhartRogoff2010a,
  author       = {Reinhart, Carmen M. and Rogoff, Kenneth S.},
  date         = {2010-01-28},
  journaltitle = {Financial Times},
  title        = {Why we should expect low growth amid debt},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/rogoff/files/why_we_should_expect.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-08-25},
}

@Article{Rogoff2010,
  author       = {Rogoff, Kenneth S.},
  date         = {2010-07-20},
  journaltitle = {Financial Times},
  title        = {No need for a panicked fiscal surge},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/rogoff/files/no_need_for.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-08-25},
}

@Article{BesleyEtAl2010a,
  author       = {Tim Besley and Davies, Sir Howard and Charles Goodhart and Albert Marcet and Christopher Pissarides and Danny Quah and Meghnad Desai and Andrew Turnbull and Orazio Attanasio and Costas Meghir and Vickers, Sir John and John Muellbauer and David Newbery and Hashem Pesaran and Ken Rogoff and Thomas Sargent and Anne Sibert and Michael Wickens and Roger Bootle and Bridget Rosewell},
  date         = {2010-02-14},
  journaltitle = {The Sunday Times},
  url          = {https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/staff/ecagrs/atotl.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-08-25},
}

@Article{GavazzaEtAl2019,
  author       = {Alessandro Gavazza and Mattia Nardotto and Tommaso Valletti},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economic Studies},
  title        = {Internet and Politics: Evidence from U.K. Local Elections and Local Government Policies},
  doi          = {10.1093/restud/rdy028},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {2092--2135},
  volume       = {86},
  abstract     = {We empirically study the effects of broadband internet diffusion on local election outcomes and on local government policies using rich data from the U.K. Our analysis shows that the internet has displaced other media with greater news content (i.e. radio and newspapers), thereby decreasing voter turnout, most notably among less-educated and younger individuals. In turn, we find suggestive evidence that local government expenditures and taxes are lower in areas with greater broadband diffusion, particularly expenditures targeted at less-educated voters. Our findings are consistent with the idea that voters’ information plays a key role in determining electoral participation, government policies, and government size.},
}

@Article{Rogstad2016,
  author       = {Ingrid Rogstad},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Information Technology {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Is Twitter just rehashing? Intermedia agenda setting between Twitter and mainstream media},
  doi          = {10.1080/19331681.2016.1160263},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {142--158},
  volume       = {13},
  abstract     = {This paper investigates intermedia agenda setting between old and new media platforms through a study of the Norwegian Twitter and mainstream media agendas. The study tracks top tweets and headline news, asking whether Twitter mainly rehashes mainstream media content or actually produces original content. The study finds that Twitter and mainstream media are consistent on the salience of many issues, but also that Twitter gives attention to issues that are overlooked by mainstream media, such as news about environmental challenges and gender equality. The paper also suggests that Twitter contributes to an expansion of the elite, meaning that it has become an important platform for eloquent and media-savvy people outside the traditional political, economic, or academic elites.},
}

@Article{VicarioEtAl2017,
  author       = {Michela Del Vicario and Fabiana Zollo and Guido Caldarelli and Antonio Scala and Walter Quattrociocchi},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Social Networks},
  title        = {Mapping social dynamics on Facebook: The Brexit debate},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.socnet.2017.02.002},
  pages        = {6--16},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {Nowadays users get informed and shape their opinion through social media. However, the disintermediated access to contents does not guarantee quality of information. Selective exposure and confirmation bias, indeed, have been shown to play a pivotal role in content consumption and information spreading. Users tend to select information adhering (and reinforcing) their worldview and to ignore dissenting information. This pattern elicits the formation of polarized groups – i.e., echo chambers – where the interaction with like-minded people might even reinforce polarization. In this work we address news consumption around Brexit in UK on Facebook. In particular, we perform a massive analysis on more than 1 million users interacting with Brexit related posts from the main news providers between January and July 2016. We show that consumption patterns elicit the emergence of two distinct communities of news outlets. Furthermore, to better characterize inner group dynamics, we introduce a new technique which combines automatic topic extraction and sentiment analysis. We compare how the same topics are presented on posts and the related emotional response on comments finding significant differences in both echo chambers and that polarization influences the perception of topics. Our results provide important insights about the determinants of polarization and evolution of core narratives on online debating.},
  month        = {jul},
  publisher    = {Elsevier {BV}},
}

@Article{HallEtAl2018,
  author       = {Wendy Hall and Ramine Tinati and Will Jennings},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Computer},
  title        = {From Brexit to Trump: Social Media's Role in Democracy},
  doi          = {10.1109/mc.2018.1151005},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {18--27},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {The ability to share, access, and connect facts and opinions among like-minded (and not so) citizens has encouraged wholesale political adoption of platforms like Twitter and Facebook. Yet our ability to understand the impact that social networks have had on the democratic process is currently very limited. The authors analyze the role social media played in the outcome of the 2016 US presidential election and the Brexit referendum.},
}

@TechReport{FletcherSelva2019,
  author      = {Richard Fletcher and Meera Selva},
  date        = {2019-10},
  institution = {Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism},
  title       = {How Brexit Referendum Voters Use News},
  doi         = {10/Fletcher},
  urldate     = {2021-09-10},
}

@Article{JerrimVignoles2016,
  author       = {John Jerrim and Anna Vignoles},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  title        = {The link between East Asian `mastery' teaching methods and English children{\textquotesingle}s mathematics skills},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2015.11.003},
  pages        = {29--44},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {A small group of high-performing East Asian economies dominate the top of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) rankings. Although there are many possible explanations for this, East Asian teaching methods and curriculum design are two factors to have particularly caught policymakers’ attention. Yet there is currently little evidence as to whether any particular East Asian teaching method actually represents an improvement over the status quo in England, and whether such methods can be successfully introduced into Western education systems. This paper provides new evidence on this issue by presenting results from two clustered Randomised Controlled Trials (RCT's), where a Singaporean inspired ‘mastery’ approach to teaching mathematics was introduced into a selection of England's primary and secondary schools. We find evidence of a modest, positive treatment effect that comes at a relatively low per-pupil cost.},
}

@Article{JacobsEtAl2021a,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott and Hicks, Timothy and Merkley, Eric},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Whose News? Class-Biased Economic Reporting in the United States},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055421000137},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1016--1033},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {There is substantial evidence that voters’ choices are shaped by assessments of the state of the economy and that these assessments, in turn, are influenced by the news. But how does the economic news track the welfare of different income groups in an era of rising inequality? Whose economy does the news cover? Drawing on a large new dataset of US news content, we demonstrate that the tone of the economic news strongly and disproportionately tracks the fortunes of the richest households, with little sensitivity to income changes among the non-rich. Further, we present evidence that this pro-rich bias emerges not from pro-rich journalistic preferences but, rather, from the interaction of the media’s focus on economic aggregates with structural features of the relationship between economic growth and distribution. The findings yield a novel explanation of distributionally perverse electoral patterns and demonstrate how distributional biases in the economy condition economic accountability.},
}

@Article{HansfordGomez2015,
  author       = {Thomas G. Hansford and Brad T. Gomez},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Reevaluating the sociotropic economic voting hypothesis},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2015.03.005},
  pages        = {15--25},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {One of the canonical causal claims in political science links individuals' evaluations of the national economy with their votes. Yet there are reasons to expect that these economic perceptions are endogenous to vote choice, meaning that existing cross-sectional models cannot provide a valid test of the causal retrospective voting claim. Using an instrumental variables approach, we assess the effect of sociotropic evaluations on the decision to vote for the incumbent president or his party's candidate in eight recent U.S. presidential elections. In contrast with prior work, our results reveal that while there is a correlation between sociotropic evaluations and vote choice, individuals' subjective evaluations only exert a causal effect on votes when there is not an incumbent president on the ballot. These results suggest that, when incumbents are on the ballot, individuals' economic perceptions are particularly clouded by appraisals of the incumbent and thus do not operate as an exogenous influence on votes.},
}

@Article{Hooijer2021,
  author       = {Gerda Hooijer},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {`They Take Our Houses': Benefit Competition and the Erosion of Support for Immigrants{\textquotesingle} Social Rights},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123420000150},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1381--1401},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {Does benefit competition affect voters' support for immigrants' social rights? While scholars in political economy expect that benefit competition lowers support among the poor, the evidence is limited. This seems to be largely due to the reliance on highly aggregated analyses and the neglect of the institutional context in which individuals form their preferences. This article argues that lower-income voters are more likely to reduce their support due to competition when benefit eligibility depends on income. Using individual-level panel data from the Netherlands and a novel way to measure benefit competition, the study shows that lower-middle-income voters become less supportive of immigrants' social rights when more social housing in their municipality is allocated to refugees. By contrast, competition does not reduce support among the rich or the very poor. The findings suggest that benefit competition can erode support for immigrants' social rights and influence electoral politics.},
}

@Article{SaintPaul1996,
  author       = {Gilles Saint-Paul},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  title        = {Exploring the Political Economy of Labour Market Institutions},
  doi          = {10.2307/1344706},
  number       = {23},
  pages        = {263},
  volume       = {11},
  abstract     = {Labour markets

How reforms took place

Many economists argue that the European unemployment problem relates to large labour market rigidities. This paper argues that many of those inflexibilities (and the underlying institutional regulations) can be understood as the outcome of political influence by incumbent employees. This is because many policies that increase unemployment actually benefit these insiders. An empirical investigation of the determinants of labour market institutions demonstrates that the observations are consistent with this view. The findings imply: (1) Higher exposure of the employed to unemployment facilitates a reduction in the level of employment protection. (2) Unemployment benefits are lower, the more employment reacts to wages. (3) A higher level of unemployment and the existence of a right-wing government slow down the growth rate of the minimum wage.},
}

@Article{KellyWitko2014,
  author       = {Nathan J. Kelly and Christopher Witko},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {State Politics {\&} Policy Quarterly},
  title        = {Government Ideology and Unemployment in the U.S. States},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532440014550410},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {389--413},
  urldate      = {2021-09-15},
  volume       = {14},
  abstract     = {Research shows that when the more liberal Democratic Party controls the national government, unemployment is lower, but whether liberal state governments are associated with lower unemployment has not been examined. We argue that more left-leaning governments in the U.S. states have the same preference for and willingness to use government to reduce unemployment, but that the greater resource and policymaking constraints that the states face during economic downturns limit their ability to shape unemployment to economic growth periods. We find evidence for these arguments in an analysis of the U.S. states for the period of 1975–2010. Specifically, when economic growth is low, liberal state governments are associated with increases in unemployment rates similar to or even somewhat higher than conservative governments, but when growth is moderate to high, liberal state governments are associated with greater-than-expected reductions in unemployment. We also provide some evidence that different state spending decisions between liberal and conservative state governments may explain these patterns.},
}

@Book{LevyWalton2009,
  date            = {2009},
  title           = {{Inequality, Interests, and Competition in Mexico: no growth without equity?}},
  editor          = {Levy, Santiago and Walton, Michael},
  location        = {Washington, DC},
  publisher       = {World Bank and Palgrave Macmillan},
  abstract        = {In this introduction, the authors do three things. They first introduce the puzzle and relate it to existing interpretations from market reformists and their critics, arguing that both sets of views are inadequate. The authors then offer an alternative interpretation: that entrenched inequities sustained by a rent-sharing political equilibrium are a primary source of inefficiencies and weak growth. Moreover, this equilibrium has been resilient to democratization in ways that can be explained by the nature of the underlying forces. Finally, they draw some tentative implications for the future, suggesting how public action could potentially support a shift to more equitable and more efficient equilibrium. The volume's chapters are introduced within the structure of this argument.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors treat inequality as a self-reinforcing mechanism, where entrenched inequities sustained by a rent-sharing political equilibrium - i.e., an unbalance oif political power - are a primary source of inefficiencies and weak growth. url:https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/13263},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {1. Inequality as a cause of the unbalance of political power},
}

@Book{FrankoWitko2017,
  author          = {Franko, William and Witko, Christopher},
  date            = {2017-11},
  title           = {{The New Economic Populism: How States Respond to Economic Inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1093/oso/9780190671013.001.0001},
  isbn            = {9780190671013},
  location        = {Oxford},
  publisher       = {Oxford University Press},
  volume          = {1},
  abstract        = {While most observers and scholars of inequality focus on how the federal government has created, or at minimum failed to respond to, inequality, in this book Franko and Witko argue that this nearly exclusive emphasis on Washington, DC, is misplaced. The authors explain that this federal inaction in the face of emerging economic problems is the norm in American history because of the structure of American government and the ability of organized interests to prevent policy change in Washington. The states led the fight against new economic problems during the Progressive Era and Great Depression, and the authors argue that the states are once again leading the fight against growing inequality, a trend they call the “new economic populism.” In contrast to federal institutions and practices that encourage inactivity, because of the variation in state economic problems, public attitudes, government ideology, and political institutions, it is likely that at least some states will confront growing economic problems. Using a variety of unique data and evidence, the authors demonstrate that the public is cognizant of rising inequality and that this growing awareness is associated with more egalitarian political and policy changes, including greater government liberalism, higher minimum wages, and more progressive tax systems. In contrast to the prevailing pessimism regarding income inequality, the authors argue that if history is a guide, these incipient state actions to reduce inequality are likely to spread to other states and even the federal government in the coming decades.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors explain that in American history, the country failed to accound for inequality due to the structure of American government and the ability of organized interests to prevent policy change in Washington. However the authors also argue that the public's growing awareness has provoked more egalitarian political and policy changes.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {1. Inequality as a cause of the unbalance of political power},
}

@Article{FrankoEtAl2013,
  author          = {Franko, William and Tolbert, Caroline J. and Witko, Christopher},
  date            = {2013},
  journaltitle    = {Political Research Quarterly},
  title           = {{Inequality, Self-Interest, and Public Support for "Robin Hood" Tax Policies}},
  doi             = {10.1177/1065912913485441},
  issn            = {1065-9129},
  number          = {4},
  pages           = {923--937},
  volume          = {66},
  abstract        = {Influential economic models predict that as inequality increases, the public will demand greater redistribution. However, there is limited research into the determinants of support for redistributive tax increases because such proposals have been so rare in America in recent decades. We use Washington State's Proposition 1098 to examine how economic self-interest, concerns about inequality, and partisanship influence support for redistributive taxation. The results show that all of these factors influenced support, with strong support among the lower income, indicating that when the distributional implications of policies are clear, citizens can translate their self-interest and broad attitudes into congruent redistributive preferences. {\textcopyright} 2013 University of Utah.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper supports the argument about the link between self-interest, partisanship and support for redistribution.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {inequality,public opinion,redistribution,taxation},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.4 Self-interest},
}

@Article{Voitchovsky2005a,
  author          = {Voitchovsky, Sarah},
  date            = {2005},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Economic Growth},
  title           = {{Does the profile of income inequality matter for economic growth?: Distinguishing between the effects of inequality in different parts of the income distribution}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s10887-005-3535-3},
  issn            = {1381-4338},
  number          = {3},
  pages           = {273--296},
  volume          = {10},
  abstract        = {This paper investigates the importance of the shape of the income distribution as a determinant of economic growth in a panel of countries. Using comparable data on disposable income from the Luxembourg Income Study, results suggest that inequality at the top end of the distribution is positively associated with growth, while inequality lower down the distribution is negatively related to subsequent growth. These findings highlight potential limitations of an exploration of the impact of income distribution on growth using a single inequality statistic. Such specifications may capture an average effect of inequality on growth, and mask the underlying complexity of the relationship. {\textcopyright} 2005 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Gini coefficient,Growth,Income distribution,Inequality},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Article{GreinerEtAl2012,
  author          = {Greiner, Ben and Ockenfels, Axel and Werner, Peter},
  date            = {2012-02},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization},
  title           = {{The dynamic interplay of inequality and trust—An experimental study}},
  doi             = {10.1016/J.JEBO.2011.11.004},
  issn            = {0167-2681},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {355--365},
  volume          = {81},
  abstract        = {We study the interplay of inequality and trust in a dynamic growth game, in which trust increases efficiency and thus allows higher growth of the laboratory economy in the future. We find that trust (as measured by the percentage of wealth invested in a trust game) is initially high in a treatment starting with equal endowments, but decreases over time. In a treatment with unequal endowments, trust is initially lower yet more robust. The disparity of wealth distributions across economies mitigates over time. Our findings suggest that both the level and the (exogenous or endogenous) source of inequality matters for the dynamics of trust. {\textcopyright} 2011 Elsevier B.V..},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors' findings suggest that both the level and the (exogenous or endogenous) source of inequality matters for the dynamics of trust. Hence, according to their model, inequality is the cause of lack of trust.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Growth,Inequality,Laboratory experiments,Trust},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
  publisher       = {North-Holland},
}

@Article{Phillips2017,
  author          = {Phillips, Brian J.},
  date            = {2017},
  journaltitle    = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title           = {{Inequality and the Emergence of Vigilante Organizations: The Case of Mexican Autodefensas}},
  doi             = {10.1177/0010414016666863},
  issn            = {1552-3829},
  number          = {10},
  pages           = {1358--1389},
  volume          = {50},
  abstract        = {What explains the emergence of vigilante organizations? Throughout the world, vigilantes emerge to illegally punish perceived criminals, often leading to serious consequences. However, the literature presents partial and conflicting explanations for this phenomenon. This article argues that local economic inequality creates a situation ripe for vigilante organizations. Inequality creates demand for vigilantism because poorer citizens feel relatively deprived of security compared with wealthier neighbors who have advantages regarding private and public security. In addition, inequality suggests a patron-and-worker distribution of labor, and this is ideal for organizing a particular type of group, the patron-funded vigilante group. Empirical tests use original data on the 2013 wave of Mexican vigilante organizations, present in 13 of Mexico's 32 federal entities. Municipal-level income inequality is robustly associated with organized vigilantism. Less support is found for competing explanations.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The author finds that lower income citizens in Mexico feel less safe than richer ones. This sense of insecurity creates a demand for vigilitanism.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Mexico,crime,inequality,vigilantes},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
}

@Article{MurrayEtAl2018,
  author          = {Murray, Matthew N. and Peng, Langchuan and Santore, Rudy},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Economic Inequality},
  title           = {{How does inequality aversion affect inequality and redistribution?}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s10888-018-9389-7},
  issn            = {1573-8701},
  number          = {4},
  pages           = {507--525},
  volume          = {16},
  abstract        = {We investigate the effects of inequality aversion on equilibrium labor supply, tax revenue, income inequality, and median voter outcomes in a society where agents have heterogeneous skill levels. These outcomes are compared to those which result from the behavior of selfish agents. A variant of Fehr-Schmidt preferences is employed that allows the externality from agents who are “ahead” to differ in magnitude from the externality from those who are “behind” in the income distribution. We find first, that inequality-averse preferences yield distributional outcomes that are analogous to tax-transfer schemes with selfish agents, and may either increase or decrease average consumption. Second, in a society of inequality-averse agents, a linear income tax can be welfare-enhancing. Third, inequality-averse preferences can lead to less redistribution at any given tax, with low-wage agents receiving smaller net subsidies and/or high-wage individuals paying less in net taxes. Finally, an inequality-averse median voter may prefer higher redistribution even if it means less utility from own consumption and leisure.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Here the median voter and its level of aversion to redistribution is one of the key factors that can drive more or less redistribution. However, they do not differentiate why would voters would be more or less averse to resdistribution.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Income distribution,Inequality aversion,Redistribution},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods},
}

@Unpublished{AltEtAl2014,
  author          = {Alt, James E. and Lassen, David D. and Marshall, John},
  date            = {2014},
  title           = {{Information sources, belief updating, and the politics of economic expectations: Evidence from a Danish survey experiment}},
  location        = {Working Paper. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.},
  abstract        = {When and in what way will different types of messages containing politically relevant information affect voter beliefs and ultimately political preferences? This paper varies the source and ideological content of messages that voters receive about aggregate un- employment prospects using two survey experiments in Denmark. We find that new information—from political parties, but particularly the highly credible Danish Cen- tral Bank—causes voters to change their beliefs about future unemployment prospects. Contrary to results in the US, belief updating is no greater among voters when the source is aligned with previously expressed political preferences. Information-induced changes in unemployment expectations support “economic voting” without affect- ing redistributive policy preferences, suggesting that economic information matters primarily for evaluating government competence. Those whose propensity to vote changes are not the poorly informed swing voters, but politically engaged and cogni- tively capable mainstream voters.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors' have a informational theory for redistribution support.},
  file            = {::},
  institution     = {Harvard University},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.3 Misinformation political cues and knowledge},
}

@Article{MagalhaesAguiarConraria2019,
  author          = {Magalh{\~{a}}es, Pedro C. and Aguiar-Conraria, Lu{\'{i}}s},
  date            = {2019},
  journaltitle    = {Political Psychology},
  title           = {{Procedural Fairness, the Economy, and Support for Political Authorities}},
  doi             = {10.1111/pops.12500},
  issn            = {1467-9221},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {165--181},
  volume          = {40},
  abstract        = {A vast literature in social and organizational psychology suggests that support for authorities is driven both by the outcomes they deliver to people and by the extent to which they employ fair decision making processes. Furthermore, some of that literature describes a process-outcome interaction, through which the effect of outcome favorability is reduced as process fairness increases. However, very few studies have been conducted to determine whether such interaction is also present in the explanation of support for political authorities. Here, we start by analyzing whether individual perceptions of the political system's procedural fairness moderate the well-known individual-level relationship between perceived economic performance and government approval. Then, we explore the implications of such process-outcome interaction to the phenomenon of “economic voting,” testing whether impartiality in governance moderates the effect of objective economic performance on aggregate incumbent parties' support. In both cases, we show that the interaction between processes and outcomes seems to extend beyond the organizational contexts where it has been previously observed, with important implications for the study of political support.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper supports the link between perceptions of the political system's procedural fairness, perceived economic performance and government approval.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {economic voting,executive approval,political support,procedural fairness,process-outcome interaction},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
}

@Article{Hastings2018,
  author          = {Hastings, Orestes P.},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {Social Science Research},
  title           = {{Less equal, less trusting? Longitudinal and cross-sectional effects of income inequality on trust in U.S. States, 1973–2012}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.ssresearch.2018.04.005},
  issn            = {0049-089X},
  number          = {May},
  pages           = {77--95},
  volume          = {74},
  abstract        = {Does income inequality reduce social trust? Although both popular and scholarly accounts have argued that income inequality reduces trust, some recent research has been more skeptical, noting these claims are more robust cross-sectionally than longitudinally. Furthermore, although multiple mechanisms have been proposed for why inequality could affect trust, these have rarely been tested explicitly. I examine the effect of state-level income inequality on trust using the 1973–2012 General Social Surveys. I find little evidence that states that have been more unequal over time have less trusting people. There is some evidence that the growth in income inequality is linked with a decrease in trust, but these effects are sensitive to how time is accounted for. While much previous inequality and trust research has focused on status anxiety, this mechanism receives the little support, but mechanisms based on social fractionalization and on exploitation and resentment receive some support. This analysis improves on previous estimates of the effect of state-level inequality on trust by using far more available observations, accounting for more potential individual and state level confounders, and using higher-quality income inequality data based on annual IRS tax returns. It also contributes to our understanding of the mechanism(s) through which inequality may affect trust.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: According to Hastings "There is some evidence that the growth in income inequality is linked with a decrease in trust, but these effects are sensitive to how time is accounted for. (p.77)"},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Income inequality,Misanthropy,Social fractionalization,Social trust,Status anxiety},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
  pmid            = {29961491},
  publisher       = {Elsevier},
}

@Article{Kamei2018,
  author          = {Kamei, Kenju},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  title           = {{Promoting Competition or Helping the Less Endowed? Distributional Preferences and Collective Institutional Choices under Intragroup Inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1177/0022002716656446},
  number          = {3},
  pages           = {626--655},
  volume          = {62},
  abstract        = {Unequally distributed resources are ubiquitous. The decision of whether to promote competition or equality is often debated in societies and organizations. With heterogeneous endowments, we let subjects collectively choose between a public good that most benefits the less endowed and a lottery contest in which only one individual in a group receives a prize. Unlike standard theoretical predictions, the majority of subjects, including a substantial number of subjects who believe that their expected payoffs are better in the contest, vote for the public good. Our data suggest that people's collective institutional choices may be driven by inequality-averse concerns. It also suggests that the collective decision to select the option for the public good depends on voting rules.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors find that preferences for redistribution will depend on how democratic (fair) the regime is.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {competition,cooperation,experiment,heterogeneity,inequality,public goods},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods,3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods},
}

@Article{Dallinger2013,
  author          = {Dallinger, Ursula},
  date            = {2013},
  journaltitle    = {Comparative Sociology},
  title           = {{Economic openness and domestic demand for social protection: A multi-level analysis of social security preferences between 1990 and 2006}},
  doi             = {10.1163/15691330-12341278},
  issn            = {1569-1322},
  number          = {5},
  pages           = {585--616},
  volume          = {12},
  abstract        = {Comparative research revealed that social programs did not suffer significant decline despite globalisation and stiffer international competition. Instead, a striking stability of social expenditure is observed which is explained by voters' demands for social protection because of new uncertainties connected to economic openness. The domestic demand approach conceives the welfare state as a means to compensate for the risks a globalised economy puts on citizens' job security, and as a means to foster the acceptance of an open economy. Given the prominence of these assumptions little research has been conducted to test them. Does economic openness actually increase unemployment and feelings of job insecurity? Does this in turn lead to a higher voter demand for social security? This paper analyses the propositions of domestic demand approaches based on a data set comprised of waves of the module "Role of Government" from the International Social Survey Programme (1990, 1996 and 2006) and additional country-level features. The results show that economic openness has a negative effect when other insecurity-causing trends are controlled. Also subjective job insecurity instead of the projected positive effect rather shows a negative relation. Social security demand decreases the more job insecurity people perceive. This is interpreted as a consequence of the fear of those still employed that voting for more expenditures would endanger existing jobs. Moreover, the hypothesis that economic openness now spreads economic risks and feelings of insecurity over a broader social strata rather than remaining mired at the low end of the social spectrum is not confirmed. {\textcopyright} Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden 2013.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper investigates if economic openness increase unemployment and feelings of job insecurity. Moreover, it investigates if it leads to a higher voter demand for social security.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {comparative political economy,domestic demand,globalization,job insecurity,social security},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations,5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods},
}

@Article{JettenEtAl2017,
  author          = {Jetten, Jolanda and Wang, Zhechen and Steffens, Niklas K. and Mols, Frank and Peters, Kim and Verkuyten, Maykel},
  date            = {2017},
  journaltitle    = {Current Opinion in Psychology},
  title           = {{A social identity analysis of responses to economic inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.copsyc.2017.05.011},
  issn            = {2352-250X},
  number          = {June},
  pages           = {1--5},
  volume          = {18},
  abstract        = {Even though there is growing awareness that economic inequality is harmful for people's health, the way that such inequality affects social behavior and political attitudes remains poorly understood. Moving beyond a focus on the health and well-being costs of income inequality, we review research that examines how economic inequality shapes dynamics between groups within societies, addressing the questions why, when, and for whom inequality affects social behavior and political attitudes. On the basis of classic social identity theorizing, we develop five hypotheses that focus on the way inequality shapes the fit of wealth categorizations (H1), intergroup relations (H2), and stereotypes about wealth groups (H3). We also theorize how the effects of inequality are moderated by socio-structural conditions (H4) and socio-economic status (H5). Together, these hypotheses provide a theoretically informed account of the way in which inequality undermines the social fabric of society and negatively affects citizen's social and political behavior.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors hypotheses' "provide a theoretically informed account of the way in which inequality undermines the social fabric of society and negatively affects citizen's social and political behavior (p.1)."},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust,3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.2 social or political trust & support for public goods},
  pmid            = {29221504},
  publisher       = {Elsevier Ltd},
}

@Article{MinkoffLyons2019,
  author          = {Minkoff, Scott L. and Lyons, Jeffrey},
  date            = {2019},
  journaltitle    = {American Politics Research},
  title           = {{Living With Inequality: Neighborhood Income Diversity and Perceptions of the Income Gap}},
  doi             = {10.1177/1532673X17733799},
  issn            = {1552-3373},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {329--361},
  volume          = {47},
  abstract        = {This article explores whether the places where people live—and specifically the diversity of incomes where people live—influence views about income inequality. Using a unique survey of New York City that contains geographic identifiers and questions about attitudes toward inequality, coupled with a rich array of Census data, we assess the degree to which the income diversity within spatially customized neighborhood boundaries influences beliefs about inequality. We find consistent evidence that attitudes about inequality are influenced by the places where people live—those who are exposed to more income diversity near their homes perceive larger gaps between the rich and everybody else, and are more likely to believe that the gap should be smaller. Moreover, this effect appears to be especially pronounced among those with lower educational attainment and at either end of the income spectrum.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Exposure to inequality shapes peoples' atitudes about income inequality.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {income inequality,political attitudes,social context,spatial analysis},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Unpublished{NeustadtZweifel2012,
  author          = {Neustadt, Ilja and Zweifel, Peter},
  date            = {2012},
  title           = {{Is the Welfare State Sustainable? Experimental Evidence on Citizens' Preferences for Redistribution}},
  location        = {Working Paper No. 1003. Zurich: University of Zurich Socioeconomic Institute},
  abstract        = {The sustainability of the welfare state ultimately depends on citizens' preferences for income redistribution. They are elicited through a Discrete Choice Experiment performed in 2008 in Switzerland. Attributes are redistribution as GDP share, its uses (the unemployed, old-age pensioners, people with ill health etc.), and nationality of beneficiary. Estimated marginal willingness to pay (WTP) is positive among those who deem benefits too low, and negative otherwise. However, even those who state that government should reduce income inequality exhibit a negative WTP on average. The major finding is that estimated average WTP is maximum at 21% of GDP, clearly below the current value of 25%. Thus, the present Swiss welfare state does not appear sustainable.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper debates the link between willingness to pay to more redistribution of income and (WTP) perception of the perceptions about the benefits provided by the welfare state},
  doi             = {10.2139/ssrn.1621086},
  file            = {::},
  institution     = {University of Zurich Socioeconomic Institute},
  issn            = {1556-5068},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
}

@Article{Newman2020,
  author          = {Newman, Benjamin J.},
  date            = {2020},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Politics},
  title           = {{Inequality growth and economic policy liberalism: An updated test of a classic theory}},
  doi             = {10.1086/706598},
  issn            = {1468-2508},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {765--770},
  volume          = {82},
  abstract        = {Long-standing political economy theory argues that increases in economic inequality will increase public demand for liberal economic policy. Empirical support for this proposition is relatively inconsistent, though, with the result being uncertainty about the validity of the theory. Since the inception of such theory, however, scholarship has rendered new insights about how to conceptualize the most theoretically plausible measure of exposure to inequality. In contrast to prior work, which largely focuses on citizens' responses to what may now be viewed as an implausible measure, national-level inequality, this article focuses on what this literature suggests to be a more plausible measure: Inequality growth in citizens' local context. Using national panel data, this article offers a theoretically updated and more rigorous test of the redistributive democracy hypothesis. The results demonstrate that drastic increases in local income inequality are associated with increasing support for liberal economic policy.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors find that "increases in local income inquality are associated with increasing support for liberal economic policy."},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Book{Kolm2004,
  author          = {Kolm, Serge-Christophe},
  date            = {2004-12},
  title           = {{Macrojustice: The political economy of fairness}},
  doi             = {10.1017/CBO9780511510939},
  isbn            = {9780521835039},
  location        = {Cambridge},
  publisher       = {Cambridge University Press},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The book's argument claim that justice (distribution) is a reflection of the values of a society.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
}

@Article{GiordonoEtAl2019,
  author          = {Giordono, Leanne S. and Jones, Michael D. and Rothwell, David W.},
  date            = {2019},
  journaltitle    = {Policy Studies Journal},
  title           = {{Social Policy Perspectives on Economic Inequality in Wealthy Countries}},
  doi             = {10.1111/psj.12315},
  issn            = {1541-0072},
  number          = {S1},
  pages           = {S96--S118},
  volume          = {47},
  abstract        = {This essay reviews the policy-oriented literature on economic inequality in wealthy countries published from 2008 to 2018. We focus on this decade because it is a period bookended by both the beginnings of the Great Recession of 2008–2009 as well as the recovery. During this timeframe, attention to inequality by social policy scholars grew substantially, which we argue reflects an interest in both inequality trends as well as redistributive social policy. We observe in the literature sustained efforts to understand both the relationship between social policy and economic inequality, as well as determinants of changes to redistributive social policy. We also note substantial variation in research traditions, as well as opportunities to address substantive, methodological, and theoretical gaps. Our review summarizes the approaches and findings from the literature and discusses the implications of the findings for the study of economic inequality within the academic field of public policy.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: It covers the literature on the dynamics between social policy and economic inequality.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {economic inequality,inequality,policy analysis,social policy,welfare states},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.5 Systematic reviews},
}

@Article{AlesinaAngeletos2005a,
  author          = {Alesina, Alberto and Angeletos, George-Marios},
  date            = {2005-08},
  journaltitle    = {American Economic Review},
  title           = {{Fairness and Redistribution}},
  doi             = {10.1257/0002828054825655},
  issn            = {0002-8282},
  number          = {4},
  pages           = {960--980},
  volume          = {95},
  abstract        = {Different beliefs about the fairness of social competition and what determines income inequality influence the redistributive policy chosen in a society. But the composition of income in equilibrium depends on tax policies. We show how the interaction between social beliefs and welfare policies may lead to multiple equilibria or multiple steady states. If a society believes that individual effort determines income, and that all have a right to enjoy the fruits of their effort, it will choose low redistribution and low taxes. In equilibrium, effort will be high and the role of luck will be limited, in which case market outcomes will be relatively fair and social beliefs will be self-fulfilled. If, instead, a society believes that luck, birth, connections, and/or corruption determine wealth, it will levy high taxes, thus distorting allocations and making these beliefs self-sustained as well. These insights may help explain the cross-country variation in perceptions about income inequality and choices of redistributive policies.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors show how the interaction between social beliefs (fairness of the system) and welfare policies ( the system in place) may lead to multiple equilibria or multiple steady states. The authors argue that if society believes in meritocracy, will choose lower taxes and lower inequality will follow. If otherwise, then, higher taxes are fixed which will result in higher inequality.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
}

@Article{Vandemoortele2021,
  author          = {Vandemoortele, Jan},
  date            = {2021},
  journaltitle    = {Development Policy Review},
  title           = {{The open-and-shut case against inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1111/dpr.12484},
  issn            = {1467-7679},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {135--151},
  volume          = {39},
  abstract        = {Motivation: The case against inequality should be open-and-shut. Evidence shows that the happiest and healthiest people live in countries with low inequality. Yet, the argument that inequality constitutes perhaps the most pressing challenge the world faces today is an idea whose time has not yet come. Purpose: Since the impact of inequality extends well beyond the economic realm, the scope of analysis must be broadened, taking a multidisciplinary perspective, including historians, sociologists, psychologists, moral philosophers and political scientists. Approach and methods: Mostly a concise summary of the main findings of the literature and research from a wide range of disciplines. Findings: The findings in these different disciplines must be brought together and complemented by deliberate efforts to convey them to the public at large. They show that inequality has a deep and far-reaching influence on people and society. Policy implications: Inequality will not be brought down by paying more lip service to it or by conducting more research that stays in an ivory tower. Only if we come to understand that inequality engenders near universal harm will we muster the courage to address it. Equity-adjusted averages must replace standard statistics on human development.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The article compiles "some of the latest evidence regarding the impact of inequality on health, well-being and human behaviour. It also discusses the influence that inequality exerts on our moral and democratic sentiment."},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {behaviour,democracy,health,inequality,morality},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.5 Systematic reviews},
}

@Article{JohnstonNewman2016,
  author          = {Johnston, Christopher D. and Newman, Benjamin J.},
  date            = {2016},
  journaltitle    = {American Politics Research},
  title           = {{Economic Inequality and U.S. Public Policy Mood Across Space and Time}},
  doi             = {10.1177/1532673X15588361},
  issn            = {1552-3373},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {164--191},
  volume          = {44},
  abstract        = {While classic theories suggest that growing inequality will generate mass support for redistribution, recent research suggests the opposite: increases in inequality in the United States are associated with decreases in support for redistribution among both low and high income citizens. We reconsider this conclusion. First, we examine the methods of this research, and find that the claims made are not robust to important corrections in model specification. We then utilize a distinct methodological approach, leveraging spatial variation in local inequality, and examine average differences in preferences across geographic context. Here we find a small, but positive relationship of inequality to support for redistribution. In both our reexamination of previous work and our extensions, we find little support for the claim that inequality reduces the demand for redistribution.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors find "find a small, but positive relationship of inequality to support for redistribution.(p.164)"},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {inequality,public mood,public opinion,redistribution,time series},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Book{NolanEtAl2009,
  date            = {2009-02},
  title           = {{The Oxford Handbook of Economic Inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199606061.001.0001},
  editor          = {Nolan, Brian and Salverda, Wiemer and Smeeding, Timothy M.},
  isbn            = {9780199606061},
  location        = {Oxford},
  publisher       = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract        = {The Oxford Handbook of Economic Inequality presents a challenging analysis of economic inequality, focusing primarily on economic inequality in highly-developed countries. This comprehensive and authoritative volume contains twenty-seven original contributions on topics ranging from gender to happiness, from poverty to top incomes, and from employers to the welfare state. The authors give their view on scientific research in their fields of expertise and add their own visions for future research.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Provides an overview of the economic inequality literature, including its relationship with support of public goods.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.5 Systematic reviews},
}

@Article{BenabouOk2001,
  author          = {Benabou, Roland and Ok, Efe A.},
  date            = {2001},
  journaltitle    = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  title           = {{Social mobility and the demand for redistribution: The POUM hypothesis}},
  doi             = {10.1162/00335530151144078},
  issn            = {0033-5533},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {447--487},
  volume          = {116},
  abstract        = {This paper examines the often stated idea that the poor do not support high levels of redistribution because of the hope that they, or their offspring, may make it up the income ladder. This "prospect of upward mobility" (POUM) hypothesis is shown to be fully compatible with rational expectations, and fundamentally linked to concavity in the mobility process. A steady-state majority could even be simultaneously poorer than average in terms of current income, and richer than average in terms of expected future incomes. A first empirical assessment suggests, on the other hand, that in recent U. S. data the POUM effect is probably dominated by the demand for social insurance. {\textcopyright} Oxford University Press 2001.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors claim that the poor might support less redistribution if they believe their children will enjoy social mobility.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.2 Social Mobility expectations},
}

@Article{Becker2020,
  author          = {Becker, Bastian},
  date            = {2020-06},
  journaltitle    = {Social Justice Research},
  title           = {{Mind the Income Gaps? Experimental Evidence of Information's Lasting Effect on Redistributive Preferences}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s11211-019-00343-7},
  issn            = {0885-7466},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {137--194},
  volume          = {33},
  abstract        = {Individuals reject economic inequality if they believe it to result from unequal opportunities. This paper argues income gaps between groups determined at birth, based on sex, race, or family background, can serve people as an indication of unequal opportunities. Findings from a survey experiment show Americans underestimate these gaps. When confronted with accurate information, participants correct their perceptions and adjust redistributive preferences. A follow-up survey finds these effects to last for over one year. In sum, this paper contributes to political economy scholarship that links individual preferences to objective characteristics of the income distribution. Focusing on income gaps offers new ways to explore the political consequences of structural economic change.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The author argues that Individuals reject economic inequality if they believe it to result from unequal opportunities.},
  file            = {::},
  isbn            = {0123456789},
  keywords        = {Distributive justice,Experiment,Inequality,Redistribution},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
  publisher       = {Springer US},
}

@Article{Josten2004,
  author          = {Josten, Stefan Dietrich},
  date            = {2004},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics},
  title           = {{Social Capital, Inequality, and Economic Growth}},
  doi             = {10.1628/0932456042776087},
  issn            = {0932-4569},
  number          = {4},
  pages           = {663},
  volume          = {160},
  abstract        = {This paper analyzes a heterogeneous-agents OLG model incorporating both en- dogenous growth and social capital. An individual can either become an active part of the society's networks of trust and mutual cooperation, thus making a pos- itive contribution to overall social capital, or stay socially disintegrated and free- ride on the community's social capital. In the modelled economy, aggregate output and economy-wide human capital and consumption all grow at the average rate of individual human-capital accumulation. An increase in inequality depresses the community's social capital, which in turn lowers the economy's growth rate.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Article{Davidai2018,
  author          = {Davidai, Shai},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
  title           = {{Why do Americans believe in economic mobility? Economic inequality, external attributions of wealth and poverty, and the belief in economic mobility}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.jesp.2018.07.012},
  issn            = {1096-0465},
  number          = {February},
  pages           = {138--148},
  volume          = {79},
  abstract        = {Although the rates of economic inequality in the United States are at their highest since the onset of The Great Depression, many Americans do not seem as concerned as may be expected. This apparent lack of concern has been attributed to people's deeply-entrenched belief in economic mobility – the belief that through hard work, determination, and skill people are able to rise up the economic ladder. Little is known, however, about why Americans so strongly believe in economic mobility. In five studies (N = 3112, including two pre-registered studies, one with a large, income-stratified sample), I examine the relationship between economic inequality and the belief in economic mobility. I find that people (accurately) perceive a negative relationship between economic inequality and economic mobility, and that this is due to the attributions they make about wealth and poverty. As economic inequality rises, people increasingly attribute economic success and failure to external factors that are beyond a person's control (vs. internal dispositions), and therefore expect economic mobility to drop. As a consequence, people's tendency to underestimate economic inequality reinforces their belief in economic mobility. I discuss how these findings contribute to our understanding of lay beliefs about the economic system and public opinion regarding inequality.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Economic inequality,Economic mobility,Judgment and decision making,Poverty,Wealth},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.2 Social Mobility expectations},
  publisher       = {Elsevier},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2013a,
  author          = {Alesina, Alberto and Angeletos, George-Marios and Cozzi, Guido},
  date            = {2013},
  journaltitle    = {American Economic Review},
  title           = {{Fairness and redistribution: Reply}},
  doi             = {10.1257/aer.103.1.554},
  issn            = {0002-8282},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {554--561},
  volume          = {103},
  abstract        = {The key contribution of Alesina and Angeletos (2005)—henceforth, AA—is to show how fairness considerations open the door to multiple equilibria in the level of taxation and redistribution. At the heart of their results is the dependence of the equilibrium tax rate on the “signal-to-noise” ratio in income inequality: the higher the fraction of income that is due to effort and talent (the “signal”) rather than luck (the “noise”), the lower the social demand for redistribution. In their critique, Di Tella and Dubra (2013)—henceforth, DD—raise two separate issues about AA. First, they provide an example in which multiplicity emerges even though the aforementioned signal-to-noise ratio plays no role, and use this example to question the interpretations developed in AA. Second, they note that the equilib- rium tax in AA need not be the Condorcet winner. We agree on the second point but disagree on the first one. Quite simply, AA's model admits two distinct types of multiplicity: one that is at the core of AA's con- tribution, and a separate one that is at work in DD's example. We clarify this point in Section I of this note. In Section II, we then proceed to address the second point by showing how AA's results are robust to alternative specifications of the voting mechanism.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods,3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods},
}

@Article{Knowles2005,
  author          = {Knowles, Stephen},
  date            = {2005},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Development Studies},
  title           = {{Inequality and economic growth: The empirical relationship reconsidered in the light of comparable data}},
  doi             = {10.1080/0022038042000276590},
  issn            = {0022-0388},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {135--159},
  volume          = {41},
  abstract        = {Almost all the recent empirical work on the relationship between income inequality and economic growth has used inequality data that are not consistently measured. This article argues that this is inappropriate and shows that the significant negative correlation often found between income inequality and growth across countries may not be robust when income inequality is measured in a consistent manner. However, evidence is found of a significant negative correlation between consistently measured inequality of expenditure data and economic growth for a sample of developing countries. {\textcopyright} 2005 Taylor & Francis Ltd.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@InCollection{ClarkDAmbrosio2015,
  author          = {Clark, Andrew E and D'Ambrosio, Conchita},
  booktitle       = {Handbook of Income Distribution},
  date            = {2015},
  title           = {{Attitudes to Income Inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1016/B978-0-444-59428-0.00014-X},
  editor          = {Atkinson, Anthony B. and Bourguignon, Fran{\c{c}}ois},
  isbn            = {9780444594280},
  location        = {Oxford},
  pages           = {1147--1208},
  publisher       = {Elsevier B.V.},
  abstract        = {We review the survey and experimental findings in the literature on attitudes to income inequality. We interpret the latter as any disparity in incomes between individuals. We classify these findings into two broad types of individual attitudes toward the income distribution in a society: the normative and the comparative view. The first can be thought of as the individual's disinterested evaluation of income inequality; on the contrary, the second view reflects self-interest, as individuals' inequality attitudes depend not only on how much income they receive but also on how much they receive compared to others. We conclude with a number of extensions, outstanding issues, and suggestions for future research. Handbook},
  annotation      = {Motivation: According to the authors, attitudes towards of inequality are conditional on individual's disinterested evaluation of income inequality; and self-interest.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.4 Self-interest,4. Other explanations for support for redistribution},
}

@Article{McCallEtAl2017,
  author          = {McCall, Leslie and Burk, Derek and Laperri{\`{e}}re, Marie and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
  date            = {2017},
  journaltitle    = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
  title           = {{Exposure to rising inequality shapes Americans' opportunity beliefs and policy support}},
  doi             = {10.1073/pnas.1706253114},
  issn            = {1091-6490},
  number          = {36},
  pages           = {9593--9598},
  volume          = {114},
  abstract        = {Economic inequality has been on the rise in the United States since the 1980s and by some measures stands at levels not seen since before the Great Depression. Although the strikingly high and rising level of economic inequality in the nation has alarmed scholars, pundits, and elected officials alike, research across the social sciences repeatedly concludes that Americans are largely unconcerned about it. Considerable research has documented, for instance, the important role of psychological processes, such as system justification and American Dream ideology, in engendering Americans' relative insensitivity to economic inequality. The present work offers, and reports experimental tests of, a different perspective—the opportunity model of beliefs about economic inequality. Specifically, two convenience samples (study 1, n = 480; and study 2, n = 1,305) and one representative sample (study 3, n = 1,501) of American adults were exposed to information about rising economic inequality in the United States (or control information) and then asked about their beliefs regarding the roles of structural (e.g., being born wealthy) and individual (e.g., hard work) factors in getting ahead in society (i.e., opportunity beliefs). They then responded to policy questions regarding the roles of business and government actors in reducing economic inequality. Rather than revealing insensitivity to rising inequality, the results suggest that rising economic inequality in contemporary society can spark skepticism about the existence of economic opportunity in society that, in turn, may motivate support for policies designed to redress economic inequality.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper supports skepticism about the existence of economic opportunity and economic inequality.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Economic inequality,Opportunity beliefs,Policy preferences,Redistribution,System justification},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.1 Inequality undermines beliefs in meritocracy},
  pmid            = {28831007},
}

@Article{FairbrotherMartin2013,
  author          = {Fairbrother, Malcolm and Martin, Isaac W.},
  date            = {2013},
  journaltitle    = {Social Science Research},
  title           = {{Does inequality erode social trust? Results from multilevel models of US states and counties}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.ssresearch.2012.09.008},
  issn            = {0049-089X},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {347--360},
  volume          = {42},
  abstract        = {Previous research has argued that income inequality reduces people's trust in other people, and that declining social trust in the United States in recent decades has been due to rising levels of income inequality. Using multilevel models fitted to data from the General Social Survey, this paper substantially qualifies these arguments. We show that while people are less trusting in US states with higher income inequality, this association holds only cross-sectionally, not longitudinally; since the 1970s, states experiencing larger increases in inequality have not suffered systematically larger declines in trust. For counties, there is no statistically significant relationship either cross-sectionally or longitudinally. There is therefore only limited empirical support for the argument that inequality influences generalized social trust; and the declining trust of recent decades certainly cannot be attributed to rising inequality. {\textcopyright} 2012 Elsevier Inc.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: There authors find that "there is (..) only limited empirical support for the argument that inequality influences generalized social trust; and the declining trust of recent decades certainly cannot be attributed to rising inequality."},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {General Social Survey,Inequality,Longitudinal effects,Multilevel modeling,Trust},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
  publisher       = {Elsevier Inc.},
}

@Article{BouinchaKarim2018,
  author          = {Bouincha, Mohamed and Karim, Mohamed},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {International Journal of Economics and Finance},
  title           = {{Income Inequality and Economic Growth: An Analysis Using a Panel Data}},
  doi             = {10.5539/ijef.v10n5p242},
  issn            = {1916-971X},
  number          = {5},
  pages           = {242},
  volume          = {10},
  abstract        = {A long time ago, economic growth was the main indicator of countries' economic health. However, since the 1970s, the analysis of the relationship between economic growth and other economic phenomena such as inequality has begun to grow (Sundrum, 1974). Much of the literature on the link between economic growth and income inequality is based on Kuznets revolutionary theory. The purpose of our article is to suspect the causality relationship between growth and inequality. To do this, we used data from 189 countries for the period between 1990 and 2015. We estimated a global model and three other of each category of countries in terms of development. In the global model, economic growth is insignificant even if its sign is positive. The same result appears in the developing country model and the moderately developed countries one. However, in the developed countries model, economic growth is negatively and statistically related to inequality. The Kuznets curve is approved in our study only when using human development indicator in the place of growth. Growth explain inequality's movement in our study only in the model of developed countries and its coefficient is negative.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {gdp per capita,gini,growth,human development indicator,inequality,panel data},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Article{IaconoRanaldi2021,
  author          = {Iacono, Roberto and Ranaldi, Marco},
  date            = {2021},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Economic Inequality},
  title           = {{The nexus between perceptions of inequality and preferences for redistribution}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s10888-020-09470-7},
  issn            = {1573-8701},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {97--114},
  volume          = {19},
  abstract        = {This paper shows that perceptions of inequality are a key factor in the formation of preferences for redistribution and thereby in the determination of the equilibrium redistribution level. We build on the novel stylized facts provided by the survey experimental literature on perceptions of income inequality, highlighting that agents incorrectly estimate the shape of the income distribution because of limited information. Agents with income above the mean believe they are poorer than they actually are, and agents with income below the mean believe themselves to be richer. We revisit the standard framework on the political economy of redistribution and extend it in two ways. First, we introduce a more general two-sided inequality aversion. Second, we incorporate perceptions of income inequality, modeled by assuming that agents form expectations on the income level of the richest and the poorest in society. We show analytically that the equilibrium redistribution level is crucially determined by the interplay between the information treatment correcting the bias in perceptions of inequality and fairness considerations specified by the degree of inequality aversion. By doing this, we add (biased) perceptions of inequality to the list of potential factors explaining why, notwithstanding high inequality, an increase in the desire for redistribution has not been observed in many countries.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and fairness considerations specified by the degree of inequality aversion.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Inequality aversion,Meltzer-Richard model,Perceived inequality,Redistributive preferences},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
  publisher       = {The Journal of Economic Inequality},
}

@Article{AndreoliOlivera2020,
  author          = {Andreoli, Francesco and Olivera, Javier},
  date            = {2020},
  journaltitle    = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title           = {{Preferences for redistribution and exposure to tax-benefit schemes in Europe}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101880},
  issn            = {0176-2680},
  number          = {March},
  pages           = {101880},
  volume          = {63},
  abstract        = {This paper provides evidence that attitudes towards redistribution are associated with the extent of generosity of the redistributive context experienced by the individual, as measured by the likelihood of receiving positive benefit transfers net of fiscal contribution. We estimate reduced form tax-benefit equations with the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC), and match the implied parameters to the respondents of the European Social Survey (ESS) on the basis of their characteristics. The period of analysis is 2008–2016. For identification, we exploit exogenous cross-country and time variation in tax rules and market income to disentangle implications of exposure to tax-benefit rules on preferences for redistribution from the effects of changes in income inequality. We find that exposure to positive net benefits increases support for redistribution by 1.4%–3% on baseline models, the effect being robust across a variety of specifications.},
  annotation      = {Motive: The paper provides empirical evidence about the extent at which generosity of the welfare state shapes individual preferences for redistribution. The authors find that exposure to positive net benefits increases support for redistribution by 1.4%–3% on baseline models, that is, if taxes are considered fair (they receive benefits as well), the support for distribution increases.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {ESS,EU-SILC,Income inequality,Preferences for redistribution,Tax-benefit system},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
  publisher       = {Elsevier Ltd},
}

@Article{BradyBostic2015,
  author          = {Brady, David and Bostic, Amie},
  date            = {2015},
  journaltitle    = {American Sociological Review},
  title           = {{Paradoxes of Social Policy: Welfare Transfers, Relative Poverty, and Redistribution Preferences}},
  doi             = {10.1177/0003122415573049},
  issn            = {1939-8271},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {268--298},
  volume          = {80},
  abstract        = {Korpi and Palme's (1998) classic “The Paradox of Redistribution and Strategies of Equality” claims that universal social policy better reduces poverty than social policies targeted at the poor. This article revisits Korpi and Palme's classic, and in the process, explores and informs a set of enduring questions about social policy, politics, and social equality. Specifically, we investigate the relationships between three dimensions of welfare transfers—transfer share (the average share of household income from welfare transfers), low-income targeting, and universalism—and poverty and preferences for redistribution. We analyze rich democracies like Korpi and Palme, but we also generalize to a broader sample of developed and developing countries. Consistent with Korpi and Palme, we show (1) poverty is negatively associated with transfer share and universalism; (2) redistribution preferences are negatively associated with low-income targeting; and (3) universalism is positively associated with transfer share. Contrary to Korpi and Palme, redistribution preferences are not related to transfer share or universalism; and low-income targeting is neither positively associated with poverty nor negatively associated with transfer share. Therefore, instead of the “paradox of redistribution” we propose two new paradoxes of social policy: non-complementarity and undermining. The non-complementarity paradox entails a mismatch between the dimensions that matter to poverty and the dimension that matters to redistribution preferences. The undermining paradox emphasizes that the dimension (transfer share) that most reduces poverty tends to increase with the one dimension (low-income targeting) that reduces support for redistribution.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: "Consistent with Korpi and Palme, we show (1) poverty is negatively associated with transfer share and universalism; (2) redistribution preferences are negatively associated with low-income targeting; and (3) universalism is positively associated with transfer share."},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {equality,poverty,redistribution preferences,social policy,welfare},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations,5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods},
}

@Article{SkillingMcLay2015,
  author          = {Skilling, Peter and McLay, Jessica},
  date            = {2015},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Social Policy},
  title           = {{Getting ahead through our own efforts: Public attitudes towards the deservingness of the rich in New Zealand}},
  doi             = {10.1017/S0047279414000610},
  issn            = {1469-7823},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {147--169},
  volume          = {44},
  abstract        = {The high level of academic, public and policy attention paid to the deservingness of the poor and (especially) of welfare recipients contrasts with the scant attention paid to the deservingness - or otherwise - of the rich. This discrepancy reflects socially dominant - but contestable - ideas about equality of opportunity and the role of individual merit within market systems. In this journal, Karen Rowlingson, Stewart Connor and Michael Orton have noted that wealth and riches have remained invisible as policy 'problems'. This invisibility is socially important, in that policy efforts to address current, socially damaging, levels of economic inequality require attention to the deservingness of the rich, as well as of the poor. This article draws on recent survey data from New Zealand to provide new insights into public attitudes to the rich. It finds that the New Zealand public view the rich as more individually deserving of their outcomes than the poor are deserving of social assistance, and that attitudes towards the rich are related to redistributive sentiments at least as strongly as attitudes towards the poor. In concluding, the article reflects on the limitations of existing data sources and makes suggestions for future research.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Beliefs about the deservigness of the rich, and the meritocratic system might increase support for tax cuts (less redistribution) (p. 156).},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.1 Inequality undermines beliefs in meritocracy},
}

@Article{Bjornskov2008,
  author          = {Bj{\o}rnskov, Christian},
  date            = {2008},
  journaltitle    = {European Sociological Review},
  title           = {{Social trust and fractionalization: A possible reinterpretation}},
  doi             = {10.1093/esr/jcn004},
  issn            = {0266-7215},
  number          = {3},
  pages           = {271--283},
  volume          = {24},
  abstract        = {This paper takes a closer look at the importance of fractionalization for the creation of social trust. It first argues that the determinants of trust can be divided into two categories: those affecting individuals' trust radii and those affecting social polarization. A series of estimates using a much larger country sample than in previous literature confirms that fractionalization in the form of income inequality and political diversity adversely affects social trust while ethnic diversity does not. However, these effects differ systematically across countries, questioning standard interpretations of the influence of fractionalization on trust.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The author finds that "income inequality and political diversity adversely affects social trust."},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
}

@Article{SoltEtAl2016,
  author          = {Solt, Frederick and Hu, Yue and Hudson, Kevan and Song, Jungmin and Yu, Dong Erico},
  date            = {2016},
  journaltitle    = {Research and Politics},
  title           = {{Economic inequality and belief in meritocracy in the United States}},
  doi             = {10.1177/2053168016672101},
  issn            = {2053-1680},
  number          = {4},
  volume          = {3},
  abstract        = {How does the context of income inequality in which people live affect their belief in meritocracy, the ability to get ahead through hard work? A prominent recent study by Newman, Johnston, and Lown argues that, consistent with the conflict theory, exposure to higher levels of local income inequality leads lower-income people to become more likely to reject— and higher-income people to become more likely to accept—the dominant United States ideology of meritocracy. Here, we show that this conclusion is not supported by the study's own reported results and that even these results depend on pooling three distinctly different measures of meritocracy into a single analysis. We then demonstrate that analysis of a larger and more representative survey employing a single consistent measure of the dependent variable yields the opposite conclusion. Consistent with the relative power theory, among those with lower incomes, local contexts of greater inequality are associated with more widespread belief that people can get ahead if they are willing to work hard.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Authors find that greater inequality increase meritocracy rather than decrease it. "Lower-income people living where local levels of income inequality are higher are less likely to reject meritocracy than those living where the income distribution is more egalitarian, in line with the predictions of the relative power theory. (p.5)"},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {American dream,Behavior,Public opinion},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.1 Inequality undermines beliefs in meritocracy},
}

@Article{FloresMacias2018,
  author          = {Flores-Mac{\'{i}}as, Gustavo A.},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {World Development},
  title           = {{Building support for taxation in developing countries: Experimental evidence from Mexico}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.12.014},
  issn            = {1873-5991},
  number          = {C},
  pages           = {13--24},
  volume          = {105},
  abstract        = {Drawing on insights from the literature on institutional design—how rules shape behavior to achieve desired outcomes—this article examines how certain design features of taxes—such as allowing for civil society oversight, earmark mechanisms that direct tax revenue for a specific purpose, and sunset provisions that make the duration of taxes finite—affect political support for tax reforms. It also evaluates how three important aspects of the fiscal exchange—trust in government, perceptions of the public good, and level of income—shape the effect of these design features. Based on an original survey experiment focusing on the provision of public safety in Mexico, I find that these design features increase political support for taxation, especially among those with low trust in government and low income. These findings have important implications not just for Mexico but also a number of other countries across Latin America that have both low levels of extraction and increased public spending imperatives.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Using the Mexican case, the author debates how trust in government, perceptions of the public good, and level of income drives support for tax reform},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Civil society oversight,Earmarking,Mexico,Politics of economic reforms,Sunset provision,Taxation},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.2 social or political trust & support for public goods},
}

@Article{Macdonald2020,
  author          = {Macdonald, David},
  date            = {2020},
  journaltitle    = {Social Science Quarterly},
  title           = {{Class Attitudes, Political Knowledge, and Support for Redistribution in an Era of Inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1111/ssqu.12767},
  issn            = {1540-6237},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {960--977},
  volume          = {101},
  abstract        = {Objective: Why, despite positive feelings toward the poor and working classes, relative to the rich and big business, has American public support for redistribution failed to appreciably increase during an era of high, and rising, income inequality?. Methods: I argue that this puzzling disconnect is due, in part, to a lack of general political knowledge. Using survey data from the 2012 American National Election Study, I test how political knowledge conditions the relationship between people's economic class group attitudes and their support for redistribution. Results: People with low (high) levels of political knowledge weakly (strongly) connect their class attitudes with support for redistributive spending and progressive taxation. Data from four ANES panel studies show that this does not result from the less knowledgeable holding weak “nonattitudes” toward these class groups. Rather, consistent with Converse's classic work, I attribute this to less knowledgeable individuals lacking awareness about how redistributive policies benefit different social groups. Conclusion: These findings help us to better understand an important puzzle in American politics: why a mass public that purports to favor the poor and working classes over the economic elite has not turned more strongly in favor of redistribution during an era of historic inequality.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors atribute differences in attitudes regarding resdistribution to the lack of information about "how redistributive policies benefit different social groups( p. 960) "},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.3 Misinformation political cues and knowledge},
}

@Article{Panizza2002,
  author          = {Panizza, Ugo},
  date            = {2002},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Economic Growth},
  title           = {{Income inequality and economic growth: Evidence from American data}},
  doi             = {10.1023/A:1013414509803},
  issn            = {1381-4338},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {25--41},
  volume          = {7},
  abstract        = {While most cross-country studies find a negative relationship between income inequality and economic growth, studies that use panel data suggest the presence of a positive relationship between inequality and growth. This paper uses a cross-state panel for the United States to assess the relationship between inequality and growth. Using both standard fixed effects and GMM estimations, this paper does not find evidence of a positive relationship between inequality and growth but finds some evidence in support of a negative relationship between inequality and growth. The paper, however, shows that the relationship between inequality and growth is not robust and that small differences in the method used to measure inequality can result in large differences in the estimated relationship between inequality and growth.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Endogenous growth,Inequality,Political economy},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Article{LachapelleEtAl2021,
  author          = {Lachapelle, Erick and Bergeron, Thomas and Nadeau, Richard and Daoust, Jean Fran{\c{c}}ois and Dassonneville, Ruth and B{\'{e}}langer, {\'{E}}ric},
  date            = {2021},
  journaltitle    = {Politics and Policy},
  title           = {{Citizens' Willingness to Support New Taxes for COVID-19 Measures and the Role of Trust}},
  doi             = {10.1111/polp.12404},
  issn            = {1747-1346},
  number          = {3},
  pages           = {534--565},
  volume          = {49},
  abstract        = {The COVID-19 public health pandemic has seen governments spend trillions of dollars to limit the spread of the COVID-19 virus as well as to soften the economic blow from the shutting down of national economies. Subsequent budget shortfalls raise the question of how governments will pay for the direct and indirect costs associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we study the public's willingness to contribute through paying a new tax, with a focus on Canada. We find that both generalized social and political trust are associated with a greater willingness to support a COVID-related tax and that generalized social trust, in particular, attenuates the negative effect of an experimentally manipulated, specified level of tax burden on policy support. These findings entail important implications for the public opinion and tax policies literature, as well as for policy makers. Related Articles: Gainous, Jason, Stephen C. Craig, and Michael D. Martinez. 2008. “Social Welfare Attitudes and Ambivalence about the Role of Government.” Politics & Policy 36 (6): 972-1004. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00147. Shock, David R. 2013. “The Significance of Opposition Entrepreneurs on Local Sales Tax Referendum Outcomes.” Politics & Policy 41 (4): 588-614. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12028. Wagle, Udaya R. 2013. “The Heterogeneity Politics of the Welfare State: Changing Population Heterogeneity and Welfare State Policies in High-Income OECD Countries, 1980-2005.” Politics & Policy 41 (6): 947-984. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12053.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors argue that generalized social and political trust are associated with a greater willingness to support a COVID- related tax.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Budget Deficits,COVID-19 Legacies,Canada,Crisis Response,Decision Making,Economic Policy,Economic Recovery,Generalized Social Trust,Health Policy,Novel Coronavirus,Pandemic,Political Trust,Public Health,Recession,Risk,Tax Policy,Taxation Support,Willingness to Pay},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.2 social or political trust & support for public goods},
}

@Article{PitlikKouba2015,
  author          = {Pitlik, Hans and Kouba, Ludek},
  date            = {2015},
  journaltitle    = {Public Choice},
  title           = {{Does social distrust always lead to a stronger support for government intervention?}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s11127-015-0258-7},
  issn            = {1573-7101},
  number          = {3-4},
  pages           = {355--377},
  volume          = {163},
  abstract        = {The paper considers ‘trust' as an empirical determinant of individual support for government intervention. The central notion is that the influence of generalized trust on policy attitudes is conditional on confidence in both state actors and major companies. The starting point is the idea that individuals who generally distrust other persons have a stronger taste for the regulation of economic activities, while people with high interpersonal trust are in favor of less stringent regulatory control. Yet, people who do not trust unknown others also tend to mistrust government and private companies. If mistrust in state actors dominates, we should not necessarily expect stronger interventionist preferences. Estimating the determinants of interventionist attitudes using data from the World Values Survey/European Values Study for approximately 130,000 individuals in forty OECD- and EU-countries, we find evidence that the impact of social trust on government intervention attitudes is conditional on institutional trust. Confidence in major companies appears to have a stronger effect on preference formation than trust in state actors.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The author's results corroborate the idea that "the idea that the impact of social trust on government intervention attitudes is conditional on individual confidence in state actors and in companies. (p.369)"},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Government regulation,Institutional trust,Preference formation,Social trust},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.2 social or political trust & support for public goods},
  publisher       = {Springer US},
}

@Article{PitlikRode2020,
  author          = {Pitlik, Hans and Rode, Martin},
  date            = {2020},
  journaltitle    = {Social Indicators Research},
  title           = {{Radical Distrust: Are Economic Policy Attitudes Tempered by Social Trust?}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s11205-020-02317-8},
  issn            = {1573-0921},
  number          = {0123456789},
  abstract        = {Debates about the appropriate role of markets and governments are often shaped by sharply contrasting opinions. Based on individual data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Study for up to 190,000 respondents in a sample of 68 democratic countries, we find that social trust is associated with tempered attitudes regarding government intervention and redistribution. Results corroborate ideas from socio-psychological research that trusting people have personality attributes which work towards a moderation on politically divisive topics. Complementary to the literature on political polarization, this opens the possibility that trusting societies may be superior at adapting polices to novel challenges because social trust reduces the probability of extreme attitude formation.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors find that: "social trust is associated with tempered attitudes regarding government intervention and redistribution (p.1)".},
  file            = {::},
  isbn            = {0123456789},
  keywords        = {Polarization,Policy attitudes,Preference formation,Social trust},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
  publisher       = {Springer Netherlands},
}

@Article{HauserNorton2017,
  author          = {Hauser, Oliver P and Norton, Michael I},
  date            = {2017-12},
  journaltitle    = {Current Opinion in Psychology},
  title           = {{(Mis)perceptions of inequality}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.copsyc.2017.07.024},
  issn            = {2352-250X},
  pages           = {21--25},
  volume          = {18},
  abstract        = {Laypeople's beliefs about the current distribution of outcomes such as income and wealth in their country influence their attitudes toward issues ranging from taxation to healthcare — but how accurate are these beliefs? We review the burgeoning literature on (mis)perceptions of inequality. First, we show that people on average misperceive current levels of inequality, typically underestimating the extent of inequality in their country. Second, we delineate potential causes of these misperceptions, including people's overreliance on cues from their local environment, leading to their erroneous beliefs about both the overall distributions of wealth and income and their place in those distributions. Third, we document that these (mis)perceptions of inequality — but not actual levels of inequality — drive behavior and preferences for redistribution. More promisingly, we review research suggesting that correcting misperceptions influences preferences and policy outcomes.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper supports the argument that (mis)perceptions of inequality drive behavior and preferences for redistribution.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.3 Misinformation political cues and knowledge},
}

@Article{Seguino2000,
  author          = {Seguino, Stephanie},
  date            = {2000},
  journaltitle    = {World Development},
  title           = {{Gender inequality and economic growth: A cross-country analysis}},
  doi             = {10.1016/S0305-750X(00)00018-8},
  issn            = {0305-750X},
  number          = {7},
  pages           = {1211--1230},
  volume          = {28},
  abstract        = {This paper investigates empirically the determinants of economic growth for a set of semi-industrialized export-oriented economies in which women provide the bulk of labor in the export sector. The primary hypothesis tested is that gender inequality which contributes to women's relatively lower wages was a stimulus to growth via the effect on exports during 1975-95. Empirical analysis shows that GDP growth is positively related to gender wage inequality in contrast to recent work which suggests that income inequality slows growth. Evidence also indicates that part of the impact of gender wage inequality on growth is transmitted through its positive effect on investment as a share of GDP. (C) 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Economic growth,Export-led growth,Gender,Inequality,Semi-industrialized economies},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Article{KnellStix2021,
  author          = {Knell, Markus and Stix, Helmut},
  date            = {2021},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of Economic Inequality},
  title           = {{Inequality, perception biases and trust}},
  doi             = {10.1007/s10888-021-09490-x},
  issn            = {1569-1721},
  abstract        = {This paper studies the effect of income (wealth) inequality on interpersonal trust. We propose a theoretical framework that links trust, trustworthiness and inequality. The key feature is that agents do not necessarily observe the entire income distribution but base their assessment on reference groups (i.e. they might hold a biased view of reality). In this framework the negative impact of inequality on interpersonal trust is related to the individual-specific perception of inequality. This has important implications for the empirical analyses since researchers typically do not observe perceptions but only objective measures of inequality (e.g. the Gini coefficient). We show that the use of the latter is appropriate only under restrictive assumptions and in general will result in an underestimation of the true effect. An unbiased estimate of the effect of inequality on trust can be obtained with a measure of individual-specific perceptions of inequality. Survey data support our framework. Perceptions of higher inequality exert a strong negative effect on trust.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: According to the authors, the negative impact of inequality on interpersonal trust is related to the individual-specific perception of inequality.},
  isbn            = {1088802109},
  keywords        = {Inequality,Perception,Trust},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust},
}

@Book{Preiss2020,
  author          = {Preiss, Joshua},
  date            = {2020-12},
  title           = {{Just Work for All: The American Dream in the 21st Century}},
  doi             = {10.4324/9781003141969},
  edition         = {1st},
  isbn            = {9781003141969},
  location        = {London},
  publisher       = {Routledge India},
  url             = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781000333770},
  abstract        = {This is a book about the American Dream: how to understand this central principle of American public philosophy, the ways in which it is threatened by a number of winner-take-all economic trends, and how to make it a reality for workers and their families in the 21st century. Integrating political philosophy and the history of political thought with recent work in economics, political science, and sociology, this book calls for renewed political and policy commitment to “just work.” Such a commitment is essential to combat the negative moral externalities of an economy where the fruits of growth are increasingly claimed by a relatively small portion of the population: slower growth, rising inequality, declining absolute mobility, dying communities, the erosion of social solidarity, lack of faith in political leaders and institutions, exploding debt, ethnic and nationalist backlash, widespread hopelessness, and the rapid rise in what economists Angus Deaton and Anne Case call deaths of despair. Covid-19 threatens to pour gasoline on these winner-take-all fires, further concentrating economic and political power in the hands of those best suited to withstand (and even profit from) the pandemic-driven economic crisis. In this book, the author provides a model for understanding the American Dream and making it a reality in a post-Covid-19 economy. A tour de force, this book is essential reading for scholars and researchers of political philosophy, political economy, political theory, and economics, as well as for the layperson trying to make sense of the post-pandemic world.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The author discusses the links between distrust in institutions and the rising inequality in the US.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system/2.2. Inequality undermines social and political trust,2. Inequality as symptom of the unfair political system},
}

@Article{WolakPeterson2020,
  author       = {Wolak, Jennifer and Peterson, David A.M.},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {{The Dynamic American Dream}},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12522},
  issn         = {1540-5907},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {968--981},
  volume       = {64},
  abstract     = {The American Dream is central to the national ethos, reflecting people's optimism that all who are willing to work hard can achieve a better life than their parents. Separate from the support for the idea of the American Dream itself is whether the public believes it is attainable. We consider the origins and dynamics of the public's belief in the achievability of the American Dream. Is the American Dream a symbolic vision, rooted in political socialization rather than contemporary politics? Or does optimism about the American Dream follow from the viability of the dream, rising with economic prosperity and falling with declining opportunity? We develop a new macrolevel measure of belief in the American Dream from 1973 to 2018. We show that it moves over time, responsive to changes in social mobility, income inequality, and economic perceptions. As inequality increases, belief in the attainability of the American Dream declines.},
  annotation   = {Motivation: The authors argue that as "inequality increases, belief in the attainability of the American Dream declines."},
  file         = {::},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2012,
  author          = {Alesina, Alberto and Cozzi, Guido and Mantovan, Noemi},
  date            = {2012},
  journaltitle    = {Economic Journal},
  title           = {{The Evolution of Ideology, Fairness and Redistribution}},
  doi             = {10.1111/j.1468-0297.2012.02541.x},
  issn            = {0013-0133},
  number          = {565},
  pages           = {1244--1261},
  volume          = {122},
  abstract        = {Ideas about what is 'fair' influence preferences for redistribution. We study the dynamic evolution of different economies in which redistributive policies, perception of fairness, inequality and growth are jointly determined. We show how including beliefs about fairness can keep two otherwise identical countries on different development paths for a very long time. We show how different initial conditions regarding how 'fair' is the same level of inequality can lead to two permanently different steady states. We also explore how bequest taxation can be an efficient way of redistributing wealth to correct 'unfair' past accumulation of inequality. {\textcopyright} 2012 The Author(s). The Economic Journal {\textcopyright} 2012 Royal Economic Society.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors show how "different initial conditions regarding how ‘fair' is the same level of inequality can lead to two permanently different steady states."},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {3. Attitudes about the system and support for public goods/3.1 fairness of the system & support for public goods},
}

@Article{StiersEtAl2021,
  author          = {Stiers, Dieter and Hooghe, Marc and Goubin, Silke and Lewis-Beck, Michael S.},
  date            = {2021},
  journaltitle    = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title           = {{Support for progressive taxation: self-interest (rightly understood), ideology, and political sophistication}},
  doi             = {10.1080/13501763.2020.1866054},
  issn            = {1466-4429},
  number          = {0},
  pages           = {1--18},
  volume          = {0},
  abstract        = {Progressive tax rates are one of the main instruments for redistribution within advanced liberal democracies. In this study, we investigate public support for this policy. In our analysis of a novel question included in the Belgian Electoral Study (2019) we show that left-wing citizens are strongly in favour of this system. Importantly, high levels of political sophistication strengthen the association between ideology and preferences for progressive taxation, while political sophistication weakens the association between income and rejecting progressive tax policies. Support for a flat tax policy follows exactly the opposite pattern. Hence, for a highly sophisticated group apparently there is no conflict between a tax system that might hurt their short-term material interests, and support for a more equal society.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Using the Belgian Electoral Study (2019), the authors find that poitical sophistication and, ideology shape public preferences for tax policies.},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {Belgian electoral study,left-right self-placement,political sophistication,progressive taxes,self-interest rightly understood,tax rates},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.4 Self-interest,4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.3 Misinformation political cues and knowledge,4. Other explanations for support for redistribution},
  publisher       = {Taylor & Francis},
}

@Article{Shin2012,
  author          = {Shin, Inyong},
  date            = {2012},
  journaltitle    = {Economic Modelling},
  title           = {{Income inequality and economic growth}},
  doi             = {10.1016/j.econmod.2012.02.011},
  issn            = {0264-9993},
  number          = {5},
  pages           = {2049--2057},
  volume          = {29},
  abstract        = {Despite the extensive existing literature on income inequality and economic growth, there remains considerable disagreement on the effect of inequality on economic growth. Existing literatures find either a positive or a negative relationship. In this paper, we attempt to theoretically examine that relationship with a stochastic optimal growth model. We make the disagreement clear within a single model. We conclude (i) that both are possible - that is, higher inequality can retard growth in the early stage of economic development, and can encourage growth in a near steady state, (ii) that income redistribution by high income tax does not always reduce income inequality. Income inequality can be reduced by higher income tax in a near steady state, but it cannot be reduced in the early stage of economic development, and (iii) that two government polices - rapid economic growth and low income inequality - can be achieved by low income tax in the early stage of economic development, but both cannot be achieved simultaneously in a near steady state. {\textcopyright} 2012 Elsevier B.V..},
  annotation      = {From Duplicate 2 (Income inequality and economic growth - Shin, Inyong) Motivation: Supports the link between inequality and economic growth},
  file            = {::;::},
  keywords        = {Asset distribution,Economic growth,Income inequality,Progressive tax,Transition dynamics},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
  publisher       = {Elsevier B.V.},
}

@Article{Slemrod2006,
  author          = {Slemrod, Joel},
  date            = {2006},
  journaltitle    = {National Tax Journal},
  title           = {{The role of misconceptions in support for regressive tax reform}},
  doi             = {10.17310/ntj.2006.1.03},
  issn            = {0028-0283},
  number          = {1},
  pages           = {57--75},
  volume          = {59},
  abstract        = {In this paper, I use data from an exceptionally detailed survey of attitudes toward taxation in the United States to investigate the relative importance of one particular misconception - that high - income people would pay more tax under an apparently regressive reform, mostly because many people believe that the distribution of the burden of the existing income tax is regressive - in explaining public support for a flat tax and a retail sales tax, I find that this policy misconception is strongly associated with support for replacing the existing income tax with either of these two alternatives. A similar misconception about the distributional impact of the estate tax explains some of the support for eliminating that tax.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The authors studies the links between misconceptions about tax reforms and public suport.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.3 Misinformation political cues and knowledge},
}

@Article{Sumino2019,
  author          = {Sumino, Takanori},
  date            = {2019},
  journaltitle    = {Social Policy and Administration},
  title           = {{Socioeconomic status and the dynamics of preferences for income inequality in the United States, 1978–2016}},
  doi             = {10.1111/spol.12454},
  issn            = {1467-9515},
  number          = {3},
  pages           = {416--433},
  volume          = {53},
  abstract        = {Although considerable evidence indicates that public preferences for income inequality and redistribution vary across socioeconomic groups (i.e., occupation and income), much less is known about the temporal dynamics of these preferences. The purpose of this study is (a) to examine whether the attitudinal distance between managerial/professional workers and unskilled manual workers has changed (converged or diverged) over time and to (b) explore the reasons for and implications of the dynamics of preferences in the past several decades. Using data from the General Social Survey 1978–2016 (23 time-points; N = 27,211), this study finds that the influence of occupational class has lost some of its significance in shaping public preferences for income inequality and that the declining effect of occupation can be explained in part by the attitudinal convergence between better- and less-educated citizens. Findings suggest that proequality coalitions across educational boundaries play a remedial role in bridging the occupational divide over government redistribution in the United States.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: The paper provides a temporal argument about the relationship between socioeconomic status and preferences for redistribution},
  file            = {::},
  keywords        = {United States,dynamics of preferences,income inequality,redistribution,socioeconomic status (SES)},
  mendeley-groups = {5. Economic and systemic explanations for support for public goods/5.1 Contextual explanations},
}

@Article{AlesinaEtAl2018,
  author          = {Alesina, Alberto and Stantcheva, Stefanie and Teso, Edoardo},
  date            = {2018},
  journaltitle    = {American Economic Review},
  title           = {{Intergenerational Mobility and Preferences for Redistribution}},
  doi             = {10.1257/aer.20162015},
  issn            = {0002-8282},
  number          = {2},
  pages           = {521--554},
  volume          = {108},
  abstract        = {Using new cross-country survey and experimental data, we investigate how beliefs about intergenerational mobility affect preferences for redistribution in France, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Americans are more optimistic than Europeans about social mobility. Our randomized treatment shows pessimistic information about mobility and increases support for redistribution, mostly for “equality of opportunity” policies. We find strong political polarization. Left-wing respondents are more pessimistic about mobility: their preferences for redistribution are correlated with their mobility perceptions; and they support more redistribution after seeing pessimistic information. None of this is true for right-wing respondents, possibly because they see the government as a “problem” and not as the “solution”.},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Intergenerational mobility drives preferences for redistribution. However the authors find heterogenous party effects, as beliefs about the government vary according to partisanship.},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.2 Social Mobility expectations},
}

@Article{Gilens1996a,
  author          = {Gilens, Martin},
  date            = {1996},
  journaltitle    = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  title           = {{Race and Poverty in America: Public Misperceptions and the American News Media}},
  doi             = {10.1086/297771},
  issn            = {0033-362X},
  number          = {4},
  pages           = {515},
  volume          = {60},
  annotation      = {Motivation: Misperceptions of racial destribution among the poor (greater proportion of black americans than the truth) is accompannied with greater opposition to welfare. The hypothesized mechanism is the media frames (how the media portrays poverty).},
  file            = {::},
  mendeley-groups = {4. Other explanations for support for redistribution/4.1 Media Frames},
}

@Article{LagoPenasLagoPenas2010,
  author       = {Ignacio Lago-Pe{\~{n}}as and Santiago Lago-Pe{\~{n}}as},
  date         = {2010-12},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The determinants of tax morale in comparative perspective: Evidence from European countries},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2010.06.003},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {441--453},
  volume       = {26},
  publisher    = {Elsevier {BV}},
}

@Article{TorglerSchneider2007,
  author       = {Benno Torgler and Friedrich Schneider},
  date         = {2007-06},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  title        = {What Shapes Attitudes Toward Paying Taxes? Evidence from Multicultural European Countries},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-6237.2007.00466.x},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {443--470},
  volume       = {88},
  publisher    = {Wiley},
}

@Article{AlmGomez2008,
  author       = {James Alm and Juan Luis Gomez},
  date         = {2008-03},
  journaltitle = {Economic Analysis and Policy},
  title        = {Social Capital and Tax Morale in Spain},
  doi          = {10.1016/s0313-5926(08)50007-5},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {73--87},
  volume       = {38},
  publisher    = {Elsevier {BV}},
}

@Article{AlmEtAl1992,
  author       = {James Alm and Gary H. McClelland and William D. Schulze},
  date         = {1992-06},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Why do people pay taxes?},
  doi          = {10.1016/0047-2727(92)90040-m},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--38},
  volume       = {48},
  publisher    = {Elsevier {BV}},
}

@Article{DoerrenbergPeichl2011,
  author       = {Philipp Doerrenberg and Andreas Peichl},
  date         = {2011-08},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Progressive taxation and tax morale},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11127-011-9848-1},
  number       = {3-4},
  pages        = {293--316},
  volume       = {155},
  abstract     = {Due to strong evidence indicating that tax morale affects actual tax-paying behavior, finding the determinants of tax morale could help both to understand and to fight tax evasion. In this paper we analyze the effect of progressive taxation on individual tax morale using a cross-country approach—a research question that has not been investigated in the existing literature. Our theoretical analysis leads to two testable predictions. First, an individual’s tax morale is higher, the more progressive the tax schedule is. Second, the positive impact of tax progressivity on tax morale declines with income. In our empirical analysis we make use of a unique dataset of tax progressivity measures, namely the World Tax Indicators, and follow most of the tax morale literature by employing the World Values Survey to measure individual tax morale. Controlling for a wide range of potential confounders, we are able to confirm both hypotheses in our empirical analysis.},
  publisher    = {Springer Science and Business Media {LLC}},
}

@Article{LuttmerSinghal2014,
  author       = {Erzo F. P. Luttmer and Monica Singhal},
  date         = {2014-11},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Tax Morale},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.28.4.149},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {149--168},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {There is an apparent disconnect between much of the academic literature on tax compliance and the administration of tax policy. In the benchmark economic model, the key policy parameters affecting tax evasion are the tax rate, the detection probability, and the penalty imposed conditional on the evasion being detected. Meanwhile, tax administrators also tend to place a great deal of emphasis on the importance of improving "tax morale," by which they generally mean increasing voluntary compliance with tax laws and creating a social norm of compliance. We will define tax morale broadly to include nonpecuniary motivations for tax compliance as well as factors that fall outside the standard, expected utility framework. Tax morale does indeed appear to be an important component of compliance decisions. We demonstrate that tax morale operates through a variety of underlying mechanisms, drawing on evidence from laboratory studies, natural experiments, and an emerging literature employing randomized field experiments. We consider the implications for tax policy and attempt to understand why recent interventions designed to improve morale, and thereby compliance, have had mixed results to date.},
  publisher    = {American Economic Association},
}

@TechReport{BesleyEtAl2019,
  author    = {Timothy Besley and Anders Jensen and Torsten Persson},
  date      = {2019-02},
  title     = {Norms, Enforcement, and Tax Evasion},
  doi       = {10.3386/w25575},
  abstract  = {This paper studies individual and social motives in tax evasion. We build a simple dynamic model that incorporates these motives and their interaction. The social motives underpin the role of norms and is the source of the dynamics that we study. Our empirical analysis exploits the adoption in 1990 of a poll tax to fund local government in the UK, which led to widespread evasion. The evidence is consistent with the model's main predictions on the dynamics of evasion.},
  publisher = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
}

@Article{HanChang2016,
  author       = {Sung Min Han and Eric C.C. Chang},
  date         = {2016-12},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  title        = {Economic inequality, winner-loser gap, and satisfaction with democracy},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.electstud.2016.08.006},
  pages        = {85--97},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {This study analyzes how economic inequality affects electoral winners and losers' satisfaction with democracy. We posit that both the poor and the rich have more at stake in elections when inequality is high. Electoral losers, whether they are the poor or the rich, are more likely to be dissatisfied with democratic systems when facing greater disparity in wealth. In contrast, electoral winners confronting higher inequality are more likely to express satisfaction with democracy. Employing a multilevel analysis of Comparative Study Electoral Systems (CSES) data, we find that the gap in satisfaction with democracy between electoral winners and losers widens as income inequality increases. Broadening the conventional wisdom that electoral systems mediate the effect of citizens' winner-loser status on their democratic attitudes, we demonstrate that the mediating effects of economic inequality are more critical than the institutional effects.},
  publisher    = {Elsevier {BV}},
}

@Article{DonovanKarp2017,
  author       = {Donovan, Todd and Karp, Jeffrey},
  date         = {2017-01},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Electoral rules, corruption, inequality and evaluations of democracy},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12188},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {469--486},
  volume       = {56},
  abstract     = {Features of electoral systems have been found to have positive effects on evaluations of democracy. This article proposes that there are larger social forces that must be accounted for in such analyses. Using European Social Survey measures of democratic expectations and the ‘satisfaction with democracy’ item, this study tests for effects of electoral rules on perceptions of democracy. It is found that multipartyism/proportionality and preferential ballot structure appear to correspond with positive evaluations of elections and parties, and with greater satisfaction with how democracy is functioning. However, these relationships dissipate when corruption and income inequality are accounted for. This suggests substantial limits to the capacity of electoral reforms to enhance democratic legitimacy. It also suggests that studies of mass perceptions of democratic performance may over-estimate effects of electoral rules if country-level corruption and income inequality are not accounted for.},
  publisher    = {Wiley},
}

@Article{KrieckhausEtAl2014,
  author       = {Jonathan Krieckhaus and Byunghwan Son and Nisha Mukherjee Bellinger and Jason M. Wells},
  date         = {2014-01},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Economic Inequality and Democratic Support},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0022381613001229},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {139--151},
  volume       = {76},
  publisher    = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{NadeauEtAl2020,
  author       = {Richard Nadeau and Jean-Fran{\c{c}}ois Daoust and Vincent Arel-Bundock},
  date         = {2020-05},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {The market, the state and satisfaction with democracy},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2019.1603655},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {250--259},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Satisfaction with democracy is driven by the two mechanisms that affect citizens’ income: the market and the state. When people consider that the levels of economic growth and redistribution are sufficient, they are more satisfied with the performance of democratic institutions. This relationship is moderated by personal income: since low-income citizens are more sensitive to changes in personal economic circumstances than high-income citizens, they give more weight to economic perceptions and opinions about redistribution. In this paper evidence is found of this conditional relationship in survey data from 16 established democracies. The results offer a rich characterisation of the state and market-based mechanisms that affect satisfaction with democracy.},
  publisher    = {Informa {UK} Limited},
}

@Article{Andersen2012,
  author       = {Robert Andersen},
  date         = {2012-12},
  journaltitle = {Research in Social Stratification and Mobility},
  title        = {Support for democracy in cross-national perspective: The detrimental effect of economic inequality},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.rssm.2012.04.002},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {389--402},
  volume       = {30},
  abstract     = {Using survey data and national statistics on 35 modern democracies, this research explores the relationship between economic and political conditions and support for democracy. As expected from modernization theory, support for democracy tends to be highest in countries with a high level of economic development. More importantly, however, I contribute a new finding that income inequality matters much more. Specifically, citizens from countries with relatively low levels of income inequality tend to be more likely than others to support democracy. I also find that household income is positively related to support for democracy in most countries, though it tends to have its strongest effect if economic development is high and income inequality is low. Finally, even after taking into account the level of economic development in one's country, people from former Communist countries tend to have far less support for democracy than those from more established democracies.},
  publisher    = {Elsevier {BV}},
}

@Article{Saxton2021,
  author       = {Gregory W. Saxton},
  date         = {2021-05},
  journaltitle = {Latin American Politics and Society},
  title        = {Governance Quality, Fairness Perceptions, and Satisfaction with Democracy in Latin America},
  doi          = {10.1017/lap.2021.8},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {122--145},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {How do individuals’ fairness judgments aﬀect their political evaluations? This article argues that when citizens perceive high levels of distributive unfairness in society, they will be less satisfied with the way democracy functions. Yet good governance—that is, impartiality in the exercise of political authority—should mitigate the negative inﬂuence of perceived distributive unfairness on satisfaction. Using a cross-national analysis of 18 Latin American countries from 2011 to 2015, this study demonstrates that individuals are significantly less satisfied with democracy when they perceive their country’s income distribution as unfair. Yet good governance significantly oﬀsets this negative relationship, even in a region with the highest level of inequality in the world. These findings imply that policymakers can bolster democratic satisfaction, even in places where citizens perceive the income distribution as fundamentally unfair, by committing to good governance and fair democratic procedures.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press ({CUP})},
}

@WWW{Fallon2013-07-18,
  author       = {Fallon, Michael},
  date         = {2013-07-18},
  title        = {UK onshore production},
  url          = {https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/uk-onshore-production-michael-fallon},
  note         = {A speech by Energy Minister Michael Fallon to the UK Shale 2013 "Making it Happen" conference.},
  organization = {Department of Energy \& Climate Change},
  urldate      = {2021-09-20},
}

@WWW{Huhne2014-01-26,
  author       = {Huhne, Chris},
  date         = {2014-01-26},
  title        = {The truth about David Cameron's fracking fairytale},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jan/26/truth-david-cameron-fracking-fairytale-shale-gas},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2021-09-20},
}

@TechReport{Stevens2013-12,
  author      = {Paul Stevens},
  date        = {2013-12},
  institution = {Chatham House},
  title       = {Shale Gas in the United Kingdom},
  url         = {https://tinyurl.com/3ejdvexd},
  urldate     = {2021-09-20},
}

@Article{Sorrell2007,
  author       = {Steve Sorrell},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Energy Policy},
  title        = {Improving the evidence base for energy policy: The role of systematic reviews},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.enpol.2006.06.008},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1858--1871},
  volume       = {35},
  abstract     = {The concept of evidence-based policy and practice (EBPP) has gained increasing prominence in the UK over the last 10 years and now plays a dominant role in a number of policy areas, including healthcare, education, social work, criminal justice and urban regeneration. But despite this substantial, influential and growing activity, the concept remains largely unknown to policymakers and researchers within the energy field. This paper defines EBPP, identifies its key features and examines the potential role of systematic reviews of evidence in a particular area of policy. It summarises the methods through which systematic reviews are achieved; discusses their advantages and limitations; identifies the particular challenges they face in the energy policy area; and assesses whether and to what extent they can usefully be applied to contemporary energy policy questions. The concept is illustrated with reference to a proposed review of evidence for a ‘rebound effect’ from improved energy efficiency. The paper concludes that systematic reviews may only be appropriate for a subset of energy policy questions and that research-funding priorities may need to change if their use is to become more widespread.},
}

@Article{Bomberg2015,
  author       = {Elizabeth Bomberg},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Environmental Policy {\&} Planning},
  title        = {Shale We Drill? Discourse Dynamics in {UK} Fracking Debates},
  doi          = {10.1080/1523908x.2015.1053111},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {72--88},
  volume       = {19},
  abstract     = {This article examines competing political discourses surrounding shale extraction in the UK. It asks how these meanings are communicated and why certain understandings of the issue gain prominence. Drawing on discourse analysis and framing studies, the article first distinguishes two competing coalitions (pro- and anti-shale) and their shared narratives or ‘storylines’ (shale opportunity versus shale threat). Through a systematic examination of press reports, websites and public documents, it identifies opposing discursive frames used to shape understanding, meaning and debates, and assesses their resonance and power. The article builds on existing interpretive studies by providing a finer-grained analysis of discourse success, and a greater emphasis on the coalition members who shape and deliver the agreed storyline. It argues that the anti-shale coalition in the UK has thus far enjoyed greater discourse success for two reasons: firstly, because the pro-shale coalition lacks trustworthy messengers; secondly, because shale opponents have successfully expanded the debate beyond economic or environmental concerns to include potent issues of local power and democracy.},
}

@InCollection{CairneyEtAl2016,
  author       = {Paul Cairney and Manuel Fischer and Karin Ingold},
  booktitle    = {Comparing Coalition Politics: Policy Debates on Hydraulic Fracturing in North America and Western Europe},
  date         = {2016},
  title        = {Hydraulic fracturing policy in the UK: coalition, cooperation and opposition in the face of uncertainty},
  editor       = {Heikkila, T. and Ingold, K. and Fischer, M.},
  location     = {London, UK},
  publisher    = {Palgrave},
  url          = {https://www.psa.ac.uk/sites/default/files/conference/papers/2015/Cairney Fischer Ingold fracking in the UK 25 Feb 2015.pdf},
  urldate      = {2021-09-20},
  howpublished = {Pr},
}

@WWW{Roberts2021-01-08,
  author       = {Roberts, David},
  date         = {2021-01-08},
  title        = {What the Georgia Senate wins do (and don't) mean for climate policy},
  url          = {https://www.volts.wtf/p/what-the-georgia-senate-wins-do-and},
  organization = {Volts},
  urldate      = {2021-09-20},
}

@WWW{Roberts2021-08-25,
  author       = {Roberts, David},
  date         = {2021-08-25},
  title        = {West Virginia needs the Biden energy agenda},
  url          = {https://www.volts.wtf/p/west-virginia-needs-the-biden-energy},
  organization = {Volts},
  urldate      = {2021-09-20},
}

@WWW{Roberts2021-07-09,
  author       = {Roberts, David},
  date         = {2021-07-09},
  title        = {On climate policy, there's one main thing and then there's everything else},
  url          = {https://www.volts.wtf/p/on-climate-policy-theres-one-main},
  organization = {Volts},
  urldate      = {2021-09-20},
}

@Article{CavailleNeundorf2020,
  author       = {Cavaill\'{e}, Charlotte and Neundorf, Anja},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {, Working Paper},
  title        = {{Partisan De-polarization and Preference Formation: The Case of Economic Preferences in Great Britain}},
}

@Book{Rothstein2011,
  author    = {Rothstein, Bo},
  date      = {2011},
  title     = {The Delegated Welfare State: Medicare, Markets, and the Governance of Social Policy},
  location  = {Oxford},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{ReeskensEtAl2021,
  author       = {Reeskens, Tim and Muis, Quita and Sieben, Inge and Vandecasteele, Leen and Luijkx, Ruud and Halman, Loek},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Societies},
  title        = {Stability or change of public opinion and values during the coronavirus crisis? Exploring Dutch longitudinal panel data},
  number       = {Sup1},
  pages        = {S153--S171},
  volume       = {23},
}

@Article{BolEtAl2021,
  author       = {Bol, Damien and Giani, Marco and Blais, Andre and Loewen, Peter John},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {The Effect of COVID-19 Lockdowns on Political Support: Some Good News for Democracy?},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {497--505},
  volume       = {60},
}

@Article{EsaissonEtAl2021,
  author       = {Esaisson, Peter and Sohlberg, Jacob and Ghersetti, Marina},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {How the coronavirus crisis affects citizen trust in institutions and in unknown others: evidence from ‘the Swedish experiment'},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {748--760},
  volume       = {60},
}

@Article{ScheveStasavage2020a,
  author       = {Scheve, Kenneth and Stasavage, David},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {APSA Comparative Politics Newsletter},
  title        = {Economic Crises and Inequality in Light of Covid-19},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {15--21},
  volume       = {40},
}

@Book{MorganCampbell2011,
  author    = {Morgan, Kimberley and Campbell, Andrea},
  date      = {2011},
  title     = {The Delegated Welfare State: Medicare, Markets, and the Governance of Social Policy},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford, UK},
}

@Article{BaekgaardEtAl2020,
  author       = {Martin Baekgaard and Julian Christensen and Jonas Krogh Madsen and Kim Sass Mikkelsen},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Behavioral Public Administration},
  title        = {Rallying around the flag in times of {COVID}-19: Societal lockdown and trust in democratic institutions},
  doi          = {10.30636/jbpa.32.172},
  number       = {2},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {In times of severe international crises, such as wars and terrorist attacks, citizens tend to ‘rally around the flag’ and increase their support for political leaders. We ask if the rallying effects identified in the literature extend to the societal lockdowns in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19-related lockdowns differ from crises studied in the existing literature because they are political crisis responses with severe and immediate negative effects on the economy. Using daily responses right before and after the announcement of the Danish lockdown on March 11, 2020, we study trust in democratic institutions among unemployed Danes over the first three weeks of a large-scale societal lockdown. OLS estimates show that trust in the Danish Prime Minister’s administration was higher immediately after the lockdown announcement. This increase lasted throughout the entire period of measurement (until the end of March). We find similarly increased trust in other institutions, most significantly the judicial system and the public sector at large, whereas findings for trust in parliament and the media are less clear. Interrupted time series estimates point to the same conclusions albeit they produce estimates with more noise. Overall, our findings are consistent with the idea that citizens tend to ‘rally around the flag’ in times of crisis and furthermore suggest that increased trust tends to spill over to institutions that are not involved in crisis management decisions.},
}

@WWW{BlinderRichards2020-01-20,
  author       = {Scott Blinder and Lindsay Richards},
  date         = {2020-01-20},
  title        = {UK Public Opinion toward Immigration: Overall Attitudes and Level of Concern},
  url          = {https://migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/uk-public-opinion-toward-immigration-overall-attitudes-and-level-of-concern/},
  organization = {The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford},
  urldate      = {2021-09-21},
}

@WWW{Cowen2021-08-01,
  author       = {Cowen, Tyler},
  date         = {2021-08-01},
  title        = {American Politics Are Not (Yet) Broken},
  url          = {https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-08-02/infrastructure-bill-shows-that-u-s-politics-are-not-yet-broken},
  organization = {Bloomberg},
  urldate      = {2021-09-21},
}

@WWW{MenonSurridge2021-06-22,
  author       = {Anand Menon and Paula Surridge},
  date         = {2021-06-22},
  title        = {Leavers had high hopes for Brexit. They have not been delivered},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/commentisfree/2021/jun/22/leavers-hopes-brexit-referendum-eu},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2021-09-21},
}

@WWW{Grey2021-08-06,
  author       = {Grey, Chris},
  date         = {2021-08-06},
  title        = {Britain's Brexit slow puncture},
  url          = {https://chrisgreybrexitblog.blogspot.com/2021/08/britains-brexit-slow-puncture.html},
  organization = {Brexit \& Beyond},
  urldate      = {2021-09-21},
}

@Article{KiatpongsanNorton2014,
  author       = {Sorapop Kiatpongsan and Michael I. Norton},
  date         = {2014-11},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Psychological Science},
  title        = {How Much (More) Should {CEOs} Make? A Universal Desire for More Equal Pay},
  doi          = {10.1177/1745691614549773},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {587--593},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {Do people from different countries and different backgrounds have similar preferences for how much more the rich should earn than the poor? Using survey data from 40 countries (N = 55,238), we compare respondents’ estimates of the wages of people in different occupations—chief executive officers, cabinet ministers, and unskilled workers—to their ideals for what those wages should be. We show that ideal pay gaps between skilled and unskilled workers are significantly smaller than estimated pay gaps and that there is consensus across countries, socioeconomic status, and political beliefs. Moreover, data from 16 countries reveals that people dramatically underestimate actual pay inequality. In the United States—where underestimation was particularly pronounced—the actual pay ratio of CEOs to unskilled workers (354:1) far exceeded the estimated ratio (30:1), which in turn far exceeded the ideal ratio (7:1). In sum, respondents underestimate actual pay gaps, and their ideal pay gaps are even further from reality than those underestimates.},
  publisher    = {{SAGE} Publications},
}

@Book{Festinger1957,
  author    = {Festinger, Leon},
  date      = {1957},
  title     = {A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance},
  location  = {Stanford, CA},
  publisher = {Stanford University Press},
}

@WWW{Ofsted2017,
  author  = {Ofsted},
  date    = {2017-09-29},
  title   = {Ofsted strategy 2017--22},
  url     = {https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/ofsted-strategy-2017-to-2022/ofsted-strategy-2017-22},
  urldate = {2021-09-22},
}

@WWW{BankEngland2021-06-15,
  author  = {{Bank of England}},
  date    = {2021-06-15},
  title   = {Inflation and the 2\% target},
  url     = {https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/monetary-policy/inflation},
  urldate = {2021-09-22},
}

@WWW{Yglesias2021-09-22,
  author       = {Yglesias, Matt},
  date         = {2021-09-22},
  title        = {The median voter is a 50-something white person who didn't go to college},
  url          = {https://www.slowboring.com/p/the-median-voter-is-a-50-something},
  organization = {Slow Boring},
  urldate      = {2021-09-22},
}

@Article{Pahontu2021,
  author       = {Raluca L. Pahontu},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Divisive jobs: three facets of risk, precarity, and redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2021.45},
  pubstate     = {First View},
  abstract     = {A central challenge in understanding public opinion shifts is identifying whose opinions change. Political economists try to uncover this by exploring voters’ economic vulnerability, particularly the relationship between labor-market risk and redistribution preferences. Predominantly, however, such work imputes risk from occupational or sectoral characteristics. Due to within-occupational inequality in exposure to risk, considerable variation remains unexplored. I propose an individual-level, dynamic account of risk inferred from job tenure, contract type, and expectations of job security. These aspects, importantly, account for individual variation in risk and the possibility that one's experience of risk may change across time. The results indicate the usefulness of this approach to risk in understanding changes in social spending preferences.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press ({CUP})},
}

@Article{Goren2004,
  author       = {Goren, Paul},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Political sophistication and policy reasoning: A reconsideration},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {462--478},
  volume       = {48},
  publisher    = {Wiley Online Library},
}

@Book{IyengarKinder1987,
  author    = {Iyengar, Shanto and Kinder, Donald R.},
  date      = {1987},
  title     = {News That Matters: Television and {America}n Opinion},
  location  = {Chicago, IL},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@Unpublished{AronowEtAl2020,
  author  = {Peter M. Aronow and Josh Kalla and Lilla Orr and John Ternovski},
  date    = {2020},
  title   = {Evidence of Rising Rates of Inattentiveness on Lucid in 2020},
  url     = {https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/8sbe4/},
  urldate = {2021-09-23},
  doi     = {10.31235/osf.io/8sbe4},
}

@Article{McCombsShaw1972,
  author       = {McCombs, Maxwell E. and Shaw, Donald L.},
  date         = {1972},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  title        = {The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media},
  doi          = {10.1086/267990},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {176},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {In choosing and displaying news, editors, newsroom staff, and broadcasters play an important part in shaping political reality. Readers learn not only about a given issue, but also how much importance to attach to that issue from the amount of information in a news story and its position. In reflecting what candidates are saying during a campaign, the mass media may well determine the important issues—that is, the media may set the “agenda” of the campaign.},
  publisher    = {Oxford University Press ({OUP})},
}

@Article{MillerKrosnick2000,
  author       = {Joanne M. Miller and Jon A. Krosnick},
  date         = {2000},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {News Media Impact on the Ingredients of Presidential Evaluations: Politically Knowledgeable Citizens Are Guided by a Trusted Source},
  doi          = {10.2307/2669312},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {301},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Scholars have uniformly presumed that news media attention to a policy issue increases its impact on presidential job performance evaluations because news coverage enhances the accessibility of beliefs about the issue in citizens' memories, which automatically increases their impact on relevant judgments. The research reported here demonstrates that media coverage of an issue does indeed increase the cognitive accessibility of related beliefs, but this does not produce priming. Instead, politically knowledgeable citizens who trust the media to be accurate and informative infer that news coverage of an issue means it is an important matter for the nation, leading these people to place greater emphasis on that issue when evaluating the President. Thus, news media priming does not occur because politically naive citizens are "victims" of the architecture of their minds, but instead appears to reflect inferences made from a credible institutional source of information by sophisticated citizens.},
}

@Book{HillygusShields2009,
  author    = {Hillygus, D. Sunshine and Shields, Todd G.},
  date      = {2009},
  title     = {The Persuadable Voter},
  doi       = {10.1515/9781400831593},
  isbn      = {9781400831593},
  location  = {Princeton, NJ},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
}

@Article{SchleiterTavits2016,
  author       = {Petra Schleiter and Margit Tavits},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {The Electoral Benefits of Opportunistic Election Timing},
  doi          = {10.1086/685447},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {836--850},
  volume       = {78},
  abstract     = {This study explores the effect of opportunistic election timing on the incumbent’s electoral performance. While the existing literature leads to contradictory predictions about the ability of incumbent governments to benefit from strategically timed elections. We advance the theoretical debate by presenting the first cross-national comparative analysis of this question, drawing on an original data set of 318 parliamentary elections in 27 Eastern and Western European countries. In order to identify the effect of opportunistic election calling, we rely on instrumental variable regression. The results demonstrate that opportunistic election calling generates a vote share bonus for the incumbent of about 5 percentage points and is thereby likely to affect electoral accountability.},
}

@Article{SchleiterTavits2018,
  author       = {Petra Schleiter and Margit Tavits},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {Voter Reactions to Incumbent Opportunism},
  doi          = {10.1086/698758},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1183--1196},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {Opportunistic incumbent behavior to gain electoral advantage flies in the face of democratic accountability and should elicit voter disapproval. Yet incumbents routinely behave opportunistically. This observation is puzzling. We address this puzzle by offering the first systematic, individual-level analysis of voter reactions to opportunism. We combine four original surveys with embedded experiments and focus on a common form of opportunism in parliamentary systems—opportunistic election timing to favorable economic conditions. We find that opportunism negatively affects support for the incumbent because it engenders voter concern about the incumbent’s future performance and raises significant concerns about procedural fairness. However, under good economic performance, which often triggers electoral opportunism, voters are still more likely to support than oppose the incumbent despite their negative reaction to opportunism.},
}

@Article{SchleiterIssar2016,
  author       = {Petra Schleiter and Sukriti Issar},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Government and Opposition},
  title        = {Constitutional Rules and Patterns of Government Termination: The Case of the {UK} Fixed-term Parliaments Act},
  doi          = {10.1017/gov.2014.45},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {605--631},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {This paper examines the impact of constitutional rules on parliamentary dissolution, government termination and duration with a particular focus on the likely effects of UK’s Fixed-term Parliament’s Act (2011). In the UK debate, expectations about the Act diverge. This article evaluates the plausibility of these contrasting views by combining evidence from a comparative analysis of European cabinets with a counterfactual analysis of the Act’s effect on the strategies of UK politicians. The evidence from both analyses indicates that fixing the term of parliament is likely to render parliaments more stable, but may also have the unanticipated effect of making governments more vulnerable to failure and replacement.},
}

@Article{Ouali2020,
  author       = {Laila Ait Bihi Ouali},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {{PLOS} {ONE}},
  title        = {Effects of signalling tax evasion on redistribution and voting preferences: Evidence from the Panama Papers},
  doi          = {10.1371/journal.pone.0229394},
  editor       = {Semih Tumen},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {e0229394},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {This paper provides empirical evidence that individuals substantially revise their stated wealth redistribution preferences after fiscal scandals. The 2016 Panama Papers scandal revealed top-income tax evasion behaviour simultaneously worldwide. The empirical investigation exploits this event as a quasi-natural experiment. I rely on two original datasets, a UK household longitudinal dataset and a survey conducted in 22 European countries. I use a difference-in-differences strategy and find that pro-redistribution statements increased between 2% and 3.3% after the scandal. Responses are heterogeneous and larger for right-wing individuals and low-income individuals. This change in wealth redistribution preferences is likely to have been translated into a slight change in votes. The results suggest an increase in stated voting intentions for the left and a decrease for the right. Complementary estimations reveal that more media coverage and more individuals involved by country increase the magnitude of the response.},
}

@Article{Lelkes2016,
  author       = {Yphtach Lelkes},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  title        = {Mass Polarization: Manifestations and Measurements},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfw005},
  number       = {S1},
  pages        = {392--410},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {The debate on mass polarization is itself polarized. Some argue that the United States is in the midst of a culture war; others argue that the claims are exaggerated. As polarization is a multifaceted concept, both sides can be correct. I review four distinct manifestations of polarization that have appeared in the public opinion literature—ideological consistency, ideological divergence, perceived polarization, and affective polarization—and discuss ways in which each has been measured. Then, using longitudinal data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), I update past analyses in order to more clearly show the ways in which Americans have or have not polarized: Americans at the mass level have not diverged, nor have they become more consistent ideologically, but partisans have; perceptions of polarization have increased, but this change is driven by partisans, who increasingly dislike one another.},
  publisher    = {Oxford University Press ({OUP})},
}

@Misc{VolkensEtAl2015,
  author       = {Volkens, Andrea and Lehmann, Pola and Matthieß, Theres and Merz, Nicolas and Regel, Sven and Werner, Annika},
  date         = {2015},
  title        = {The Manifesto Data Collection},
  location     = {Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung(WZB)},
  organization = {Manifesto Project (MRG /CMP / MARPOR)},
  url          = {https://manifestoproject.wzb.eu/},
  urldate      = {2021-11-10},
  version      = {2015a},
}

@Article{Ragusa2015,
  author       = {Jordan Michael Ragusa},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  title        = {Socioeconomic Stereotypes: Explaining Variation in Preferences for Taxing the Rich},
  doi          = {10.1177/1532673x14539547},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {327--359},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {Motivated by research showing that policy preferences are driven by social-interests rather than strict self-interest, this article examines if stereotypes of “the rich” shape Americans’ tax policy preferences. For this project, an original free-response survey was designed asking respondents to describe “the rich.” Respondents offered 1,570 unique descriptions, ranging from “hard working” and “job producer” to “selfish” and “inheritance.” In the analysis, these stereotypes were modeled in three ways: (a) as affective stereotypes, (b) as discrete categories, and (c) as deservingness stereotypes. There are three main findings. First, political ideology and affective stereotypes have large and statistically indistinguishable effects on tax policy preferences. Second, deservingness stereotypes—in particular, whether the rich exhibit dispositional and prosocial characteristics—have particularly large effects on preferences for taxing the wealthy. And third, both affective and deservingness stereotypes have an interactive effect with personal ideology. For self-described liberals, preferences for taxing the wealthy are largely a function of ideological considerations. For conservatives, however, tax policy preferences are determined by a mix of ideology and stereotypes. In sum, the findings suggest that stereotypes affect policy preferences even when the target belongs to an advantaged group and the policy domain is nonracial.},
}

@Article{LowandeRogowski2021,
  author       = {Lowande, Kenneth and Rogowski, Jon C.},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Executive Power in Crisis},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055421000447},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1406--1423},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {Major crises can threaten political regimes by empowering demagogues and promoting authoritarian rule. While existing research argues that national emergencies weaken formal checks on executive authority and increase public appetites for strong leadership, no research evaluates whether crises increase mass support for the president’s institutional authority. We study this question in the context of the coronavirus/COVID-19 pandemic with an experiment embedded in a national survey of more than 8,000 U.S. adults. We find no evidence that the public evaluated policies differently if they were implemented via unilateral power rather than through the legislative process, nor did the severity of the pandemic at either the state, local, or individual levels moderate evaluations of executive power. Instead, individuals’ partisan and ideological views were consistently strong predictors of policy attitudes. Perhaps paradoxically, our results suggest that elite and mass polarization limit the opportunity for crises to promote public acceptance of strengthened executive authority.},
  publisher    = {Cambridge University Press ({CUP})},
}

@Unpublished{GallettaGiommoni2020,
  author = {Galletta, Sergio and Giommoni, Tommaso},
  date   = {2020},
  title  = {{The Effect of the 1918 Influenza Pandemic on Income Inequality: Evidence from Italy}},
  note   = {Available at SSRN 3634793},
}

@Article{Blickle2020,
  author  = {Blickle, Kristian},
  date    = {2020},
  title   = {{Pandemics Change Cities: Municipal Spending and Voter Extremism in Germany, 1918--1933}},
  number  = {921},
  journal = {FRB of New York Staff Report},
}

@Article{GrantzEtAl2016,
  author       = {Grantz, Kyra H. and Rane, Madhura S. and Salje, Henrik and Glass, Gregory E. and Schachterle, Stephen E. and Cummings, Derek A.T.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  title        = {{Disparities in Influenza Mortality and Transmission related to Sociodemographic Factors within Chicago in the Pandemic of 1918}},
  number       = {48},
  pages        = {13839--13844},
  volume       = {113},
  publisher    = {National Acad Sciences},
}

@Unpublished{PahontuEtAl2020,
  author = {Raluca L. Pahontu and Gerda Hooijer and David Rueda},
  date   = {2020},
  title  = {Insuring Against Hunger? Long Term Political Consequences of Exposure to the Dutch Famine},
}

@Unpublished{AdamsPrasslEtAl2020,
  author = {Adams-Prassl, Abi and Boneva, Teodora and Golin, Marta and Rauh, Christopher},
  date   = {2020},
  title  = {Work That Can Be Done from Home: Evidence on Variation within and across Occupations and Industries},
  note   = {IZA Working Paper 13374},
}

@Article{JensenPetersen2017,
  author       = {Carsten Jensen and Michael Bang Petersen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Deservingness Heuristic and the Politics of Health Care},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12251},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {68--83},
  volume       = {61},
  abstract     = {Citizens’ social policy opinions are strongly influenced by a simple heuristic: Are the recipients of social benefits deserving or not? Adding to this growing literature, we provide evidence that the deservingness heuristic does not treat all social benefits alike. Already at the level of preconscious processing, the heuristic displays a bias toward tagging the recipients of health care—that is, sick individuals—as deserving. This powerful, implicit effect overrides other opinion factors and produces broad-based support among the public for health care—across levels of self-interest, media frames, ideological divides, and national cultures. In contrast, when the deservingness heuristic is utilized for reasoning about unemployment benefits, implicit psychological constraints are fewer and political conflict erupts depending on differences in interest and worldviews. Using a variety of methodologies, we track this fundamental difference between the politics of health care and unemployment benefits from the level of implicit processing to the level of political attitudes.},
}

@Unpublished{BlumenauEtAl2021,
  author   = {Blumenau, Jack and Hicks, Timothy and Jacobs, Alan M. and Matthews, J. Scott and O'Grady, Tom},
  date     = {2021},
  title    = {Testing Negative: The Non-Consequences of COVID-19 on Mass Ideology},
  note     = {Presented at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, September 2021},
  abstract = {Responding to COVID-19, governments implemented large-scale economic and social policies of unprecedented scale. This highlighted the state's capacity to guarantee economic and health security, and affected demographic groups that are less commonly beneficiaries of state support. We hypothesise that exposure to the pandemic and these policy responses caused change in attitudes to the role of government in the economy and redistribution. We test this expectation using data from the (2014–present) British Election Study panel, together with a unique panel survey fielded to existing BES respondents in April and September, 2020. We find virtually no evidence of any effect on ideological beliefs. Moreover, using a survey experiment, we find exposure to cues linking the pandemic to greater roles for government has no impact on ideological beliefs. We conclude that such elite rhetoric, even if it had been present in the field, would not have yielded ideological change.},
  doi      = {10.33774/apsa-2021-qpczc},
}

@Article{ReesJonesEtAl2022,
  author       = {Rees-Jones, Alex and D'Attoma, John and Piolatto, Amedeo and Salvadori, Luca},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization},
  title        = {{Experience of the COVID-19 Pandemic and Support for Safety-Net Expansion}},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jebo.2022.07.002},
  pages        = {1090--1104},
  url          = {https://alexreesjones.github.io/papers/COVID and Safetynet Expansion.pdf},
  urldate      = {2022-06-29},
  volume       = {200},
  abstract     = {Did individuals’ experiences with the harms of the COVID-19 pandemic influence their attitudes towards safety-net programs? To assess this question, we combine rich information about county-level impacts and individual-level perceptions of the early pandemic, repeated measurements of attitudes towards safety-net expansion, and pre-pandemic measurements of related political attitudes. Individuals facing higher county-level impact or greater perceived risks are more likely to support long-term expansions to unemployment insurance and government-provided healthcare when surveyed in June 2020. These differences persist across time, with experiences in the early months of the pandemic remaining strongly predictive of attitudes towards safety-net expansion in early 2021.},
}

@WWW{ApplebyPalmer2020,
  author = {Appleby, John and Palmer, Billy},
  date   = {2020},
  title  = {{Chart of the Week: How Much Additional Money has the Pandemic Response Cost the NHS so far?}},
  url    = {https://www.nuffieldtrust.org.uk/resource/chart-of-the-week-the-direct-health-and-care-costs-of-covid-19-so-far},
}

@Article{Busemeyer2021,
  author       = {Marius R. Busemeyer},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Financing the welfare state in times of extreme crisis: public support for health care spending during the Covid-19 pandemic in Germany},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1977375},
  pages        = {1--20},
  abstract     = {Employing new and original survey data collected in three waves (April/May and November 2020 as well as May 2021) in Germany, this paper studies the dynamics of individual-level support for additional health care spending. A first major finding is that, so far, health care spending preferences have not radically changed during the Covid-19 pandemic, at least at the aggregate level. A more detailed analysis reveals, secondly, that individual-level support for additional spending on health care is strongly conditioned by performance perceptions and, to a lesser extent, general political trust. Citizens who regard the system as badly (well) prepared to cope with the crisis are more likely to support (oppose) additional spending. Higher levels of political trust are also positively associated with spending support, but to a lesser degree. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for policy-making and welfare state politics in the post-pandemic era.},
  month        = {sep},
  publisher    = {Informa {UK} Limited},
}

@Online{KingsFund2014,
  author      = {{The King's Fund}},
  title       = {The UK private healthmarket},
  url         = {https://www.kingsfund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/commission-appendix-uk-private-health-market.pdf},
  urldate     = {2021-11-18},
  date        = {2014},
  institution = {Commission on the Future of Health and Social Care in England},
}

@WWW{ONS2020-04-28,
  author  = {{Office for National Statistics}},
  date    = {2020-04-28},
  title   = {Healthcare expenditure, UK Health Accounts: 2018},
  url     = {https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/healthcaresystem/bulletins/ukhealthaccounts/2018},
  urldate = {2021-11-18},
}

@Online{BlumenauEtAl2021a,
  author   = {Blumenau, Jack and Hicks, Timothy and Pahontu, Raluca L.},
  date     = {2021-01-06},
  title    = {Pre-Analysis Plan: ``Risk and Health Policy Preferences: Evidence from the UK Covid19 Crisis''},
  url      = {https://osf.io/dfe8t},
  urldate  = {2021-11-23},
  abstract = {A pre-analysis plan for studying the relationship between health risk and health-spending preferences using British Election Study data before and during the Covid19 pandemic.},
  doi      = {10.17605/OSF.IO/DFE8T},
}

@Article{AnelliEtAl2021,
  author       = {Massimo Anelli and Italo Colantone and Piero Stanig},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  title        = {Individual vulnerability to industrial robot adoption increases support for the radical right},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.2111611118},
  number       = {47},
  pages        = {e2111611118},
  volume       = {118},
  abstract     = {The increasing success of populist and radical-right parties is one of the most remarkable developments in the politics of advanced democracies. We investigate the impact of industrial robot adoption on individual voting behavior in 13 western European countries between 1999 and 2015. We argue for the importance of the distributional consequences triggered by automation, which generates winners and losers also within a given geographic area. Analysis that exploits only cross-regional variation in the incidence of robot adoption might miss important facets of this process. In fact, patterns in individual indicators of economic distress and political dissatisfaction are masked in regional-level analysis, but can be clearly detected by exploiting individual-level variation. We argue that traditional measures of individual exposure to automation based on the current occupation of respondents are potentially contaminated by the consequences of automation itself, due to direct and indirect occupational displacement. We introduce a measure of individual exposure to automation that combines three elements: 1) estimates of occupational probabilities based on employment patterns prevailing in the preautomation historical labor market, 2) occupation-specific automatability scores, and 3) the pace of robot adoption in a given country and year. We find that individuals more exposed to automation tend to display higher support for the radical right. This result is robust to controlling for several other drivers of radical-right support identified by earlier literature: nativism, status threat, cultural traditionalism, and globalization. We also find evidence of significant interplay between automation and these other drivers.},
  month        = {nov},
  publisher    = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
}

@Online{TUC2021-08-10,
  author  = {{Trades Union Congress}},
  date    = {2021-08-10},
  title   = {Beyond furlough: why the UK needs a permanent short-time work scheme},
  url     = {https://www.tuc.org.uk/research-analysis/reports/beyond-furlough-why-uk-needs-permanent-short-time-work-scheme},
  urldate = {2021-11-23},
}

@Article{AbouChadiKrause2020,
  author       = {Tarik Abou-Chadi and Werner Krause},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Causal Effect of Radical Right Success on Mainstream Parties' Policy Positions: A Regression Discontinuity Approach},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123418000029},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {829--847},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {This article investigates how the success of radical right parties affects the policy positions of mainstream parties. We do this using a regression discontinuity approach that allows us to causally attribute mainstream parties’ positional changes to radical right strength independent of public opinion as a potential confounder. Making use of exogenous variation created through differences in electoral thresholds, we empirically demonstrate that radical right success, indeed, causally affects mainstream parties’ positions. This is true for mainstream left as well as mainstream right parties. These findings make an important contribution to the broader literature on party competition as they indicate that other parties’ behavior and not only public opinion plays a crucial role in explaining parties’ policy shift.},
}

@WWW{Tooze2021-09-02,
  author       = {Tooze, Adam},
  date         = {2021-09-02},
  title        = {Has Covid ended the neoliberal era?},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/sep/02/covid-and-the-crisis-of-neoliberalism},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2021-12-02},
}

@Article{Mellon2013,
  author       = {Jonathan Mellon},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {{PS}: Political Science {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Where and When Can We Use Google Trends to Measure Issue Salience?},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1049096513000279},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {280--290},
  volume       = {46},
  abstract     = {Google search data have several major advantages over traditional survey data. First, the high costs of running frequent surveys mean that most survey questions are only asked occasionally making comparisons over time difficult. By contrast, Google Trends provides information on search trends measured weekly. Second, there are many countries where surveys are only conducted sporadically, whereas Google search data are available anywhere in the world where sufficient numbers of people use its search engine. The Google Trends website allows researchers to download data for almost all countries at no cost and to download time series of any search term's popularity over time (provided enough people have searched for it). For these reasons, Google Trends is an attractive data source for social scientists.},
}

@Article{LinsiEtAl2021,
  author       = {Lukas Linsi and Jonathan Hopkin and Pascal Jaupart},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Political Economy},
  title        = {Exporting inequality: {US} investors and the Americanization of executive pay in the United Kingdom},
  doi          = {10.1080/09692290.2021.2004440},
  abstract     = {Existing studies of the political determinants of top incomes and inequality tend to focus on developments within individual countries, neglecting the role of interdependencies that transcend national borders. This article argues that the sharp rises in top incomes observed in recent years are in part a product of specific features originating in the US political economy, which were subsequently exported to other economies through the global expansion of US-based financial investors. To test the argument, we collect fine-grained micro-level data on executive pay and firm ownership structures for a comprehensive sample of publicly listed firms in the United Kingdom (UK). Our analyses uncover robust evidence that the Americanization of UK firm ownership leads to the financialization of remuneration practices and sizeable pay increases for high-level managers at those firms. Scrutinizing the causal mechanisms underlying this effect, we find them to be more consistent with changes in bargaining power inside firms rather than coercion from outside or exogenous shifts in labor markets for executives. The findings show the disruptive potential of Wall Street investments abroad to empower local managerial elites to capture greater rents and, more generally, demonstrate the need to take the transnational seriously in order to understand patterns of inequality in the global political economy.},
}

@Article{TokitaEtAl2021,
  author       = {Christopher K. Tokita and Andrew M. Guess and Corina E. Tarnita},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  title        = {Polarized information ecosystems can reorganize social networks via information cascades},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.2102147118},
  number       = {50},
  pages        = {e2102147118},
  volume       = {118},
  abstract     = {The precise mechanisms by which the information ecosystem polarizes society remain elusive. Focusing on political sorting in networks, we develop a computational model that examines how social network structure changes when individuals participate in information cascades, evaluate their behavior, and potentially rewire their connections to others as a result. Individuals follow proattitudinal information sources but are more likely to first hear and react to news shared by their social ties and only later evaluate these reactions by direct reference to the coverage of their preferred source. Reactions to news spread through the network via a complex contagion. Following a cascade, individuals who determine that their participation was driven by a subjectively “unimportant” story adjust their social ties to avoid being misled in the future. In our model, this dynamic leads social networks to politically sort when news outlets differentially report on the same topic, even when individuals do not know others’ political identities. Observational follow network data collected on Twitter support this prediction: We find that individuals in more polarized information ecosystems lose cross-ideology social ties at a rate that is higher than predicted by chance. Importantly, our model reveals that these emergent polarized networks are less efficient at diffusing information: Individuals avoid what they believe to be “unimportant” news at the expense of missing out on subjectively “important” news far more frequently. This suggests that “echo chambers”—to the extent that they exist—may not echo so much as silence.},
}

@Article{PeisakhinRozenas2018,
  author       = {Leonid Peisakhin and Arturas Rozenas},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Electoral Effects of Biased Media: Russian Television in Ukraine},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12355},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {535--550},
  volume       = {62},
  abstract     = {We use plausibly exogenous variation in the availability of the Russian analog television signal in Ukraine to study how a media source with a conspicuous political agenda impacts political behavior and attitudes. Using highly disaggregated election data and an original survey, we estimate that Russian television substantially increased average electoral support for parties and candidates with a “pro-Russian” agenda in the 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections. Evidence suggests that this effect is attributable to persuasion rather than differential mobilization. The effectiveness of biased media varied in a politically consequential way: Its impact was largest on voters with strong pro-Russian priors but was less effective, and to some degree even counter-effective, in persuading those with strong pro-Western priors. Our finding suggests that exposing an already polarized society to a biased media source can result in even deeper polarization.},
}

@Article{AklinKern2021,
  author       = {Michaël Aklin and Andreas Kern},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Side Effects of Central Bank Independence},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12580},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {971--987},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {Central bank independence (CBI) solves the time inconsistency problem faced by policymakers with respect to monetary policy. However, it does not solve their underlying incentives to manipulate the economy for political gains. Unable to use monetary policy, and often limited in their ability to use fiscal spending, governments can resort to financial deregulation to generate short-term political benefits. We show qualitatively and quantitatively that governments systematically weaken financial regulations in the aftermath of CBI, and that the effect of CBI is separate from an ideological shift toward liberalization. Our findings suggest that the growing financialization of the economy experienced by many countries over the last few decades is partly a by-product of central bank independence.},
}

@Article{Moskowitz2021,
  author       = {Moskowitz, Daniel J.},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Local News, Information, and the Nationalization of U.S. Elections},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055420000829},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {114--129},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {Has the decline in traditional sources of local news contributed to the nationalization of U.S. elections? I hypothesize that local news coverage mitigates nationalization by providing voters with information that allows them to assess down-ballot candidates separately from their national, partisan assessment. The geography of media markets places some voters in a neighboring state’s market and others in in-state markets. I demonstrate that residents of in-state markets have access to vastly more local television news coverage of their governor and U.S. senators, and this increased coverage translates into greater knowledge of these officeholders. Further, access to in-state television news substantially increases split-ticket voting in gubernatorial and senatorial races. Supplementary analyses provide strong evidence that the estimated effects are not the result of unobserved differences between residents of in-state and out-of-state media markets. These results imply that local news coverage attenuates the nationalization of elections even in the present polarized context.},
}

@Article{GalofreVilaEtAl2021,
  author       = {Gregori Galofr{\'{e}}-Vil{\`{a}} and Christopher M. Meissner and Martin McKee and David Stuckler},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {ournal of Economic History},
  title        = {Austerity and the Rise of the Nazi Party},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0022050720000601},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {81--113},
  volume       = {81},
  abstract     = {We study the link between fiscal austerity and Nazi electoral success. Voting data from a thousand districts and a hundred cities for four elections between 1930 and 1933 show that areas more affected by austerity (spending cuts and tax increases) had relatively higher vote shares for the Nazi Party. We also find that the localities with relatively high austerity experienced relatively high suffering (measured by mortality rates) and these areas’ electorates were more likely to vote for the Nazi Party. Our findings are robust to a range of specifications including an instrumental variable strategy and a border-pair policy discontinuity design.},
}

@Article{Wiedemann2021,
  author       = {Andreas Wiedemann},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {A Social Policy Theory of Everyday Borrowing: On the Role of Welfare States and Credit Regimes},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12632},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  abstract     = {Debt has become an essential part of many people's daily lives. This article develops a new comparative political economy perspective on the relationship between welfare states and household borrowing. I argue that the ways in which welfare states distribute benefits, and credit regimes provide access to credit, affect how individuals address social risks and, as a consequence, shape patterns of indebtedness. Permissive credit regimes substitute for social policies in limited welfare states, pushing economically disadvantaged groups into debt. Alternatively, credit markets complement social policies in the provision of financial liquidity in comprehensive welfare states, protecting vulnerable groups through government benefits while allowing less-protected affluent groups to borrow money. In restrictive regimes, people instead rely on savings, expenditure cuts, and family support. I test these arguments using an original measure of credit regime permissiveness, cross-national survey data, and full-population administrative records from Denmark and panel data from the United States.},
}

@Article{Peterson2021,
  author       = {Erik Peterson},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Paper Cuts: How Reporting Resources Affect Political News Coverage},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12560},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {443--459},
  volume       = {65},
  abstract     = {Media outlets provide crucial inputs into the democratic process, yet they face increasingly severe economic challenges. I study how a newly salient manifestation of this pressure, reduced reporting capacity, influences political coverage. Focusing on newspapers in the United States, where industry-wide employment fell over 40% between 2007 and 2015, I use panel data to assess the relationship between reporting capacity and political coverage. Staff cuts substantially decrease the amount of political coverage newspapers provide. Across different samples and measurement approaches, a typical cutback to a newspaper's reporting staff reduces its annual political coverage by between 300 and 500 stories. These political news declines happen against the backdrop of similar reductions in nonpolitical coverage, meaning the share of newspaper articles focused on politics remains stable over this period. This demonstrates that economic pressure affects the political information environment by shaping the media's capacity to cover politics.},
}

@Article{KavanaghEtAl2021,
  author       = {Kavanagh, Nolan M. and Menon, Anil and Heinze, Justin E.},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Does Health Vulnerability Predict Voting for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Europe?},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055421000265},
  pages        = {1--6},
  abstract     = {Why do voters in developed democracies support right-wing populist parties? Existing research focuses on economic and cultural vulnerability as driving this phenomenon. We hypothesize that perceptions of personal health vulnerability might have a similar influence on voters. To test this argument, we analyzed all waves of the European Social Survey (2002–2020). Our findings suggest that voters with worse self-reported health were significantly more likely to vote for right-wing populist parties. The relationship persists even after accounting for measures of cultural and economic vulnerability, as well as voters’ satisfaction with both their personal lives and their country’s health system. The influence of health on support for right-wing populist parties appears to be greater than that of income and self-reported economic insecurity, while less than that of gender and attitudes about immigrants. Our findings suggest that policies affecting public health could shape not only health outcomes but also the political landscape.},
}

@Article{RuedigKaryotis2014,
  author       = {Wolfgang Rüdig and Georgios Karyotis},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Who Protests in Greece? Mass Opposition to Austerity},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123413000112},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {487--513},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {The widespread opposition to unprecedented austerity measures in Greece provides a unique opportunity to study the causes of mass protest. This article reports the results of a survey of the adult population in which two-thirds of the respondents supported protest and 29 per cent reported actual involvement in strikes and/or demonstrations during 2010. Relative deprivation is a significant predictor of potential protest, but does not play any role in terms of who takes part in strikes or demonstrations. Previous protest participation emerges as a key predictor of actual protest. This study seeks to place these results within a comparative context, contrasting Greece with other countries facing similar challenges, and discusses the implications for the future of austerity politics.},
}

@Article{Fouirnaies2020,
  author       = {Fouirnaies, Alexander},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {How Do Campaign Spending Limits Affect Elections? Evidence from the United Kingdom 1885{\textendash}2019},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055420001008},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {395--411},
  volume       = {115},
  abstract     = {In more than half of the democratic countries in the world, candidates face legal constraints on how much money they can spend on their electoral campaigns, yet we know little about the consequences of these restrictions. I study how spending limits affect UK House of Commons elections. I contribute new data on the more than 70,000 candidates who ran for a parliamentary seat from 1885 to 2019, and I document how much money each candidate spent, how they allocated their resources across different spending categories, and the spending limit they faced. To identify the effect on elections, I exploit variation in spending caps induced by reforms of the spending-limit formula that affected some but not all constituencies. The results indicate that when the level of permitted spending is increased, the cost of electoral campaigns increases, which is primarily driven by expenses related to advertisement and mainly to the disadvantage of Labour candidates; the pool of candidates shrinks and elections become less competitive; and the financial and electoral advantages enjoyed by incumbents are amplified.},
}

@Article{BridgmanEtAl2022,
  author       = {Aengus Bridgman and Eric Merkley and Peter John Loewen and Taylor Owen and Derek Ruths},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
  title        = {All in This Together? A Preregistered Report on Deservingness of Government Aid During the {COVID}-19 Pandemic},
  doi          = {10.1017/xps.2021.10},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {296--313},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {The COVID-19 pandemic has placed unprecedented pressure on governments to engage in widespread cash transfers directly to citizens to help mitigate economic losses. Major and near-universal redistribution efforts have been deployed, but there is remarkably little understanding of where the mass public believes financial support is warranted. Using experimental evidence, we evaluate whether considerations related to deservingness, similarity, and prejudicial attitudes structure support for these transfers. A preregistered experiment found broad, generous, and nondiscriminatory support for direct cash transfers related to COVID-19 in Canada. The second study, accepted as a preregistered report, further probes these dynamics by comparing COVID-19-related outlays with nonemergency ones. We find that COVID-19-related spending was more universal as compared to a more generic cash allocation program. Given that the results were driven by the income of hypothetical recipients, we find broad support for disaster relief that is not means-tested or otherwise constrained by pre-disaster income.},
}

@Online{JacobsZhou2020-12-14,
  author       = {Jacobs, Alan and Zhou, Yang-Yang},
  date         = {2020-12-14},
  title        = {Public Education as an Autocratic Project, with Agustina Paglayan},
  url          = {https://www.buzzsprout.com/1318327/6825067-public-education-as-an-autocratic-project-with-agustina-paglayan},
  organization = {Scope Conditions Podcast},
  urldate      = {2020-09-21},
}

@Article{Fouirnaies2021,
  author       = {Alexander Fouirnaies},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Do Newspapers Benefit Incumbents? Evidence from Denmark 1849--1915},
  doi          = {10.1561/100.00019054},
  issn         = {1554-0626},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {505--532},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {Scholars have long been interested in how the media shapes electoral accountability, but most of the existing empirical evidence suffers from endogeneity issues. Exploiting the inflow of newspapers engendered by the abolition of censorship in Denmark, this paper studies how newspapers affect the advantages enjoyed by members of parliament. I collect a new dataset on parliamentary candidates (1849–1915) and link them to the complete universe of local Danish newspapers, as well as candidate-level information on news coverage obtained from a database of scanned newspaper pages. Employing a series of difference-in-differences and regression-discontinuity designs, I document three main findings. First, office holders enjoy privileged access to local press coverage. Second, the entry of local newspapers leads to an increase in reelection rates. Third, the benefits enjoyed by incumbents are most pronounced when MPs and newspaper editors are affiliated with the same political party. Taken together, these findings could suggest that office holders in low-information environments benefit more directly from the presence of local media than previously assumed.},
}

@Online{Fisher2021-02-18,
  author       = {Fisher, Andrew},
  date         = {2021-02-18},
  title        = {Keir Starmer is no John McDonnell, but his anti-austerity speech was bolder than Ed Miliband ever managed},
  url          = {https://inews.co.uk/opinion/keir-starmer-speech-john-mcdonnell-anti-austerity-speech-bolder-ed-miliband-877634},
  organization = {The i},
  urldate      = {2022-01-14},
}

@Online{Rodgers2021-02-19,
  author       = {Sienna Rodgers},
  date         = {2021-02-19},
  title        = {Keir Starmer's vision for the economy is something Labour can rally around},
  url          = {https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/feb/19/keir-starmer-economy-labour-tory-covid-pandemic-public},
  organization = {The Guardian},
  urldate      = {2022-01-14},
}

@Article{JenningsWlezien2011,
  author       = {Will Jennings and Christopher Wlezien},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  title        = {Distinguishing Between Most Important Problems and Issues?},
  doi          = {10.1093/poq/nfr025},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {545--555},
  volume       = {75},
  abstract     = {To measure the importance of political issues, scholars traditionally have relied on a survey question that asks about the “most important problem” (MIP) facing the nation. Increasingly, scholars are relying on a variant that asks about the “most important issue” (MII). While we have learned quite a lot about what MIP captures, especially over time, we know little about MII. Using newly compiled data from the United Kingdom, this article examines differences in the two items and their dynamics. The results of our analyses reveal that MII responses are strikingly similar to MIP responses. While they may be slightly closer to a valid indicator of issue importance, MII responses mostly reflect variation in assessments of problem status. An effective measure of issue importance remains elusive.},
}

@Unpublished{TurnbullDugarteEtAl2022,
  author    = {Stuart James Turnbull-Dugarte and Daniel Devine and Barbara Krumpholz},
  date      = {2022},
  title     = {Barely a ripple in the sea: {EU} {COVID} relief funds failed to change citizen attitudes},
  url       = {https://osf.io/xp2t4/},
  urldate   = {2022-01-27},
  abstract  = {Political actors who boast access to the management and distribution of public funds often actively leverage their discretionary spending power to gain political support. Donald Trump, when faced with a simultaneous collapse in domestic approval and economic growth, signed a historic stimulus. Political actors who boast access to the management and distribution of public funds often actively leverage their discretionary spending power to gain political support. Donald Trump, when faced with a simultaneous collapse in domestic approval and economic growth, signed a historic stimulus $900 billion package that sent a personal cheque into the home of every American. Faced with criticism over its alleged inaction during the height of the pandemic, the European Union (EU) also approved a historic €750 billion stimulus bill in July 2020. Policy makers take these interventionist steps to distribute public funds not only in the hope that they alleviate economic distress but also to allow them to spend their way out of collapses of public trust. In this paper we ask: did news of the EU’s Covid-19 relief fund result in increased trust and support for the supranational community?  We answer this question empirically via a quasi-experiment facilitated by the coincidental timing of cross-national Eurobarometer survey fieldwork with the EU's unexpected announcement of final Covid-19 rescue deal. In contrast to our expectations, we find robust, precisely estimated and well-powered null effects that exposure to the EU’s last-minute and unprecedentedly large financial relief package exhibited no meaningful effect on individuals’ trust in the EU, satisfaction with democracy at the supranational level, nor on approval of the EU’s handling of the Coronavirus pandemic. Even electorates in the member states most negatively affected by Covid-19 do not update their trust and support for the polity in response to the announcement of the stimulus package, which disproportionately benefits their countries. Thus, our findings provide evidence against utilitarian-led approaches that an improvement of economic conditions can promote public support. The implications of our findings signal that when it comes to bolstering support for the EU, utilitarian-led responses focused on catalysing an immediate improvement in economic conditions are unlikely to provide the remedial benefits EU policymakers might hope for.},
  doi       = {10.31219/osf.io/xp2t4},
  publisher = {Center for Open Science},
}

@Article{WalterEmmenegger2022,
  author       = {Andr{\'{e}} Walter and Patrick Emmenegger},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Does war exposure increase support for state penetration? Evidence from a natural experiment},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1992482},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {652--669},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {Does war exposure increase popular support for state penetration or are changes in taxation and economic intervention primarily elite-driven? Existing research rests mainly at the macro level and is therefore unable to distinguish between the two mechanisms. In this paper, we employ a natural experiment to investigate whether direct war exposure affects popular preferences for state penetration in the post-war period. We use accidental bombardments of Swiss municipalities during the Second World War as treatments to examine whether popular preferences expressed in direct democratic votes on tax policies and economic intervention in war-affected municipalities followed different trajectories in the post-war period compared to municipalities that were not the target of accidental bombardments. We show that war exposure increased popular support for state intervention into the economy, but we do not find an effect of accidental bombardments on popular support for more progressive taxes or the extension of fiscal capacity.},
}

@Article{HopeLimberg2021,
  author       = {David Hope and Julian Limberg},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {The knowledge economy and taxes on the rich},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1992483},
  pages        = {1--20},
  abstract     = {What drives taxes on the rich? In this article, we claim that the existing empirical literature on taxing the rich suffers from two key shortcomings: 1) It pays too little attention to the major structural and technological changes that have taken place in advanced capitalist economies since the 1970s; and 2) it lacks consensus on how to measure taxes on the rich. We seek to address these shortcomings by exploring the implications of the rise of the knowledge economy for taxing the rich, as well as constructing a new, comprehensive measure of taxes on the rich. We then carry out a panel data analysis estimating the effect of the employment share in knowledge-intensive services on taxes on the rich in 13 OECD countries from 1970-2015. Our results show that the expansion of the knowledge economy is strongly and robustly associated with lower taxes on the rich.},
}

@Article{FastenrathEtAl2021,
  author       = {Florian Fastenrath and Paul Marx and Achim Truger and Helena Vitt},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Why is it so difficult to tax the rich? Evidence from German policy-makers},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1992484},
  pages        = {1--20},
  abstract     = {Why are rich citizens not taxed more heavily – despite growing inequality (aversion)? The literature offers several explanations, all of which ultimately work through the minds and actions of politicians. Taking Germany as a case, we therefore ask in 25 semi-structured interviews which obstacles left-wing politicians perceive in taxing the rich. Overall, tax increases are perceived as difficult projects. Organized business is described as a major barrier, but in a way that goes beyond existing accounts: besides classical lobbying, business interests are seen to influence electoral politics through long-term communication strategies shaping tax preferences. Moreover, the interviews point to a previously unrecognized organizational barrier that we coin the ‘vicious competence cycle’: left-wing politicians are often overwhelmed by tax issues which results in consequential disadvantages when confronted with resourceful anti-tax actors. They describe how party-internal discourses shape these competence patterns by influencing motivations, feasibility perceptions, and electoral strategies.},
}

@Article{Barnes2021,
  author       = {Lucy Barnes},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Taxing the rich: public preferences and public understanding},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2021.1992485},
  pages        = {1--18},
  abstract     = {Who supports high taxes on the rich? Existing accounts of public attitudes focus on egalitarian values and material interests, but make little mention of the ideas people hold about how the economy works descriptively. Drawing on the distinction between positive- and zero-sum beliefs about the economy, and original survey data from five countries, I show that there are systematic differences in tax progressivity preferences across groups within the public who think differently about the economy. Positive-sum thinking is associated with less progressive preferences. However, despite theoretical attention, there is no evidence of systematic zero-sum thinking among the public. On the other hand, some descriptions focus on conflict between rich and poor, and these do predict support for greater progressivity. Further analysis is required to differentiate alternative causal explanations of the patterns observed, but different modes of descriptive economic thinking are an important feature of the mass politics of progressivity.},
}

@Article{MarksEtAl2022,
  author       = {Gary Marks and David Attewell and Liesbet Hooghe and Jan Rovny and Marco Steenbergen},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Social Bases of Political Parties: A New Measure and Survey},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123421000740},
  abstract     = {This article proposes a measure of the social structuration of political parties. The measure has some distinctive virtues. It assesses the social bases of partisanship from the standpoint of the political party, and it provides a simple and transparent method for assessing the relative weight of social-structural and behavioral factors for party composition. We illustrate the power of this measure through a comparison of political parties in 30 European countries since 1975.},
}

@Online{BBCNewsnight2014-01-06,
  author       = {{BBC Newsnight}},
  date         = {2014-01-06},
  title        = {£25bn more cuts},
  url          = {https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0dTTf24Q7kY},
  organization = {BBC},
  urldate      = {2022-02-15},
  abstract     = {Chancellor George Osborne began the New Year by warning a further £25bn of spending cuts -- much of it from the welfare budget -- will be needed after the next election. Plans could include cutting housing benefit for under-25s. Jeremy Paxman spoke to Sajid Javid, the Conservative Financial Secretary to the Treasury and the Shadow Chief Secretary to The Treasury, Chris Leslie.},
}

@Online{BBCQuestionTime2015-04-30,
  author       = {{BBC Question Time}},
  date         = {2015-04-30},
  title        = {David Cameron says ``I rejected child benefit cut''},
  url          = {https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C8c4encwHyk},
  organization = {BBC},
  urldate      = {2022-02-15},
  abstract     = {David Cameron has been questioned over the Conservatives plans for benefits cuts in the final televised leaders event before the election.

On the BBC Question Time special, Mr Cameron was questioned over whether he knew where cuts would fall and was not prepared to tell voters.},
}

@Online{Osborne2014-09-29,
  author  = {Osborne, George},
  date    = {2014-09-29},
  title   = {Speech to the Conservative Party conference},
  url     = {https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X7jRSI0fmLo},
  urldate = {2022-02-15},
}

@Book{Balls2016,
  author    = {Balls, Ed},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Speaking Out: Lessons in Life and Politics},
  isbn      = {978-1786330390},
  pagetotal = {448},
  publisher = {Hutchinson},
  ean       = {9781784755935},
}

@Article{BremerBuergisser2022,
  author       = {Bremer, Bj{\"o}rn and B{\"u}rgisser, Reto},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Do citizens care about government debt? Evidence from survey experiments on budgetary priorities},
  doi          = {10.1111/1475-6765.12505},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  abstract     = {Ever since the Great Recession, public debt has become politicised. Some research suggests that citizens are fiscally conservative, while other research shows that they punish governments for implementing fiscal consolidation. This begs the question of whether and how much citizens care about debt. We argue that debt is not a priority for citizens because reducing it involves spending and tax trade-offs. Using a split-sample experiment and a conjoint experiment in four European countries, we show that fiscal consolidation at the cost of spending cuts or taxes hikes is less popular than commonly assumed. Revenue-based consolidation is especially unpopular, but expenditure-based consolidation is also contested. Moreover, the public has clear fiscal policy priorities: People do not favour lower debt and taxes, but they support higher progressive taxes to pay for more government spending. The article furthers our understanding of public opinion on fiscal policies and the likely political consequences of austerity.},
}

@Online{BBCNews2007-09-03,
  author       = {{BBC News}},
  date         = {2007-09-03},
  title        = {Tories 'to match Labour spending'},
  url          = {http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/6975536.stm},
  organization = {BBC},
  urldate      = {2022-02-17},
}

@Book{Killick2020,
  author    = {Killick, Anna},
  date      = {2020},
  title     = {Rigged},
  isbn      = {978-1-5261-4516-1},
  pagetotal = {168},
  publisher = {Manchester University Press},
}

@Article{Cohen1979,
  author       = {Cohen, G.A.},
  date         = {1979},
  journaltitle = {Philosophy \& Public Affairs},
  title        = {The Labor Theory of Value and the Concept of Exploitation},
  number       = {4},
  url          = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2265068},
  urldate      = {2022-02-24},
  volume       = {8},
}

@Book{Higgs2013,
  author    = {Higgs, Robert},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government},
  edition   = {25th Anniversary Edition},
  isbn      = {9781598131116},
  publisher = {Independent Institute},
  url       = {https://www.ebook.de/de/product/19907413/robert_higgs_crisis_and_leviathan_critical_episodes_in_the_growth_of_american_government.html},
  origdate  = {1987},
}

@TechReport{Seely2022-01-28,
  author      = {Seely, Anthony},
  date        = {2022-01-28},
  institution = {House of Commons Library},
  title       = {Coronavirus: Self-Employment Income Support Scheme},
  url         = {https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-8879/},
  urldate     = {2022-03-03},
}

@TechReport{PowellEtAl2021-12-23,
  author      = {Andy Powell and Brigid Francis-Devine and Harriet Clark},
  date        = {2021-12-23},
  institution = {House of Commons Library},
  title       = {Coronavirus Job Retention Scheme: statistics},
  url         = {https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-8879/},
  urldate     = {2022-03-03},
}

@TechReport{ONS2020-06-18,
  author      = {{Office for National Statistics}},
  date        = {2020-06-18},
  institution = {Office for National Statistics},
  title       = {Coronavirus and the economic impacts on the UK: 18 June 2020},
  url         = {https://www.ons.gov.uk/businessindustryandtrade/business/businessservices/bulletins/coronavirusandtheeconomicimpactsontheuk/18june2020},
  urldate     = {2022-03-03},
}

@Article{Haselswerdt2020,
  author       = {Haselswerdt, Jake},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Carving Out: Isolating the True Effect of Self-Interest on Policy Attitudes},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055420000465},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1103--1116},
  volume       = {114},
  abstract     = {How important is self-interest in people’s opinions about public policy? If a policy proposal exempts a subset of the target group from costs that others will have to pay, or denies them benefits that others will enjoy, do they respond according to self-interest? This experimental study distinguishes between true self-interest and affinity for one’s in-group by exploiting a common feature of policy proposals: age-based “carve-outs” that prevent otherwise similar subgroups of a population from being affected by the benefits or burdens of a new policy (e.g., cuts to an old-age program that exempt people above a certain age). I find self-interest effects for older Americans exempt from cuts to Medicare and younger people too old to benefit from a hypothetical student debt relief program. These effects vary in ways that are consistent with extant theory.},
}

@Unpublished{JuradoKuo2022,
  author       = {Jurado, Ignacio and Kuo, Alexander},
  date         = {2022},
  title        = {Economic Shocks and Fiscal Policy Preferences: Evidence from COVID-19 in Spain},
  abstract     = {Do negative economic shocks change fiscal policy preferences? We examine this question via the large COVID-19 shock that began in Spring 2020, as the virus and ensuing lockdowns caused one of the largest acute economic contractions in recent history. While previous evidence that recessions meaningfully change fiscal preferences is limited, we hypothesize that the health pandemic should have distinct effects. We argue that this is due to the large breadth, uncertainty, and socio-tropic basis of the economic contraction, and that sharp aggregate reductions in personal income economic evaluations and economic optimism should correspond with greater support for fiscal interventions to address the crisis. To test these predictions, we use new panel evidence from Spain, a hard-hit country, surveying individuals prior to the pandemic in August 2019 and the same individuals during the pandemic in May 2020; we test for a variety of indicators, expectations, and policy preferences typically not jointly considered. We first find that individuals became more economically pessimistic across many measures. However, there is little evidence that this translates into support for more expansive fiscal policies. Second, we find through a framing experiment in the second wave, that this could be because individuals believe that the government’s fiscal policies would benefit disproportionately lower-income individuals hurt by the pandemic. The findings indicate the theoretical importance of recessions for changing many individual and socio-tropic economic expectations, but do not support the claim that large economic shocks can significantly change fiscal preferences.},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
}

@Article{DohertyEtAl2006,
  author       = {Doherty, Daniel and Gerber, Alan S and Green, Donald P},
  date         = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  title        = {Personal income and attitudes toward redistribution: A study of lottery winners},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2006.00509.x},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {441--458},
  volume       = {27},
  abstract     = {In order to estimate the effects of affluence on political attitudes, we conducted interviews with 342 people who had won the lottery between 1983 and 2000 in an Eastern state. A parallel survey of the general public was also conducted. Comparing winners of varying amounts, we find that lottery-induced affluence increases hostility toward estate taxes, marginally increases hostility towards government redistribution, but has little effect on broader attitudes concerning economic stratification or the role of government as a provider of social insurance. These results bolster previous findings suggesting that economic self-interest influences policy preferences when policy consequences are perceived as salient. At the same time, the findings suggest the limited influence that material concerns have on one's broad political outlook.},
}

@Article{SinghThornton2019,
  author       = {Singh, Shane P. and Thornton, Judd R.},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Elections Activate Partisanship across Countries},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055418000722},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {248--253},
  volume       = {113},
  abstract     = {It has long been argued that elections amplify partisan predispositions. We take advantage of the timing of the cross-national post-election surveys included in the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems to explore the effects that elections have on individuals’ attachments to political parties. Within these surveys, under the assumption that the dates on which respondents are interviewed are assigned independent of factors known to affect partisanship, we are able to identify the causal effects of election salience on partisan attachments. We find strong evidence that election salience increases the probability of one having a party attachment, increases the strength of attachments, and heightens the relationship between partisanship and evaluations of political actors. Empirical explorations of our identifying assumption bolster its validity. Our results substantiate the causal role that elections play in activating partisanship.},
}

@Article{Hetherington2001,
  author       = {Marc J. Hetherington},
  date         = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Resurgent Mass Partisanship: The Role of Elite Polarization},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055401003045},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {619--631},
  url          = {https://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jcampbel/documents/HetheringtonPIDAPSR2001.pdf},
  urldate      = {2022-03-06},
  volume       = {95},
  abstract     = {For the most part, scholars who study American political parties in the electorate continue to characterize them as weak and in decline. Parties on the elite level, however, have experienced a resurgence over the last two decades. Such a divergence between elite behavior and mass opinion is curious, given that most models of public opinion place the behavior of elites at their core. In fact, I find that parties in the electorate have experienced a noteworthy resurgence over the last two decades. Greater partisan polarization in Congress has clarified the parties’ ideological positions for ordinary Americans, which in turn has increased party importance and salience on the mass level. Although parties in the 1990s are not as central to Americans as they were in the 1950s, they are far more important today than in the 1970s and 1980s. The party decline thesis is in need of revision.},
}

@Article{Kunda1990,
  author       = {Ziva Kunda},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  title        = {The case for motivated reasoning},
  doi          = {10.1037/0033-2909.108.3.480},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {480--498},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {It is proposed that motivation may affect reasoning through reliance on a biased set of cognitive processes—that is, strategies for accessing, constructing, and evaluating beliefs. The motivation to be accurate enhances use of those beliefs and strategies that are considered most appropriate, whereas the motivation to arrive at particular conclusions enhances use of those that are considered most likely to yield the desired conclusion. There is considerable evidence that people are more likely to arrive at conclusions that they want to arrive at, but their ability to do so is constrained by their ability to construct seemingly reasonable justifications for these conclusions. These ideas can account for a wide variety of research concerned with motivated reasoning.},
  publisher    = {American Psychological Association ({APA})},
}

@Misc{CotterEtAl2020,
  author    = {Ryan G. Cotter and Milton Lodge and Robert Vidigal},
  date      = {2020},
  editor    = {Elizabeth Suhay and Bernard Grofman and Alexander H. Trechsel},
  title     = {When, How, and Why Persuasion Fails},
  doi       = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190860806.013.57},
  abstract  = {All citizens, including the most sophisticated and attentive, possess a powerful drive to defend their opinions, attitudes, and worldviews in the face of challenges. This bias manifests as an active effort to rationalize what they want to believe rather than accepting incongruent viewpoints. This propensity to dismiss or counterargue perspectives we do not like is evident across political identities and raises serious obstacles to successfully shifting others’ attitudes. This article presents an integrated understanding of these information processing phenomena under the John Q. Public model and explains how prior beliefs, confirmation bias, and disconfirmation bias interact to produce persistence in evaluations. It then goes on to explain how network analysis and experimental designs can be leveraged to illuminate the black box of communication effects and deepen our understanding of when persuasion is successful. Mapping out the cognitive relationships between semantic concepts and connecting these to a raw, affective charge provides a clearer view of citizens’ understanding of issues and how their thoughts and feelings shift in response to targeted political messaging.},
  pages     = {50--65},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Book{BerelsonEtAl1954,
  author    = {Berelson, Bernard R. and Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and McPhee, William N.},
  date      = {1954},
  title     = {Voting: A study of opinion formation in a presidential campaign},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
}

@Article{NeundorfPardosPrado2021a,
  author    = {Anja Neundorf and Sergi Pardos-Prado},
  date      = {2021-12},
  title     = {Crises and social policy preferences: The impact of Covid-19 in Britain},
  doi       = {10.31219/osf.io/ubz5k},
  abstract  = {Do crises substantially change public support for taxes and spending, and why? We leverage the multifaceted character of the Covid-19 pandemic to test different theoretical micro-mechanisms usually confounded in observational research, or tested in isolation. Our randomized survey experiment provides four main findings. First, the economic and health dimensions of the crisis generated a substantial left-wing turn among the British public. Second, the effects are stronger on spending priorities (unemployment and health policies) than on who should pay for the welfare bill (progressivity of income and wealth taxes). Third, economic self-interested motivations are not relevant mechanisms to explain our findings. Fourth, framings associated with open borders and the global spread of the virus polarized welfare attitudes along immigration policy preferences. The generalizability of our findings, the prospects of redistributive conflicts after Covid, and the validity of established theories of welfare preferences in times of crisis are discussed.},
  publisher = {Center for Open Science},
}

@Article{Atkins2015,
  author   = {Judi Atkins},
  date     = {2015},
  title    = {`Together in the National Interest': The Rhetoric of Unity and the Formation of the Cameron-Clegg Government},
  doi      = {10.1111/1467-923x.12140},
  number   = {1},
  pages    = {85--92},
  volume   = {86},
  abstract = {Following the formation of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat government in May 2010, David Cameron and Nick Clegg sought to persuade party members, the electorate and a sceptical media that their partnership would hold together for the duration of the parliament. Taking as its starting point Kenneth Burke's theory of rhetoric as identification, this article explores the strategies employed by senior Coalition figures to construct and present an image of unity to these different audiences. Of particular concern are appeals to the parties’ shared values and to the ‘national interest’, as well as the narrative of Britain's ‘debt crisis’. This narrative served to minimise inter-party divisions by inviting MPs and supporters to unite behind the cause of deficit reduction, in opposition to the ‘fiscally irresponsible’ Labour party that had allegedly wrecked the economy. The article concludes by reflecting on the lessons for the partners in a future UK coalition government.},
  journal  = {Political Quarterly},
}

@Article{Bohn2018,
  author       = {Frank Bohn},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Economics {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Political budget cycles, incumbency advantage, and propaganda},
  doi          = {10.1111/ecpo.12122},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {43--70},
  volume       = {31},
  abstract     = {This paper combines incumbency advantage and political budget cycle theory. An opportunistic politician is given two instruments: deficit-financed transfers and propaganda. Unlike earlier analytical models, but in accordance with the empirical literature, government manipulations do actually improve re-election chances. However, the optimal level of government manipulation depends on country characteristics, in particular the competence dispersion among potential candidates. This may explain why it is easier to detect political budget cycles in, for instance, developing countries or new democracies. Results are robust to alternative competence distribution and propaganda cost assumptions.},
}

@Online{SmithEtAl2010-06-22,
  author       = {Gordon Smith and Michael Hunter and Ivana Kottasov{\'a}},
  date         = {2010-06-22},
  title        = {Highlights: Emergency Budget 2010},
  url          = {https://www.ft.com/content/896c4b1e-7df1-11df-b357-00144feabdc0},
  organization = {Financial Times},
  urldate      = {2022-04-04},
}

@Unpublished{BroockmanKalla2022-04,
  author   = {David Broockman and Joshua Kalla},
  date     = {2022-04},
  title    = {The manifold effects of partisan media on viewers' beliefs and attitudes: A field experiment with Fox News viewers},
  abstract = {Partisan media impacts voting behavior, yet what changes in viewers’ beliefs or attitudes may underlie these impacts is poorly understood. We recruited a sample of regular Fox News viewers using data on actual TV viewership from a media company, and incentivized them to watch CNN instead for a month using real-time viewership quizzes. Despite regular Fox viewers being largely strong partisans, we found manifold effects of changing the slant of their media diets on their factual beliefs, attitudes, perceptions of issues’ importance, and overall political views. We show that these effects stem in part from a bias we call partisan coverage filtering, wherein partisan outlets selectively report information, leading viewers to learn a biased set of facts. Consistent with this, treated participants concluded that Fox concealed negative information about President Trump. Partisan media does not only present its side an electoral advantage—it may present a challenge for democratic accountability.},
  doi      = {10.31219/osf.io/jrw26},
}

@Article{KsiazkiewiczEtAl2020,
  author       = {Ksiazkiewicz, Aleksander and Klemmensen, Robert and Dawes, Christopher T. and Christensen, Kaare and McGue, Matt and Krueger, Robert F. and N{\o}rgaard, Asbj{\o}rn Sonne},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  title        = {Sources of Stability in Social and Economic Ideological Orientations: Cohort, Context, and Construct Effects},
  doi          = {10.1093/ijpor/edz047},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {711--730},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {Existing research shows that ideological orientations are stable after young adulthood. Extending research on the sources of ideological stability, we examine social and economic ideology over a 3- to 4-year period in two twin panels (one Danish and one American). We find evidence for the importance of genetic influences and individual life experiences on the stability of social ideology in both contexts; shared environmental factors play an important role in the younger, Danish sample only. For economic ideology, genetic factors contribute to stability in the American sample only. Our findings show that the role of genetic and environmental factors in the stability of ideological orientations varies by type of ideology, national context, and, possibly, age cohort.},
  publisher    = {Oxford University Press ({OUP})},
}

@Article{NeundorfSoroka2018,
  author       = {Anja Neundorf and Stuart Soroka},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {The origins of redistributive policy preferences: political socialisation with and without a welfare state},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1388666},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {400--427},
  volume       = {41},
  abstract     = {Research on the impact of the macroeconomy on individual-level preferences for redistribution has produced varying results. This paper presents a new theory on the presence of an expansive welfare state during one’s formative years as a source of heterogeneity in the effect that macroeconomic conditions have on individuals’ preferences for redistributive policy. This theory is tested using cohort analysis via the British Social Attitudes surveys (1983–2010), with generations coming of age between the end of World War I and today. Findings confirm that cohorts that were socialised before and after the introduction of the welfare state react differently to economic crises: the former become less supportive of redistribution, while the latter become more supportive. The research sheds light on the long-term shifts of support for the welfare state due to generational replacement.},
}

@Misc{ArmingeonEtAl2021,
  author       = {Armingeon, Klaus and Engler, Sarah and Leemann, Lucas},
  date         = {2021},
  title        = {Comparative Political Data Set 1960--2019},
  location     = {Zurich},
  organization = {Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich},
  url          = {https://cpds-data.org/},
  urldate      = {2022-04-07},
}

@Book{Birkland1997,
  author    = {Birkland, Thomas A},
  date      = {1997},
  title     = {After disaster: Agenda setting, public policy, and focusing events},
  publisher = {Georgetown University Press},
}

@Article{Higgs1985,
  author       = {Robert Higgs},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Explorations in Economic History},
  title        = {Crisis, bigger government, and ideological change: Two hypotheses on the ratchet phenomenon},
  doi          = {10.1016/0014-4983(85)90019-1},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--28},
  volume       = {22},
}

@Book{MorganEvans1993,
  author    = {Morgan, David and Evans, Mary},
  date      = {1993},
  title     = {The battle for Britain: citizenship and ideology in the Second World War},
  publisher = {Psychology Press},
}

@Article{BlinderWatson2016,
  author       = {Alan S. Blinder and Mark W. Watson},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Presidents and the {US} Economy: An Econometric Exploration},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.20140913},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1015--1045},
  volume       = {106},
  abstract     = {The US economy has performed better when the president of the United States is a Democrat rather than a Republican, almost regardless of how one measures performance. For many measures, including real GDP growth (our focus), the performance gap is large and significant. This paper asks why. The answer is not found in technical time series matters nor in systematically more expansionary monetary or fiscal policy under Democrats. Rather, it appears that the Democratic edge stems mainly from more benign oil shocks, superior total factor productivity (TFP) performance, a more favorable international environment, and perhaps more optimistic consumer expectations about the near-term future.},
}

@TechReport{DaveyBales2010,
  author      = {Lynn Davey and Susan Bales},
  date        = {2010},
  institution = {FrameWorks Institute},
  title       = {How to Talk About Budgets and Taxes: A FrameWorks MessageMemo},
  url         = {https://www.frameworksinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/BT_MessageMemo_Final.pdf},
}

@Unpublished{FortunatoEtAl2018,
  author = {Fortunato, David and Silva, Thiago and Williams, Laron K.},
  date   = {2018},
  title  = {Strategies for Studying Voters' Perceptions of Party Brands},
  url    = {http://thiagosilvaphd.com/fswMPSA2018.pdf},
}

@Article{JohnsKoelln2020,
  author       = {Johns, Robert and K{\"o}lln, Ann-Kristin},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Moderation and Competence: How a Party's Ideological Position Shapes Its Valence Reputation},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12481},
  eprint       = {3},
  pages        = {649--663},
  volume       = {64},
  abstract     = {We combine several strands of research from electoral behavior and party politics to suggest that ideological moderation will boost a party's perceived competence. Less radical parties are seen as readier to compromise, more realistic about what can be achieved, and less prone to simplistic solutions. The results of conjoint experiments with party profiles show that while an ideological leaning carries no cost, any appreciably left- or right-wing position eroded a party's perceived competence among a representative sample of around 2,000 British citizens. This effect holds when controlling for respondents? ideological proximity to the party in question, and it looks to operate through all three of the proposed mechanisms suggested above?especially willingness to compromise. These findings have important implications both for party strategy and for voting research, highlighting a key channel through which ideological moderation yields electoral gains.},
}

@Book{Lindvall2010a,
  author    = {Lindvall, Johannes},
  date      = {2010},
  title     = {Mass Unemployment and the State},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@TechReport{OECD2020,
  author      = {OECD},
  date        = {2020},
  institution = {OECD},
  title       = {Sovereign borrowing outlook for OECD countries 2020: SPECIAL COVID-19 EDITION},
  url         = {https://www.oecd.org/daf/fin/public-debt/oecdsovereignborrowingoutlook.htm},
}

@Article{Prasad2012,
  author       = {Prasad, Monica},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Policy History},
  title        = {The Popular Origins of Neoliberalism in the Reagan Tax Cut of 1981},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0898030612000103},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {351--383},
  volume       = {24},
}

@Article{StockWatson2002,
  author       = {James H. Stock and Mark W. Watson},
  date         = {2002},
  journaltitle = {{NBER} Macroeconomics Annual},
  title        = {Has the Business Cycle Changed and Why?},
  doi          = {10.1086/ma.17.3585284},
  pages        = {159--218},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {From 1960 to 1983, the standard deviation of annual growth rates in real GDP in the United States was 2.7\%. From 1984 to 2001, the corresponding standard deviation was 1.6\%. This paper investigates this large drop in the cyclical volatility of real economic activity. The paper has two objectives. The first is to provide a comprehensive characterization of the decline in volatility using a large number of U.S. economic time series and a variety of methods designed to describe time-varying time-series processes. In so doing, the paper reviews the literature on the moderation and attempts to resolve some of its disagreements and discrepancies. The second objective is to provide new evidence on the quantitative importance of various explanations for this "great moderation." Taken together, we estimate that the moderation in volatility is attributable to a combination of improved policy (20-30\%), identifiable good luck in the form of productivity and commodity price shocks (20-30\%), and other unknown forms of good luck that manifest themselves as smaller reduced-form forecast errors (40-60\%).},
}

@Article{Eichengreen2015,
  author       = {Barry Eichengreen},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Secular Stagnation: The Long View},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.p20151104},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {66--70},
  volume       = {105},
  abstract     = {Four explanations for secular stagnation are distinguished: a rise in global saving, slow population growth that makes investment less attractive, adverse trends in technology and productivity growth, and a decline in the relative price of investment goods. A long view from economic history is most supportive of the last of these four views.},
}

@Article{Summers2016,
  author       = {Summers, Lawrence H.},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Policy},
  title        = {The Age of Secular Stagnation: What It Is and What to Do About It},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {2--9},
  url          = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/43948172},
  volume       = {95},
}

@PhdThesis{Faherty2018,
  author      = {Faherty, Michael},
  date        = {2018-09-06},
  institution = {University of Oregon},
  title       = {Consensus and Confusion: An Examination of Public Salience and Misperceptions of U.S. Budget Deficits and National Debt},
  abstract    = {A belief that reducing the budget deficit is important has long been a matter of exceptional public consensus in the U.S. As a political issue, the budget deficit is often the framing issue around major policy debates in Washington D.C. However, the public has deep and fundamental misperceptions about the deficit, which exceed misperceptions relating to other economic indicators. This dynamic diminishes the degree to which the public can send meaningful signals to its representatives on budgetary preferences, and weakens the democratic accountability of office-holders. Polling also indicates that mainstream economic opinion about the benefits of federal stimulus in a slow economy lacks credibility with the public. Therefore, understanding the nature and predictors of public misperceptions about the deficit, as well as the predictors of public salience with regard to budget imbalance, is important for understanding modern American politics. This dissertation improves upon the current understanding of public opinion on the budget deficit through a longitudinal examination of public salience of the budget deficit issue spanning the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, and the development and analysis of a survey that resolves open questions about public perceptions of the issue. I find that public misperceptions on the deficit run deeper than previously understood, are significantly predicted by an individual’s approval or disapproval of the president, and are a significant predictor of increased salience of the issue. I also find that among various theories of the predictors of salience of the budget deficit issue to the public, agenda-setting by the media, a durable issue ownership for reducing the deficit in favor of Republicans, and substantially higher salience of the issue for men, have the most explanatory power for understanding public salience of the issue. I also find that variation in the relative size of the deficit itself is not a significant predictor of public salience, exemplifying how public opinion on the issue is alienated from democratic accountability.},
}

@Article{TuxhornEtAl2021,
  author       = {Kim-Lee Tuxhorn and John D{\textquotesingle}Attoma and Sven Steinmo},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Public Administration},
  title        = {Assessing the stability of fiscal attitudes: Evidence from a survey experiment},
  doi          = {10.1111/padm.12736},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  abstract     = {The literature on attitudes toward government budgets has been dominated by two distinct approaches, jointly studying both sides of the ledger (holistic approaches) and studying attitudes over spending and revenue separately (singular approaches). Despite both approaches being widely adopted, scholars have given limited attention to testing empirically how methodological differences in the approaches may affect measures of fiscal attitudes and the inferences we draw from those measures. In this paper, we ask, “Do the different approaches to studying the budget alter mass attitudes toward spending and taxes, and if so, how?” Using data from an Amazon MTurk survey experiment, we find that spending choices differ significantly (attitude instability) across the two approaches. On the revenue side, our results show that choices over taxation tend to remain consistent and stable, regardless of whether the choices include only taxes or the combination of taxes and spending.},
}

@Book{McCall2013,
  author    = {McCall, Leslie},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {The Undeserving Rich: American Beliefs about Inequality, Opportunity, and Redistribution},
  doi       = {10.1017/CBO9781139225687},
  isbn      = {9781139225687},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Tabellini1991,
  author       = {Guido Tabellini},
  date         = {1991},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The Politics of Intergenerational Redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1086/261753},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {335--357},
  volume       = {99},
  abstract     = {This paper studies the political-economic equilibrium of a two period model with overlapping generations. In each period the policy is chosen under majority rule by the generations currently alive. The paper identifies a "politically viable" set of values for public debt. Any amount of debt within this set is fully repaid in equilibrium, even without commitments. By issuing debt within this set, the first generation redistributes revenue in its favor and away from the second generation. The paper characterizes the determinants of the equilibrium intergenerational redistribution and identifies a difference between debt and social security as instruments of redistribution.},
}

@InCollection{AlesinaPassalacqua2016,
  author    = {Alesina, Alberto and Passalacqua, Andrea},
  booktitle = {Handbook of Macroeconomics},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {The Political Economy of Government Debt},
  chapter   = {33},
  doi       = {10.1016/bs.hesmac.2016.03.014},
  editor    = {Taylor, John B. and Uhlig, Harald},
  pages     = {2599--2651},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  volume    = {2},
}

@WWW{Rogoff2019-02-03,
  author       = {Rogoff, Kenneth S.},
  date         = {2019-02-03},
  title        = {Never mind the debt: if there’s a hard Brexit Britain will have to splash the cash},
  url          = {https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/never-mind-the-debt-if-there-s-a-hard-brexit-britain-will-have-to-splash-the-cash-0w89zg986},
  organization = {The Times},
  urldate      = {2022-04-29},
}

@Article{BarnesHicks2022,
  author       = {Lucy Barnes and Timothy Hicks},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Are Policy Analogies Persuasive? The Household Budget Analogy and Public Support for Austerity},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123421000119},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1296--1314},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {Public opinion on complex policy questions is shaped by the ways in which elites simplify the issues. Given the prevalence of metaphor and analogy as tools for cognitive problem solving, the deployment of analogies is often proposed as a tool for this kind of influence. For instance, a prominent explanation for the acceptance of austerity is that voters understand government deficits through an analogy to household borrowing. Indeed, there are theoretical reasons to think the household finance analogy represents a most likely case for the causal influence of analogical reasoning on policy preferences. This article examines this best-case scenario using original survey data from the United Kingdom. It reports observational and experimental analyses that find no evidence of causation running from the household analogy to preferences over the government budget. Rather, endorsement of the analogy is invoked ex post to justify support for fiscal consolidation.},
}

@InCollection{KontopoulosPerotti1999,
  author    = {Yianos Kontopoulos and Roberto Perotti},
  booktitle = {Fiscal Institutions and Fiscal Performance},
  date      = {1999},
  title     = {Government Fragmentationand Fiscal Policy Outcomes: Evidence from OECD Countries},
  chapter   = {4},
  editor    = {Poterba, James M. and von Hagen, J{\"u}rgen},
  isbn      = {0-226-67623-4},
  url       = {https://www.nber.org/system/files/chapters/c8024/c8024.pdf},
  urldate   = {2022-04-30},
}

@Article{ArtesJurado2018,
  author       = {Joaqu{\'i}n Art{\'e}s and Ignacio Jurado},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  title        = {Government fragmentation and fiscal deficits: a regression discontinuity approach},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11127-018-0548-y},
  number       = {3-4},
  pages        = {367--391},
  volume       = {175},
  abstract     = {Some electoral systems favor strong single-party majority governments, while others the formation of coalitions. Having one or the other is likely to affect economic outcomes in ways that are unintended when the electoral rules are approved. In this paper, we show that government fragmentation has large fiscal implications. We also provide results that have a causal interpretation. Using a panel of Spanish municipalities, along with a close-elections regression discontinuity design, we find that single-party majorities run budgets with a 1.5\% point larger primary surplus than that of coalitions. In addition, we show that lower deficits are driven mainly by single-party majority governments’ capacity to raise more revenues. These findings are robust to several model specifications.},
}

@Article{AlesinaDrazen1991,
  author       = {Alberto Alesina and Allan Drazen},
  date         = {1991},
  journaltitle = {merican Economic Review},
  title        = {Why are Stabilizations Delayed?},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1170--1188},
  url          = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2006912},
  urldate      = {2022-04-30},
  volume       = {81},
  abstract     = {When a stabilization has significant distributional implications (e.g., tax increases to eliminate a large budget deficit), socioeconomic groups may attempt to shift the burden of stabilization onto other groups. The process leading to stabilization becomes a "war of attrition," each group attempting to wait the others out and stabilization occurring only when one group concedes and bears a disproportionate share of the burden. We solve for the expected time of stabilization in a model of "rational" delay and relate it to several political and economic variables. We motivate this approach and its results by comparison to historical and current episodes.},
}

@Article{FieldhouseEtAl2007,
  author       = {Fieldhouse, Edward and Tranmer, Mark and Russell, Andrew},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  title        = {Something about young people or something about elections? Electoral participation of young people in Europe: Evidence from a multilevel analysis of the European Social Survey},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00713.x},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {797--822},
  volume       = {46},
  abstract     = {Turnout at general elections across Europe is in decline as it is in other established democracies. A particular cause for concern is that young people are less likely to participate than older voters. Evidence presented in this article, based on national election results and the 2002–2003 European Social Survey, shows the overall turnout rate for 22 European countries in elections between 1999 and 2002 was 70 per cent compared to 51 per cent for electors aged less than 25. The authors examine national variations in turnout for young people across Europe, and use multilevel logistic regression models to understand these variations, and to test the extent to which they are attributable to the characteristics of young people and the electoral context in each country. Variations in turnout among young people are partially accounted for by the level of turnout of older voters in the country and partly by the characteristics of young voters, including the level of political interest and civic duty. The authors conclude that both individual-level and election-specific information are important in understanding the turnout of young electors.},
}

@Article{BusemeyerEtAl2018,
  author       = {Marius R. Busemeyer and Julian L. Garritzmann and Erik Neimanns and Roula Nezi},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  title        = {Investing in education in Europe: Evidence from a new survey of public opinion},
  doi          = {10.1177/0958928717700562},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {34--54},
  volume       = {28},
  abstract     = {Public opinion research has found that increasing the investment in education is generally very popular among citizens in Western Europe. However, this evidence from publicly available opinion surveys may be misleading, because these surveys do not force respondents to prioritize between different parts of the education system or between education and other social policies, nor do they provide information about citizens’ willingness to pay for additional investment in education. To address these deficiencies, we conducted an original, representative survey of public opinion on education and related policies in eight European countries. Our analysis confirms that citizens express high levels of support for education even when they are forced to choose between education and other areas of social spending. But not all educational sectors enjoy equally high levels of support: increasing spending on general schooling and vocational education is more popular than increasing spending on higher education and early childhood education. Furthermore, we find that citizens are, in fact, willing to pay additional taxes in order to finance investment in education, at least in some countries and for some sectors of the education system.},
}

@Article{BlinderKrueger2004,
  author       = {Blinder, Alan S. and Krueger, Alan B.},
  date         = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
  title        = {What Does the Public Know about Economic Policy, and How Does It Know It?},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {327--387},
  url          = {https://www.brookings.edu/bpea-articles/what-does-the-public-know-about-economic-policy-and-how-does-it-know-it/},
  urldate      = {2022-04-30},
}

@Book{PageJacobs2009,
  author    = {Page, Benjamin I. and Jacobs, Lawrence R.},
  date      = {2009},
  title     = {Class War? What Americans Really Think about Economic Inequality},
  doi       = {10.7208/9780226644561},
  isbn      = {9780226644561},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  abstract  = {Recent battles in Washington over how to fix America’s fiscal failures strengthened the widespread impression that economic issues sharply divide average citizens. Indeed, many commentators split Americans into two opposing groups: uncompromising supporters of unfettered free markets and advocates for government solutions to economic problems. But such dichotomies, Benjamin Page and Lawrence Jacobs contend, ring false. In Class War? they present compelling evidence that most Americans favor free enterprise and practical government programs to distribute wealth more equitably.

At every income level and in both major political parties, majorities embrace conservative egalitarianism—a philosophy that prizes individualism and self-reliance as well as public intervention to help Americans pursue these ideals on a level playing field. Drawing on hundreds of opinion studies spanning more than seventy years, including a new comprehensive survey, Page and Jacobs reveal that this worldview translates to broad support for policies aimed at narrowing the gap between rich and poor and creating genuine opportunity for all. They find, for example, that across economic, geographical, and ideological lines, most Americans support higher minimum wages, improved public education, wider access to universal health insurance coverage, and the use of tax dollars to fund these programs.

In this surprising and heartening assessment, Page and Jacobs provide our new administration with a popular mandate to combat the economic inequity that plagues our nation.},
}

@Book{PageShapiro2000,
  author    = {Page, Lawrence R. and Shapiro, Roberty Y.},
  date      = {2000},
  title     = {Politicians Don’t Pander: Political Manipulation and the Loss of Democratic Responsiveness},
  isbn      = {9780226389837},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  abstract  = {Public opinion polls are everywhere. Journalists report their results without hesitation, and political activists of all kinds spend millions of dollars on them, fueling the widespread assumption that elected officials “pander” to public opinion—that they tailor their policy decisions to the results of polls.

In this provocative and engagingly written book, the authors argue that the reality is quite the opposite. In fact, when not facing election, contemporary presidents and members of Congress routinely ignore the public’s policy preferences and follow their own political philosophies, as well as those of their party’s activists, their contributors, and their interest group allies. Politicians devote substantial time, effort, and money to tracking public opinion, not for the purposes of policymaking, but to change public opinion—to determine how to craft their public statements and actions to win support for the policies they and their supporters want.

Taking two recent, dramatic episodes—President Clinton’s failed health care reform campaign, and Newt Gingrich’s “Contract with America”—as examples, the authors show how both used public opinion research and the media to change the public’s mind. Such orchestrated displays help explain the media’s preoccupation with political conflict and strategy and, the authors argue, have propelled levels of public distrust and fear of government to record highs.

Revisiting the fundamental premises of representative democracy, this accessible book asks us to reexamine whether our government really responds to the broad public or to the narrower interests and values of certain groups. And with the 2000 campaign season heating up, Politicians Don’t Pander could not be more timely.

”’Polling has turned leaders into followers,’ laments columnist Marueen Dowd of The New York Times. Well, that’s news definitely not fit to print say two academics who have examined the polls and the legislative records of recent presidents to see just how responsive chief executives are to the polls. Their conclusion: not much. . . . In fact, their review and analyses found that public opinion polls on policy appear to have increasingly less, not more, influence on government policies.”—Richard Morin, The Washington Post},
}

@Article{HughesEtAl1996,
  author       = {Hughes, Karen D. and Lowe, Graham S. and McKinnon, Allison L.},
  date         = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Canadian Public Policy},
  title        = {Public Attitudes toward Budget Cuts in Alberta: Biting the Bullet or Feeling the Pain?},
  doi          = {10.2307/3551505},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {268--284},
  volume       = {22},
  abstract     = {This paper examines public responses to the Alberta government's deficit elimination strategy. Using data from the province-wide 1995 Alberta Survey (N=1240), we examine how individuals have been affected by, and are responding to, cutbacks and restructuring in health care, education, and public sector employment. Public attitudes about government cost-cutting are contradictory. While most respondents support the government's deficit elimination strategy, they express considerable concern about its impact on public services. Experiencing cutbacks somewhat erodes the Klein government's electoral support, though not as much as the perception that cost cutting is undermining public services. The paper raises several key public policy issues regarding the individual and social dimensions of deficit elimination, especially when this fiscal policy is linked to a broader "new right" agenda as is the case in Alberta.},
}

@Article{Wiedemann2022,
  author       = {Andreas Wiedemann},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {The Electoral Consequences of Household Indebtedness under Austerity},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12708},
  pubstate     = {Early View},
  abstract     = {What are the political consequences of rising household debt in the context of fiscal austerity? I argue that cuts in welfare benefits privatize social obligations as voters address ensuing financial shortfalls by borrowing money. Debt re-commodifies individuals and shifts their electoral support from incumbents to opposition and anti-establishment parties by provoking feelings of political neglect, economic vulnerability, and strong emotional responses. I examine this argument by leveraging spatial and temporal variation in the rollout of Universal Credit (UC), a large-scale welfare reform in the United Kingdom. Using fine-grained administrative data on unsecured debt, I demonstrate that fiscal austerity generated an increase in indebtedness, which lowered support for the incumbent Conservatives and strengthened support for Labour and the UK Independence Party (UKIP). I then use individual-level survey data to explore the mechanisms that link debt and political behavior. The results suggest that rising indebtedness increases the political costs of welfare retrenchment and creates new political cleavages.},
}

@Book{Shui2014,
  author    = {Shui, Florian},
  date      = {2014},
  title     = {Austerity: The Great Failure},
  isbn      = {9780300203936},
  publisher = {Yale University Press},
}

@Article{DryzekGoodin1986,
  author       = {Dryzek, John and Goodin, Robert E.},
  date         = {1986},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Risk-Sharing and Social Justice: The Motivational Foundations of the Post-War Welfare State},
  doi          = {10.1017/S0007123400003781},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1–34},
  volume       = {16},
  abstract     = {Much political behaviour can be interpreted as the pursuit of more or less naked self-interest. Occasionally, though, individuals do apparently exhibit some concern for their fellow human beings. The result is a less cold and dismal world – and one in which moral philosophers can find a role. Our focus here, however, is more on practical problems than philosophical ones. We shall be less concerned with questions of what moralists should demand of people than with questions of how such demands could be enforced upon people. Specifically, we will be asking how it is possible to evoke from people support for policies aiding those less fortunate than themselves. We propose to address this question by exploring the sources of support for the most broadly-based institution presently available for promoting social justice, the welfare state.},
}

@Article{Seabrooke2007,
  author       = {Seabrooke, Leonard},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {International Sudies Quarterly},
  title        = {The everyday social sources of economic crises: From ``great frustrations'' to ``great revelations'' in interwar Britain},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2007.00477.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {795--810},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {Who drives domestic institutional change in the face of international economic crisis? For materialists, self-interested actors struggle for material gains during exogenously generated crises. For constructivists, norm entrepreneurs strategically construct how crises should be interpreted to justify certain institutional reforms. While both these approaches are analytically powerful, they suffer from an implicit view of legitimacy as established by elite command or proclamation during periods of uncertainty. This article adds an extra piece to the puzzle of which institutional reforms are selected in the construction of a crisis. It suggests that everyday discourses constructed by mass public agents, or non-elites, provide impulses for elite actors to select institutional reforms that will receive social legitimacy. The article re-examines the case of interwar Britain, arguing that a “legitimacy gap” between elite and mass understandings informed institutional experimentation during the 1920s and 1930s, fertilizing the eventual “Keynesian Revolution.” In this way, this article seeks to show how the expressive practices and changing conventions of non-elite agents can shape institutional development. It also suggests that an “agent-centered constructivism” interested in explaining institutional change may be well served by taking into account popular as well as elite views.},
}

@Article{Druckman2021,
  author       = {James N. Druckman},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {A Framework for the Study of Persuasion},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-110428},
  number       = {1},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {Persuasion is a vital part of politics—who wins elections and policy disputes often depends on which side can persuade more people. Given this centrality, the study of persuasion has a long history with an enormous number of theories and empirical inquiries. However, the literature is fragmented, with few generalizable findings. I unify previously disparate dimensions of this topic by presenting a framework focusing on actors (speakers and receivers), treatments (topics, content, media), outcomes (attitudes, behaviors, emotions, identities), and settings (competition, space, time, process, culture). This Generalizing Persuasion (GP) Framework organizes distinct findings and offers researchers a structure in which to situate their work. I conclude with a discussion of the normative implications of persuasion.},
}

@Article{NelsonEtAl1997,
  author       = {Thomas E. Nelson and Rosalee A. Clawson and Zoe M. Oxley},
  date         = {1997},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Media Framing of a Civil Liberties Conflict and Its Effect on Tolerance},
  doi          = {10.2307/2952075},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {567--583},
  volume       = {91},
  abstract     = {Framing is the process by which a communication source, such as a news organization, defines and constructs a political issue or public controversy. Two experiments examined the effect of news frames on tolerance for the Ku Klux Klan. The first presented research participants with one of two local news stories about a Klan rally that varied by frame: One framed the rally as a free speech issue, and the other framed it as a disruption of public order. Participants who viewed the free speech story expressed more tolerance for the Klan than participants who watched the public order story. Additional data indicate that frames affect tolerance by altering the perceived importance of public order values. The relative accessibility of free speech and public order concepts did not respond to framing. A second experiment used a simulated electronic news service to present different frames and replicated these findings.},
}

@Article{Muennich2016,
  author       = {Sascha Münnich},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  title        = {Readjusting imagined markets: morality and institutional resilience in the German and British bank bailout of 2008},
  doi          = {10.1093/ser/mwv014},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {283--307},
  volume       = {14},
  abstract     = {Why was there no fundamental change of financial regulation after the 2008 credit crunch? This article argues that the limited regulatory changes of German and British financial markets can be explained by the influence moral boundaries between legitimate and illegitimate financial practices had on policymakers' crisis perception. In German public debate of 2008, speculation as opposed to firm investment was seen as cause of the crisis. The British crisis narrative held illegitimate profits responsible that were gained from excessive risk-taking as opposed to risk management. These distinct legitimizing patterns (a) fostered a selective perception of the crisis that downplayed domestic structural causes of the crisis, and (b) directed regulatory efforts away from fundamental reforms. In fact, both national debates saw the institutional regime of their financial markets re-affirmed by the crisis and in need of readjustment. Conceptually, the article shows the affinity between public moral boundaries of legitimate economic practices and the core institutional principles of market regimes.},
}

@Book{Rehm2016,
  author    = {Philipp Rehm},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Risk Inequality and Welfare States},
  doi       = {10.1017/cbo9781316257777},
  isbn      = {9781316257777},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{AmpaabengTan2013,
  author       = {Samuel K. Ampaabeng and Chih Ming Tan},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Health Economics},
  title        = {The long-term cognitive consequences of early childhood malnutrition: The case of famine in Ghana},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jhealeco.2013.08.001},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1013--1027},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {We examine the role of early childhood health in human capital accumulation. Using a unique data set from Ghana with comprehensive information on individual, family, community, school quality characteristics and a direct measure of intelligence together with test scores, we examine the long-term cognitive effects of the 1983 famine on survivors. We show that differences in intelligence test scores can be robustly explained by the differential impact of the famine in different parts of the country and the impacts are most severe for children under two years of age during the famine. We also account for model uncertainty by using Bayesian Model Averaging.},
}

@Book{IversenRehm2022,
  author    = {Torben Iversen and Philipp Rehm},
  date      = {2022},
  title     = {Big Data and the Welfare State: How the Information Revolution Threatens Social Solidarity},
  location  = {Cambridge, UK},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{Bashir2015,
  author       = {Omar S. Bashir},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Research & Politics},
  title        = {Testing Inferences about American Politics: A Review of the ``Oligarchy'' Result},
  doi          = {10.1177/2053168015608896},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {205316801560889},
  volume       = {2},
}

@Article{KalogeropoulosEtAl2017,
  author       = {Antonis Kalogeropoulos and Samuel Negredo and Ike Picone and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Social Media + Society},
  title        = {Who Shares and Comments on News?: A Cross-National Comparative Analysis of Online and Social Media Participation},
  doi          = {10.1177/2056305117735754},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {205630511773575},
  volume       = {3},
  abstract     = {In this article, we present a cross-national comparative analysis of which online news users in practice engage with the participatory potential for sharing and commenting on news afforded by interactive features in news websites and social media technologies across a strategic sample of six different countries. Based on data from the 2016 Reuters Institute Digital News Report, and controlling for a range of factors, we find that (1) people who use social media for news and a high number of different social media platforms are more likely to also engage more actively with news outside social media by commenting on news sites and sharing news via email, (2) political partisans on both sides are more likely to engage in sharing and commenting particularly on news stories in social media, and (3) people with high interest in hard news are more likely to comment on news on both news sites and social media and share stores via social media (and people with high interest in any kind of news [hard or soft] are more likely to share stories via email). Our analysis suggests that the online environment reinforces some long-standing inequalities in participation while countering other long-standing inequalities. The findings indicate a self-reinforcing positive spiral where the already motivated are more likely in practice to engage with the potential for participation offered by digital media, and a negative spiral where those who are less engaged participate less.},
}

@Article{FletcherNielsen2017,
  author       = {Richard Fletcher and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Communication},
  title        = {Are News Audiences Increasingly Fragmented? A Cross-National Comparative Analysis of Cross-Platform News Audience Fragmentation and Duplication},
  doi          = {10.1111/jcom.12315},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {476--498},
  volume       = {67},
  abstract     = {The move to high-choice media environments has sparked fears over audience fragmentation. We analyze news audiences across media platforms (print, television, and online) in 6 countries, going beyond platform-specific, single-country studies. We find surprisingly high levels of news audience duplication, but also that cross-platform audiences vary from country to country, with fragmentation higher in Denmark and the United Kingdom than in Spain and the United States. We find no support for the idea that online audiences are more fragmented than offline audiences, countering fears associated with audience segmentation and filter bubbles. Because all communication exists in the context of its audience, our analysis has implications across the field, underlining the importance of research into how trends play out in different contexts.},
}

@Article{FletcherNielsen2017a,
  author       = {Richard Fletcher and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {New Media {\&}amp$\mathsemicolon$ Society},
  title        = {Are people incidentally exposed to news on social media? A comparative analysis},
  doi          = {10.1177/1461444817724170},
  number       = {7},
  pages        = {2450--2468},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {Scholars have questioned the potential for incidental exposure in high-choice media environments. We use online survey data to examine incidental exposure to news on social media (Facebook, YouTube, Twitter) in four countries (Italy, Australia, United Kingdom, United States). Leaving aside those who say they intentionally use social media for news, we compare the number of online news sources used by social media users who do not see it as a news platform, but may come across news while using it (the incidentally exposed), with people who do not use social media at all (non-users). We find that (a) the incidentally exposed users use significantly more online news sources than non-users, (b) the effect of incidental exposure is stronger for younger people and those with low interest in news and (c) stronger for users of YouTube and Twitter than for users of Facebook.},
}

@Article{Weimer2008,
  author       = {David L. Weimer},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Policy Studies Journal},
  title        = {Theories of and in the Policy Process},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1541-0072.2008.00280.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {489--495},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {Like public administration before it, public policy has an uneasy place in the discipline of political science. The stress is most obvious in the distinction between theories that attempt to explain the policy process and theories that are useful to those who seek to operate within the policy process. Accommodating this stress within the disciplinary boundaries of political science poses a difficult challenge.},
}

@Article{KittelEtAl2020,
  author       = {Bernhard Kittel and Sylvia Kritzinger and Hajo Boomgaarden and Barbara Prainsack and Jakob-Moritz Eberl and Fabian Kalleitner and Noëlle S. Lebernegg and Julia Partheymüller and Carolina Plescia and David W. Schiestl and Lukas Schlogl},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science},
  title        = {The Austrian Corona Panel Project: monitoring individual and societal dynamics amidst the {COVID}-19 crisis},
  doi          = {10.1057/s41304-020-00294-7},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {318--344},
  volume       = {20},
}

@Article{DeSioWeber2014,
  author       = {{De Sio}, Lorenzo and Weber, Till},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Issue Yield: A Model of Party Strategy in Multidimensional Space},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055414000379},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {870--885},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {Parties in pluralist democracies face numerous contentious issues, but most models of electoral competition assume a simple, often one-dimensional structure. We develop a new, inherently multidimensional model of party strategy in which parties compete by emphasizing policy issues. Issue emphasis is informed by two distinct goals: mobilizing the party's core voters and broadening the support base. Accommodating these goals dissolves the position-valence dichotomy through a focus on policies that unite the party internally while also attracting support from the electorate at large. We define issue yield as the capacity of an issue to reconcile these criteria, and then operationalize it as a simple index. Results of multilevel regressions combining population survey data and party manifesto scores from the 2009 European Election Study demonstrate that issue yield governs party strategy across different political contexts.},
}

@Article{Greene2008,
  author       = {Kenneth F. Greene},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Dominant Party Strategy and Democratization},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00296.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {16--31},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {How do incumbent parties strategize against challengers when a new partisan cleavage cuts across the incumbent's electoral coalition? This article argues that a two-dimensional extension of Riker's anticoordination thesis conflicts with Downsian extensions. It shows that when voters coordinate on a single challenger based on their shared preference on a cross-cutting cleavage, a vote-maximizing incumbent party should move away from the challenger on the primary dimension of competition, even at the risk of abandoning the center. The article develops this hypothesis with reference to dominant parties in competitive authoritarian regimes where challenger parties constantly attempt “heresthetical” moves by mobilizing regime issues into the partisan debate, and it tests the predictions with an original sample survey of national leaders of Mexico's Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI). It also spells out the implications of the findings for dominant party survivability in democratic transitions and, more broadly, for incumbents' spatial strategies in the face of new partisan cleavages.},
}

@Article{DeSioEtAl2018,
  author       = {{De Sio}, Lorenzo and {De Angelis}, Andrea and Emanuele, Vincenzo},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Issue Yield and Party Strategy in Multiparty Competition},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414017730082},
  number       = {9},
  pages        = {1208--1238},
  volume       = {51},
  abstract     = {The issue yield model introduced a theory of the herestethic use of policy issues as strategic resources in multidimensional party competition. We extend the model by systematically addressing the specificities of issue yield dynamics in multiparty systems, with special regard to parties’ issue yield rankings (relative position) and issue yield heterogeneity (differentiation) on each issue. Second, we introduce a novel research design for original data collection that allows for a more systematic testing of the model, by featuring (a) a large number of policy issues, (b) the use of Twitter content for coding parties’ issue emphasis, and (c) an appropriate time sequence for measuring issue yield configurations and issue emphasis. We finally present findings from a pilot implementation of such design, performed on the occasion of the 2014 European Parliament election in Italy. Findings confirm the soundness of the design and provide support for the newly introduced hypotheses about multiparty competition.},
}

@Article{WilliamsEtAl2016,
  author       = {Laron K. Williams and Katsunori Seki and Guy D. Whitten},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {You've Got Some Explaining To Do The Influence of Economic Conditions and Spatial Competition on Party Strategy},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2015.13},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {47--63},
  volume       = {4},
  abstract     = {Although a voluminous literature has shed light on the relationship between economic conditions and government accountability, most studies in this literature have implicitly assumed that the actions of competing political parties are either irrelevant or that they cancel each other out. In this paper, we take an important first step toward relaxing this strong assumption. We develop and test a set of theoretical propositions from the issue competition literature about the amount of emphasis that parties place on the economy during election campaigns. We test these propositions with an estimation technique that properly situates the motivations of rival elites within the context of spatial party competition using a spatial autoregressive model. On a sample of 22 advanced democracies from 1957 to 2006, we find strong support for the proposition that parties with a greater role in economic policymaking respond to worsening economic conditions by increasing their emphasis on the economy during election campaigns. We also find strong evidence of spatial contagion effects as parties respond positively to the campaign strategies of ideologically proximate parties. This finding reveals a fundamental link in the chain of economic accountability and has important implications for the study of party competition.},
}

@Article{GreenPedersen2007,
  author       = {Christoffer Green-Pedersen},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  title        = {The Growing Importance of Issue Competition: The Changing Nature of Party Competition in Western Europe},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00686.x},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {607--628},
  volume       = {55},
  abstract     = {Changes in Western European political parties in general have attracted considerable scholarly interest, whereas changes in party competition have been almost overlooked in an otherwise extensive literature. Using the party manifesto data set, this article documents that party competition in Western Europe is increasingly characterised by issue competition, i.e. competition for the content of the party political agenda. What should be the most salient issues for voters: unemployment, the environment, refugees and immigrants, law and order, the welfare state or foreign policy? This change is crucial because it raises a question about the factors determining the outcome of issue competition. Is it the structure of party competition itself or more unpredictable factors, such as media attention, focusing events or skilful political communication? The two answers to this question have very different implications for the understanding of the role of political parties in today's Western European democracies.},
}

@Book{Garon2013,
  author    = {Garon, Sheldon},
  date      = {2013},
  title     = {Beyond Our Means: Why America Spends While the World Saves},
  isbn      = {9780691159584},
  pagetotal = {488},
  publisher = {Princeton University Press},
  abstract  = {If the financial crisis has taught us anything, it is that Americans save too little, spend too much, and borrow excessively. What can we learn from East Asian and European countries that have fostered enduring cultures of thrift over the past two centuries? Beyond Our Means tells for the first time how other nations aggressively encouraged their citizens to save by means of special savings institutions and savings campaigns. The U.S. government, meanwhile, promoted mass consumption and reliance on credit, culminating in the global financial meltdown.

Many economists believe people save according to universally rational calculations, saving the most in their middle years as they plan for retirement, and saving the least in welfare states. In reality, Europeans save at high rates despite generous welfare programs and aging populations. Americans save little, despite weaker social safety nets and a younger population. Tracing the development of such behaviors across three continents from the nineteenth century to today, this book highlights the role of institutions and moral suasion in shaping habits of saving and spending. It shows how the encouragement of thrift was not a relic of indigenous traditions but a modern movement to confront rising consumption. Around the world, messages to save and spend wisely confronted citizens everywhere—in schools, magazines, and novels. At the same time, in America, businesses and government normalized practices of living beyond one’s means.

Transnational history at its most compelling, Beyond Our Means reveals why some nations save so much and others so little.},
}

@Article{Peebles2010,
  author       = {Gustav Peebles},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Anthropology},
  title        = {The Anthropology of Credit and Debt},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-anthro-090109-133856},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {225--240},
  volume       = {39},
  abstract     = {Whether concerned with kinship or with kula, anthropology's interest in credit and debt goes back to the very beginnings of the discipline. Nevertheless, this review dedicates itself primarily to more recent research trends into credit and debt's powerful nature and effects. Following Mauss, credit and debt are treated as an indissoluble dyad that contributes to diverse regulatory mechanisms of sociality, time, space, and the body. Anthropology's overarching contribution to this field of inquiry rotates around its refusal to segregate the moral from the material, seeing the ubiquitous moral debates surrounding credit and debt in various ethnographic settings as coconstitutive of their material effects.},
}

@Book{Scanlon2000,
  author    = {Scanlon, T.M.},
  date      = {2000},
  title     = {What We Owe to Each Other},
  isbn      = {9780674004238},
  pagetotal = {432},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
}

@Article{Patterson1955,
  author       = {Robert T. Patterson},
  date         = {1955},
  journaltitle = {Review of Social Economy},
  title        = {The Ethics of Government Debt},
  doi          = {10.1080/00346765500000018},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {144--148},
  volume       = {13},
}

@Article{FochmannEtAl2018,
  author       = {Martin Fochmann and Florian Sachs and Abdolkarim Sadrieh and Joachim Weimann},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {{PLOS} {ONE}},
  title        = {The two sides of public debt: Intergenerational altruism and burden shifting},
  doi          = {10.1371/journal.pone.0202963},
  editor       = {Jason Anthony Aimone},
  number       = {8},
  pages        = {e0202963},
  volume       = {13},
  abstract     = {In controlled laboratory experiments with and without overlapping generations, we study the role of intergenerational altruism in public debt accumulation. Public debt is chosen by popular vote, pays for public goods, and is repaid with general taxes. We use an optimal control model to derive a theoretical benchmark. With a single generation, public debt is accumulated prudently. With multiple and over-lapping generations, the burden of debt and the risk of over-indebtedness are shifted to future generations. We find a weak but significant sign of intergenerational altruism, observing that the revealed debt preferences increase as the number of following generations decreases. However, we find considerably fewer intergenerational fairness concerns than one would expect on the basis of the behavioral and experimental literature. Instead, political debt cycles that vary with voters’ age emerge. Debt ceiling mechanisms fail to encourage intergenerational altruism and do not mitigate the problem of burden shifting.},
}

@Article{DelPonteDeScioli2021,
  author       = {Alessandro {Del Ponte} and Peter DeScioli},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  title        = {Pay Your Debts: Moral Dilemmas of International Debt},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-020-09675-6},
  abstract     = {Should a government repay its international debts even if this imposes severe hardships on its citizens? Drawing on moral psychology, we investigate when people think a government is morally obligated to pay its debts. Participants read about a government that has to decide whether to default on its debt payments or cut vital programs. Across conditions, we varied the number of jobs at stake and whether a full or partial default is required to save them. Overall, most participants judged that a government should pay its debt even when the damage to the debtor is greater than the benefit to the lender. As the damage to the debtor became extreme, participants increasingly said the government should default, but they still judged that defaulting is morally wrong. In Experiment 2, we find in a national sample of Americans that political conservatives were more opposed to default than liberals. We discuss implications for policy, public opinion, and public welfare during economic downturns.},
}

@Article{Buchanan1985,
  author       = {Buchanan, James M.},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Economic Inquiry},
  title        = {The Moral Dimension of Debt Financing},
  issue        = {1},
  pages        = {1--6},
  volume       = {23},
}

@Article{PrasadEtAl2016,
  author       = {Monica Prasad and Steve G. Hoffman and Kieran Bezila},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Society},
  title        = {Walking the Line: The White Working Class and the Economic Consequences of Morality},
  doi          = {10.1177/0032329216638062},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {281--304},
  url          = {https://sites.utm.utoronto.ca/steve.hoffman/sites/sites.utm.utoronto.ca.steve.hoffman/files/public_assets/Prasad, Hoffman, Bezila - Walking the Line 2016 P&S.pdf},
  urldate      = {2022-06-24},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {Over one-third of the white working class in America vote for Republicans. Some scholars argue that these voters support Republican economic policies, while others argue that these voters’ preferences on cultural and moral issues override their economic preferences. We draw on in-depth interviews with 120 white working-class voters to defend a broadly “economic” interpretation: for this segment of voters, moral and cultural appeals have an economic dimension, because these voters believe certain moral behaviors will help them prosper economically. Even the very word “conservative” is understood as referencing not respect for tradition generally, but avoidance of debt and excessive consumption specifically. For many respondents, the need to focus on morality and personal responsibility as a means of prospering economically—what we call “walking the line”—accords with the rhetoric they associate with Republicans. Deindustrialization may have heightened the appeal of this rhetoric.},
}

@Unpublished{Cavaille2022,
  author   = {Charlotte Cavaill{\'e}},
  date     = {2022-05-26},
  title    = {Why Some Care More About Free Riding Than Others and Why It Matters},
  abstract = {People who oppose generous social benefits for the poor and the unemployed often believe that recipients are free riding, i.e., abusing society’s generosity by failing to take the available steps that would allow them to improve their plight. People who support generous social benefits have the opposite beliefs. On average, social policy attitudes are better predicted by such free riding beliefs than by people’s objective material conditions. This is especially true when a proposed policy change, such as cuts to social transfers, has a limited or unknown impact on people’s disposable. Yet, for some people and in some contexts, the impact of a proposed policy change is quantifiable and large, and the assumption that individuals behave in ways that maximize their income yields substantial predictive power. In line with this argument, I show that, while income does not explain how free riding beliefs are distributed in the population, it helps predict for whom free riding beliefs matter the most (the rich) and for whom they matter the least (the poor). By combining moral concerns over free riding and material self-interest in the same framework, this paper helps explain puzzling cross-national differences in the extent to which the rich and the poor disagree on redistributive social policies, as well as the changing relationship between income and social policy preferences in Great Britain and the United States.},
}

@Article{Breyer1994,
  author       = {Friedrich Breyer},
  date         = {1994},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {The political economy of intergenerational redistribution},
  doi          = {10.1016/0176-2680(94)90062-0},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {61--84},
  volume       = {10},
  abstract     = {Why do all democracies share the tendency to force transfers from the youngto the old? On the other hand, what is it that limits the size of these transfers? What explains the observed differences in the size of these transfers across countries? Are unfunded social security programs and government debt determined by the same principles? Since Browning (1975), there has been a vivid interest of political economists in addressing the above questions. This paper provides a comprehensive survey of this literature to date, where the emphasis is on a systematic treatment of the assumptions used in the models.},
}

@Article{GordonVarian1988,
  author       = {Roger H. Gordon and Hal R. Varian},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Economics},
  title        = {Intergenerational risk sharing},
  doi          = {10.1016/0047-2727(88)90070-9},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {185--202},
  volume       = {37},
  abstract     = {In this paper we examine government debt and tax-transfer policies that can be improve the allocation of risk between generations. Markets cannot allocate risk efficiently between two generations whenever the two generations are not both alive prior to the occurence of a stochastic event. This implies that government policies transferring risk between generations have the potential to create first-order welfare improvements. Our model provides a non- Keynesian justification for the debt-finance of wars and recessions, as well as an added rationale for Social Security type tax-transfer schemes which aid unlucky generations, e.g. the Depression generation, at the expense of luckier generations.},
}

@Article{Blanchard2019,
  author       = {Olivier Blanchard},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Public Debt and Low Interest Rates},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.109.4.1197},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1197--1229},
  volume       = {109},
  abstract     = {This lecture focuses on the costs of public debt when safe interest rates are low. I develop four main arguments. First, I show that the current US situation, in which safe interest rates are expected to remain below growth rates for a long time, is more the historical norm than the exception. If the future is like the past, this implies that debt rollovers, that is the issuance of debt without a later increase in taxes, may well be feasible. Put bluntly, public debt may have no fiscal cost. Second, even in the absence of fiscal costs, public debt reduces capital accumulation, and may therefore have welfare costs. I show that welfare costs may be smaller than typically assumed. The reason is that the safe rate is the risk-adjusted rate of return to capital. If it is lower than the growth rate, it indicates that the risk-adjusted rate of return to capital is in fact low. The average risky rate however also plays a role. I show how both the average risky rate and the average safe rate determine welfare outcomes. Third, I look at the evidence on the average risky rate, i.e., the average marginal product of capital. While the measured rate of earnings has been and is still quite high, the evidence from asset markets suggests that the marginal product of capital may be lower, with the difference reflecting either mismeasurement of capital or rents. This matters for debt: the lower the marginal product, the lower the welfare cost of debt. Fourth, I discuss a number of arguments against high public debt, and in particular the existence of multiple equilibria where investors believe debt to be risky and, by requiring a risk premium, increase the fiscal burden and make debt effectively more risky. This is a very relevant argument, but it does not have straightforward implications for the appropriate level of debt. My purpose in the lecture is not to argue for more public debt, especially in the current political environment. It is to have a richer discussion of the costs of debt and of fiscal policy than is currently the case.},
}

@Article{Buiter1985,
  author       = {Willem H. Buiter},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  title        = {A Guide to Public Sector Debt and Deficits},
  doi          = {10.2307/1344612},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {13},
  volume       = {1},
  abstract     = {Public sector debt and deficits are a matter of concern to governments throughout the world. After presenting data on the public debt and deficits in the UK and abroad, this paper considers four key issues. First, does an increase in the budget deficit today make an increase in inflation in the future more likely? In economies like the UK the answer is no, because the scope for raising revenue by money creation is limited compared to raising taxes. Second, how does one evaluate the consistency of a given spending and tax programme? A number of measures are presented which indicate the adjustment that must be made to spending and tax plans if the government is to remain solvent. Third, it is often argued that an increase in budget deficits will merely crowd-out private spending. The paper shows that the truth of this proposition depends critically on the state of the economy, the time horizon, and whether the increased deficit is temporary or permanent. Finally the question of deriving a suitable measure of fiscal stance is considered. Developing an index of fiscal impact requires a suitable economic model and a number of different measures are considered and criticized. Conventional deficit measures, whether actual, cyclically-corrected, or inflation corrected, are a poor indicator of the government's true fiscal stance.},
}

@Article{BuiterKletzer1992,
  author       = {Willem H. Buiter and Kenneth M. Kletzer},
  date         = {1992},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Who's Afraid of the Public Debt?},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {290--294},
  volume       = {82},
}

@Article{Melcher2021,
  author       = {Cody R. Melcher},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  title        = {Economic Self-Interest and Americans' Redistributive, Class, and Racial Attitudes: The Case of Economic Insecurity},
  doi          = {10.1007/s11109-021-09694-x},
  abstract     = {An influential body of research on American public opinion since the mid-1980s has found economic self-interest to be, at best, inconsistently and weakly related to social and political attitude formation. This article argues that this conclusion is related to a dearth of analysis of the potential effect of economic insecurity on American public opinion. It is argued that respondents’ perceptions of their own economic insecurity capture the extent to which not acting self-interestedly can result in hardship-causing economic loss. Empirically, it is shown—through standard regression techniques and more stringent coarsened exact matching (CEM)—that economic insecurity has a systematic and strong effect on the redistributive, class, and racial attitudes of Americans; an effect that often rivals or supersedes the effect of sociotropic and symbolic attitudes. It is also shown that affective economic insecurity—one’s worry or anxiety regarding the potential of future economic hardship—and cognitive economic insecurity—an individual’s more or less dispassionate estimate of future economic hardship—often have distinct and complementary effects in determining public opinion, even when both measures are included in the same model. The evidence presented here makes it clear that existing measures and conceptualizations of economic self-interest—and the body of empirical work that discounts economic factors in American public opinion—need to be rethought in light of economic insecurity.},
}

@Article{BareinzKoenings2022,
  author       = {Patrick Bareinz and Fabian Koenings},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  title        = {Framing of economic news and policy support during a pandemic: Evidence from a survey experiment},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2022.102249},
  pages        = {102249},
  pubstate     = {In press},
  abstract     = {We examine how news outlets’ communication of macroeconomic information affects policy support during the COVID-19 crisis. In our survey experiment based on a representative sample from Germany, respondents are exposed to an expert forecast of GDP growth. Individuals either receive no information, the baseline forecast, or real-world media frames of the same forecast. We find that positive framing of economic growth increases policy support. This effect is stronger for respondents with more pessimistic macroeconomic expectations. Negatively framed economic news are perceived as more credible and hence less surprising in times of recession, not translating into political opinion.},
}

@Article{FoxEtAl2022,
  author       = {Ashley Fox and Yongjin Choi and Heather Lanthorn and Kevin Croke},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law},
  title        = {Health Insurance Loss during {COVID}-19 May Increase Support for Universal Health Coverage},
  doi          = {10.1215/03616878-9417428},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--25},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {Context: The United States is the only high-income country that relies on employer-sponsored health coverage to insure a majority of its population. Millions of Americans lost employer-sponsored health insurance during the COVID-19–induced economic downturn. We examine public opinion toward universal health coverage policies in this context.

Methods: Through a survey of 1,211 Americans in June 2020, we examine the influence of health insurance loss on support for Medicare for All (M4A) and the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in two ways. First, we examine associations between pandemic-related health insurance loss and M4A support. Second, we experimentally prime some respondents with a vignette of a sympathetic person who lost employer-sponsored coverage during COVID-19.

Findings: We find that directly experiencing recent health insurance loss is strongly associated (10 pp, p < 0.01) with greater M4A support and with more favorable views of extending the ACA (19.3 pp, p < 0.01). Experimental exposure to the vignette increases M4A support by 6 pp (p = 0.05).

Conclusions: In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, situational framings can induce modest change in support for M4A. However, real-world health insurance losses are associated with larger differences in support for M4A and with greater support for existing safety net policies such as the ACA.},
}

@TechReport{Forbes2016,
  author      = {Forbes, Kristin},
  date        = {2016},
  institution = {Bank of England},
  title       = {A Tale of Two Labour Markets: The UK and US},
  url         = {https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/speech/2016/a-tale-of-two-labour-markets-the-uk-and-us},
  urldate     = {2022-06-29},
}

@Article{BeyerSmets2015,
  author       = {Beyer, Robert CM and Smets, Frank},
  date         = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Economic Policy},
  title        = {Labour Market Adjustments and Migration in Europe and the United States: How Different?},
  doi          = {10.1093/epolic/eiv011},
  number       = {84},
  pages        = {643--682},
  volume       = {30},
  abstract     = {We compare the labour market response to region-specific shocks in Europe and the United States and to national shocks in Europe and investigate changes over time. We employ a multilevel factor model to decompose regional labour market variables and then estimate the dynamic response of the employment level, the employment rate and the participation rate using the region-specific variables and the country factors. We find that both in Europe and in the United States labour mobility accounts for about 50\% of the long-run adjustment to region-specific labour demand shocks and only a little more in the United States than in Europe, where adjustment takes twice as long. In Europe, labour mobility is a less important adjustment mechanism in response to country-specific labour demand shocks that cause stronger and more persistent reactions of the employment and the participation rate. However, we detect a convergence of the adjustment processes in Europe and the United States, reflecting both a fall in interstate migration in the United States and a rise in the role of migration in Europe. Finally, we show that part of the difference between Europe and the United States in previous studies may be due to the use of different data sources.},
}

@Article{GoosManning2007,
  author       = {Goos, Maarten and Manning, Alan},
  date         = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Review of Economics and Statistics},
  title        = {Lousy and Lovely Jobs: The Rising Polarization of Work in Britain},
  doi          = {10.1162/rest.89.1.118},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {118--133},
  volume       = {89},
  abstract     = {This paper shows that the United Kingdom since 1975 has exhibited a pattern of job polarization with rises in employment shares in the highest- and lowest-wage occupations. This is not entirely consistent with the idea of skill-biased technical change as a hypothesis about the impact of technology on the labor market. We argue that the “routinization” hypothesis recently proposed by Autor, Levy, and Murnane (2003) is a better explanation of job polarization, though other factors may also be important. We show that job polarization can explain one-third of the rise in the log(50/10) wage differential and one-half of the rise in the log(90/50).},
}

@Article{DeSioWeber2019,
  author       = {{De Sio}, Lorenzo and Weber, Till},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {Issue yield, campaign communication, and electoral performance: a six-country comparative analysis},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2019.1655968},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {720--745},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {This article develops and tests a model that explains election outcomes on the basis of party strategy. It employs a new comparative dataset linking representative mass surveys from six European countries with Twitter analysis of campaign activity. The expectation is that parties whose issue agendas exploit electoral opportunities while avoiding risks will be rewarded at the polls. These risks and opportunities are modelled using issue yield, a general framework summarising public support, electoral alignments, and party credibility. Empirically, the article traces a three-step process: (1) the configuration of electoral risks and opportunities (which is captured through public opinion surveys) guides party communication (measured with Twitter data), and to the degree that (2) parties design their campaigns strategically (identified through issue yield), this in turn (3) improves their electoral performance (measured using official statistics). The analysis explains some of the most salient election outcomes of recent years.},
}

@Article{BacciniLeemann2021,
  author       = {Leonardo Baccini and Lucas Leemann},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Do natural disasters help the environment? How voters respond and what that means},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2020.25},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {468--484},
  volume       = {9},
  abstract     = {This paper examines whether voters’ experience of extreme weather events such as flooding increases voting in favor of climate protection measures. While the large majority of individuals do not hold consistent opinions on climate issues, we argue that the experience of natural disasters can prime voters on climate change and affect political behavior. Using micro-level geospatial data on natural disasters, we exploit referendum votes in Switzerland, which allows us to obtain a behavioral rather than attitudinal measure of support for policies tackling climate change. Our findings indicate a sizeable effect for pro-climate voting after experiencing a flood: vote-share supporting pro-climate policies can increase by 20 percent. Our findings contribute to the literature exploring the impact of local conditions on electoral behavior.},
}

@Book{SkocpolWilliamson2012,
  author    = {Skocpol, Theda and Williamson, Vanessa},
  date      = {2012},
  title     = {The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
}

@Article{Crotty2012,
  author       = {J. Crotty},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Cambridge Journal of Economics},
  title        = {The great austerity war: what caused the {US} deficit crisis and who should pay to fix it?},
  doi          = {10.1093/cje/ber029},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {79--104},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {Rapidly rising deficits at both the federal and state and local government levels, along with prospective long-term financing problems in the Social Security and Medicare programmes, have triggered a one-sided austerity-focused class war in the USA and around the globe. A coalition of the richest and most economically powerful segments of society, conservative politicians who represent their interests and right-wing populist groups like the Tea Party has demanded that deficits be eliminated by severe cuts at all levels of government in spending that either supports the poor and the middle class or funds crucial public investment. It also demands tax cuts for the rich and for business. These demands constitute a deliberate attempt to destroy the New Deal project, begun in the 1930s, whose goal was to subject capitalism to democratic control. In this paper I argue that our deficit crisis is the result of a shift from the New Deal-based economic model of the early postwar period to today’s neoliberal, free-market model. The new model has generated slow growth, rising inequality and rising deficits. Rising deficits in turn created demands for austerity. After tracing the long-term evolution of our current deficit crisis, I show that this crisis should be resolved primarily by raising taxes on upper-income households and large corporations, cutting war spending and adopting a Canadian- or European-style health care system. Calls for massive government spending cuts should be seen as what they are—an attack by the rich and powerful against the basic interests of the American people.},
}

@Article{StreetDiMaggio2012,
  author       = {Paul L. Street and Anthony R. DiMaggio},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Critical Sociology},
  title        = {Beyond the Tea Party: Dismal Democrats, Radical Republicans, Debt Ceiling Drama, and the Long Right Tilt in the Age of Obama},
  doi          = {10.1177/0896920511435711},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {549--563},
  volume       = {38},
  abstract     = {We examine and criticize inaccurate stereotypes of the Tea Party as a revolutionary, insurgent, populist force. We demonstrate the Tea Party's role in furthering the longstanding and polarizing rightward drift of the Republican Party. We trace the pro-establishment voting biases of the Tea Party in a variety of policy areas and the capitulation of the Democratic Party to the Tea Party-Republican political and economic agenda. The role of the mass media in amplifying the message of the Tea Party (largely neglected in the dominant political discourse) is also examined.},
}

@Article{MaxwellParent2012,
  author       = {Angie Maxwell and T. Wayne Parent},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  title        = {The Obama Trigger: Presidential Approval and Tea Party Membership},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00907.x},
  number       = {5},
  pages        = {1384--1401},
  volume       = {93},
  abstract     = {Objective
This article utilizes national polling data to identify factors driving Tea Party membership.

Methods
First, in order to clearly define the Tea Party movement, the researchers will report Tea Party demographics drawn from the Blair-Rockefeller Poll, which includes a national sample of 3,406 respondents. Second, the researchers will create a logit model to predict Tea Party membership.

Results
In addition to party identification and ideology, Tea Party membership (10.6 percent of the sample) is impacted both by fiscally conservative policy preferences and by presidential approval. To a lesser degree, age and a belief in biblical literalism are also significant indicators in the model.

Conclusions
The Tea Party is a distinct entity from the Republican Party and is triggered, not only by current economic attitudes, but, specifically, by opposition to President Obama.},
}

@Article{KarpowitzEtAl2011,
  author       = {Christopher F. Karpowitz and J. Quin Monson and Kelly D. Patterson and Jeremy C. Pope},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {{PS}: Political Science \& Politics},
  title        = {Tea Time in America? The Impact of the Tea Party Movement on the 2010 Midterm Elections},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1049096511000138},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {303--309},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {By winning the presidency and strengthening its majority in both chambers of Congress, the 2008 election gave control of the government to the Democratic Party. However, as the 2010 election season unfolded, the news for the Democratic Party could not have been much worse. Economic conditions had not improved dramatically. A bitter and lengthy fight over health care reform signaled to citizens that little had changed in how Washington, DC, governed. The stimulus package and its impact on the federal debt caused unease in a segment of the electorate that was concerned with the size of government. In this context, observers of American politics began to take note of the number of citizens affiliating with, or at least expressing favorability toward, a loose coalition of groups known as the Tea Party movement. Tea Party rallies began to occur throughout the United States, seeking to draw attention to the movement's primary issues.},
}

@Article{Meyers2014,
  author       = {Roy T. Meyers},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Public Budgeting \& Finance},
  title        = {The Implosion of the Federal Budget Process: Triggers, Commissions, Cliffs, Sequesters, Debt Ceilings, and Shutdown},
  doi          = {10.1111/pbaf.12049},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1--23},
  volume       = {34},
  abstract     = {Budgeting in the federal government recently imploded. The competing parties played repeated games of chicken in which they set short-term budget deadlines and established automatic procedures in hopes of outmaneuvering their opponents. They went to the brink of defaulting on the government's debt, and then shut down the government. This article recounts the history of this implosion and discusses what might have caused it. Budgeting's decline was certainly driven by partisan conflict. Yet budgeting's decline was also due to a dumbing down of aspirations for the process. Ironically, budget hawks contributed substantially to this when they endorsed ``action-forcing mechanisms'' that they hoped would constitute ``credible commitments'' to adopt sustainable budgetary policies. Even if their aspirations were partially realized, their logic was flawed and the collateral damage was substantial.},
}

@Article{BurmanEtAl2010,
  author       = {Leonard E. Burman and Jeffrey Rohaly and Joseph Rosenberg and Katherine C. Lim},
  date         = {2010},
  journaltitle = {National Tax Journal},
  title        = {Catastrophic Budget Failure},
  doi          = {10.17310/ntj.2010.3.07},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {561--583},
  volume       = {63},
  abstract     = {Continuation of current U.S. fiscal policy will lead to an enormous accumulation of debt with potentially disastrous economic consequences. Exacerbated by the recent economic turmoil and fueled by the willingness of creditors to lend at very low interest rates, there is significant risk that necessary fiscal reform will be put off. In this paper, we consider the causes, mechanisms, and macroeconomic fallout of a catastrophic budget failure -- a situation in which markets' perception of the credit worthiness of the U.S. government rapidly deteriorates, leaving it unable to access credit markets at any reasonable rate of interest and generating a high probability of the previously unthinkable: the U.S. government defaulting on its debt obligations.},
}

@Article{Lee2013,
  author       = {Frances E. Lee},
  date         = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Presidential Studies Quarterly},
  title        = {Presidents and Party Teams: The Politics of Debt Limits and Executive Oversight, 2001--2013},
  doi          = {10.1111/psq.12066},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {775--791},
  volume       = {43},
  abstract     = {This article analyzes the president's leadership predicament in light of purely partisan considerations in Congress, meaning members' interests in winning and holding control of national institutions. I examine congressional votes to raise the debt limit, which are highly dependent upon patterns of institutional party control. I also examine high-profile congressional charges of administration misdoing, another arena in which members of the president's party behave starkly differently from members of the president's opposition. These differences have consequences for presidential leadership, no matter the configuration of party control of national institutions.},
}

@Book{Ippolito2012,
  author    = {Dennis S. Ippolito},
  date      = {2012},
  title     = {Deficits, Debt, and the New Politics of Tax Policy},
  doi       = {10.1017/cbo9781139083621},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
}

@Article{AhrensBandau2022,
  author       = {Leo Ahrens and Frank Bandau},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {The electoral consequences of welfare state changes: a sober look at theory and evidence},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2022.2096669},
  abstract     = {The expectation that welfare retrenchment and expansion have electoral consequences for governing parties is widespread in welfare state research. Previous research either argues that welfare state change has electoral consequences across the board or that this is at least the case under certain conditions, such as a left party in government. In this study, we synthesize existing theoretical approaches into a stylized theoretical model and discuss why the assumptions underlying the electoral consequences argument may be questionable. We then conduct an empirical analysis of the electoral fates of government parties in 20 European countries. A wide range of statistical specifications provide practically no evidence for electoral consequences of welfare state changes even under favorable conditions. The importance of welfare changes for electoral outcomes may therefore be overstated.},
}

@Article{Tesler2014,
  author       = {Michael Tesler},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Priming Predispositions and Changing Policy Positions: An Account of When Mass Opinion Is Primed or Changed},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12157},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {806--824},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {Prior research provides limited insights into when political communications prime or change citizens’ underlying opinions. This article helps fill that void by putting forth an account of priming and opinion change. I argue that crystallized attitudes should often be primed by new information. An influx of attention to less crystallized preferences, however, should lead individuals to alter their underlying opinions in accordance with prior beliefs. Since predispositions acquired early in the life cycle -- such as partisanship, religiosity, basic values, and group-based affect/antagonisms -- are more crystallized than mass opinion about public policy, media and campaign content will tend to prime citizens’ predispositions and change their policy positions. Both my review of previous priming research and original analyses presented in this study from five new cases strongly support the crystallization-based account of when mass opinion is primed or changed. I conclude with a discussion of the article's potential political, methodological, and normative implications.},
}

@WWW{Tesler2013-02-27,
  author       = {Tesler, Michael},
  date         = {2013-02-27},
  title        = {Who Cares about Budget Deficits?},
  url          = {https://themonkeycage.org/2013/02/who-cares-about-budget-deficits/},
  organization = {The Monkey Cage},
  urldate      = {2022-07-13},
}

@WWW{Tanner2010-08-25,
  author       = {Michael D. Tanner},
  date         = {2010-08-25},
  title        = {The Deficit Is a Symptom, Spending Is the Disease},
  url          = {https://www.cato.org/commentary/deficit-symptom-spending-disease},
  organization = {Cato Institute},
  urldate      = {2022-07-13},
}

@Article{Peterson1985,
  author       = {Paul E. Peterson},
  date         = {1985},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Quarterly},
  title        = {The New Politics of Deficits},
  doi          = {10.2307/2151542},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {575},
  volume       = {100},
}

@Article{CoibionEtAl2017,
  author       = {Olivier Coibion and Yuriy Gorodnichenko and Lorenz Kueng and John Silvia},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  title        = {Innocent Bystanders? Monetary policy and inequality},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jmoneco.2017.05.005},
  pages        = {70--89},
  volume       = {88},
}

@Article{KaplanEtAl2018,
  author       = {Greg Kaplan and Benjamin Moll and Giovanni L. Violante},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Monetary Policy According to {HANK}},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.20160042},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {697--743},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {We revisit the transmission mechanism from monetary policy to household consumption in a Heterogeneous Agent New Keynesian (HANK) model. The model yields empirically realistic distributions of wealth and marginal propensities to consume because of two features: uninsurable income shocks and multiple assets with different degrees of liquidity and different returns. In this environment, the indirect effects of an unexpected cut in interest rates, which operate through a general equilibrium increase in labor demand, far outweigh direct effects such as intertemporal substitution. This finding is in stark contrast to small- and medium-scale Representative Agent New Keynesian (RANK) economies, where the substitution channel drives virtually all of the transmission from interest rates to consumption. Failure of Ricardian equivalence implies that, in HANK models, the fiscal reaction to the monetary expansion is a key determinant of the overall size of the macroeconomic response.},
}

@Article{Williamson2008,
  author       = {Stephen D. Williamson},
  date         = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  title        = {Monetary policy and distribution},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jmoneco.2008.07.001},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1038--1053},
  volume       = {55},
  abstract     = {A segmented markets model of monetary policy is constructed, in which a novel feature is goods market segmentation, and its relationship to conventional asset market segmentation. The implications of the model for the response of prices, interest rates, consumption, labor supply, and output to monetary policy are determined. As well, optimal monetary policy is studied, as are the costs of inflation. The model features persistent nonneutralities of money, relative price effects of increases in the money supply, persistent liquidity effects, and a negative Fisher effect from a money supply increase. A Friedman rule is in general suboptimal.},
}

@Article{Auclert2019,
  author       = {Adrien Auclert},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Monetary Policy and the Redistribution Channel},
  doi          = {10.1257/aer.20160137},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {2333--2367},
  volume       = {109},
  abstract     = {This paper evaluates the role of redistribution in the transmission mechanism of monetary policy to consumption. Three channels affect aggregate spending when winners and losers have different marginal propensities to consume: an earnings heterogeneity channel from unequal income gains, a Fisher channel from unexpected inflation, and an interest rate exposure channel from real interest rate changes. Sufficient statistics from Italian and US data suggest that all three channels are likely to amplify the effects of monetary policy.},
}

@Article{MaggioEtAl2019,
  author       = {Marco Di Maggio and Amir Kermani and Christopher J. Palmer},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {The Review of Economic Studies},
  title        = {How Quantitative Easing Works: Evidence on the Refinancing Channel},
  doi          = {10.1093/restud/rdz060},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1498--1528},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {We document the transmission of large-scale asset purchases by the Federal Reserve to the real economy using rich borrower-linked mortgage-market data and an identification strategy based on mortgage market segmentation. We find that central bank QE1 MBS purchases substantially increased refinancing activity, reduced interest payments for refinancing households, led to a boom in equity extraction, and increased aggregate consumption. Relative to QE-ineligible jumbo mortgages, QE-eligible conforming mortgage interest rates fell by an additional 40 bp and refinancing volumes increased by an additional 56% during QE1. We estimate that households refinancing during QE1 increased their durable consumption by 12%. Our results highlight that the transmission of unconventional monetary policy to the real economy depends crucially on the composition of assets purchased and the degree of segmentation in the market.},
}

@Article{KaplanViolante2018,
  author       = {Greg Kaplan and Giovanni L. Violante},
  date         = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Microeconomic Heterogeneity and Macroeconomic Shocks},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.32.3.167},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {167--194},
  volume       = {32},
  abstract     = {In this essay, we discuss the emerging literature in macroeconomics that combines heterogeneous agent models, nominal rigidities, and aggregate shocks. This literature opens the door to the analysis of distributional issues, economic fluctuations, and stabilization policies—all within the same framework. In response to the limitations of the representative agent approach to economic fluctuations, a new framework has emerged that combines key features of heterogeneous agents (HA) and New Keynesian (NK) economies. These HANK models offer a much more accurate representation of household consumption behavior and can generate realistic distributions of income, wealth, and, albeit to a lesser degree, household balance sheets. At the same time, they can accommodate many sources of macroeconomic fluctuations, including those driven by aggregate demand. In sum, they provide a rich theoretical framework for quantitative analysis of the interaction between cross-sectional distributions and aggregate dynamics. In this article, we outline a state-of-the-art version of HANK together with its representative agent counterpart, and convey two broad messages about the role of household heterogeneity for the response of the macroeconomy to aggregate shocks: 1) the similarity between the Representative Agent New Keynesian (RANK) and HANK frameworks depends crucially on the shock being analyzed; and 2) certain important macroeconomic questions concerning economic fluctuations can only be addressed within heterogeneous agent models.},
}

@Article{ColciagoEtAl2019,
  author       = {Andrea Colciago and Anna Samarina and Jakob Haan},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Surveys},
  title        = {Central Bank Policies and Income and Wealth Inequality: A Survey},
  doi          = {10.1111/joes.12314},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1199--1231},
  volume       = {33},
}

@Article{CloyneEtAl2019,
  author       = {James Cloyne and Clodomiro Ferreira and Paolo Surico},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {The Review of Economic Studies},
  title        = {Monetary Policy when Households have Debt: New Evidence on the Transmission Mechanism},
  doi          = {10.1093/restud/rdy074},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {102--129},
  volume       = {87},
  abstract     = {Using household survey data for the U.S. and the U.K., we show that the aggregate response of consumption to interest rate changes is driven by households with a mortgage. Outright home-owners do not adjust expenditure at all while renters change their spending but by less than mortgagors. Income rises for all households as interest rate cuts directly affect firm investment and household consumption, boosting aggregate demand. A crucial difference between the housing tenure groups is the composition of their balance sheets: mortgagors hold sizable illiquid assets but little liquid wealth. Our results reveal that general equilibrium effects on household income coupled with balance-sheet-driven heterogeneity in the marginal propensity to consume play a key role in the transmission of monetary policy.},
}

@InCollection{PiazzesiSchneider2016,
  author    = {M. Piazzesi and M. Schneider},
  booktitle = {Handbook of Macroeconomics},
  date      = {2016},
  title     = {Housing and Macroeconomics},
  chapter   = {19},
  doi       = {10.1016/bs.hesmac.2016.06.003},
  pages     = {1547--1640},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  abstract  = {This chapter surveys the literature on housing in macroeconomics. We first collect facts on house prices and quantities in both the time series and the cross section of households and housing markets. We then present a theoretical model of frictional housing markets with heterogeneous agents that nests or provides background for many studies. Finally, we describe quantitative results obtained during the last 15 years on household behavior, business cycle dynamics, and asset pricing, as well as boom bust episodes.},
}

@Article{BergerEtAl2017,
  author       = {David Berger and Veronica Guerrieri and Guido Lorenzoni and Joseph Vavra},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {The Review of Economic Studies},
  title        = {House Prices and Consumer Spending},
  doi          = {10.1093/restud/rdx060},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {1502--1542},
  volume       = {85},
  abstract     = {Recent empirical work shows large consumption responses to house price movements. This is at odds with a prominent theoretical view which, using the logic of the permanent income hypothesis, argues that consumption responses should be small. We show that, in contrast to this view, workhorse models of consumption with incomplete markets calibrated to rich cross-sectional micro facts actually predict large consumption responses, in line with the data. To explain this result, we show that consumption responses to permanent house price shocks can be approximated by a simple and robust rule-of-thumb formula: the marginal propensity to consume out of temporary income times the value of housing. In our model, consumption responses depend on a number of factors such as the level and distribution of debt, the size and history of house price shocks, and the level of credit supply. Each of these effects is naturally explained with our simple formula.},
}

@Article{Braun2016,
  author       = {Benjamin Braun},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Review of International Political Economy},
  title        = {Speaking to the people? Money, trust, and central bank legitimacy in the age of quantitative easing},
  doi          = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1252415},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {1064--1092},
  volume       = {23},
  abstract     = {Financial upheaval and unconventional monetary policies have made money a salient political issue. This provides a rare opportunity to study the under-appreciated role of monetary trust in the politics of central bank legitimacy which, for the first time in decades, appears fragile. While research on central bank communication with ‘the markets’ abounds, little is known about if and how central bankers speak to ‘the people.’ A closer look at the issue immediately reveals a paradox: while a central bank's legitimacy hinges on it being perceived as acting in line with the dominant folk theory of money, this theory accords poorly with how money actually works. How central banks cope with this ambiguity depends on the monetary situation. Using the Bundesbank and the European Central Bank as examples, this article shows that under inflationary macroeconomic conditions, central bankers willingly nourished the folk-theoretical notion of money as a quantity under the direct control of the central bank. By contrast, the Bank of England's recent refutation of the folk theory of money suggests that deflationary pressures and rapid monetary expansion have fundamentally altered the politics of monetary trust and central bank legitimacy.},
}

@Article{AlpinoEtAl2022,
  author       = {Matteo Alpino and Zareh Asatryan and Sebastian Blesse and Nils Wehrhöfer},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Monetary Economics},
  title        = {Austerity and distributional policy},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.jmoneco.2022.07.006},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
  abstract     = {How does fiscal austerity affect redistributive policies? We document that during austerity episodes, countries tend to increase marginal income tax rates on top earners, but not on average earners. We then show that, in response to an exogenously imposed fiscal rule, Italian municipalities increase local non-linear income taxes progressively. They do not adjust other fiscal policies. College-educated mayors are more likely than less educated mayors to implement progressive reforms, and they perform better in the upcoming election. Survey evidence suggests that the differential policy response can be explained by college-educated mayors being more informed about the available policy options.},
}

@WWW{Feldstein2010-02-18,
  author       = {Feldstein, Martin},
  date         = {2010-02-18},
  title        = {How Obama Should Shrink His Deficit},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/feldstein/publications/how-obama-should-shrink-his-deficit},
  organization = {Wall Street Journal},
  urldate      = {2022-08-23},
}

@WWW{Wallsten2011-04-28,
  author       = {Wallsten, Peter},
  date         = {2011-04-28},
  title        = {Debt ceiling: More Democrats threaten to vote against raising borrowing limit},
  url          = {https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/debt-ceiling-more-democrats-threaten-to-vote-against-raising-borrowing-limit/2011/04/28/AF5KvY8E_story.html},
  organization = {Washington Post},
  urldate      = {2022-08-23},
}

@Article{Hatab2020,
  author       = {Shimaa Hatab},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  title        = {Threat Perception and Democratic Support in Post-Arab Spring Egypt},
  doi          = {10.5129/001041520x15822914282706},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {69--98},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {The article examines the reasons why Egyptian elites and masses withdrew their support for democracy only two years after they staged mass protests calling for regime change in 2011. I draw on basic tenets of bounded rationality and recent advances within the field of cognitive heuristics to demonstrate how cues generated from domestic and regional developments triggered stronger demands for security and stability. Drawing on elite interviews and public opinion surveys, I show how both elites and the masses paid special attention to intense and vivid events which then prompted a demand for the strong man model. Fears of Islamists pushed both elites and masses to update their preferences, seek refuge in old regime bargains, and reinstate authoritarianism.},
}

@Book{MintzEtAl2021,
  author    = {Mintz, Alex and Valentino, Nicholas A. and Wayne, Carly},
  date      = {2021-12-02},
  title     = {Beyond Rationality},
  isbn      = {1009014854},
  pagetotal = {294},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  ean       = {9781009014854},
}

@Unpublished{Cavaille2022a,
  author   = {Cavaill{\'e}, Charlotte},
  date     = {2022},
  title    = {Asking for More: Support for Redistribution in the Age of Inequality},
  pubstate = {Book manuscript.},
}

@WWW{BarnesEtAl2019-10-08,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy and Stanley, Liam},
  date         = {2019-10-08},
  title        = {Debt, Morality, and the Mass Politics of Austerity: A Pre-Analysis Plan},
  url          = {https://osf.io/tkeuq},
  organization = {OSF},
  urldate      = {2022-09-12},
}

@Article{Cuomo2011,
  author       = {Chris J. Cuomo},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Hypatia},
  title        = {Climate Change, Vulnerability, and Responsibility},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01220.x},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {690--714},
  volume       = {26},
  abstract     = {In this essay I present an overview of the problem of climate change, with attention to issues of interest to feminists, such as the differential responsibilities of nations and the disproportionate ``vulnerabilities'' of females, people of color, and the economically disadvantaged in relation to climate change. I agree with others that justice requires governments, corporations, and individuals to take full responsibility for histories of pollution, and for present and future greenhouse gas emissions. Nonetheless I worry that an overemphasis on household and personal-sphere fossil fuel emissions distracts from attention to higher-level corporate and governmental responsibilities for addressing the problem of climate change. I argue that more attention should be placed on the higher-level responsibilities of corporations and governments, and I discuss how individuals might more effectively take responsibility for addressing global climate change, especially when corporations and governments refuse to do so.},
}

@Article{Healy2017,
  author       = {Kieran Healy},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Theory},
  title        = {Fuck Nuance},
  doi          = {10.1177/0735275117709046},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {118--127},
  volume       = {35},
  abstract     = {Nuance is not a virtue of good sociological theory. Although often demanded and superficially attractive, nuance inhibits the abstraction on which good theory depends. I describe three “nuance traps” common in sociology and show why they should be avoided on grounds of principle, aesthetics, and strategy. The argument is made without prejudice to the substantive heterogeneity of the discipline.},
}

@Article{TeeleThelen2017,
  author       = {Dawn Langan Teele and Kathleen Thelen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {{PS}: Political Science {\&} Politics},
  title        = {Gender in the Journals: Publication Patterns in Political Science},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1049096516002985},
  number       = {02},
  pages        = {433--447},
  volume       = {50},
  abstract     = {This article explores publication patterns across 10 prominent political science journals, documenting a significant gender gap in publication rates for men and women. We present three broad findings. First, we find no evidence that the low percentage of female authors simply mirrors an overall low share of women in the profession. Instead, we find continued underrepresentation of women in many of the discipline’s top journals. Second, we find that women are not benefiting equally in a broad trend across the discipline toward coauthorship. Most published collaborative research in these journals emerges from all-male teams. Third, it appears that the methodological proclivities of the top journals do not fully reflect the kind of work that female scholars are more likely than men to publish in these journals. The underrepresentation of qualitative work in many journals is associated as well with an underrepresentation of female authors.},
}

@Article{AlterEtAl2020,
  author       = {Karen J. Alter and Jean Clipperton and Emily Schraudenbach and Laura Rozier},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Gender and Status in American Political Science: Who Determines Whether a Scholar Is Noteworthy?},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592719004985},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1048--1067},
  volume       = {18},
  abstract     = {We investigate gender disparities in status construction in American political science, focusing on three questions: 1) Do institutions within the discipline of political science—including departments, APSA, editorial boards, and academic honor societies–reflect or remedy gender disparities that exist in many forms of recognition, including appointments to top leadership and citations? 2) Are institutions with centralized and accountable appointment mechanisms less gender skewed compared to networked and decentralized selection processes where implicit bias may go unchecked? 3) Does leaning in help? Does the effort of women to publish and to claim a seat at leadership tables increase the likelihood that higher-level status positions will follow? We find that the distribution of highest-status positions is still gender skewed, that women are over-represented in positions that involve more service than prestige, that “leaning in” by serving as section chair, on editorial boards, or on academic councils is not necessarily a gateway to higher-status appointments, and that accountability promotes greater gender parity. The study raises questions about the goal of gender parity when it comes to lower-status service, and about the types of contributions our discipline rewards.},
}

@Article{HayoNeumeier2017,
  author   = {Hayo, Bernd and Neumeier, Florian},
  title    = {Public Attitudes toward Fiscal Consolidation: Evidence from a Representative German Population Survey},
  doi      = {0.1111/kykl.12130},
  number   = {1},
  pages    = {42-69},
  url      = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/kykl.12130},
  volume   = {70},
  abstract = {Summary The poor state of public finances in many countries has led to calls for fiscal consolidation. In practice, implementing concrete consolidation measures appears to meet with public resistance, suggesting that the success of consolidation efforts strongly depends on the popularity of the chosen measures. To identify public attitudes toward fiscal consolidation and alternative consolidation measures, we conducted a survey among 2,000 German citizens. Applying ordered and multinominal logit models, we test theory-based hypotheses about the determinants of individual attitudes toward public debt. We find that, inter alia, personal economic situation, time preferences, fiscal illusion, and trust in politicians exert a significant impact on attitudes toward fiscal consolidation and preferences for alternative consolidation measures.},
  journal  = {Kyklos},
  year     = {2017},
}

@article{Swedberg2018,
author = {Swedberg, Richard},
title = {Folk economics and its role in Trump?s presidential campaign: an exploratory study},
journal = {Theory \& Society},
volume = {47}, 
pages = {1--36},
year = {2018},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-018-9308-8},
}

@article{HayoNeumeier2019,
author = {Hayo, Bernd and Neumeier, Florian},
title = {Public Preferences for Government Spending Priorities: Survey Evidence from Germany},
journal = {German Economic Review},
volume = {20},
number = {4},
pages = {e1-e37},
keywords = {Public spending, public preferences, public debt, taxes, survey, Germany},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1111/geer.12149},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/geer.12149},
eprint = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/geer.12149},
abstract = {Abstract Employing data from a representative survey conducted in Germany, this paper examines public preferences for the size and composition of government expenditure. We focus on public attitudes towards taxes, public debt incurrence and public spending in six different policy areas. Our findings suggest, first, that individual preferences for the use of additional tax money can be categorised as either capital-oriented expenditure or public debt reduction. Second, we find that fiscal preferences differ along various dimensions. Specifically, personal economic well-being, economic literacy, confidence in politicians, political ideology and time preference are significantly related to individual attitudes towards public spending, taxes and debt. The magnitude of the effects is particularly large for time preference, economic knowledge and party preference. Third, public preferences for public spending priorities are only marginally affected when considering a public budget constraint.},
year = {2019}
}

@Article{FourcadeEtAl2013,
  author   = {Fourcade, Marion and Steiner, Philippe and Streeck, Wolfgang and Woll, Cornelia},
  title    = {{Moral categories in the financial crisis}},
  doi      = {10.1093/ser/mwt012},
  eprint   = {https://academic.oup.com/ser/article-pdf/11/3/601/9370621/mwt012.pdf},
  issn     = {1475-1461},
  number   = {3},
  pages    = {601-627},
  url      = {https://doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwt012},
  volume   = {11},
  abstract = {{Karl Marx observed long ago that all economic struggles invite moral struggles,
                    or masquerade as such. The reverse may be true, too: deep moral–political
                    conflicts may be waged through the manipulation of economic resources and the
                    design of policy devices. Using the recent financial and Eurozone crises as
                    empirical backgrounds, the short papers presented here by Philippe Steiner,
                    Cornelia Woll, Wolfgang Streeck and Marion Fourcade propose four different
                    perspectives on the play of moral judgments in the economy and call for a
                    broader and more systematic scholarly engagement with this issue. Focusing on
                    executive compensation, bank bailouts and the sovereign debt crisis, the
                    discussion forum builds on a roundtable discussion held at the opening of the
                    Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies
                    (MaxPo) in Paris on November 29, 2012.}},
  journal  = {Socio-Economic Review},
  month    = {07},
  year     = {2013},
}

@Article{Ortiz2021,
  author   = {Horacio Ortiz},
  title    = {A political anthropology of finance: Studying the distribution of money in the financial industry as a political process},
  doi      = {10.1177/1463499620951374},
  eprint   = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1463499620951374},
  number   = {1},
  pages    = {3-27},
  url      = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1463499620951374},
  volume   = {21},
  abstract = {This article proposes an analytics to study the financial industry as a global political institution, based on its role in the production of global hierarchies, by the way it collects, produces and distributes money worldwide. I propose to do this by combining three analytic angles. First, I propose to situate the financial industry in a global space, where it contributes to produce multiple social hierarchies, which connect to the history of colonialism, the World Wars, the Cold War and its aftermath. These hierarchies cannot be subsumed under a single logic, but must be studied as intersecting and mutually constitutive. The second angle concerns the rules of monetary distribution applied by financial professionals, mobilizing, among others, the concepts of investor, market efficiency, risk and value, with their partly contradictory character and their technical, moral and political meanings. These rules are institutionalized in state regulation, labour and commercial contracts, giving the financial industry a certain institutional cohesion worldwide. The last analytic angle then concerns the way in which financial professionals make sense of their place in the global hierarchies they contribute to produce. They tend to use repertoires of meritocracy to connect their role in global monetary distribution to the social elites they tend to belong to, with conflicts that vary across the multiple forms of social identification present in the financial industry worldwide. Combining these three analytic angles allows for mobilizing fieldwork done in the offices of the financial industry to develop a critical account of its global political role.},
  journal  = {Anthropological Theory},
  year     = {2021},
}


@article{Ellison2019,
author = {Ellison, Susan H.},
title = {Painted by Default: Public Shaming and Graffiti on the Homefront},
journal = {American Anthropologist},
volume = {121},
number = {3},
pages = {694-707},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.13263},
url = {https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/aman.13263},
eprint = {https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/aman.13263},
abstract = {ABSTRACT Across El Alto, Bolivia, a particular kind of graffiti stands out on the walls of household compounds: startling letters proclaiming deudor moroso (defaulting debtor). These public accusations of insolvency join other expressions of households in crisis, disrupting any imagined public/private boundary between city streets and homes that are charged moral, material, and social configurations. As I show, defaulting debtor graffiti spatializes loan recovery efforts by implicating a broader constellation of relationships connected through the physical structure of the home and, in that implication, often fractures bonds of relatedness in the process. Yet the graffiti's ambiguous authorship enables those branded to challenge any singular reading of its scrawl. As deudor moroso graffiti enters into the struggle over urban space's inscriptions, it illuminates the ways home space is entangled with public space as a battleground over economic ruin and its meanings. [urban anthropology, graffiti, kinship, debt, microfinance, Bolivia]},
year = {2019}
}

@Article{Davey2019,
  author    = {Ryan Davey},
  title     = {Suspensory indebtedness: time, morality and power asymmetry in experiences of consumer debt},
  doi       = {10.1080/03085147.2019.1652985},
  eprint    = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03085147.2019.1652985},
  number    = {4},
  pages     = {532-553},
  url       = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03085147.2019.1652985},
  volume    = {48},
  journal   = {Economy and Society},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  year      = {2019},
}

@Article{HowarthRommerskirchen2017,
  author       = {Howarth, David and Rommerskirchen, Charlotte},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  title        = {{Inflation aversion in the European Union: exploring the myth of a North–South divide}},
  doi          = {10.1093/ser/mww008},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {385--404},
  volume       = {15},
  abstract     = {{Our study seeks to put the assumptions of German Stability Culture to the test. The concept is a core legitimizing element of economic policy discourse in Germany and used regularly to juxtapose Germany and northern Europe and the euro area periphery. Using Eurobarometer surveys we construct a measurement for Stability Culture which is based on the priority assigned to the fight against inflation. Our empirical analysis covers the 2002–2010 timespan and includes 27 European Union Member States. Our results show that the distinction between northern states with an allegedly strong and southern states with an allegedly weak Stability Culture is a myth. Controlling for actual inflation, we find that the northern Member States with an allegedly high Stability Culture are less concerned with price stability than the rest of the EU.}},
}

@Article{SimonsenBonikowski2022,
  author   = {Kristina B. Simonsen and Bart Bonikowski},
  title    = {Moralizing Immigration: Political Framing, Moral Conviction, and Polarization in the United States and Denmark},
  doi      = {10.1177/00104140211060284},
  eprint   = {https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140211060284},
  number   = {8},
  pages    = {1403-1436},
  url      = {https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140211060284},
  volume   = {55},
  abstract = {Morally charged rhetoric is commonplace in political discourse on immigration but scholars have not examined how it affects divisions over the issue among the public. To address this gap, we employ preregistered survey experiments in two countries where anti-immigration rhetoric has been prominent: the United States and Denmark. We demonstrate that exposure to moralized messages leads respondents to place greater moral weight on their existing immigration opinions and become more averse to political leaders and, in the United States, social interaction partners who espouse opposite beliefs. This suggests that political moralization contributes to moral conflict and affective polarization. We find no evidence, however, that moral framing produces attitudinal polarization?that is, more extreme immigration opinions. Our study helps make sense of the heightened intensity of anti-immigrant politics even when attitudes are stable. It also suggests a promising avenue for comparative research on affective polarization by shifting the focus from partisanship to the moralization of existing issue disagreements.},
  journal  = {Comparative Political Studies},
  year     = {2022},
}

@Book{Haidt2012a,
  author    = {Jonathan Haidt},
  date      = {2012},
  title     = {The Righteous Mind: Why Good People are Divided by Politics and Religion},
  publisher = {Penguin},
  address   = {London},
}

@WWW{BarnesEtAl2022-09-12,
  author       = {Barnes, Lucy and Hicks, Timothy and Stanley, Liam},
  date         = {2022-09-12},
  title        = {Debt, Morality, and the Mass Politics of Austerity: Pre-Analysis Plan for a Second Survey Experiment},
  url          = {https://osf.io/p4m6y},
  organization = {OSF},
  urldate      = {2022-09-28},
}

@Article{BlumenauEtAl2022,
  author       = {Blumenau, Jack and Hicks, Timothy and Pahontu, Raluca L.},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Risk and Health Policy Preferences: Evidence from the UK Covid19 Crisis},
  pubstate     = {Forthcoming},
}

@Article{FrankEtAl1993,
  author       = {Robert H. Frank and Thomas Gilovich and Dennis T. Regan},
  date         = {1993},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Does Studying Economics Inhibit Cooperation?},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.7.2.159},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {159--171},
  volume       = {7},
  abstract     = {In this paper we investigate whether exposure to the self-interest model commonly used in economics alters the extent to which people behave in self-interested ways. First, we report the results of several empirical studies—some our own, some by others—that suggest economists behave in more self-interested ways. By itself, this evidence does not demonstrate that exposure to the self-interest model causes more self-interested behavior, since it may be that economists were simply more self-interested to begin with, and this difference was one reason they chose to study economics. Second, we present preliminary evidence that exposure to the self-interest model does in fact encourage self-interested behavior.},
}

@Article{OliverMarwell1988,
  author       = {Pamela E. Oliver and Gerald Marwell},
  date         = {1988},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  title        = {The Paradox of Group Size in Collective Action: A Theory of the Critical Mass. {II}.},
  doi          = {10.2307/2095728},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {Many sociologists incorrectly believe that larger groups are less likely to support collective action than smaller ones. The effect of group size, in fact, depends on costs. If the costs of collective goods rise with the number who share in them, larger groups act less frequently than smaller ones. If the costs vary little with group size, larger groups should exhibit more collective action than smaller ones because larger groups have more resources and are more likely to have a critical mass of highly interested and resourceful actors. The positive effects of group size increase with group heterogeneity and nonrandom social ties. Paradoxically, when groups are heterogeneous, fewer contributors may be needed to provide a good to larger groups, making collective action less complex and less expensive.},
}

@Article{AragonesEtAl2014,
  author       = {Enriqueta Aragon{\`{e}}s and Micael Castanheira and Marco Giani},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Electoral Competition through Issue Selection},
  doi          = {10.1111/ajps.12120},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {71--90},
  volume       = {59},
  abstract     = {Politics must address multiple problems simultaneously. In an ideal world, political competition would force parties to adopt priorities that reflect the voters' true concerns. In reality, parties can run their campaigns in such a way as to manipulate voters' priorities. This phenomenon, known as priming, may allow parties to underinvest in solving the issues that they intend to mute. We develop a model of endogenous issue ownership in which two vote-seeking parties (a) invest in policy quality to increase the value of their platform and (b) choose a communication strategy to prime voters. We identify novel feedback between communication and investment. In particular, we find that stronger priming effects can constrain parties to invest more resources in all issues. We also identify the conditions under which parties prefer to focus on their “historical issues” or to engage in “issue stealing.”},
}

@Article{Morrison2016,
  author       = {James Ashley Morrison},
  date         = {2016},
  journaltitle = {International Organization},
  title        = {Shocking Intellectual Austerity: The Role of Ideas in the Demise of the Gold Standard in Britain},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0020818315000314},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {175--207},
  volume       = {70},
  abstract     = {Britain's 1931 suspension of the gold standard remains one of the most shocking policy shifts of the past century. Conventional explanations focus on changing international conditions alongside the rise of social democracy: when Britons refused to shoulder the increasing costs of defending the exchange rate, the Bank of England was “forced” to abandon the gold standard. This article refocuses attention on policy-makers’ causal ideas at critical moments. Drawing on numerous primary sources held in several archives, it reveals a cleavage within the Bank over the appropriate response to the flight from sterling. Following the nervous collapse of the Bank's governor, the deputy governor shifted the Bank's strategy from making defensive rate hikes to pursuing fiscal austerity. He then “temporarily” suspended gold convertibility in a gambit to forestall the election he (incorrectly) assumed would unseat the gold standard's supporters in Parliament. When the unintended experiment with a managed float proved successful, Keynes was able to persuade policy-makers to embrace the new exchange rate regime.},
}

@Article{FoosBischof2022,
  author       = {Florian Foos and Daniel Bischof},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Tabloid Media Campaigns and Public Opinion: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on Euroscepticism in England},
  doi          = {10.1017/s000305542100085x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {19--37},
  volume       = {116},
  abstract     = {Whether powerful media outlets have effects on public opinion has been at the heart of theoretical and empirical discussions about the media’s role in political life. Yet, the effects of media campaigns are difficult to study because citizens self-select into media consumption. Using a quasi-experiment -- the 30-year boycott of the most important Eurosceptic tabloid newspaper, The Sun, in Merseyside caused by the Hillsborough soccer disaster -- we identify the effects of The Sun boycott on attitudes toward leaving the EU. Difference-in-differences designs using public opinion data spanning three decades, supplemented by referendum results, show that the boycott caused EU attitudes to become more positive in treated areas. This effect is driven by cohorts socialized under the boycott and by working-class voters who stopped reading The Sun. Our findings have implications for our understanding of public opinion, media influence, and ways to counter such influence in contemporary democracies.},
}

@Article{GrossmanEtAl2022,
  author       = {Guy Grossman and Yotam Margalit and Tamar Mitts},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Politics},
  title        = {How the Ultrarich Use Media Ownership as a Political Investment},
  doi          = {10.1086/719415},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1913--1931},
  volume       = {84},
  abstract     = {Can the ultrarich shape electoral results by controlling media outlets that openly propagate their political interests? Whether consumers discount slanted media coverage is a question gaining urgency as a growing number of billionaires mix ownership of major media outlets with business interests and political agendas. We study this question in the context of Israel, where billionaire Sheldon Adelson launched in 2007 Israel Hayom, a right-leaning newspaper. Handed out for free, it soon became the most widely read newspaper nationally. Using local media exposure data since the launch, our analysis indicates that the newspaper exerted significant electoral influence, primarily benefiting Netanyahu and his Likud party. This shift helped bring about a sea change in the right’s dominance of national politics. The findings highlight the immense impact the ultrarich can exert in shaping politics through media ownership.},
}

@Article{GrossmanSlough2022,
  author       = {Guy Grossman and Tara Slough},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  title        = {Government Responsiveness in Developing Countries},
  doi          = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-112501},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {131--153},
  volume       = {25},
  abstract     = {When and how do governments deliver public goods and services in response to citizen preferences? We review the current literature on government responsiveness, with a focus on public goods and service delivery in developing countries. We identify three types of actors that are commonly present in these accounts: politicians, bureaucrats, and citizens. Much of this literature examines interactions between dyads of these actors. The study of electoral accountability and constituency services emphasizes relationships between citizens (or voters) and politicians. Studies of bureaucratic incentives and political oversight of bureaucrats emphasize interactions between politicians and bureaucrats. Finally, studies of bureaucratic embeddedness and citizen oversight of bureaucrats elaborate the interactions between bureaucrats and citizens. We argue that an emerging literature that considers interactions between all three types of actors provides rich theoretical and empirical terrain for developing our understanding of responsiveness and accountability in low- and middle-income countries and beyond.},
}

@Article{Petersen2012,
  author       = {Michael Bang Petersen},
  date         = {2012},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Social Welfare as Small-Scale Help: Evolutionary Psychology and the Deservingness Heuristic},
  doi          = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00545.x},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--16},
  volume       = {56},
  abstract     = {Public opinion concerning social welfare is largely driven by perceptions of recipient deservingness. Extant research has argued that this heuristic is learned from a variety of cultural, institutional, and ideological sources. The present article provides evidence supporting a different view: that the deservingness heuristic is rooted in psychological categories that evolved over the course of human evolution to regulate small-scale exchanges of help. To test predictions made on the basis of this view, a method designed to measure social categorization is embedded in nationally representative surveys conducted in different countries. Across the national- and individual-level differences that extant research has used to explain the heuristic, people categorize welfare recipients on the basis of whether they are lazy or unlucky. This mode of categorization furthermore induces people to think about large-scale welfare politics as its presumed ancestral equivalent: small-scale help giving. The general implications for research on heuristics are discussed.},
}

@Article{BoyerPetersen2011,
  author       = {Boyer, Pascal and Petersen, Michael Bang},
  date         = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Institutional Economics},
  title        = {The naturalness of (many) social institutions: evolved cognition as their foundation},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1744137411000300},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {1--25},
  volume       = {8},
  abstract     = {Most standard social science accounts only offer limited explanations of institutional design, i.e. why institutions have common features observed in many different human groups. Here we suggest that these features are best explained as the outcome of evolved human cognition, in such domains as mating, moral judgment and social exchange. As empirical illustrations, we show how this evolved psychology makes marriage systems, legal norms and commons management systems intuitively obvious and compelling, thereby ensuring their occurrence and cultural stability. We extend this to propose under what conditions institutions can become ‘natural’, compelling and legitimate, and outline probable paths for institutional change given human cognitive dispositions. Explaining institutions in terms of these exogenous factors also suggests that a general theory of institutions as such is neither necessary nor in fact possible. What are required are domain-specific accounts of institutional design in different domains of evolved cognition.},
}

@Article{DugganEtAl2019,
  author       = {Mark Duggan and Gopi Shah Goda and Emilie Jackson},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {National Tax Journal},
  title        = {The Effects of the Affordable Care Act on Health Insuracne Coverage and Labor Market Outcomes},
  doi          = {10.17310/ntj.2019.2.01},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {261--322},
  volume       = {72},
}

@WWW{KirzingerEtAl2022-04-14,
  author       = {Ashley Kirzinger and Alex Montero and Liz Hamel and Mollyann Brodie},
  date         = {2022-04-14},
  title        = {5 Charts About Public Opinion on the Affordable Care Act},
  url          = {https://www.kff.org/health-reform/poll-finding/5-charts-about-public-opinion-on-the-affordable-care-act-and-the-supreme-court/},
  organization = {Kaiser Family Foundation},
  urldate      = {2022-12-09},
}

@Article{Ansell2014,
  author       = {Ben Ansell},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {The Political Economy of Ownership: Housing Markets and the Welfare State},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055414000045},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {383--402},
  volume       = {108},
  abstract     = {The major economic story of the last decade has been the surge and collapse of house prices worldwide. Yet political economists have had little to say about how this critical phenomenon affects citizens’ welfare and their demands from government. This article develops a novel theoretical argument linking housing prices to social policy preferences and policy outcomes. I argue that homeowners experiencing house price appreciation will become less supportive of redistribution and social insurance policies since increased house prices both increase individuals’ permanent income and the value of housing as self-supplied insurance against income loss. Political parties of the right will, responding to these preferences, cut social spending substantially during housing booms. I test these propositions using both microdata on social preferences from panel surveys in the USA, the UK, and a cross-country survey of 29 countries, and macrodata of national social spending for 18 countries between 1975 and 2001.},
}

@Article{Wiedemann2021a,
  author       = {Andreas Wiedemann},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {How Credit Markets Substitute for Welfare States and Influence Social Policy Preferences: Evidence from {US} States},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123420000708},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {829--849},
  volume       = {52},
  abstract     = {What is the relationship between debt and the welfare state? Recent arguments suggest that credit markets fill gaps left by limited social benefits but often rest on thin empirical grounds. This article makes two contributions to this debate by using micro-level panel data and leveraging variation in welfare state generosity across US states and over time. First, it shows that households that experience unemployment borrow significantly more in states where unemployment benefits are low compared to states where benefits are high. A 10-percentage-point decrease in unemployment replacement rates increases debt levels by about 30 per cent, or \$5,300. Secondly, the article documents that rising indebtedness in the context of weak social policies has political consequences and increases support for a stronger safety net. One explanation is that voters seek social protection against downstream debt-induced economic risks. These findings suggest that welfare states can play a critical role in mitigating growing indebtedness.},
}

@Article{HaririEtAl2019,
  author       = {Jacob Gerner Hariri and Amalie Sofie Jensen and David Dreyer Lassen},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Middle Class Without a Net: Savings, Financial Fragility, and Preferences Over Social Insurance},
  doi          = {10.1177/0010414019879718},
  number       = {6},
  pages        = {892--922},
  volume       = {53},
  abstract     = {In this article, we show that it is crucial to distinguish between liquid and illiquid wealth to understand how voters form preferences toward social insurance. Many households are financially fragile despite having high incomes and wealth, because they hold little liquid savings. We hypothesize, and show empirically, that this implies that a substantial group of voters show strong support for social insurance policies despite being wealthy and having high incomes, because of their limited ability to self-insure through own savings in case of an income shock. Our empirical analysis is based on a novel dataset from Denmark, which combines administrative data with high-quality measures of individual financial assets and survey measures of political preferences. Using data for other countries from the European Social Survey, we find evidence that our results hold more generally and are not specific to the Danish context.},
}

@Article{GallegoEtAl2022,
  author       = {Aina Gallego and Alexander Kuo and Dulce Manzano and Jos{\'{e}} Fern{\'{a}}ndez-Albertos},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  title        = {Technological Risk and Policy Preferences},
  doi          = {10.1177/00104140211024290},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {60--92},
  volume       = {55},
  abstract     = {Despite recent attention to the economic and political consequences of automation and technological change for workers, we lack data about concerns and policy preferences about this structural change. We present hypotheses about the relationships among automation risk, subjective concerns about technology, and policy preferences. We distinguish between preferences for compensatory policies versus “protectionist” policies to prevent such technological change. Using original survey data from Spain that captures multiple measures of automation risk, we find that most workers believe that the impact of new technologies in the workplace is positive, but there is a concerned minority. Technological concern varies with objective vulnerability, as workers at higher risk of technological displacement are more likely to negatively view technology. Both correlational and experimental analyses indicate little evidence that workers at risk or technologically concerned are more likely to demand compensation. Instead, workers concerned about technological displacement prefer policies to slow down technological change.},
}

@Article{Wu2022,
  author       = {Nicole Wu},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  title        = {Misattributed blame? Attitudes toward globalization in the age of automation},
  doi          = {10.1017/psrm.2021.43},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {470--487},
  volume       = {10},
  abstract     = {Many, especially low-skilled workers, blame globalization for their economic woes. Robots and machines, which have led to job market polarization, rising income inequality, and labor displacement, are often viewed much more forgivingly. This paper argues that citizens have a tendency to misattribute blame for economic dislocations toward immigrants and workers abroad, while discounting the effects of technology. Using the 2016 American National Elections Studies, a nationally representative survey, I show that workers facing higher risks of automation are more likely to oppose free trade agreements and favor immigration restrictions, even controlling for standard explanations for these attitudes. Although pocket-book concerns do influence attitudes toward globalization, this study calls into question the standard assumption that individuals understand and can correctly identify the sources of their economic anxieties. Accelerated automation may have intensified attempts to resist globalization.},
}

@Article{Poast2022-06-15,
  author       = {Poast, Paul},
  date         = {2022-06-15},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Affairs},
  title        = {A World of Power and Fear: What Critics of Realism Get Wrong},
  url          = {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2022-06-15/world-power-and-fear},
  urldate      = {2022-12-13},
}

@Article{Chotiner2022-03-01,
  author       = {Chotiner, Isaac},
  date         = {2022-03-01},
  journaltitle = {The New Yorker},
  title        = {Why John Mearsheimer Blames the U.S. for the Crisis in Ukraine},
  url          = {https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/why-john-mearsheimer-blames-the-us-for-the-crisis-in-ukraine},
  urldate      = {2022-12-13},
}

@Article{Mearsheimer2014,
  author       = {Mearsheimer, John J.},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Foreign Affairs},
  title        = {Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault},
  issue        = {September/October},
  url          = {https://www.mearsheimer.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Why-the-Ukraine-Crisis-Is.pdf},
  urldate      = {2022-12-13},
}

@Article{Chotiner2022-11-17,
  author       = {Chotiner, Isaac},
  date         = {2022-11-17},
  journaltitle = {The New Yorker},
  title        = {John Mearsheimer on Putin's Ambitions After Nine Months of War},
  url          = {https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/john-mearsheimer-on-putins-ambitions-after-nine-months-of-war},
  urldate      = {2022-12-13},
}

@Article{Paglayan2022,
  author       = {Paglayan, Agustina S.},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  title        = {Education or Indoctrination? The Violent Origins of Public School Systems in an Era of State-Building},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0003055422000247},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {1242--1257},
  volume       = {116},
  abstract     = {Why do modern states regulate and provide mass education? This article proposes a theory of education as a state-building tool that is deployed when mass violence threatens the state’s viability. Experiencing mass violence can heighten national elites’ anxiety about the masses’ moral character and raise concerns about the efficacy of repression or concessions alone to maintain social order. In this context, a mass education system designed to teach obedience can become an attractive policy tool to prevent future rebellion and promote long-term order. Consistent with the theory, I detect a cross-national pattern of primary education expansion following civil wars in Europe and Latin America. In a complementary study of the 1859 Chilean civil war, I show that the central government responded by expanding primary schooling in rebel provinces not as a concession but to teach obedience and respect for authority. The theory helps explain why nondemocracies often expanded mass education.},
}

@Article{RozadoEtAl2022,
  author       = {David Rozado and Ruth Hughes and Jamin Halberstadt},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {{PLOS} {ONE}},
  title        = {Longitudinal analysis of sentiment and emotion in news media headlines using automated labelling with Transformer language models},
  doi          = {10.1371/journal.pone.0276367},
  editor       = {Sergio Consoli},
  number       = {10},
  pages        = {e0276367},
  volume       = {17},
  abstract     = {This work describes a chronological (2000–2019) analysis of sentiment and emotion in 23 million headlines from 47 news media outlets popular in the United States. We use Transformer language models fine-tuned for detection of sentiment (positive, negative) and Ekman’s six basic emotions (anger, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, surprise) plus neutral to automatically label the headlines. Results show an increase of sentiment negativity in headlines across written news media since the year 2000. Headlines from right-leaning news media have been, on average, consistently more negative than headlines from left-leaning outlets over the entire studied time period. The chronological analysis of headlines emotionality shows a growing proportion of headlines denoting anger, fear, disgust and sadness and a decrease in the prevalence of emotionally neutral headlines across the studied outlets over the 2000–2019 interval. The prevalence of headlines denoting anger appears to be higher, on average, in right-leaning news outlets than in left-leaning news media.},
}

@Article{AeppliWilmers2022,
  author       = {Clem Aeppli and Nathan Wilmers},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  title        = {Rapid wage growth at the bottom has offset rising {US} inequality},
  doi          = {10.1073/pnas.2204305119},
  number       = {42},
  volume       = {119},
  abstract     = {US earnings inequality has not increased in the last decade. This marks the first sustained reversal of rising earnings inequality since 1980. We document this shift across eight data sources using worker surveys, employer-reported data, and administrative data. The reversal is due to a shrinking gap between low-wage and median-wage workers. In contrast, the gap between top and median workers has persisted. Rising pay for low-wage workers is not mainly due to the changing composition of workers or jobs, minimum wage increases, or workplace-specific sources of inequality. Instead, it is due to broadly rising pay in low-wage occupations, which has particularly benefited workers in tightening labor markets. Rebounding post–Great Recession labor demand at the bottom offset enduring drivers of inequality.},
}

@Article{LinsiEtAl2022,
  author       = {Lukas Linsi and Daniel Mügge and Ana Carillo-L{\'{o}}pez},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Acta Politica},
  title        = {The delusive economy: how information and affect colour perceptions of national economic performance},
  doi          = {10.1057/s41269-022-00258-3},
  abstract     = {Economic knowledge plays a central role in many theories of political behavior. But empirical studies have found many citizens to be poorly informed about the official state of the economy. Analyzing two waves of the Eurobarometer database, we re-examine the distribution of public knowledge of three macroeconomic indicators in two dozen European countries. Respondents with high income and education give more accurate estimates than others, in line with previous studies. As we show, however, such differences in knowledge do not only reflect varying levels of information. People’s estimates are also shaped by affective dynamics, in particular a more pessimistic outlook that leads to overestimation of official unemployment and inflation (but not growth) figures. We find that emotive factors can bias inflation and unemployment estimates of respondents who find themselves in a privileged economic situation in a direction that incidentally also makes them more accurate, even though respondents are not necessarily being better informed. In real-world politics, official economic statistics thus do not function as a shared information backdrop that could buttress the quality of public deliberation. Instead, knowledge of them is itself driven by personal socio-economic circumstances.},
}

@Article{TaghizadehAdman2022,
  author       = {Jonas Larsson Taghizadeh and Per Adman},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  title        = {Discrimination in marketized welfare services: a field experiment on Swedish schools},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0047279422000940},
  abstract     = {Providers’ tendency to cream skim clients according to certain sociodemographic traits is widely believed to increase under marketization, and therefore also discrimination. However, due to a lack of experimental research, little is known about the presence of discrimination in marketized welfare services and of the potential drivers of such biased treatment. The lack of research is particularly evident in regard to socioeconomic status (SES) discrimination and publicly financed for-profit providers. Moreover, competition, an important aspect of marketization, has not been investigated. Focusing on the interesting case of the Swedish school sector, we aim to improve knowledge on these matters. In a field experiment, 3,430 elementary school principals were randomly contacted though e-mail by parents with Arabic- or Swedish-sounding names and in low- or high-socioeconomic professions. The fictional parents were interested in placing their children at the school. The Swedish school sector resembles marketized public services in several Western countries. The results show clear signs of ethnic as well as SES discrimination, particularly in regard to more qualitative aspects of the replies. However, we find no significant differences in discrimination between public and private/for-profit schools and depending on the degree of competition in the school market.},
}

@Article{GnizaWrede2022,
  author       = {Jan Gniza and Matthias Wrede},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Policy},
  title        = {Public Acceptance of Regional Redistribution in Germany: A Survey Experiment on the Perceived Deservingness of Regions},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0047279422000903},
  abstract     = {Many policies target the economic and social consequences of regional inequality. This study experimentally investigates factors explaining the public degree of consent to financial transfers to disadvantaged regions. The main hypothesis of this study is that most people use the deservingness-heuristic not only to judge individuals but also to judge regions. We argue that people advocate interregional transfers based on perceived deservingness determined by recipient region’s need, lack of responsibility for the need, likelihood of reciprocity, and by a shared identity. To support this hypothesis, we conducted a factorial survey in Germany asking respondents to rate transfers to needy regions under different hypothetical conditions. We demonstrate, as predicted by the deservingness hypothesis, that consent to transfers to other regions is positively influenced by the extent of need and, in particular, past effort of the recipient region as well as by a shared identity. The results suggest that regional policies are particularly accepted when they target needs caused by factors beyond the control of recipient regions.},
}

@Article{EnglerEtAl2021,
  author       = {Sarah Engler and Palmo Brunner and Romane Loviat and Tarik Abou-Chadi and Lucas Leemann and Andreas Glaser and Daniel Kübler},
  date         = {2021},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  title        = {Democracy in times of the pandemic: explaining the variation of {COVID}-19 policies across European democracies},
  doi          = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1900669},
  number       = {5-6},
  pages        = {1077--1102},
  volume       = {44},
  abstract     = {In fighting the spread of COVID-19, the drastic measures undertaken by governments worldwide demonstrate a trade-off between public health and fundamental democratic principles. Yet this behaviour is not consistent across democracies, which motivates this paper to examine why some democracies were willing to constrain individual freedoms and concentrate power more than others during the pandemic’s first wave. Creating two indices to measure the degree to which COVID-19 policies interfere with these democratic principles in 34 European countries, the analyses show that the large variation cannot be solely explained by pandemic-related factors. It is argued that the strong protection of democratic principles already established in ‘normal’ times makes governments more reluctant to opt for restrictive policies. By highlighting how differences in policy responses are attributed to provisions guaranteeing individual liberties, this paper contributes to a better understanding of how democracies handle the democratic dilemma in times of crises.},
}

@Article{Genschel2022,
  author       = {Philipp Genschel},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  title        = {Bellicist integration? The war in Ukraine, the European Union and core state powers},
  doi          = {10.1080/13501763.2022.2141823},
  number       = {12},
  pages        = {1885--1900},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {Kelemen and McNamara claim that the imbalance between the EU’s strong regulatory authority and weak capacity in core state powers reflects its peaceful origins: the EU lacks coercive force, fiscal autonomy and administrative grip because it never had to confront a serious military threat. Will the emergence of such a threat suffice to correct the imbalance? As I argue theoretically, military threats have ambiguous effects on integration. They can fuel center-formation and capacity-building, as Kelemen and McNamara suggest, but also block it. As I show empirically, the military threat posed by the Russian attack of Ukraine in February 2022 has triggered very little EU capacity-building so far. I observe almost no centralization of core state powers but rather a strengthening of national powers with the support of EU institutions: ‘bellicist integration’ rather than ‘bellicist state-building’.},
}

@Article{HanckeEtAl2022,
  author       = {Bob Hanck{\'{e}} and Toon Van Overbeke and Dustin Voss},
  date         = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  title        = {Crisis and Complementarities: A Comparative Political Economy of Economic Policies after {COVID}-19},
  doi          = {10.1017/s1537592721001055},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {474--489},
  volume       = {20},
  abstract     = {We examine economic policy responses to the COVID-19 induced economic collapse in Germany (a coordinated market economy) and the UK (a liberal market economy). The two countries responded to the symmetric economic shock with very similar furlough and business credit schemes to stabilize the demand and supply sides of the economy. However, since these policies fed into very different political-economic structures in both countries, they produced very different results. We attribute this divergence to the effect of “institutional complementarities,” the notion in Varieties of Capitalism that different elements of a system are mutually articulated and, therefore, mutually reinforcing beyond their initial contribution, or vice versa. Our results serve as a cautionary tale to policymakers that introducing policy elements developed in other institutional contexts is complex and challenge us to consider systematically the way in which institutional frameworks actively shape policy outcomes.},
}

@Article{Mansbridge2014,
  author       = {Jane Mansbridge},
  date         = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Environmental Science {\&}amp$\mathsemicolon$ Policy},
  title        = {The role of the state in governing the commons},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.envsci.2013.07.006},
  pages        = {8--10},
  volume       = {36},
  abstract     = {Elinor Ostrom did not argue that state action is antithetical to local knowledge and effective organization. She argued, to the contrary, that higher levels of state action are often necessary to solve complex common-pool resource problems. In Ostrom's central concept of polycentrism, local decision making groups must often be “nested” within state structures at a higher level, so that the higher structures can provide the coercion and other resources that make local negotiation efficient. The state has four potentially crucial roles in a polycentric system. The first is to threaten to impose a solution (a “public-interest penalty default”) if local parties cannot come to a negotiated agreement. The second is to provide a source of relatively neutral information to mitigate the problem of self-serving bias regarding the relevant facts. The third is to provide an arena for negotiating that facilitates low-cost, enforceable agreements. The fourth is to help monitor compliance and sanction defection in the implementation phase. All four arise in Governing the Commons. Today we must also consider the international level, which has no state. Issues such as global warming therefore require that we build overarching institutions to perform these state functions while at the same time preserving the flexible, grounded, local knowledge and participant commitment that facilitate legitimate and efficient systems of cooperation.},
}

@WWW{Kohut2012-06-14,
  author       = {Andrew Kohut},
  date         = {2012-06-14},
  title        = {Debt and Deficit: A Public Opinion Dilemma},
  url          = {https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2012/06/14/debt-and-deficit-a-public-opinion-dilemma/},
  organization = {Pew Research Center},
  urldate      = {2023-02-01},
}

@WWW{Newport2014-10-09,
  author       = {Newport, Frank},
  date         = {2014-10-09},
  title        = {Economy, Government Top Election Issues for Both Parties},
  url          = {https://news.gallup.com/poll/178133/economy-government-top-election-issues-parties.aspx},
  organization = {Gallup},
  urldate      = {2023-02-01},
}

@Article{Ramey2019,
  author       = {Valerie A. Ramey},
  date         = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  title        = {Ten Years After the Financial Crisis: What Have We Learned from the Renaissance in Fiscal Research?},
  doi          = {10.1257/jep.33.2.89},
  number       = {2},
  pages        = {89--114},
  volume       = {33},
  abstract     = {This paper takes stock of what we have learned from the "Renaissance" in fiscal research in the ten years since the financial crisis. I first discuss the new innovations in methodology and various strengths and weaknesses of the main approaches to estimating fiscal multipliers. Reviewing the estimates, I come to the surprising conclusion that the bulk of the estimates for average spending and tax change multipliers lie in a fairly narrow range, 0.6 to 1 for spending multipliers and -2 to -3 for tax change multipliers. However, I identify economic circumstances in which multipliers lie outside those ranges. Finally, I review the debate on whether multipliers were higher for the 2009 Obama stimulus spending in the United States or for fiscal consolidations in Europe.},
}

@WWW{Barro2011-08-23,
  author       = {Barro, Robert J.},
  date         = {2011-08-23},
  title        = {Keynesian Economics vs. Regular Economics},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/barro/files/11_0823_keynesian_wsj.pdf},
  organization = {Wall Street Journal},
  urldate      = {2023-02-01},
}

@WWW{Barro2011-07-27,
  author       = {Barro, Robert J.},
  date         = {2011-07-27},
  title        = {Robin Hood Can't Lead Us Out of the DebtHole},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/barro/files/11_0727_robinhoodcantlead_wsj.pdf},
  organization = {Wall Street Journal},
  urldate      = {2023-02-01},
}

@Article{Bremer2020,
  author       = {Björn Bremer},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {German Politics},
  title        = {The Political Economy of the {SPD} Reconsidered: Evidence from the Great Recession},
  doi          = {10.1080/09644008.2018.1555817},
  number       = {3},
  pages        = {441--463},
  volume       = {29},
  abstract     = {The transformation of Germany's political economy in the last few decades has strongly been influenced by the SPD. Still, the economic programme of the SPD remains contested since several authors characterise the party's economic platform differently. This paper reconsiders the political economy of the SPD in light of evidence from the Great Recession. It combines quantitative content analysis with process tracing in order to situate the party in research on the moral economy of contemporary Germany. The quantitative content analysis shows that the SPD attempted to shift its position on the welfare state and economic liberalism in response to the crisis, but it remained wedded to orthodox fiscal policies. Based on elite interviews with social democratic politicians and policy-makers, the paper explains this response with the absence of an economic paradigm. Weakened by internal conflict, the SPD made programmatic decisions with reference to electoral calculations and it remained trapped by its pre-crisis support for economic supply-side policies. Therefore, the SPD was unable to oppose the conservative economic discourse in Germany and failed to develop a consistent economic programme in response to the Great Recession.},
}

@Article{Rogoff1990,
  author       = {Rogoff, Kenneth},
  date         = {1990},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  title        = {Equilibrium Political Budget Cycles},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {21--36},
  url          = {https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/rogoff/files/51_aer90.pdf},
  urldate      = {2023-02-09},
  volume       = {80},
  abstract     = {Political business cycle theories generally rely on nominal rigidities and voter myopia. This paper offers an equilibrium theory which preserves some basic insights from earlier models, though with significant refinements. The "political budget cycle" emphasized here is in fiscal policy rather than output and inflation; it arises via a multidimensional signal process. One can consider the welfare implications of proposals to mitigate the cycle, and the effects of altering the electoral structure.},
}

@Article{Witteveen2020,
  author       = {Dirk Witteveen},
  date         = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Research in Social Stratification and Mobility},
  title        = {Sociodemographic inequality in exposure to {COVID}-19-induced economic hardship in the United Kingdom},
  doi          = {10.1016/j.rssm.2020.100551},
  pages        = {100551},
  volume       = {69},
  abstract     = {The COVID-19 pandemic led to a lockdown in European countries in the first half of 2020, including stay-at-home orders and closure of non-essential businesses. To mitigate the detrimental effects on the financial stress of employees and households, the UK government implemented a furlough scheme that temporarily secured earnings up to 80 percent of regular pay. Other employees were at risk of reduced work hours or permanent job loss. Using data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study COVID-19 Supplement, this study examines the extent to which different earnings groups and sociodemographic groups (gender, race/ethnicity, class background) became exposed to economic hardship between March and May of 2020. Results indicate that lower earnings groups were more than twice as likely to experience economic hardship relative to top quintile earners. Furthermore, among pre-COVID employed individuals, men had a higher probability of being furloughed or dismissed from work, as well as whites in middle-income jobs. Analyses indicate that these gaps are to a large extent attributable to structural gender earnings inequalities within occupations and the fact that women and racial-ethnic minorities are employed in essential occupations.},
}

@Article{ObingerPetersen2017,
  author       = {Herbert Obinger and Klaus Petersen},
  date         = {2017},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  title        = {Mass Warfare and the Welfare State {\textendash} Causal Mechanisms and Effects},
  doi          = {10.1017/s0007123415000162},
  number       = {1},
  pages        = {203--227},
  volume       = {47},
  abstract     = {The question of whether and how war has influenced the development of advanced Western welfare states is contested. This article provides a systematic review of the state of the art and outlines an agenda for a comparative analysis of the warfare–welfare state nexus that is informed by an explicit consideration of the underlying causal mechanisms. By distinguishing between three different phases (war preparation, warfare and post-war period) it provides a systematic overview of possible causal mechanisms linking war and the welfare state and a discussion of likely effects of war for belligerent, occupied and neutral countries in the age of mass warfare stretching approximately from the 1860s to the 1960s.},
}

@WWW{Leonhardt2008-11-25,
  author       = {David Leonhardt},
  date         = {2008-11-25},
  title        = {The Return of Larry Summers},
  url          = {https://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/26/business/economy/26leonhardt.html},
  organization = {New York Times},
  urldate      = {2023-02-18},
}

@WWW{Lizza2012-01-22,
  author       = {Lizza, Ryan},
  date         = {2012-01-22},
  title        = {The Obama Memos: The making of a post-post-partisan Presidency.},
  url          = {https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/01/30/the-obama-memos},
  organization = {The New Yorker},
  urldate      = {2023-02-18},
}

@WWW{DemocraticParty2008-08-25,
  author       = {{Democratic Party}},
  date         = {2008-08-25},
  title        = {2008 Democratic Party Platform},
  url          = {https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/2008-democratic-party-platform},
  organization = {The American Presidency Project, UCSB},
  urldate      = {2023-02-18},
}

@WWW{Obama2008-08-28,
  author       = {Obama, Barack},
  date         = {2008-08-28},
  title        = {Transcript: Barack Obama's Acceptance Speech},
  url          = {https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=94087570},
  organization = {National Public Radio},
  urldate      = {2023-02-18},
}

@WWW{Obama2008-11-05,
  author       = {Obama, Barack},
  date         = {2008-11-05},
  title        = {Transcript Of Barack Obama's Victory Speech},
  url          = {https://www.npr.org/2008/11/05/96624326/transcript-of-barack-obamas-victory-speech},
  organization = {National Public Radio},
  urldate      = {2023-02-18},
}

@WWW{Obama2009-01-08,
  author       = {Obama, Barack},
  date         = {2009-01-08},
  title        = {Transcript: Obama's Speech on the Economy},
  url          = {https://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/08/us/politics/08text-obama.html},
  organization = {New York Times},
  urldate      = {2023-02-18},
}

@WWW{Klein2012-01-23,
  author       = {Klein, Ezra},
  date         = {2012-01-23},
  title        = {What the Summers memo tells us about the Obama White House},
  url          = {https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/ezra-klein/post/the-obama-administration-in-one-memo/2011/08/25/gIQACRZcLQ_blog.html},
  organization = {Washington Post},
  urldate      = {2023-02-20},
}

@WWW{Summers2008-12-15,
  author  = {Summers, Lawrence H.},
  date    = {2008-12-15},
  title   = {Memo to President-Elect Obama regarding `Update on Economic Policy Work'},
  url     = {https://delong.typepad.com/20091215-obama-economic-policy-memo.pdf},
  urldate = {2023-02-21},
}

@WWW{Kessler2017-01-11,
  author       = {Kessler, Glenn},
  date         = {2017-01-11},
  title        = {When did Mitch McConnell say he wanted to make Obama a one-term president?},
  url          = {https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2017/01/11/when-did-mitch-mcconnell-say-he-wanted-to-make-obama-a-one-term-president/},
  organization = {Washington Post},
  urldate      = {2023-02-21},
}

@WWW{Barr2010-10-28,
  author       = {Barr, Andy},
  date         = {2010-10-28},
  title        = {The GOP's no-compromise pledge},
  url          = {https://www.politico.com/story/2010/10/the-gops-no-compromise-pledge-044311},
  organization = {Politico},
  urldate      = {2023-02-22},
}

@WWW{Reuters2011-07-24,
  author       = {Reuters Staff},
  date         = {2011-07-24},
  title        = {Timeline: How the debt talks spiraled into crisis},
  url          = {https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-debt-timeline-idUSTRE76N2KD20110724},
  organization = {Reuters},
  urldate      = {2023-02-22},
}

@Comment{jabref-meta: databaseType:biblatex;}

@Comment{jabref-meta: fileDirectory:~/Dropbox/readings;}
